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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/38809-8.txt b/38809-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7ba2220 --- /dev/null +++ b/38809-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,12392 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 9 +(of 12), by Robert G. Ingersoll + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 9 (of 12) + Dresden Edition--Political + +Author: Robert G. Ingersoll + +Release Date: February 9, 2012 [EBook #38809] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORKS OF INGERSOLL *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + + + + +THE WORKS OF ROBERT G. INGERSOLL + +"HE LOVES HIS COUNTRY BEST WHO STRIVES TO MAKE IT BEST." + +IN TWELVE VOLUMES, VOLUME IX. + +POLITICAL + +NEW YORK THE DRESDEN PUBLISHING CO., C. P. FARRELL + +DRESDEN EDITION + + + + +CONTENTS OF VOLUME IX. + + +AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED PEOPLE. + +(1867.) + +Slavery and its Justification by Law and Religion--Its Destructive +Influence upon Nations--Inauguration of the Modern Slave Trade by the +Portuguese Gonzales--Planted upon American Soil--The Abolitionists, +Clarkson, Wilberforce, and Others--The Struggle in England--Pioneers +in San Domingo, Oge and Chevannes--Early Op-posers of Slavery in +America--William Lloyd Garrison--Wendell Phillips, Charles Sumner, John +Brown--The Fugitive Slave Law--The Emancipation Proclamation--Dread of +Education in the South--Advice to the Colored People. + + +INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH. + +(1868.) + +Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus--Precedent Established by the +Revolutionary Fathers--Committees of Safety appointed by the +Continental Congress--Arrest of Disaffected Persons in Pennsylvania +and Delaware--Interference with Elections--Resolution of Continental +Congress with respect to Citizens who Opposed the sending of Deputies +to the Convention of New York--Penalty for refusing to take Continental +Money or Pray for the American Cause--Habeas Corpus Suspended during the +Revolution--Interference with Freedom of the Press--Negroes Freed and +allowed to Fight in the Continental Army--Crispus Attacks--An Abolition +Document issued by Andrew Jackson--Majority rule--Slavery and the +Rebellion--Tribute to General Grant. + + +SPEECH NOMINATING BLAINE. + +(1876.) + +Note descriptive of the Occasion--Demand of the Republicans of the +United States--Resumption--The Plumed Knight. + + +CENTENNIAL ORATION. + +(1876.) + +One Hundred Years ago, our Fathers retired the Gods from Politics--The +Declaration of Independence--Meaning of the Declaration--The Old Idea +of the Source of Political Power--Our Fathers Educated by their +Surroundings--The Puritans--Universal Religious Toleration declared by +the Catholics of Maryland--Roger Williams--Not All of our Fathers in +favor of Independence--Fortunate Difference in Religious Views--Secular +Government--Authority derived from the People--The Declaration and +the Beginning of the War--What they Fought For--Slavery--Results of +a Hundred Years of Freedom--The Declaration Carried out in Letter and +Spirit. + + +BANGOR SPEECH. + +(1876.) + +The Hayes Campaign--Reasons for Voting the Republican Ticket--Abolition +of Slavery--Preservation of the Union--Reasons for Not Trusting the +Democratic Party--Record of the Republican Party--Democrats Assisted +the South--Paper Money--Enfranchisement of the Negroes--Samuel J. +Tilden--His Essay on Finance. + + +COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK. + +(1876.) + +All Citizens Stockholders in the United States of America--The +Democratic Party a Hungry Organization--Political Parties +Contrasted--The Fugitive Slave Law a Disgrace to Hell in its Palmiest +Days--Feelings of the Democracy Hurt on the Subject of Religion--Defence +of Slavery in a Resolution of the Presbyterians, South--State of the +Union at the Time the Republican Party was Born--Jacob Thompson--The +National Debt--Protection of Citizens Abroad--Tammany Hall: Its Relation +to the Penitentiary--The Democratic Party of New York City--"What +Hands!"--Free Schools. + + +INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH. + +(1876.) + +Address to the Veteran Soldiers of the Rebellion--Objections to +the Democratic Party--The Men who have been Democrats--Why I am a +Republican--Free Labor and Free Thought--A Vision of War--Democratic +Slander of the Greenback--Shall the People who Saved the Country Rule +It?--On Finance--Government Cannot Create Money--The Greenback Dollar +a Mortgage upon the Country--Guarantees that the Debt will be Paid-'The +Thoroughbred and the Mule--The Column of July, Paris--The Misleading +Guide Board, the Dismantled Mill, and the Place where there had been a +Hotel, + + +CHICAGO SPEECH. + +(1876.) + +The Plea of "Let Bygones be Bygones"--Passport of the Democratic +Party--Right of the General Government to send Troops into Southern +States for the Protection of Colored People--Abram S. Hewitt's +Congratulatory Letter to the Negroes--The Demand for Inflation of the +Currency--Record of Rutherford B. Hayes--Contrasted with Samuel J. +Tilden--Merits of the Republican Party--Negro and Southern White--The +Superior Man--"No Nation founded upon Injustice can Permanently Stand." + + +EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS. + +(1877.) + +On the Electoral Commission--Reminiscences of the Hayes-Tilden Camp-- +Constitution of the Electoral College--Characteristics of the Members-- +Frauds at the Ballot Box Poisoning the Fountain of Power--Reforms +Suggested--Elections too Frequent--The Professional Office-seeker--A +Letter on Civil Service Reform--Young Men Advised against Government +Clerkships--Too Many Legislators and too Much Legislation--Defect in the +Constitution as to the Mode of Electing a President--Protection of +Citizens by State and General Governments--The Dual Government in South +Carolina--Ex-Rebel Key in the President's Cabinet--Implacables and +Bourbons South and North--"I extend to you each and all the Olive Branch +of Peace." + + +HARD TIMES AND THE WAY OUT. + +(1878.) + +Capital and Labor--What is a Capitalist?--The Idle and the Industrious +Artisans--No Conflict between Capital and Labor--A Period of Inflation +and Speculation--Life and Fire Insurance Agents--Business done on +Credit--The Crash, Failure, and Bankruptcy--Fall in the Price of Real +Estate a Form of Resumption--Coming back to Reality--Definitions of +Money Examined--Not Gold and Silver but Intelligent Labor the Measure +of Value--Government cannot by Law Create Wealth--A Bill of Fare not +a Dinner--Fiat Money--American Honor Pledged to the Maintenance of the +Greenbacks--The Cry against Holders of Bonds--Criminals and Vagabonds to +be supported--Duty of Government to Facilitate Enterprise--More Men must +Cultivate the Soil--Government Aid for the Overcoming of Obstacles too +Great for Individual Enterprise--The Palace Builders the Friends of +Labor--Extravagance the best Form of Charity--Useless to Boost a Man +who is not Climbing--The Reasonable Price for Labor--The Vagrant and his +strange and winding Path--What to tell the Working Men. + + +SUFFRAGE ADDRESS. + +(1880.) + +The Right to Vote--All Women who desire the Suffrage should have +It--Shall the People of the District of Columbia Manage their Own +Affairs--Their Right to a Representative in Congress and an Electoral +Vote--Anomalous State of Affairs at the Capital of the Republic--Not the +Wealthy and Educated alone should Govern--The Poor as Trustworthy as the +Rich--Strict Registration Laws Needed. + + +WALL STREET SPEECH. + +(1880.) + +Obligation of New York to Protect the Best Interests of the +Country--Treason and Forgery of the Democratic Party in its Appeal to +Sword and Pen--The One Republican in the Penitentiary of Maine--The +Doctrine of State Sovereignty--Protection for American Brain and +Muscle--Hancock on the Tariff--A Forgery (the Morey letter) Committed +and upheld--The Character of James A. Garfield. + + +BROOKLYN SPEECH. + +(1880.) + +Introduced by Henry Ward Beecher (note)--Some Patriotic +Democrats--Freedom of Speech North and South--An Honest Ballot-- + + + + +AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED PEOPLE. + + * An address delivered to the colored people at Galesburg, + Illinois, 1867. + + +FELLOW-CITIZENS--Slavery has in a thousand forms existed in all ages, +and among all people. It is as old as theft and robbery. + +Every nation has enslaved its own people, and sold its own flesh and +blood. Most of the white race are in slavery to-day. It has often been +said that any man who ought to be free, will be. The men who say this +should remember that their own ancestors were once cringing, frightened, +helpless slaves. + +When they became sufficiently educated to cease enslaving their own +people, they then enslaved the first race they could conquer. If they +differed in religion, they enslaved them. If they differed in color, +that was sufficient. If they differed even in language, it was enough. +If they were captured, they then pretended that having spared their +lives, they had the right to enslave them. This argument was worthless. +If they were captured, then there was no necessity for killing them. If +there was no necessity for killing them, then they had no right to +kill them. If they had no right to kill them, then they had no right to +enslave them under the pretence that they had saved their lives. + +Every excuse that the ingenuity of avarice could devise was believed to +be a complete justification, and the great argument of slaveholders in +all countries has been that slavery is a divine institution, and thus +stealing human beings has always been fortified with a "Thus saith the +Lord." + +Slavery has been upheld by law and religion in every country. The word +Liberty is not in any creed in the world. Slavery is right according to +the law of man, shouted the judge. It is right according to the law of +God, shouted the priest. Thus sustained by what they were pleased to +call the law of God and man, slaveholders never voluntarily freed the +slaves, with the exception of the Quakers. The institution has in all +ages been clung to with the tenacity of death; clung to until it sapped +and destroyed the foundations of society; clung to until all law became +violence; clung to until virtue was a thing only of history; clung to +until industry folded its arms--until commerce reefed every sail--until +the fields were desolate and the cities silent, except where the poor +free asked for bread, and the slave for mercy; clung to until the slave +forging the sword of civil war from his fetters drenched the land in the +master's blood. Civil war has been the great liberator of the world. + +Slavery has destroyed every nation that has gone down to death. It +caused the last vestige of Grecian civilization to disappear forever, +and it caused Rome to fall with a crash that shook the world. After +the disappearance of slavery in its grossest forms in Europe, Gonzales +pointed out to his countrymen, the Portuguese, the immense profits that +they could make by stealing Africans, and thus commenced the modern +slave-trade--that aggregation of all horror--that infinite of all +cruelty, prosecuted only by demons, and defended only by fiends. And +yet the slave-trade has been defended and sustained by every civilized +nation, and by each and all has been baptized "Legitimate commerce," in +the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost: + +It was even justified upon the ground that it tended to Christianize the +negro. + +It was of the poor hypocrites who had used this argument that Whittier +said, + + "They bade the slaveship speed from coast to coast, + Fanned by the wings of the Holy Ghost." + +Backed and supported by such Christian and humane arguments slavery was +planted upon our soil in 1620, and from that day to this it has been +the cause of all our woes, of all the bloodshed--of all the +heart-burnings--hatred and horrors of more than two hundred years, and +yet we hated to part with the beloved institution. Like Pharaoh we would +not let the people go. He was afflicted with vermin, with frogs--with +water turned to blood--with several kinds of lice, and yet would not let +the people go. We were afflicted with worse than all these combined--the +Northern Democracy--before we became grand enough to say, "Slavery +shall be eradicated from the soil of the Republic." When we reached this +sublime moral height we were successful. The Rebellion was crushed and +liberty established. + +A majority of the civilized world is for freedom--nearly all the +Christian denominations are for liberty. The world has changed--the +people are nobler, better and purer than ever. + +Every great movement must be led by heroic and self-sacrificing +pioneers. In England, in Christian England, the soul of the abolition +cause was Thomas Clarkson. To the great cause of human freedom he +devoted his life. He won over the eloquent and glorious Wilberforce, +the great Pitt, the magnificent orator, Burke, and that far-seeing and +humane statesman, Charles James Fox. + +In 1788 a resolution was introduced in the House of Commons declaring +that the slave trade ought to be abolished. It was defeated. Learned +lords opposed it. They said that too much capital was invested by +British merchants in the slave-trade. That if it were abolished the +ships would rot at the wharves, and that English commerce would be swept +from the seas. Sanctified Bishops--lords spiritual--thought the scheme +fanatical, and various resolutions to the same effect were defeated. + +The struggle lasted twenty years, and yet during all those years in +which England refused to abolish the hellish trade, that nation had the +impudence to send missionaries all over the world to make converts to +a religion that in their opinion, at least, allowed man to steal his +brother man--that allowed one Christian to rob another of his wife, his +child, and of that greatest of all blessings--his liberty. It was not +until the year 1808 that England was grand and just enough to abolish +the slave-trade, and not until 1833 that slavery was abolished in all +her colonies. + +The name of Thomas Clarkson should be remembered and honored through all +coming time by every black man, and by every white man who loves liberty +and hates cruelty and injustice. + +Clarkson, Wilberforce, Pitt, Fox, Burke, were the Titans that swept the +accursed slaver from that highway--the sea. + +In St. Domingo the pioneers were Oge and Chevannes; they headed +a revolt; they were unsuccessful, but they roused the slaves to +resistance. They were captured, tried, condemned and executed. They were +made to ask forgiveness of God, and of the King, for having attempted to +give freedom to their own flesh and blood. They were broken alive on the +wheel, and left to die of hunger and pain. The blood of these martyrs +became the seed of liberty; and afterward in the midnight assault, in +the massacre and pillage, the infuriated slaves shouted their names +as their battle-cry, until Toussaint, the greatest of the blacks, gave +freedom to them all. + +In the United States, among the Revolutionary fathers, such men as John +Adams, and his son John Quincy--such men as Franklin and John Jay were +opposed to the institution of slavery. Thomas Jefferson said, speaking +of the slaves, "When the measure of their tears shall be full--when +their groans shall have involved heaven itself in darkness--doubtless a +God of justice will awaken to their distress, and by diffusing light +and liberality among their oppressors, or at length by his exterminating +thunder manifest his attention to the things of this world, and that +they are not left to the guidance of a blind fatality." + +Thomas Paine said, "No man can be happy surrounded by those whose +happiness he has destroyed." And a more self-evident proposition was +never uttered. + +These and many more Revolutionary heroes were opposed to slavery and +did what they could to prevent the establishment and spread of this most +wicked and terrible of all institutions. + +You owe gratitude to those who were for liberty as a principle and not +from mere necessity. You should remember with more than gratitude that +firm, consistent and faithful friend of your downtrodden race, Wm. +Lloyd Garrison. He has devoted his life to your cause. Many years ago in +Boston he commenced the publication of a paper devoted to liberty. +Poor and despised--friendless and almost alone, he persevered in that +grandest and holiest of all possible undertakings. He never stopped, or +stayed, or paused until the chain was broken and the last slave could +lift his toil-worn face to heaven with the light of freedom shining down +upon him, and say, I am a Free Man. + +You should not forget that noble philanthropist, Wendell Phillips, and +your most learned and eloquent defender, Charles Sumner. + +But the real pioneer in America was old John Brown. Moved not by +prejudice, not by love of his blood, or his color, but by an infinite +love of Liberty, of Right, of Justice, almost single-handed, he attacked +the monster, with thirty million people against him. His head was wrong. +He miscalculated his forces; but his heart was right. He struck the +sublimest blow of the age for freedom. It was said of him that, he +stepped from the gallows to the throne of God. It was said that he +had made the scaffold to Liberty what Christ had made the cross to +Christianity. The sublime Victor Hugo declared that John Brown was +greater than Washington, and that his name would live forever. + +I say, that no man can be greater than the man who bravely and +heroically sacrifices his life for the good of others. No man can be +greater than the one who meets death face to face, and yet will not +shrink from what he believes to be his highest duty. If the black people +want a patron saint, let them take the brave old John Brown. And as the +gentleman who preceded me said, at all your meetings, never separate +until you have sung the grand song, + + "John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave, + But his soul goes marching on." + +You do not, in my opinion, owe a great debt of gratitude to many of the +white people. + +Only a few years ago both parties agreed to carry out the Fugitive +Slave Law. If a woman ninety-nine one-hundredths white had fled from +slavery--had traveled through forests, crossed rivers, and through +countless sufferings had got within one step of Canada--of free +soil--with the light of the North Star shining in her eyes, and her babe +pressed to her withered breast, both parties agreed to clutch her and +hand her back to the dominion of the hound and lash. Both parties, as +parties, were willing to do this when the Rebellion commenced. + +The truth is, we had to give you your liberty. There came a time in +the history of the war when, defeated at the ballot box and in the +field--driven to the shattered gates of eternal chaos--we were forced +to make you free; and on the first day of January, 1863, the justice so +long delayed was done, and four millions of people were lifted from +the condition of beasts of burden to the sublime heights of freedom. +Lincoln, the immortal, issued, and the men of the North sustained the +great proclamation. + +As in the war there came a time when we were forced to make you free, so +in the history of reconstruction came a time when we were forced to make +you citizens; when we were forced to say that you should vote, and that +you should have and exercise all the rights that we claim for ourselves. + +And to-day I am in favor of giving you every right that I claim for +myself. + +In reconstructing the Southern States, we could take our choice, either +give the ballot to the negro, or allow the rebels to rule. We preferred +loyal blacks to disloyal whites, because we believed liberty safer in +the hands of its friends than in those of its foes. + +We must be for freedom everywhere. Freedom is progress--slavery is +desolation, cruelty and want. + +Freedom invents--slavery forgets. The problem of the slave is to do the +least work in the longest space of time. The problem of free men is to +do the greatest amount of work in the shortest space of time. The free +man, working for wife and children, gets his head and his hands in +partnership. + +Freedom has invented every useful machine, from the lowest to the +highest, from the simplest to the most complex. Freedom believes in +education--the salvation of slavery is ignorance. + +The South always dreaded the alphabet. They looked upon each letter as +an abolitionist, and well they might. With a scent keener than their own +bloodhounds they detected everything that could, directly or indirectly, +interfere with slavery. They knew that when slaves begin to think, +masters begin to tremble. They knew that free thought would destroy +them; that discussion could not be endured; that a free press would +liberate every slave; and so they mobbed free thought, and put an end to +free discussion and abolished a free press, and in fact did all the +mean and infamous things they could, that slavery might live, and that +liberty might perish from among men. + +You are now citizens of many of the States, and in time you will be +of all. I am astonished when I think how long it took to abolish the +slave-trade, how long it took to abolish slavery in this country. I am +also astonished to think that a few years ago magnificent steamers went +down the Mississippi freighted with your fathers, mothers, brothers, +and sisters, and maybe some of you, bound like criminals, separated from +wives, from husbands, every human feeling laughed at and outraged, sold +like beasts, carried away from homes to work for another, receiving for +pay only the marks of the lash upon the naked back. I am astonished +at these things. I hate to think that all this was done under the +Constitution of the United States, under the flag of my country, under +the wings of the eagle. + +The flag was not then what it is now. It was a mere rag in comparison. +The eagle was a buzzard, and the Constitution sanctioned the greatest +crime of the world. + +I wonder that you--the black people--have forgotten all this. I wonder +that you ask a white man to address you on this occasion, when the +history of your connection with the white race is written in your blood +and tears--is still upon your flesh, put there by the branding-iron and +the lash. + +I feel like asking your forgiveness for the wrongs that my race has +inflicted upon yours. If, in the future, the wheel of fortune should +take a turn, and you should in any country have white men in your power, +I pray you not to execute the villainy we have taught you. + +One word in conclusion. You have your liberty--use it to benefit your +race. Educate yourselves, educate your children, send teachers to the +South. Let your brethren there be educated. Let them know something of +art and science. Improve yourselves, stand by each other, and above all +be in favor of liberty the world over. + +The time is coming when you will be' allowed to be good and useful +citizens of the Great Republic. This is your country as much as it is +mine. You have the same rights here that I have--the same interest +that I have. The avenues of distinction will be open to you and your +children. Great advances have been made. The rebels are now opposed +to slavery--the Democratic party is opposed to slavery, _as they say_. +There is going to be no war of races. Both parties want your votes in +the South, and there will be just enough negroes without principle to +join the rebels to make them think they will get more, and so the rebels +will treat the negroes well. And the Republicans will be sure to treat +them well in order to prevent any more joining the rebels. + +The great problem is solved. Liberty has solved it--and there will be no +more slavery. On the old flag, on every fold and on every star will be +liberty for all, equality before the law. The grand people are marching +forward, and they will not pause until the earth is without a chain, and +without a throne. + + + + +SPEECH AT INDIANAPOLIS. + + * Hon. Robert G. Ingersoll, Attorney-General of Illinois, + spoke at the Rink last night to a large and appreciative + audience among whom were many ladies. The distinguished + speaker was escorted to the Rink by the battalion of the + Fighting Boys in Blue. Col. Ingersoll spoke at a great + disadvantage in having so large a hall to fill, but he has a + splendid voice and so overcame the difficulty. The audience + liberally applauded the numerous passages of eloquence and + humor in Col. Ingersoll's speeeh, and listened with the best + attention to his powerful argument, nor could they have done + otherwise, for the speaker has a national reputation and did + himself full justice last night--The Journal, Indianapolis, + Indiana, September 23, 1868. + + +GRANT CAMPAIGN + +THE Democratic party, so-called, have several charges which they make +against the Republican party. They give us a variety of reasons why the +Republican party should no longer be entrusted with the control of this +country. Among other reasons they say that the Republican party +during the war was guilty of arresting citizens without due process of +law--that we arrested Democrats and put them in jail without indictment, +in Lincoln bastiles, without making an affidavit before a Justice +of the Peace--that on some occasions we suspended the writ of _habeas +corpus_, that we put some Democrats in jail without their being +indicted. I am sorry we did not put more. I admit we arrested some +of them without an affidavit filed before a Justice of the Peace. I +sincerely regret that we did not arrest more. I admit that for a few +hours on one or two occasions we interfered with the freedom of the +press; I sincerely regret that the Government allowed a sheet to exist +that did not talk on the side of this Government. + +I admit that we did all these things. + +It is only proper and fair that we should answer these charges. +Unless the Republican party can show that they did these things +either according to the strict letter of law, according to the highest +precedent, or from the necessity of the case, then we must admit that +our party did wrong. You know as well as I that every Democratic +orator talks about the fathers, about Washington and Jackson, Madison, +Jefferson, and many others; they tell us about the good old times when +politicians were pure, when you could get justice in the courts, when +Congress was honest, when the political parties differed, and differed +kindly and honestly; and they are shedding crocodile tears day after +day--praying that the good old honest times might return again. They +tell you that the members of this radical party are nothing like the men +of the Revolution. Let us see. + +I lay this down as a proposition, that we had a right to do anything to +preserve this Government that our fathers had a right to do to found +it. If they had a right to put Tories in jail, to suspend the writ of +_habeas corpus_, and on some occasions _corpus_, in order to found this +Government, we had a right to put rebels and Democrats in jail and to +suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_ in order to preserve the Government +they thus formed. If they had a right to interfere with the freedom of +the press in order that liberty might be planted upon this soil, we had +a right to do the same thing to prevent the tree from being destroyed. +In a word, we had a right to do anything to preserve this Government +which they had a right to do to found it. + +Did our fathers arrest Tories without writs, without indictments--did +they interfere with the personal rights of Tories in the name of +liberty--did they have Washington bastiles, did they have Jefferson +jails--did they have dungeons in the time of the Revolution in which +they put men that dared talk against this country and the liberties of +the colonies? I propose to show that they did--that where we imprisoned +one they imprisoned a hundred--that where we interfered with personal +liberty once they did it a hundred times--that they carried on a war +that _was_ a war--that they knew that when an appeal was made to +force that was the end of law--that they did not attempt to gain their +liberties through a Justice of the Peace or through a Grand Jury; that +they appealed to force and the God of battles, and that any man who +sought their protection and at the same time was against them and their +cause they took by the nape of the neck and put in jail, where he ought +to have been. + +The old Continental Congress in 1774 and 1776 had made up their minds +that we ought to have something like liberty in these colonies, and the +first step they took toward securing that end was to provide for the +selection of a committee in every county and township, with a view to +examining and finding out how the people stood touching the liberty of +the colonies, and if they found a man that was not in favor of it, the +people would not have anything to do with him politically, religiously, +or socially. That was the first step they took, and a very sensible step +it was. + +What was the next step? They found that these men were so lost to every +principle of honor that they did not hurt them any by disgracing them. + +So they passed the following resolution which explains itself: + +_Resolved_. That it be recommended to the several provincial assemblies +or conventions or councils, or committees of safety, to arrest and +secure every person in their respective colonies whose going at +large, may, in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony or the +liberties of America.--Journal of Congress, vol. 1, page 149. + +What was the Committee of Safety? Was it a Justice of the Peace? No. Was +it a Grand Jury? No. It was simply a committee of five or seven persons, +more or less, appointed to watch over the town or county and see that +these Tories were attending to their business and not interfering with +the rights of the colonies. Whom were they to thus arrest and secure? +Every man that had committed murder--that had taken up arms against +America, or voted the Democratic or Tory ticket? No. "Every person whose +going at large might in their opinion, endanger the safety of the +colony or the liberties of America." It was not necessary that they +had committed any overt act, but if in the opinion of this council of +safety, it was dangerous to let them run at large they were locked up. +Suppose that we had done that during the last war? You would have had to +build several new jails in this county. What a howl would have gone up +all over this State if we had attempted such a thing as that, and yet we +had a perfect right to do anything to preserve our liberties, which our +fathers had a right to do to obtain them. + +What more did they do? In 1777 the same Congress that signed the +immortal Declaration of Independence (and I think they knew as much +about liberty and the rights of men as any Democrat in Marion county) +adopted another resolution: + +_Resolved_. That it be recommended to the Executive powers of the +several States, forthwith to apprehend and secure all persons who have +in their general conduct and conversation evinced a disposition inimical +to the cause of America, and that the persons so seized be confined in +such places and treated in such manner as shall be consistent with their +several characters and security of their persons.---Journal of Congress, +vol. 2, p. 246. + +If they had talked as the Democrats talked during the late war--if +they had called the soldiers, "Washington hirelings," and if when they +allowed a few negroes to help them fight, had branded the struggle for +liberty as an abolition war, they would be "apprehended and confined +in such places and treated in such manner as was consistent with their +characters and security of their persons," and yet all they did was to +show a disposition inimical to the independence of America. If we had +pursued a policy like that during the late war, nine out of ten of the +members of the Democratic party would have been in jail--there would +not have been jails and prisons enough on the face of the whole earth to +hold them. . + +Now, when a Democrat talks to you about Lincoln bastiles, just quote +this to him: + +_Whereas_, The States of Pennsylvania and Delaware are threatened with +an immediate invasion from a powerful army, who have already landed at +the head of Chesapeake Bay; and whereas, The principles of sound +policy and self-preservation require that persons who may be reasonably +suspected of aiding or abetting the cause of the enemy may be prevented +from pursuing measures injurious to the general weal, + +_Resolved_, That the executive authorities of the States of Pennsylvania +and Delaware be requested to cause all persons within their respective +States, notoriously disaffected, to be apprehended, disarmed and secured +until such time as the respective States think they may be released +without injury to the common cause.---Journal of Congress, vol. 2, p. +240. + +That is what they did with them. When there was an invasion threatened +the good State of Indiana, if we had said we will imprison all men who +by their conduct and conversation show that they are inimical to our +cause, we would have been obliged to import jails and corral Democrats +as we did mules in the army. Our fathers knew that the flag was never +intended to protect any man who wanted to assail it. + +What more did they do? There was a man by the name of David Franks, who +wrote a letter and wanted to send it to England. In that letter he gave +it as his opinion that the colonies were becoming disheartened and sick +of the war. The heroic and chivalric fathers of the Revolution violated +the mails, took the aforesaid letter and then they took the aforesaid +David Franks by the collar and put him in jail. Then they passed +a resolution in Congress that inasmuch as the said letter showed a +disposition inimical to the liberties of the United States, Major +General Arnold be requested to cause the said David Franks to be +forthwith arrested, put in jail and confined till the further order of +Congress. (Jour. Cong., vol. 3, p. 96 and 97.) + +How many Democrats wrote letters during the war declaring that the North +never could conquer the South? How many wrote letters to the soldiers in +the army telling them to shed no more fraternal blood in that suicidal +and unchristian war? It would have taken all the provost marshals in the +United States to arrest the Democrats in Indiana who were guilty of that +offence. And yet they are talking about our fathers being such good men, +while they are cursing us fordoing precisely what they did, only to a +less extent than they did. + +We are still on the track of the old Continental Congress. I want you to +understand the spirit that animated those men. They passed a resolution +which is particularly applicable to the Democrats during the war: + +With respect to all such unworthy Americans as, regardless of their duty +to their Creator, their country, and their posterity, have taken part +with our oppressors, and, influenced by the hope or possession of +ignominious rewards, strive to recommend themselves to the bounty of +the administration by misrepresenting and traducing the conduct and +principles of the friends of American liberty, and opposing every +measure formed for its preservation and security, + +_Resolved_, That it be recommended to the different assemblies, +conventions and committees or councils of safety in the United Colonies, +by the most speedy and effectual measures, to frustrate the mischievous +machinations and restrain the wicked practices of these men. And it is +the opinion of this Congress that they ought to be disarmed and the +more dangerous among them either kept in safe custody or bound with +sufficient sureties for their good behavior. + +And in order that the said assemblies, conventions, committees or +councils of safety may be enabled with greater ease and facility to +carry this resolution into execution, + +_Resolved_, That they be authorized to call to their aid whatever +Continental troops stationed in or near their respective colonies +that may be conveniently spared from their more immediate duties, and +commanding officers of such troops are hereby directed to afford the +said assemblies, conventions, committees or councils of safety, all such +assistance in executing this resolution as they may require, and which, +consistent with the good of the service, may be supplied--Journal of +Congress, vol. i, p. 22, + +Do you hear that, Democrat? The old Continental Congress said to these +committees and councils of safety: "Whenever you want to arrest any +of these scoundrels, call on the Continental troops." And General +Washington, the commander-in-chief of the army, and the officers under +him, were directed to aid in the enforcement of all the measures adopted +with reference to disaffected and dangerous persons. And what had these +persons done? Simply shown by their conversation, and letters directed +to their friends, that they were opposed to the cause of American +liberty. They did not even spare the Governors of States. They were not +appalled by any official position that a Tory might hold. They simply +said, "If you are not in favor of American liberty, we will put you +'where the dogs won't bite you.'" One of these men was Governor Eden of +Maryland. Congress passed a resolution requesting the Council of Safety +of Maryland to seize and secure his person and papers, and send such of +them as related to the American dispute to Congress without delay. At +the same time the person and papers of another man, one Alexander Ross, +were seized in the same manner. Ross was put in jail, and his papers +transmitted to Congress. + +There was a fellow by the name of Parke and another by the name of +Morton, who presumed to undertake a journey from Philadelphia to New +York without getting a pass. Congress ordered them to be arrested and +imprisoned until further orders. They did not wait to have an affidavit +filed before a Justice of the Peace. They took them by force and put +them in jail, and that was the end of it. So much for the policy of the +fathers, in regard to arbitrary arrests. + +During the war there was a great deal said about our occasionally +interfering with the elections. Let us see how the fathers stood upon +that question. + +They held a convention in the State of New York in Revolutionary times, +and there were some gentlemen in Queens County that were playing the +role of Kentucky--they were going to be neutral--they refused to vote to +send deputies to the convention--they stood upon their dignity just as +Kentucky stood upon hers--a small place to stand on, the Lord knows. +What did our fathers do with them? They denounced them as unworthy to be +American citizens and hardly fit to live. Here is a resolution adopted +by the Continental Congress on the 3d of January, 1776: + +_Resolved_, That all such persons in Queens County aforesaid as voted +against sending deputies to the present Convention of New York, and +named in a list of delinquents in Queens County, published by the +Convention of New York, be put out of the protection of the United +Colonies, and that all trade and intercourse with them cease; that none +of the inhabitants of that county be permitted to travel or abide in any +part of these United Colonies out of their said colony without a +certificate from the Convention or Committee of Safety of the Colony of +New York, setting forth that such inhabitant is a friend of the American +cause, and not of the number of those who voted against sending deputies +to the said Convention, and that such of the inhabitants as shall be +found out of the said county without such certificate, be apprehended +and imprisoned three months. + +_Resolved_, That no attorney or lawyer ought to commence, prosecute or +defend any action at law of any kind, for any of the said inhabitants of +Queens County, who voted against sending deputies to the Convention +as aforesaid, and such attorney or lawyer as shall countenance this +revolution, are enemies to the American cause, and shall be treated +accordingly. + +What had they done? Simply voted against sending delegates to the +convention, and yet the fathers not only put them out of the protection +of law, but prohibited any lawyer from appearing in their behalf in a +court. Democrats, don't you wish we had treated you that way during the +war? + +What more did they do? They ordered a company of troops from +Connecticut, and two or three companies from New Jersey, to go into the +State of New York, and take away from every person who had voted against +sending deputies to the convention, all his arms, and if anybody refused +to give up his arms, they put him in jail. Don't you wish you had lived +then, my friend Democrat? Don't you wish you had prosecuted the war as +our fathers prosecuted the Revolution? + +I now want to show you how far they went in this direction. A man by the +name of Sutton, who lived on Long Island, had been going around giving +his constitutional opinions upon the war. They had him arrested, and +went on to resolve that he should be taken from Philadelphia, pay the +cost of transportation himself, be put in jail there, and while in jail +should board himself. Wouldn't a Democrat have had a hard scramble for +victuals if we had carried out that idea? Just see what outrageous and +terrible things the fathers did. And why did they do it? Because they +saw that in order to establish the liberties of America it was necessary +they should take the Tory by the throat just as it was necessary for us +to take rebels by the throat during the late war. + +They had paper money in those days--shin-plasters--and some of the +Democrats of those times had legal doubts about this paper currency. One +of these Democrats, Thomas Harriott, was called before a Committee of +Safety of New York, and there convicted of having refused to receive in +payment the Continental bills. The committee of New York conceiving that +he was a dangerous person, informed the Provincial Congress of the facts +in the case, and inquired whether Congress thought he ought to go at +large. Upon receipt of this information by Congress an order for the +imprisonment of the offender was passed, as follows: + +_Resolved_, That the General Committee of the city of New York be +requested and authorized, and are hereby requested and authorized to +direct that Thomas Harriott be committed to close jail in this city, +there to remain until further orders of this Congress.--Amer. Archives, +4th series, vol. 6, P. i, 344. + +And yet all that he had done was to refuse to take Continental money. +He had simply given his opinion on the legal tender law, just as the +Democrats of Indiana did in regard to greenbacks, and as a few circuit +judges decided when they declared the Legal Tender Act unconstitutional. +It would have been perfectly proper and right that they, every man of +them, should be, like Thomas Harriott, "committed to close jail, there +to remain until further orders." + +Did our forefathers ever interfere with religion? Yes, they did with +a preacher by the name of Daniels, because he would not pray for the +American cause. He thought he could coax the Lord to beat us. They said +to him, "You pray on our side, sir." He would not do it, and so they put +him in jail and gave him work enough to pray himself out, and it took +him some time to do it. They interfered with a _lack_ of religion. They +believed that a Tory or traitor in the pulpit was no better than anybody +else. That is the way I have sometimes felt during the war. I have +thought that I would like to see some of those white cravatted gentlemen +"snaked" right out of the pulpits where they had dared to utter their +treason, and set to playing checkers through a grated window. + +It is not possible that our fathers ever interfered with the writ of +_habeas corpus_, is it? Yes sir. Our fathers advocated the doctrine +that the good of the people is the supreme law of the land. They also +advocated the doctrine that in the midst of armies law falls to the +ground; the doctrine that when a country is in war it is to be governed +by the laws of war. They thought that laws were made for the protection +of good citizens, for the punishment of citizens that were bad, when +they were not too bad or too numerous; then they threw the law-book down +while they took the cannon and whipped the badness out of them; that is +the next step, when the stones you throw, and kind words, and grass have +failed. They said, why did we not appeal to law? We did; but it did no +good. A large portion of the people were up in arms in defiance of law, +and there was only one way to put them down, and that was by force of +arms; and whenever an appeal is made to force, that force is governed by +the law of war. + +The fathers suspended the writ in the case of a man who had committed +an offence in the State of New York. They sent him to the State of +Connecticut to be confined, just as men were sent from Indiana to Fort +Lafayette. The attorneys came before the convention of New York to hear +the matter inquired into, but the committee of the convention to whom +the matter was referred refused to inquire into the original cause of +commitment--a direct denial of the authority of the writ. The writ of +_habeas corpus_ merely brings the body before the judge that he may +inquire why he is imprisoned. They refused to make any such inquiry. +Their action was endorsed by the convention and the gentleman was sent +to Connecticut and put in jail. They not only did these things in one +instance, but in a thousand. They took men from Maryland and put them in +prison in Pennsylvania, and they took men from Pennsylvania and confined +them in Maryland, Whenever they thought the Tories were so thick at +one point that the rascals might possibly be released, they took them +somewhere else. + +They did not interfere with the freedom of the press, did they? Yes, +sir. They found a gentleman who was speaking and writing against the +liberties of the colonies, and they just took his paper away from him, +and gave it to a man who ran it in the interest of the colonies, using +the Tory's type and press. [A voice--That was right.] Right! of course +it was right. What right has a newspaper in Indiana to talk against the +cause for which your son is laying down his life on the field of battle? +What right has any man to make it take thousands of men more to crush a +rebellion? What right has any man protected by the American flag to do +all in his power to put it in the hands of the enemies of his country? +The same right that any man has to be a rascal, a thief and traitor--no +other right under heaven. Our fathers had sense enough to see that, and +they said, "One gentleman in the rear printing against our noble cause, +will cost us hundreds of noble lives at the front." Why have you a right +to take a rebel's horse? Because it helps you and weakens the enemy. +That is by the law of war. That is the principle upon which they seized +the Tory printing press. They had the right to do it. And if I had had +the power in this country, no man should have said a word, or written a +line, or printed anything against the cause for which the heroic men of +the North sacrificed their lives. I would have enriched the soil of this +country with him before he should have done it. A man by the name of +James Rivington undertook to publish a paper against the country. They +would not speak to him; they denounced him, seized his press, and made +him ask forgiveness and promise to print no more such stuff before they +would let him have his sheet again. No person but a rebel ever thought +that was wrong. There is no common sense in going to the field to fight +and leaving a man at home to undo all that you accomplish. + +Our fathers did not like these Tories, and when the war was over they +confiscated their estates--took their land and gave it over to good +Union men. + +How did they do it? Did they issue summons, and have a trial? No, sir. +They did it by wholesale--they did it by resolution, and the estates of +hundreds of men were taken from them without their having a day in court +or any notice or trial whatever. They said to the Tories: "You cast +your fortunes with the other side, let them pay you. The flag you fought +against protects the land you owned and it will prevent you from having +it." Nor is that all. They ran thousands of them out of the country away +up into Nova Scotia, and the old blue-nosed Tories are there yet. + +In his letter to Governor Cooke of Rhode Island, Washington enumerates +an act of that colony, declaring that "none should speak, write, or act +against the proceedings of Congress or their Acts of Assembly, under +penalty of being disarmed and disqualified from holding any office, +and being further punished by imprisonment," as one that met his +approbation, and which should exist in other colonies. There is the +doctrine for you Democrats. So I could go on by the hour or by the +day. I could show you how they made domiciliary visits, interfered +with travel, imprisoned without any sort of writ or affidavit--in other +words, did whatever they thought was necessary to whip the enemy and +establish their independence. + +What next do they charge against us? That we freed negroes. So we did. +That we allowed those negroes to fight in the army. Yes, we did, +That we allowed them to vote. We did that too. That we have made them +citizens. Yes, we have, and what are you Democrats going to do about it? + +Now, what did our fathers do? Did they free any of the negroes? Yes, +sir. Did they allow any of them to fight in the army? Yes, sir. Did they +permit any of them to vote? Yes, sir. Did they make them citizens? Yes, +sir. Let us see whether they did or not. + +Before we had the present Constitution we had what were called Articles +of Confederation. The fourth of those articles provided that every +free inhabitant of the colony should be a citizen. It did not make any +difference whether he was white or black; and negroes voted by the side +of Washington and Jefferson. Just here the question arises, if negroes +were good enough in 1787 and 1790 to vote by the side of such men, +whether rebels and their sympathizers are good enough now to vote +alongside of the negro. + +Did they let any of these negroes fight? In 1750, when Massachusetts had +slaves, there appeared in the Boston Gazette the following notice: + +"Ran away from his master, Wm. Brown, of Framingham, on the 30th +September last, a mulatto fellow, about 27 years of age, named Crispus, +about 6 feet high, short curly hair, had on a light colored bear-skin +coat, brown jacket, new buckskin breeches, blue yarn stockings and check +woolen shirt," etc. + +This "mulatto fellow" did not come back, and so they advertised the next +week and the week following, but still the toes of the blue yarn socks +pointed the other way. That was in 1750. 1760 came and 1770, and the +people of this continent began to talk about having their liberties. And +while wise and thoughtful men were talking about it, making petitions +for popular rights and laying them at the foot of the throne, the King's +troops were in Boston. One day they marched down King street, on their +way to arrest some citizen. The soldiery were attacked by a mob, and at +its head was a "mulatto fellow" who shouted "here they are," and it was +observed that this "mulatto fellow" was about six feet high--that his +knees were nearer together than common, and that he was about 47 years +of age. The soldiers fired upon the mob and he fell, shot through +with five balls--the first man that led a charge against British +aggression--the first martyr whose blood was shed for American liberty +upon this soil. They took up that poor corpse, and as it lay in Faneuil +Hall it did more honor to the place than did Daniel Webster defending +the Fugitive Slave Law. + +They allowed him to fight. Would our fathers have been brutal enough, +if he had not been killed, to put him back into slavery? No! They would +have said that a man who fights for liberty should enjoy it. If a man +fights for that flag it shall protect him. Perish forever from the +heavens the flag that will not defend its defenders, be they white or +black. + +Thus our fathers felt. They raised negro troops by the company and the +regiment, and gave his liberty to every man that fought for liberty. Not +only that, but they allowed them to vote. They voted in the Carolinas, +in Tennessee, in New York, in all the New England States. Our fathers +had too much decency to act upon the Democratic doctrine. + +In the war of 1812, negroes fought at Lake Erie and at New Orleans, and +then the fathers, as in the Revolution, were too magnanimous to turn +them back into slavery. You need not get mad, my Democratic friends, +because you hate Ben. Butler. Let me read you an abolition document. + +You will all say it is right; you cannot say anything else when you hear +it. Butler, you know, was down in New Orleans, and he made some of those +rebels dance a tune that they did not know, and he made them keep pretty +good time too: + +_To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana:_ + +Through a mistaken policy you have heretofore been deprived of a +participation in the glorious struggle for national rights in which our +country is engaged. This shall no longer exist. As sons of freedom +you are now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessing. As +Americans, your country looks with confidence to her adopted children +for a valorous support as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed +under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, husbands and +brothers you are summoned to rally around the standard of the eagle--to +defend all which is dear in existence. Your country, although calling +for your exertions, does not wish you to engage in her cause without +amply remunerating you for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds +can not be led away by false representations. Your love of honor would +cause you to despise a man who should attempt to deceive you. In the +sincerity of a soldier and the language of truth I address you. To every +noble-hearted, generous free man of color volunteering to serve during +the present contest and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty in +money and lands now received by the white soldiers of the United +States, viz: $124 in money and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The +noncommissioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the +same monthly pay and daily rations and clothing furnished any American +soldier. + +On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major General commanding will +select officers for your government from your white fellow-citizens. +Your non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves. +Due regard will be paid to their feelings as freemen and soldiers. +You will not by being associated with white men in the same corps, +be exposed to improper companions or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct +battalion or regiment pursuing the path of glory, you will undivided +receive the applause and gratitude of your countrymen. + +To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions and my anxiety to engage +your valuable services to our country, I have communicated my wishes +to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to the manner of +enrollment, and give you every necessary information on the subject of +this address. + +This is a terrible document to a Democrat. Let us look back over it a +little. "Through a mistaken policy." We had not sense enough to let the +negroes fight during the first part of the war. "As sons of freedom" we +had got sense by this time. "Americans." Oh! shocking! Think of calling +negroes Americans. "Your country!" Is that not enough to make a Democrat +sick? "As fathers, husbands, brothers." Negro brothers. That is too +bad. "Your intelligent minds." Now, just think of a negro having an +intelligent mind. "Are not to be led away by false representations." +Then precious few of them will vote the Democratic ticket. "Your sense +of honor will lead you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive +you." Then how they will hate the Democratic party. Then he goes on to +say that the same bounty, money and land that the white soldiers receive +will be paid to these negroes. Not only that, but they are to have the +same pay, clothing and rations. Only think of a negro having as much +land, as much to eat and as many clothes to wear as a white man. Is +not this a vile abolition document? And yet there is not a Democrat in +Indiana that dare open his mouth against it, full of negro equality as +it is. Now, let us see when and by whom this proclamation was issued. +You will find that it is dated, "Headquarters 7th Military District, +Mobile, September 21st, 1814," and signed "Andrew Jackson, Major General +Commanding." + +Oh, you Jackson Democrats. You gentlemen that are descended from +Washington and Jackson--great heavens, what a descent! Do you think. +Jackson was a Democrat? He generally passed for a good Democrat; yet +he issued that abominable abolition proclamation and put negroes on an +equality with white men. That is not the worst of it, either; for after +he got these negroes into the army he made a speech to them, and what +did he say in that speech? Here it is in full: + +_To the Men of Color:_ + +Soldiers--From the shores of Mobile I called you to arms. I invited +you to share in the perils and to divide the glory with your white +countrymen. I expected much from you, for I was not uninformed of those +qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew +that you could endure hunger, thirst, and all the hardships of war. I +knew that you loved the land of your nativity, and that like ourselves +you had to defend all that is most dear to man. But you surpass +my hopes. I have found in you united to these qualities that noble +enthusiasm which impels to great deeds. Soldiers, the President of the +United States shall be informed of your conduct on the present occasion +and the voice of the representatives of the American nation shall +applaud your valor as your General now praises your ardor. The enemy +is near. His sails cover the lakes. But the brave are united, and if he +finds' us contending among ourselves, it will be only for the prize of +valor, its noblest reward. + +There is negro equality for you. There is the first man since the heroes +of the Revolution died that issued a proclamation and put negroes on an +equality with white men, and he was as good a Democrat as ever lived in +Indiana. I could go on and show where they voted, and who allowed them +to vote, but I have said enough on that question, and also upon the +question of their fighting in the army, and of their being citizens, and +have established, I think conclusively, this: + +_First_. That our fathers, in order to found this Government, arrested +men without warrant, indictment or affidavit by the hundred and by the +thousand; that we, in order to preserve the Government that they thus +founded, arrested a few people without warrant. + +_Second_. That our fathers, for the purpose of founding the Government, +suspended the writ of _habeas corpus_; that we, for the purpose of +preserving the same Government, did the same thing. + +_Third_. That they, for the purpose of inaugurating this Government, +interfered with the liberty of the press; that we, on one or two +occasions, for the purpose of preserving the Government, interfered with +the liberty of the press. + +_Fourth_. That our fathers allowed negroes to fight in order that they +might secure the liberties of America; that we, in order to preserve +those liberties, allow negroes to fight. + +_Fifth_. That our fathers, out of gratitude to the negroes in the +Revolutionary war, allowed them to vote; that we have done the same. +That they made them citizens, and we have followed their example. + +As far as I have gone, I have shown that the fathers of the Revolution +and the War of 1812 set us the example for everything we have done. +Now, Mr. Democrat, if you want to curse us, curse them too. Either quit +yawping about the fathers, or quit yawping about us. + +Now, then, was there any necessity, during this war, to follow the +example of our fathers? The question was put to us in 1861: "Shall +the majority rule?" and also the balance of that question: "Shall the +minority submit?" The minority said they would not. Upon the right of +the majority to rule rests the entire structure of our Government. Had +we, in 1861, given up that principle, the foundations of our Government +would have been totally destroyed. In fact there would have been no +Government, even in the North. It is no use to say the majority shall +rule if the minority consents. Therefore, if, when a man has been +duly elected President, anybody undertakes to prevent him from being +President, it is your duty to protect him and enforce submission to the +will of the majority. In 1861 we had presented to us the alternative, +either to let the great principle that lies at the foundation of our +Government go by the board, or to appeal to arms, and to the God of +battles, and fight it through. + +The Southern people said they were going out of the Union; we implored +them to stay, by the common memories of the Revolution, by an apparent +common destiny; by the love of man, but they refused to listen to +us--rushed past us, and appealed to the arbitrament of the sword; and +now I, for one, say by the decision of the sword let them abide. + +Now, I want to show how mean the American people were in 1861. The vile +and abominable institution of slavery had so corrupted us that we did +not know right from wrong. It crept into the pulpit until the sermon +became the echo of the bloodhound's bark. It crept upon the bench, +and the judge could not tell whether the corn belonged to the man that +raised it, or to the fellow that did not, but he rather thought it +belonged to the latter. We had lost our sense of justice. Even the +people of Indiana were so far gone as to agree to carry out the Fugitive +Slave Law. Was it not low-lived and contemptible? We agreed that if we +found a woman ninety-nine one hundredths white, who, inspired by the +love of liberty, had run away from her masters, and had got within +one step of free soil, we would clutch her and bring her back to the +dominion of the Democrat, the bloodhound and the lash. We were just mean +enough to do it. We used to read that some hundreds of years ago a lot +of soldiers would march into a man's house, take him out, tie him to a +stake driven into the earth, pile fagots around him, and let the +thirsty flames consume him, and all because they differed from him about +religion. We said it was horrible; it made our blood run cold to think +of it; yet at the same time many a magnificent steamboat floated down +the Mississippi with wives and husbands, fragments of families torn +asunder, doomed to a life of toil, requited only by lashes upon the +naked back, and branding irons upon the quivering flesh, and we thought +little of it. When we set out to put down the Rebellion the Democratic +party started up all at once and said, "You are not going to interfere +with slavery, are you?" Now, it is remarkable that whenever we were +going to do a good thing, we had to let on that we were going to do a +mean one. If we had said at the outset, "We will break the shackles from +four millions of slaves" we never would have succeeded. We had to come +at it by degrees. The Democrats scented it out. They had a scent keener +than a bloodhound when anything was going to be done to affect slavery. +"Put down rebellion," they said, "but don't hurt slavery." We said, "We +will not; we will restore the Union as it was and the Constitution as it +is." We were in good faith about it. We had no better sense then than +to think that it was worth fighting for, to preserve the cause of +quarrel--the bone of contention--so as to have war all the time. Every +blow we struck for slavery was a blow against us. The Rebellion was +simply slavery with a mask on. We never whipped anybody but once so long +as we stood upon that doctrine; that was at Donelson; and the victory +there was not owing to the policy, but to the splendid genius of the +next President of the United States. After a while it got into our +heads that slavery was the cause of the trouble, and we began to edge up +slowly toward slavery. When Mr. Lincoln said he would destroy slavery +if absolutely necessary for the suppression of the Rebellion, people +thought that was the most radical thing that ever was uttered. But the +time came when it was necessary to free the slaves, and to put muskets +into their hands. The Democratic party opposed us with all their might +until the draft came, and they wanted negroes for substitutes; and I +never heard a Democrat object to arming the negroes after that. + + [The speaker from this point presented the history of the + Republican policy of reconstruction, and touched lightly on + the subject of the national debt. He glanced at the + finances, reviewing in the most scathing manner the history + and character of Seymour, paid a most eloquent tribute to + the character and public services of General Grant, and + closed with the following words: ] + +The hero of the Rebellion, who accomplished at Shiloh what Napoleon +endeavored at Waterloo; who captured Vicksburg by a series of victories +unsurpassed, taking the keystone from the rebel arch; who achieved at +Missionary Ridge a success as grand as it was unexpected to the country; +who, having been summoned from the death-bed of rebellion in the West, +marched like an athlete from the Potomac to the James, the grandest +march in the history of the world. This was all done without the least +flourish upon his part. No talk about destiny--without faith in a +star--with the simple remark that he would "fight it out on that line," +without a boast, modest to bashfulness, yet brave to audacity, simple as +duty, firm as war, direct as truth--this hero, with so much common +sense that he is the most uncommon man of his time, will be, in spite of +Executive snares and Cabinet entanglements, of competent false witnesses +of the Democratic party, the next President of the United States. He +will be trusted with the Government his genius saved. + + + +SPEECH AT CINCINNATI.* + + + * The nomination of Blaine was the passionately dramatic + scene of the day. Robert G. Ingersoll had been fixed upon to + present Blaine's name to the Convention, and, as the result + proved, a more effective champion could not have been + selected in the whole party conclave. + + As the clerk, running down the list, reached Maine, an + extraordinary event happened. The applause and cheers which + had heretofore broken out in desultory patches of the + galleries and platform, broke in a simultaneous, thunderous + outburst from every part of the house. + + Ingersoll moved out from the obscure corner and advanced to + the central stage. As he walked forward the thundering + cheers, sustained and swelling, never ceased. As he reached + the platform they took on an increased volume of sound, and + for ten minutes the surging fury of acclamation, the wild + waving of fans, hats, and handkerchiefs transformed the + scene from one of deliberation to that of a bedlam of + rapturous delirium. Ingersoll waited with unimpaired + serenity, until he should get a chance to be heard. * * * + And then began an appeal, impassioned, artful, brilliant, + and persuasive. * * * + + Possessed of a fine figure, a face of winning, cordial + frankness, Ingersoll had half won his audience before he + spoke a word. It is the attestation of every man that heard + him, that so brilliant a master stroke was never uttered + before a political Convention. Its effect was indescribable. + The coolest-headed in the hall were stirred to the wildest + expression. The adversaries of Blaine, as well as his + friends, listened with unswerving, absorbed attention. + Curtis sat spell-bound, his eyes and mouth wide open, his + figure moving in unison to the tremendous periods that fell + in a measured, exquisitely graduated flow from the + Illinoisan's smiling lips. The matchless method and manner + of the man can never be imagined from the report in type. To + realize the prodigious force, the inexpressible power, the + irrestrainable fervor of the audience requires actual sight. + + Words can do but meagre justice to the wizard power of this + extraordinary man. He swayed and moved and impelled and + restrained and worked in all ways with the mass before him + as if he possessed some key to the innermost mechanism that + moves the human heart, and when he finished, his fine, frank + face as calm as when he began, the overwrought thousands + sank back in an exhaustion of unspeakable wonder and + delight.--Chicago Times, June 16, 1876. + + +SPEECH NOMINATING BLAINE. + +June 75, 1876. + +MASSACHUSETTS may be satisfied with the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristow; +so am I; but if any man nominated by this convention can not carry the +State of Massachusetts, I am not satisfied with the loyalty of that +State. If the nominee of this convention cannot carry the grand old +Commonwealth of Massachusetts by seventy-five thousand majority, I would +advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as a Democratic headquarters. I +would advise them to take from Bunker Hill that old monument of glory. + +The Republicans of the United States demand as their leader in the great +contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of integrity, a man of +well-known and approved political opinions. They demand a statesman; +they demand a reformer after as well as before the election. They demand +a politician in the highest, broadest and best sense--a man of superb +moral courage. They demand a man acquainted with public affairs--with +the wants of the people; with not only the requirements of the hour, +but with the demands of the future. They demand a man broad enough to +comprehend the relations of this Government to the other nations of +the earth. They demand a man well versed in the powers, duties and +prerogatives of each and every department of this Government. They +demand a man who will sacredly preserve the financial honor of the +United States; one who knows enough to know that the national debt must +be paid through the prosperity of this people; one who knows enough to +know that all the financial theories in the world cannot redeem a single +dollar; one who knows enough to know that all the money must be made, +not by law, but by labor; one who knows enough to know that the people +of the United States have the industry to make the money, and the honor +to pay it over just as fast as they make it. + +The Republicans of the United States demand a man who knows that +prosperity and resumption, when they come, must come together; that +when they come, they will come hand in hand through the golden harvest +fields; hand in hand by the whirling spindles and the turning wheels; +hand in hand past the open furnace doors; hand in hand by the flaming +forges; hand in hand by the chimneys filled with eager fire, greeted and +grasped by the countless sons of toil. + +This money has to be dug out of the earth. You cannot make it by passing +resolutions in a political convention. + +The Republicans of the United States want a man who knows that this +Government should protect every citizen, at home and abroad; who knows +that any government that will not defend its defenders, and protect its +protectors, is a disgrace to the map of the world. They demand a man who +believes in the eternal separation and divorcement of church and school. +They demand a man whose political reputation is spotless as a star; +but they do not demand that their candidate shall have a certificate of +moral character signed by a Confederate congress. The man who has, in +full, heaped and rounded measure, all these splendid qualifications, is +the present grand and gallant leader of the Republican party--James G. +Blaine. + +Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous achievements of its +first century, asks for a man worthy of the past, and prophetic of her +future; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks for a man +who is the grandest combination of heart, conscience and brain beneath +her flag--such a man is James G. Blaine. + +For the Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no +defeat. + +This is a grand year--a year filled with recollections of the +Revolution; filled with proud and tender memories of the past; with +the sacred legends of liberty--a year in which the sons of freedom will +drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; a year in which the people call +for the man who has preserved in Congress what our soldiers won upon +the field; a year in which they call for the man who has torn from the +throat of treason the tongue of slander--for the man who has snatched +the mask of Democracy from the hideous face of rebellion; for the man +who, like an intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena of debate and +challenged all comers, and who is still a total stranger to defeat. + +Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched +down the halls of the American Congress and threw his shining lance full +and fair against the brazen foreheads of the defamers of his country +and the maligners of his honor. For the Republican party to desert this +gallant leader now, is as though an army should desert their general +upon the field of battle. + +James G. Blaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the sacred +standard of the Republican party. I call it sacred, because no human +being can stand beneath its folds without becoming and without remaining +free. + +Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great Republic, the +only republic that ever existed upon this earth; in the name of all her +defenders and of all her supporters; in the name of all her soldiers +living; in the name of all her soldiers dead upon the field of battle, +and in the name of those who perished in the skeleton clutch of famine +at Andersonville and Libby, whose sufferings he so vividly remembers, +Illinois--Illinois nominates for the next President of this country, +that prince of parliamentarians--that leader of leaders--James G. +Blaine. + + + + +CENTENNIAL ORATION. + + * Delivered on the one hundredth Anniversary of the + Declaration of Independence, at Peoria, Ill., July 4, 1876. + + +July 4, 1876. + +THE Declaration of Independence is the grandest, the bravest, and +the profoundest political document that was ever signed by the +representatives of a people. It is the embodiment of physical and moral +courage and of political wisdom. + +I say of physical courage, because it was a declaration of war against +the most powerful nation then on the globe; a declaration of war by +thirteen weak, unorganized colonies; a declaration of war by a few +people, without military stores, without wealth, without strength, +against the most powerful kingdom on the earth; a declaration of war +made when the British navy, at that day the mistress of every sea, was +hovering along the coast of America, looking after defenceless towns and +villages to ravage and destroy. It was made when thousands of English +soldiers were upon our soil, and when the principal cities of America +were in the substantial possession of the enemy. And so, I say, all +things considered, it was the bravest political document ever signed by +man. And if it was physically brave, the moral courage of the document +is almost infinitely beyond the physical. They had the courage not only, +but they had the almost infinite wisdom, to declare that all men are +created equal. + +Such things had occasionally been said by some political enthusiast in +the olden time, but, for the first time in the history of the world, +the representatives of a nation, the representatives of a real, living, +breathing, hoping people, declared that all men are created equal. With +one blow, with one stroke of the pen, they struck down all the cruel, +heartless barriers that aristocracy, that priestcraft, that kingcraft +had raised between man and man. They struck down with one immortal blow +that infamous spirit of caste that makes a god almost a beast, and a +beast almost a god. With one word, with one blow, they wiped away and +utterly destroyed, all that had been done by centuries of war--centuries +of hypocrisy--centuries of injustice. + +One hundred years ago our fathers retired the gods from politics. + +What more did they do? They then declared that each man has a right to +live. And what does that mean? It means that he has the right to make +his living. It means that he has the right to breathe the air, to work +the land, that he stands the equal of every other human being beneath +the shining stars; entitled to the product of his labor--the labor of +his hand and of his brain. + +What more? That every man has the right to pursue his own happiness in +his own way. Grander words than these have never been spoken by man. + +And what more did these men say? They laid down the doctrine that +governments were instituted among men for the purpose of preserving the +rights of the people. The old idea was that people existed solely for +the benefit of the state--that is to say, for kings and nobles. + +The old idea was that the people were the wards of king and priest--that +their bodies belonged to one and their souls to the other. + +And what more? That the people are the source of political power. That +was not only a revelation, but it was a revolution. It changed the ideas +of people with regard to the source of political power. For the first +time it made human beings men. What was the old idea? The old idea was +that no political power came from, or in any manner belonged to, the +people. The old idea was that the political power came from the clouds; +that the political power came in some miraculous way from heaven; that +it came down to kings, and queens, and robbers. That was the old idea. +The nobles lived upon the labor of the people; the people had no rights; +the nobles stole what they had and divided with the kings, and the kings +pretended to divide what they stole with God Almighty. The source, then, +of political power was from above. The people were responsible to the +nobles, the nobles to the king, and the people had no political rights +whatever, no more than the wild beasts of the forest. The kings were +responsible to God; not to the people. The kings were responsible to the +clouds; not to the toiling millions they robbed and plundered. + +And our forefathers, in this Declaration of Independence, reversed this +thing, and said: No; the people, they are the source of political power, +and their rulers, these presidents, these kings are but the agents and +servants of the great sublime people. For the first time, really, in the +history of the world, the king was made to get off the throne and the +people were royally seated thereon. The people became the sovereigns, +and the old sovereigns became the servants and the agents of the people. +It is hard for you and me now to even imagine the immense results of +that change. It is hard for you and for me, at this day, to understand +how thoroughly it had been ingrained in the brain of almost every man, +that the king had some wonderful right over him; that in some strange +way the king owned him; that in some miraculous manner he belonged, body +and soul, to somebody who rode on a horse--to somebody with epaulettes +on his shoulders and a tinsel crown upon his brainless head. + +Our forefathers had been educated in that idea, and when they first +landed on American shores they believed it. They thought they belonged +to somebody, and that they must be loyal to some thief who could trace +his pedigree back to antiquity's most successful robber. + +It took a long time for them to get that idea out of their heads and +hearts. They were three thousand miles away from the despotisms of +the old world, and every wave of the sea was an assistant to them. The +distance helped to disenchant their minds of that infamous belief, and +every mile between them and the pomp and glory of monarchy helped to put +republican ideas and thoughts into their minds. Besides that, when +they came to this country, when the savage was in the forest and three +thousand miles of waves on the other side, menaced by barbarians on +the one hand and famine on the other, they learned that a man who had +courage, a man who had thought, was as good as any other man in the +world, and they built up, as it were, in spite of themselves, little +republics. And the man that had the most nerve and heart was the best +man, whether he had any noble blood in his veins or not. + +It has been a favorite idea with me that our forefathers were educated +by Nature, that they grew grand as the continent upon which they landed; +that the great rivers--the wide plains--the splendid lakes--the lonely +forests--the sublime mountains--that all these things stole into and +became a part of their being, and they grew great as the country in +which they lived. They began to hate the narrow, contracted views of +Europe. They were educated by their surroundings, and every little +colony had to be to a certain extent a republic. The kings of the old +world endeavored to parcel out this land to their favorites. But there +were too many Indians. There was too much courage required for them to +take and keep it, and so men had to come here who were dissatisfied with +the old country--who were dissatisfied with England, dissatisfied with +France, with Germany, with Ireland and Holland. The kings' favorites +stayed at home. Men came here for liberty, and on account of certain +principles they entertained and held dearer than life. And they were +willing to work, willing to fell the forests, to fight the savages, +willing to go through all the hardships, perils and dangers of a new +country, of a new land; and the consequence was that our country was +settled by brave and adventurous spirits, by men who had opinions of +their own and were willing to live in the wild forests for the sake of +expressing those opinions, even if they expressed them only to trees, +rocks, and savage men. The best blood of the old world came to the new. + +When they first came over they did not have a great deal of political +philosophy, nor the best ideas of liberty. We might as well tell the +truth. When the Puritans first came, they were narrow. They did not +understand what liberty meant--what religious liberty, what political +liberty, was; but they found out in a few years. There was one feeling +among them that rises to their eternal honor like a white shaft to the +clouds--they were in favor of universal education. Wherever they went +they built schoolhouses, introduced books and ideas of literature. They +believed that every man should know how to read and how to write, and +should find out all that his capacity allowed him to comprehend. That is +the glory of the Puritan fathers. + +They forgot in a little while what they had suffered, and they forgot +to apply the principle of universal liberty--of toleration. Some of +the colonies did not forget it, and I want to give credit where credit +should be given. The Catholics of Maryland were the first people on the +new continent to declare universal religious toleration. Let this be +remembered to their eternal honor. Let it be remembered to the disgrace +of the Protestant government of England, that it caused this grand law +to be repealed. And to the honor and credit of the Catholics of Maryland +let it be remembered that the moment they got back into power they +re-enacted the old law. The Baptists of Rhode Island also, led by Roger +Williams, were in favor of universal religious liberty. + +No American should fail to honor Roger Williams. He was the first grand +advocate of the liberty of the soul. He was in favor of the eternal +divorce of church and state. So far as I know, he was the only man at +that time in this country who was in favor of real religious liberty. +While the Catholics of Maryland declared in favor of religious +_toleration_, they had no idea of religious liberty. They would not +allow anyone to call in question the doctrine of the Trinity, or the +inspiration of the Scriptures. They stood ready with branding-iron and +gallows to burn and choke out of man the idea that he had a right to +think and to express his thoughts. + +So many religions met in our country--so many theories and dogmas came +in contact--so many follies, mistakes, and stupidities became acquainted +with each other, that religion began to fall somewhat into disrepute. +Besides this, the question of a new nation began to take precedence of +all others. + +The people were too much interested in this world to quarrel about the +next. The preacher was lost in the patriot. The Bible was read to find +passages against kings. + +Everybody was discussing the rights of man. Farmers and mechanics +suddenly became statesmen, and in every shop and cabin nearly every +question was asked and answered. + +During these years of political excitement the interest in religion +abated to that degree that a common purpose animated men of all sects +and creeds. + +At last our fathers became tired of being colonists--tired of writing +and reading and signing petitions, and presenting them on their bended +knees to an idiot king. They began to have an aspiration to form a new +nation, to be citizens of a new republic instead of subjects of an +old monarchy. They had the idea--the Puritans, the Catholics, the +Episcopalians, the Baptists, the Quakers, and a few Freethinkers, all +had the idea--that they would like to form a new nation. + +Now, do not understand that all of our fathers were in favor of +independence. Do not understand that they were all like Jefferson; that +they were all like Adams or Lee; that they were all like Thomas Paine +or John Hancock. There were thousands and thousands of them who were +opposed to American independence. There were thousands and thousands who +said: "When you say men are created equal, it is a lie; when you say the +political power resides in the great body of the people, it is false." +Thousands and thousands of them said: "We prefer Great Britain." But +the men who were in favor of independence, the men who knew that a new +nation must be born, went on full of hope and courage, and nothing could +daunt or stop or stay the heroic, fearless few. + +They met in Philadelphia; and the resolution was moved by Lee of +Virginia, that the colonies ought to be independent states, and ought to +dissolve their political connection with Great Britain. + +They made up their minds that a new nation must be formed. All nations +had been, so to speak, the wards of some church. The religious idea as +to the source of power had been at the foundation of all governments, +and had been the bane and curse of man. + +Happily for us, there was no church strong enough to dictate to the +rest. Fortunately for us, the colonists not only, but the colonies +differed widely in their religious views. There were the Puritans who +hated the Episcopalians, and Episcopalians who hated the Catholics, +and the Catholics who hated both, while the Quakers held them all in +contempt. There they were, of every sort, and color and kind, and how +was it that they came together? They had a common aspiration. They +wanted to form a new nation. More than that, most of them cordially +hated Great Britain; and they pledged each other to forget these +religious prejudices, for a time at least, and agreed that there should +be only one religion until they got through, and that was the religion +of patriotism. They solemnly agreed that the new nation should not +belong to any particular church, but that it should secure the rights of +all. + +Our fathers founded the first secular government that was ever founded +in this world. Recollect that. The first secular government; the first +government that said every church has exactly the same rights and no +more; every religion has the same rights, and no more. In other words, +our fathers were the first men who had the sense, had the genius, to +know that no church should be allowed to have a sword; that it should be +allowed only to exert its moral influence. + +You might as well have a government united by force with Art, or with +Poetry, or with Oratory, as with Religion. Religion should have the +influence upon mankind that its goodness, that its morality, its +justice, its charity, its reason, and its argument give it, and no more. +Religion should have the effect upon mankind that it necessarily has, +and no more. The religion that has to be supported by law is without +value, not only, but a fraud and curse. The religious argument that has +to be supported by a musket, is hardly worth making. A prayer that must +have a cannon behind it, better never be uttered. Forgiveness ought not +to go in partnership with shot and shell. Love need not carry knives and +revolvers. + +So our fathers said: "We will form a secular government, and under the +flag with which we are going to enrich the air, we will allow every man +to worship God as he thinks best." They said: "Religion is an individual +thing between each man and his creator, and he can worship as he pleases +and as he desires." And why did they do this? The history of the world +warned them that the liberty of man was not safe in the clutch and grasp +of any church. They had read of and seen the thumbscrews, the racks, and +the dungeons of the Inquisition. They knew all about the hypocrisy of +the olden time. They knew that the church had stood side by side with +the throne; that the high priests were hypocrites, and that the kings +were robbers. They also knew that if they gave power to any church, it +would corrupt the best church in the world. And so they said that power +must not reside in a church, or in a sect, but power must be wherever +humanity is--in the great body of the people. And the officers and +servants of the people must be responsible to them. And so I say again, +as I said in the commencement, this is the wisest, the pro-foundest, the +bravest political document that ever was written and signed by man. + +They turned, as I tell you, everything squarely about. They derived +all their authority from the people. They did away forever with the +theological idea of government. + +And what more did they say? They said that whenever the rulers abused +this authority, this power, incapable of destruction, returned to the +people. How did they come to say this? I will tell you. They were pushed +into it. How? They felt that they were oppressed; and whenever a man +feels that he is the subject of injustice, his perception of right and +wrong is wonderfully quickened. + +Nobody was ever in prison wrongfully who did not believe in the writ +of _habeas corpus_. Nobody ever suffered wrongfully without instantly +having ideas of justice. + +And they began to inquire what rights the king of Great Britain had. +They began to search for the charter of his authority. They began to +investigate and dig down to the bed-rock upon which society must be +founded, and when they got down there, forced there, too, by their +oppressors, forced against their own prejudices and education, they +found at' the bottom of things, not lords, not nobles, not pulpits, not +thrones, but humanity and the rights of men. + +And so they said, We are men; we are men. They found out they were men. +And the next thing they said, was, "We will be free men; we are weary of +being colonists; we are tired of being subjects; we are men; and these +colonies ought to be states; and these states ought to be a nation; and +that nation ought to drive the last British soldier into the sea." And +so they signed that brave Declaration of Independence. + +I thank every one of them from the bottom of my heart for signing +that sublime declaration. I thank them for their courage--for their +patriotism--for their wisdom--for the splendid confidence in themselves +and in the human race. I thank them for what they were, and for what +we are--for what they did, and for what we have received--for what they +suffered, and for what we enjoy. + +What would we have been if we had remained colonists and subjects? What +would we have been to-day? Nobodies--ready to get down on our knees and +crawl in the very dust at the sight of somebody that was supposed to +have in him some drop of blood that flowed in the veins of that mailed +marauder--that royal robber, William the Conqueror. + +They signed that Declaration of Independence, although they knew that it +would produce a long, terrible, and bloody war. They looked forward and +saw poverty, deprivation, gloom, and death. But they also saw, on the +wrecked clouds of war, the beautiful bow of freedom. + +These grand men were enthusiasts; and the world has been raised only +by enthusiasts. In every country there have been a few who have given +a national aspiration to the people. The enthusiasts of 1776 were the +builders and framers of this great and splendid Government; and they +were the men who saw, although others did not, the golden fringe of +the mantle of glory that will finally cover this world. They knew, they +felt, they believed that they would give a new constellation to +the political heavens--that they would make the Americans a grand +people--grand as the continent upon which they lived. + +The war commenced. There was little money, and less credit. The new +nation had but few friends. To a great extent each soldier of freedom +had to clothe and feed himself. He was poor and pure, brave and good, +and so he went to the fields of death to fight for the rights of man. + +What did the soldier leave when he went? + +He left his wife and children. + +Did he leave them in a beautiful home, surrounded by civilization, in +the repose of law, in the security of a great and powerful republic? + +No. He left his wife and children on the edge, on the fringe of the +boundless forest, in which crouched and crept the red savage, who was at +that time the ally of the still more savage Briton. He left his wife to +defend herself, and he left the prattling babes to be defended by their +mother and by nature. The mother made the living; she planted the corn +and the potatoes, and hoed them in the sun, raised the children, and, +in the darkness of night, told them about their brave father and the +"sacred cause." She told them that in a little while the war would be +over and father would come back covered with honor and glory. + +Think of the women, of the sweet children who listened for the footsteps +of the dead--who waited through the sad and desolate years for the dear +ones who never came. + +The soldiers of 1776 did not march away with music and banners. They +went in silence, looked at and gazed after by eyes filled with tears. +They went to meet, not an equal, but a superior--to fight five times +their number--to make a desperate stand to stop the advance of the +enemy, and then, when their ammunition gave out, seek the protection of +rocks, of rivers, and of hills. + +Let me say here: The greatest test of courage on the earth is to bear +defeat without losing heart. That army is the bravest that can be +whipped the greatest number of times and fight again. + +Over the entire territory, so to speak, then settled by our forefathers, +they were driven again and again. Now and then they would meet the +English with something like equal numbers, and then the eagle of victory +would proudly perch upon the stripes and stars. And so they went on as +best they could, hoping and fighting until they came to the dark and +somber gloom of Valley Forge. + +There were very few hearts then beneath that flag that did not begin to +think that the struggle was useless; that all the blood and treasure had +been shed and spent in vain. But there were some men gifted with +that wonderful prophecy that fulfills itself, and with that wonderful +magnetic power that makes heroes of everybody they come in contact with. + +And so our fathers went through the gloom of that terrible time, and +still fought on. Brave men wrote grand words, cheering the despondent; +brave men did brave deeds, the rich man gave his wealth, the poor man +gave his life, until at last, by the victory of Yorktown, the old banner +won its place in the air, and became glorious forever. + +Seven long years of war--fighting for what? For the principle that +all men are created equal--a truth that nobody ever disputed except a +scoundrel; nobody, nobody in the entire history of this world. No man +ever denied that truth who was not a rascal, and at heart a thief; +never, never, and never will. What else were they fighting for? Simply +that in America every man should have a right to life, liberty, and the +pursuit of happiness. Nobody ever denied that except a villain; never, +never. It has been denied by kings--they were thieves. It has been +denied by statesmen--they were liars. It has been denied by priests, by +clergymen, by cardinals, by bishops, and by popes--they were hypocrites. + +What else were they fighting for? For the idea that all political power +is vested in the great body of the people. The great body of the people +make all the money; do all the work. They plow the land, cut down the +forests; they produce everything that is produced. Then who shall say +what shall be done with what is produced except the producer? + +Is it the non-producing thief, sitting on a throne, surrounded by +vermin? + +Those were the things they were fighting for; and that is all they +were fighting for. They fought to build up a new, a great nation; to +establish an asylum for the oppressed of the world everywhere. They knew +the history of this world. They knew the history of human slavery. + +The history of civilization is the history of the slow and painful +enfranchisement of the human race. In the olden times the family was a +monarchy, the father being the monarch. The mother and children were the +veriest slaves. The will of the father was the supreme law. He had the +power of life and death. It took thousands of years to civilize this +father, thousands of years to make the condition of wife and mother and +child even tolerable. A few families constituted a tribe; the tribe +had a chief; the chief was a tyrant; a few tribes formed a nation; the +nation was governed by a king, who was also a tyrant. A strong nation +robbed, plundered, and took captive the weaker ones. This was the +commencement of human slavery. + +It is not possible for the human imagination to conceive of the horrors +of slavery. It has left no possible crime uncommitted, no possible +cruelty unperpetrated. It has been practiced and defended by all nations +in some form. It has been upheld by all religions. It has been defended +by nearly every pulpit. From the profits derived from the slave trade +churches have been built, cathedrals reared and priests paid. Slavery +has been blessed by bishop, by cardinal, and by pope. It has received +the sanction of statesmen, of kings, and of queens. It has been defended +by the throne, the pulpit and the bench. Monarchs have shared in +the profits. Clergymen have taken their part of the spoils, reciting +passages of Scripture in its defence at the same time, and judges have +taken their portion in the name of equity and law. + +Only a few years ago our ancestors were slaves. Only a few years ago +they passed with and belonged to the soil, like the coal under it and +rocks on it. + +Only a few years ago they were treated like beasts of burden, worse far +than we treat our animals at the present day. Only a few years ago it +was a crime in England for a man to have a Bible in his house, a crime +for which men were hanged, and their bodies afterward burned. Only a few +years ago fathers could and did sell their children. Only a few +years ago our ancestors were not allowed to speak or write their +thoughts--that being a crime. Only a few years ago to be honest, at +least in the expression of your ideas, was a felony. To do right was a +capital offence; and in those days chains and whips were the incentives +to labor, and the preventives of thought. Honesty was a vagrant, +justice a fugitive, and liberty in chains. Only a few years ago men were +denounced because they doubted the inspiration of the Bible--because +they denied miracles, and laughed at the wonders recounted by the +ancient Jews. + +Only a few years ago a man had to believe in the total depravity of the +human heart in order to be respectable. Only a few years ago, people +who thought God too good to punish in eternal flames an unbaptized child +were considered infamous. + +As soon as our ancestors began to get free they began to enslave others. +With an inconsistency that defies explanation, they practiced upon +others the same outrages that had been perpetrated upon them. As soon +as white slavery began to be abolished, black slavery commenced. In this +infamous traffic nearly every nation of Europe embarked. Fortunes were +quickly realized; the avarice and cupidity of Europe were excited; all +ideas of justice were discarded; pity fled from the human breast; a +few good, brave men recited the horrors of the trade; avarice was deaf; +religion refused to hear; the trade went on; the governments of Europe +upheld it in the name of commerce--in the name of civilization and +religion. + +Our fathers knew the history of caste. They knew that in the despotisms +of the Old World it was a disgrace to be useful. They knew that a +mechanic was esteemed as hardly the equal of a hound, and far below +a blooded horse. They knew that a nobleman held a son of labor in +contempt--that he had no rights the royal loafers were bound to respect. + +The world has changed. + +The other day there came shoemakers, potters, workers in wood and iron, +from Europe, and they were received in the city of New York as though +they had been princes. They had been sent by the great republic of +France to examine into the arts and manufactures of the great republic +of America. They looked a thousand times better to me than the Edward +Alberts and Albert Edwards--the royal vermin, that live on the body +politic. And I would think much more of our Government if it would fete +and feast them, instead of wining and dining the imbeciles of a royal +line. + +Our fathers devoted their lives and fortunes to the grand work of +founding a government for the protection of the rights of man. The +theological idea as to the source of political power had poisoned the +web and woof of every government in the world, and our fathers banished +it from this continent forever. + +What we want to-day is what our fathers wrote down. They did not attain +to their ideal; we approach it nearer, but have not reached it yet. We +want, not only the independence of a State, not only the independence of +a nation, but something far more glorious--the absolute independence of +the individual. That is what we want. I want it so that I, one of the +children of Nature, can stand on an equality with the rest; that I can +say this is my air, my sunshine, my earth, and I have a right to live, +and hope, and aspire, and labor, and enjoy the fruit of that labor, as +much as any individual or any nation on the face of the globe. + +We want every American to make to-day, on this hundredth anniversary, a +declaration of individual independence. Let each man enjoy his liberty +to the utmost--enjoy all he can; but be sure it is not at the expense +of another. The French Convention gave the best definition of liberty +I have ever read: "The liberty of one citizen ceases only where the +liberty of another citizen commences." I know of no better definition. I +ask you to-day to make a declaration of individual independence. And +if you are independent be just. Allow everybody else to make his +declaration of individual independence. Allow your wife, allow your +husband, allow your children to make theirs. Let everybody be absolutely +free and independent, knowing only the sacred obligations of honesty and +affection. Let us be independent of party, independent of everybody and +everything except our own consciences and our own brains. Do not belong +to any clique. Have the clear title-deeds in fee simple to yourselves, +without any mortgage on the premises to anybody in the world. + +It is a grand thing to be the owner of yourself. It is a grand thing to +protect the rights of others. It is a sublime thing to be free and just. + +Only a few days ago I stood in Independence Hall--in that little room +where was signed the immortal paper. A little room, like any other; +and it did not seem possible that from that room went forth ideas, +like cherubim and seraphim, spreading their wings over a continent, and +touching, as with holy fire, the hearts of men. + +In a few moments I was in the park, where are gathered the +accomplishments of a century. Our fathers never dreamed of the things I +saw. There were hundreds of locomotives, with their nerves of steel and +breath of flame--every kind of machine, with whirling wheels and curious +cogs and cranks, and the myriad thoughts of men that have been wrought +in iron, brass and steel. And going out from one little building were +wires in the air, stretching to every civilized nation, and they could +send a shining messenger in a moment to any part of the world, and it +would go sweeping under the waves of the sea with thoughts and words +within its glowing heart. I saw all that had been achieved by this +nation, and I wished that the signers of the Declaration--the soldiers +of the Revolution--could see what a century of freedom has produced. +I wished they could see the fields we cultivate--the rivers we +navigate--the railroads running over the Alleghanies, far into what was +then the unknown forest--on over the broad prairies--on over the vast +plains--away over the mountains of the West, to the Golden Gate of the +Pacific. All this is the result of a hundred years of freedom. + +Are you not more than glad that in 1776 was announced the sublime +principle that political power resides with the people? That our fathers +then made up their minds nevermore to be colonists and subjects, but +that they would be free and independent citizens of America? + +I will not name any of the grand men who fought for liberty. All should +be named, or none. I feel that the unknown soldier who was shot down +without even his name being remembered--who was included only in a +report of "a hundred killed," or "a hundred missing," nobody knowing +even the number that attached to his august corpse--is entitled to as +deep and heartfelt thanks as the titled leader who fell at the head of +the host. + +Standing here amid the sacred memories of the first, on the golden +threshold of the second, I ask, Will the second century be as grand +as the first? I believe it will, because we are growing more and more +humane. I believe there is more human kindness, more real, sweet human +sympathy, a greater desire to help one another, in the United States, +than in all the world besides. + +We must progress. We are just at the commencement of invention. The +steam engine--the telegraph--these are but the toys with which science +has been amused. Wait; there will be grander things, there will be wider +and higher culture--a grander standard of character, of literature and +art. + +We have now half as many millions of people as we have years, and many +of us will live until a hundred millions stand beneath the flag. We are +getting more real solid sense. The schoolhouse is the finest building in +the village. We are writing and reading more books; we are painting +and buying more pictures; we are struggling more and more to get at +the philosophy of life, of things--trying more and more to answer +the questions of the eternal Sphinx. We are looking in every +direction--investigating; in short, we are thinking and working. Besides +all this, I believe the people are nearer honest than ever before. A few +years ago we were willing to live upon the labor of four million slaves. +Was that honest? At last, we have a national conscience. At last, we +have carried out the Declaration of Independence. Our fathers wrote +it--we have accomplished it. The black man was a slave--we made him a +citizen. We found four million human beings in manacles, and now the +hands of a race are held up in the free air without a chain. + +I have had the supreme pleasure of seeing a man--once a slave--sitting +in the seat of his former master in the Congress of the United States. +I have had that pleasure, and when I saw it my eyes were filled +with tears. I felt that we had carried, out the Declaration of +Independence--that we had given reality to it, and breathed the breath +of life into its every word. I felt that our flag would float over and +protect the colored man and his little children, standing straight in +the sun, just the same as though he were white and worth a million. +I would protect him more, because the rich white man could protect +himself. + +All who stand beneath our banner are free. Ours is the only flag that +has in reality written upon it: Liberty, Fraternity, Equality--the three +grandest words in all the languages of men. + +Liberty: Give to every man the fruit of his own labor--the labor of his +hands and of his brain. + +Fraternity: Every man in the right is my brother. + +Equality: The rights of all are equal: Justice, poised and balanced in +eternal calm, will shake from the golden scales in which are weighed the +acts of men, the very dust of prejudice and caste: No race, no color, no +previous condition, can change the rights of men. + +The Declaration of Independence has at last been carried out in letter +and in spirit. + +The second century will be grander than the first. + +Fifty millions of people are celebrating this day. To-day, the black man +looks upon his child and says: The avenues to distinction are open to +you--upon your brow may fall the civic wreath--this day belongs to you. + +We are celebrating the courage and wisdom of our fathers, and the glad +shout of a free people the anthem of a grand nation, commencing at the +Atlantic, is following the sun to the Pacific, across a continent of +happy homes. + +We are a great people. Three millions have increased to fifty--thirteen +States to thirty-eight. We have better homes, better clothes, better +food and more of it, and more of the conveniences of life, than any +other people upon the globe. + +The farmers of our country live better than did the kings and princes +two hundred years ago--and they have twice as much sense and heart. +Liberty and labor have given us all. I want every person here to believe +in the dignity of labor--to know that the respectable man is the useful +man--the man who produces or helps others to produce something of value, +whether thought of the brain or work of the hand. + +I want you to go away with an eternal hatred in your breast of +injustice, of aristocracy, of caste, of the idea that one man has more +rights than another because he has better clothes, more land, more +money, because he owns a railroad, or is famous and in high position. +Remember that all men have equal rights. Remember that the man who acts +best his part--who loves his friends the best--is most willing to +help others--truest to the discharge of obligation--who has the best +heart--the most feeling--the deepest sympathies--and who freely gives +to others the rights that he claims for himself is the best man. I am +willing to swear to this. + +What has made this country? I say again, liberty and labor. What would +we be without labor? I want every farmer when plowing the rustling corn +of June--while mowing in the perfumed fields--to feel that he is +adding to the wealth and glory of the United States. I want every +mechanic--every man of toil, to know and feel that he is keeping the +cars running, the telegraph wires in the air; that he is making the +statues and painting the pictures; that he is writing and printing the +books; that he is helping to fill the world with honor, with happiness, +with love and law. + +Our country is founded upon the dignity of labor--upon the equality +of man. Ours is the first real Republic in the history of the world. +Beneath our flag the people are free. We have retired the gods from +politics. We have found that man is the only source of political +power, and that the governed should govern. We have disfranchised the +aristocrats of the air and have given one country to mankind. + + + + +BANGOR SPEECH. + + * Yesterday was a glorious day for the Republicans of + Bangor. The weather was delightful and all the imposing + exercises of the day were conducted with a gratifying and + even inspiring success. + + The noon train from Waterville brought Gov. Connor, Col. + Ingersoll and Senator Blaine. + + At 3 p. m. the speakers arrived at the grounds and were + received with applause as they ascended the platform, where + a number of the most prominent citizens of Bangor and + vicinity were assembled. At this time the platform was + surrounded by a dense mass of people, numbering thousands. + The meeting was called to order by C. A. Boutelle, in behalf + of the Republican State Committee. As Col. Ingersoll was + introduced by Gov. Connor he was welcomed by tumultuous + cheers, which he gracefully acknowledged. + + As we said before, no report could do justice to such a + masterly effort as that of the great Western Orator, and we + have not attempted to convey any adequate impression of an + address which is conceded on all hands to be the most + remarkable for originality, power and eloquence ever heard + in this section. + + Such a speech by such a man--if there is another--must be + heard; the magnetism of the speaker must be felt; the + indescribable influence must be experienced, in order to + appreciate his wonderful power. The vast audience was + alternately swayed from enthusiasm for the grand principles + advocated, to indignation at the crimes of Democracy, as the + record of that party was scorched with his invective; from + laughter at the ludicrous presentment of Democratic + inconsistencies, to tears brought forth by the pathos and + eloquence of his appeals for justice and humanity. During + portions of his address there was moisture in the eyes of + every person in the audience, and from opening to close he + held the assemblage by a spell more potent than that of any + man we have ever heard speak. It was one of the grandest, + most cogent and thrilling appeals in behalf of the great + principles of liberty, loyalty and justice to all men, ever + delivered, and we wish it might have been heard by every + citizen of our beloved Republic. The Colonel was repeatedly + urged by the audience to go on, and he spoke for about two + hours with undiminished fervor. His hearers would gladly + have given him audience for two hours longer, but with a + splendid tribute to Mr. Blaine as the strongest tie between + New England and the West, he took his seat amid the ringing + cheers and plaudits of the assemblage.--The Whig and + Courier, Bangor, Maine, August 25,1876. + + +HAYES CAMPAIGN + +1876. + +I HAVE the honor to belong to the Republican party; the grandest, the +sublimest party in the history of the world. This grand party is not +only in favor of the liberty of the body, but also the liberty of the +soul. This sublime party gives to all the labor of their hands and of +their brains. This party allows every person to think for himself and +to express his thoughts. The Republican party forges no chains for the +mind, no fetters for the souls of men. It declares that the intellectual +domain shall be forever free. In the free air there is room for every +wing. The Republican party endeavors to remove all obstructions on the +highway of progress. In this sublime undertaking it asks the assistance +of all. Its platform is Continental. Upon it there is room for +the Methodist, the Baptist, the Catholic, the Universalist, the +Presbyterian, and the Freethinker. There is room for all who are in +favor of the preservation of the sacred rights of men. + +I am going to give you a few reasons for voting the Republican ticket. +The Republican party depends upon reason, upon argument, upon education, +upon intelligence and upon patriotism. The Republican party makes no +appeal to ignorance and prejudice. It wishes to destroy both. + +It is the party of humanity, the party that hates caste, that honors +labor, that rewards toil, that believes in justice. It appeals to all +that is elevated and noble in man, to the higher instincts, to the +nobler aspirations. It has accomplished grand things. + +The horizon of the past is filled with the glory of Republican +achievement. The monuments of its wisdom, its power and patriotism crowd +all the fields of conflict. Upon the Constitution this party wrote +equal rights for all; upon every statute book, humanity; upon the flag, +liberty. The Republican party of the United States is the conscience of +the nineteenth century. It is the justice of this age, the embodiment +of social progress and honor. It has no knee for the past. Its face is +toward the future. It is the party of advancement, of the dawn, of the +sunrise. + +The Republican party commenced its grand career by saying that the +institution of human slavery had cursed enough American soil; that the +territories should not be damned with that most infamous thing; that +this country was sacred to freedom; that slavery had gone far enough. +Upon that issue the great campaign of 1860 was fought and won. The +Republican party was born of wisdom and conscience. + +The people of the South claimed that slavery should be protected; that +the doors of the territories should be thrown open to them and to their +institutions. They not only claimed this, but they also insisted that +the Constitution of the United States protected slave property, the same +as other property everywhere. The South was defeated, and then appealed +to arms. In a moment all their energies were directed toward the +destruction of this Government. They commenced the war--they fired upon +the flag that had protected them for nearly a century. + +The North was compelled to decide instantly between the destruction of +the nation and civil war. + +The division between the friends and enemies of the Union at once took +place. The Government began to defend itself. To carry on the war money +was necessary. The Government borrowed, and finally issued its notes and +bonds. The Democratic party in the North sympathized with the Rebellion. +Everything was done to hinder, embarrass, obstruct and delay. They +endeavored to make a rebel breastwork of the Constitution; to create +a fire in the rear. They denounced the Government; resisted the draft; +shot United States officers; declared the war a failure and an outrage; +rejoiced over our defeats, and wept and cursed at our victories. + +To crush the Rebellion in the South and keep in subjection the +Democratic party at the North, thousands of millions of money were +expended--the nation burdened with a fearful debt, and the best blood of +the country poured out upon the fields of battle. + +In order to destroy the Rebellion it became necessary to destroy +slavery. As a matter of fact, slavery was the Rebellion. As soon as +this truth forced itself upon the Government--thrust as it were into +the brain of the North upon the point of a rebel bayonet--the Republican +party resolved to destroy forever the last vestige of that savage and +cruel institution; an institution that made white men devils and black +men beasts. + +The Republican party put down the Rebellion; saved the nation; destroyed +slavery; made the slave a citizen; put the ballot in the hands of the +black man; forgave the assassins of the Government; restored nearly +every rebel to citizenship, and proclaimed peace to, and for each and +all. + +For sixteen years the country has been in the hands of that great party. +For sixteen years that grand party, in spite of rebels in arms--in spite +of the Democratic party of the North, has preserved the territorial +integrity, and the financial honor of the country. It has endeavored to +enforce the laws; it has tried to protect loyal men at the South; it has +labored to bring murderers and assassins to justice, and it is working +now to preserve the priceless fruits of its great victory. + +The present question is, whom shall we trust? To whom shall we give the +reins of power? What party will best preserve the rights of the people? + +What party is most deserving of our confidence? There is but one way +to determine the character of a party, and that is, by ascertaining its +history. + +Could we have safely trusted the Democratic party in 1860? No. And why +not? Because it was a believer in the right of secession--a believer +in the sacredness of human slavery. The Democratic party then solemnly +declared--speaking through its most honored and trusted leaders--that +each State had the right to secede. This made the Constitution a _nudum +pactum_, a contract without a consideration, a Democratic promise, a +wall of mist, and left every State free to destroy at will the fabric of +American Government--the fabric reared by our fathers through years of +toil and blood. + +Could we have safely trusted that party in 1864, when, in convention +assembled, it declared the war a failure, and wished to give up the +contest at a moment when universal victory was within the grasp of the +Republic? Had the people put that party in power then, there would have +been a Southern Confederacy to-day, and upon the limbs of four million +people the chains of slavery would still have clanked. Is there one man +present who, to-day, regrets that the Vallandigham Democracy of 1864 was +spurned and beaten by the American people? Is there one man present who, +to-day, regrets the utter defeat of that mixture of slavery, malice and +meanness, called the Democratic party, in 1864? + +Could we have safely trusted that party in 1868? + +At that time the Democracy of the South was trying to humble and +frighten the colored people or exterminate them. These inoffensive +colored people were shot down without provocation, without mercy. The +white Democrats were as relentless as fiends. They killed simply to +kill. They murdered these helpless people, thinking that they were in +some blind way getting their revenge upon the people of the North. No +tongue can exaggerate the cruelties practiced upon the helpless freedmen +of the South. These white Democrats had been reared amid and by slavery. +Slavery knows no such thing as justice, no such thing as mercy. Slavery +does not dream of governing by reason, by argument or persuasion. +Slavery depends upon force, upon the bowie-knife, the revolver, the +whip, the chain and the bloodhound. The white Democrats of the South had +been reared amid slavery; they cared nothing for reason; they knew of +but one thing to be used when there was a difference of opinion or a +conflict of interest, and that was brute force. It never occurred to +them to educate, to inform, and to reason. It was easier to shoot than +to reason; it was quicker to stab than to argue; cheaper to kill than +to educate. A grave costs less than a schoolhouse; bullets were cheaper +than books; and one knife could stab more than forty schools could +convert. + +They could not bear to see the negro free--to see the former slave +trampling on his old chains, holding a ballot in his hand. They could +not endure the sight of a negro in office. It was gall and wormwood +to think of a slave occupying a seat in Congress; to think of a negro +giving his ideas about the political questions of the day. And so these +white Democrats made up their minds that by a reign of terrorism they +would drive the negro from the polls, drive him from all official +positions, and put him back in reality in the old condition. To +accomplish this they commenced a system of murder, of assassination, +of robbery, theft, and plunder, never before equaled in extent and +atrocity. All this was in its height when in 1868 the Democracy asked +the control of this Government. + +Is there a man here who in his heart regrets that the Democrats failed +in 1868? Do you wish that the masked murderers who rode in the darkness +of night to the hut of the freedman and shot him down like a wild beast, +regardless of the prayers and tears of wife and children, were now +holding positions of honor and trust in this Government? Are you sorry +that these assassins were defeated in 1868? + +In 1872 the Democratic party, bent upon victory, greedy for office, with +itching palms and empty pockets, threw away all principle--if Democratic +doctrines can be called principles--and nominated a life-long enemy +of their party for President. No one doubted or doubts the loyalty +and integrity of Horace Greeley. But all knew that if elected he would +belong to the party electing him; that he would have to use Democrats as +his agents, and all knew, or at least feared, that the agents would own +and use the principal. All believed that in the malicious clutch of +the Democratic party Horace Greeley would be not a President, but a +prisoner--not a ruler, but a victim. Against that grand man I have +nothing to say. I simply congratulate him upon his escape from being +used as a false key by the Democratic party. + +During all these years the Democratic party prophesied the destruction +of the Government, the destruction of the Constitution, and the +banishment of liberty from American soil. + +In 1864 that party declared that after four years of failure to restore +the Union by the experiment of war, there should be a cessation of +hostilities. They then declared "that the Constitution had been violated +in every part, and that public liberty and private rights had been +trodden down." + +And yet the Constitution remained and still remains; public liberty +still exists, and private rights are still respected. + +In 1868, growing more desperate, and being still filled with the spirit +of prophecy, this same party in its platform said: "Under the repeated +assaults of the Republican party, the pillars of the Government are +rocking on their base, and should it succeed in November next, and +inaugurate its President, we will meet as a subjected and conquered +people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the +Constitution." + +The Republican party did succeed in November, 1868, and did inaugurate +its President, and we did not meet as a subjected and conquered +people amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of +the Constitution. We met as a victorious people, amid the proudest +achievements of liberty, protected by a Constitution spotless and +stainless--pure as the Alpine snow thrice sifted by the northern blast. + +You must not forget the condition of the Government when it came into +the hands of the Republican party. Its treasury was empty, its means +squandered, its navy dispersed, its army unreliable, the offices filled +with rebels and rebel spies; the Democratic party of the North rubbing +its hands in a kind of hellish glee and shouting, "I told you so." + +When the Republican party came into power in 1861, it found the Southern +States in arms; it came into power when human beings were chained hand +to hand and driven like cattle to market; when white men were engaged +in the ennobling business of raising dogs to pursue and catch men and +women; when the bay of the bloodhound was considered as the music of the +Union. It came into power when, from thousands of pulpits, slavery was +declared to be a divine institution. It took the reins of Government +when education was an offence, when mercy, humanity and justice were +political crimes. + +The Republican party came into power when the Constitution of the United +States upheld the crime of crimes, a Constitution that gave the lie +direct to the Declaration of Independence, and, as I said before, when +the Southern States were in arms. + +To the fulfillment of its great destiny it gave all its energies. To the +almost superhuman task, it gave its every thought and power. For four +long and terrible years, with vast armies in the field against it; beset +by false friends; in constant peril; betrayed again and again; stabbed +by the Democratic party, in the name of the Constitution; reviled and +slandered beyond conception; attacked in every conceivable manner--the +Republican party never faltered for an instant. Its courage increased +with the difficulties to be overcome. Hopeful in defeat, confident +in disaster, merciful in victory; sustained by high aims and noble +aspirations, it marched forward, through storms of shot and shell--on to +the last fortification of treason and rebellion--forward to the shining +goal of victory, lasting and universal. + +During these savage and glorious years, the Democratic party of the +North, as a party, assisted the South. Democrats formed secret societies +to burn cities--to release rebel prisoners. They shot down officers who +were enforcing the draft; they declared the war unconstitutional; +they left nothing undone to injure the credit of the Government; they +persuaded soldiers to desert; they went into partnership with rebels +for the purpose of spreading contagious diseases through the North. They +were the friends and allies of persons who regarded yellow fever and +smallpox as weapons of civilized warfare. In spite of all this, the +Republicans succeeded. + +The Democrats declared slavery to be a divine institution; The +Republican party abolished it. The Constitution of the United States was +changed from a sword that stabbed the rights of four million people to a +shield for every human being beneath our flag. + +The Democrats of New York burned orphan asylums and inaugurated a reign +of terror in order to co-operate with the raid of John Morgan. Remember, +my friends, that all this was done when the fate of our country trembled +in the balance of war; that all this was done when the great heart of +the North was filled with agony and courage; when the question was, +"Shall Liberty or Slavery triumph?" + +No words have ever passed the human lips strong enough to curse the +Northern allies of the South. + +The United States wanted money. It wanted money to buy muskets and +cannon and shot and shell, it wanted money to pay soldiers, to buy +horses, wagons, ambulances, clothing and food. Like an individual, it +had to borrow this money; and, like an honest individual, it must pay +this money. Clothed with sovereignty, it had, or at least exercised, the +power to make its notes a legal tender. This quality of being a legal +tender was the only respect in which these notes differ from those +signed by an individual. As a matter of fact, every note issued was +a forced loan from the people, a forced loan from the soldiers in the +field--in short, a forced loan from every person that took a single +dollar. Upon every one of these notes is printed a promise. The belief +that this promise will be made good gives every particle of value to +each note that it has. Although each note, by law, is a legal tender, +yet if the Government declared that it never would redeem these +notes, the people would not take them if revolution could hurl such a +Government from power. So that the belief that these notes will finally +be paid, added to the fact that in the meantime they are a legal tender, +gives them all the value they have. And, although all are substantially +satisfied that they will be paid, none know at what time. This +uncertainty as to the time, as to when, affects the value of these +notes. + +They must be paid, unless a promise can be delayed so long as to amount +to a fulfillment. They must be paid. The question is, "How?" The answer +is, "By the industry and prosperity of the people." They cannot be paid +by law. Law made them; labor must pay them; and they must be paid out +of the profits of the people. We must pay the debt with eggs, not with +goose. In a terrible war we spent thousands of millions; all the bullets +thrown; all the powder burned; all the property destroyed, of every +sort, kind, and character; all the time of the people engaged--all these +things were a dead loss. The debt represents the loss. Paying the debt +is simply repairing the loss. When we, as a people, shall have made +a net amount, equal to the amount thrown, as it were, away in war, +or somewhere near that amount, we will resume specie payment; we will +redeem our promises. We promised on paper, we shall pay in gold and +silver. We asked the people to hold this paper until we got the money, +and they are holding the paper and we are getting the money. + +As soon as the slaves were free, the Republican party said, "They must +be citizens, not vagrants." The Democratic party opposed this just, this +generous measure. The freedmen were made citizens. The Republican party +then said, "These citizens must vote; they must have the ballot, to keep +what the bullet has won." The Democratic party said "No." The negroes +received the ballot. The Republican party then said, "These voters must +be educated, so that the ballot shall be the weapon of intelligence, not +of ignorance." The Democratic party objected. But schools were founded, +and books were put in the hands of the colored people, instead of whips +upon their backs. We said to the Southern people, "The colored men are +citizens; their rights must be respected; they are voters, they must +be allowed to vote; they were and are our friends, and we are their +protectors." + +All this was accomplished by the Republican party. + +It changed the organic law of the land, so that it is now a proper +foundation for a free government; it struck the cruel shackles from four +million human beings; it put down the most gigantic rebellion in the +history of the world; it expunged from the statute books of every +State, and of the Nation, all the cruel and savage laws that Slavery +had enacted; it took whips from the backs, and chains from the limbs, of +men; it dispensed with bloodhounds as the instruments of civilization; +it banished to the memory of barbarism the slave-pen, the auction block, +and the whipping-post; it purified a Nation; it elevated the human race. + +All this was opposed by the Democratic party; opposed with a bitterness, +compared to which ordinary malice is sweet. I say the Democratic party, +because I consider those who fought against the Government, in the +fields of the South, and those who opposed in the North, as +Democrats--one and all. The Democratic party has been, during all these +years, the enemy of civilization, the hater of liberty, the despiser of +justice. + +When I say the Democratic party sympathized with the Rebellion, I mean +a majority of that party. I know there are in the Democratic party, +soldiers who fought for the Union. I do not know why they are there, but +I have nothing to say against them. I will never utter a word against +any man who bared his breast to a storm of shot and shell, for the +preservation of the Republic. When I use the term Democratic party, I do +not mean those soldiers. + +There are others in the Democratic party who are there just because +their fathers were Democrats. They do not mean any particular harm. +Others are there because they could not amount to anything in the +Republican party. A man only fit for a corporal in the Republican ranks, +will make a leader in the Democratic party. By the Democratic party, +I mean that party that sided with the South--that believed in +secession--that loved slavery--that hated liberty--that denounced +Lincoln as a tyrant--that burned orphan asylums--that gloried in our +disasters--that denounced every effort to save the nation--they are the +gentlemen I mean, and they constitute a large majority of the Democratic +party. + +The Democrats hate the negro to-day, with a hatred begotten of a +well-grounded fear that the colored people are rapidly becoming their +superiors in industry, intellect and character. + +The colored people have suffered enough. They were and are our friends. +They are the friends of this country, and cost what it may they must +be protected. The white loyal man must be protected. They have been +ostracized, slandered, mobbed, and murdered. Their very blood cries from +the ground. + +These two things--payment of the debt and protection of loyal citizens, +are the things to be done. Which party can be trusted? + +Which will be the more apt to pay the debt? + +Which will be the more apt to protect the colored and white loyalist at +the South? + +Who is Samuel J. Tilden? + +Samuel J. Tilden is an attorney. He never gave birth to an elevated, +noble sentiment in his life. He is a kind of legal spider, watching in +a web of technicalities for victims. He is a compound of cunning and +heartlessness--of beak and claw and fang. He is one of the few men who +can grab a railroad and hide the deep cuts, tunnels and culverts in a +single night. He is a corporation wrecker. He is a demurrer filed by the +Confederate congress. He waits on the shores of bankruptcy to clutch the +drowning by the throat. He was never married. The Democratic party +has satisfied the longings of his heart. He has looked upon love as +weakness. He has courted men because women cannot vote. He has contented +himself by adopting a rag-baby, that really belongs to Mr. Hendricks, +and his principal business at present is explaining how he came to adopt +this child. + +Samuel J. Tilden has been for years without number a New York Democrat. + +New York has been, and still is, the worst governed city in the world. +Political influence is bought and sold like stocks and bonds. Nearly +every contract is larceny in disguise--nearly every appointment is a +reward for crime, and every election is a fraud. Among such men Samuel +J. Tilden has lived; with such men he has acted; by such men he has been +educated; such men have been his scholars, and such men are his friends. +These men resisted the draft, but Samuel J. Tilden remained their +friend. They burned orphan asylums, but Tilden's friendship never +cooled. They inaugurated riot and murder, but Tilden wavered not. They +stole a hundred millions, and when no more was left to steal--when the +people could not even pay the interest on the amount stolen--then these +Democrats, clapping their hands over their bursting pockets, began +shouting for reform. Mr. Tilden has been a reformer for years, +especially of railroads. The vital issue with him has been the issue +of bogus stock. Although a life-long Democrat, he has been an +amalgamationist--of corporations. While amassing millions, he has +occasionally turned his attention to national affairs. He left his +private affairs (and his reputation depends upon these affairs being +kept private) long enough to assist the Democracy to declare the war for +the restoration of the Union a failure; long enough to denounce Lincoln +as a tyrant and usurper. He was generally too busy to denounce the +political murders and assassinations in the South--too busy to say a +word in favor of justice and liberty; but he found time to declare the +war for the preservation of the country an outrage. He managed to spare +time enough to revile the Proclamation of Emancipation--time enough to +shed a few tears over the corpse of slavery; time enough to oppose +the enfranchisement of the colored man; time enough to raise his voice +against the injustice of putting a loyal negro on a political level with +a pardoned rebel; time enough to oppose every forward movement of the +nation. + +No man should ever be elected President of this country who raised his +hand to dismember and destroy it. No man should be elected President who +sympathized with those who were endeavoring to destroy it. No man should +be elected President of this great nation who, when it was in deadly +peril, did not endeavor to save it by act and word. No man should +be elected President who does not believe that every negro should be +free--that the colored people should be allowed to vote. No man +should be placed at the head of the nation--in command of the army +and navy--who does not believe that the Constitution, with all its +amendments, should be sacredly enforced. No man should be elected +President of this nation who believes in the Democratic doctrine of +"States Rights;" who believes that this Government is only a federation +of States. No man should be elected President of our great country +who aided and abetted her enemies in war--who advised or countenanced +resistance to a draft in time of war, who by slander impaired her +credit, sneered at her heroes, and laughed at her martyrs. Samuel J. +Tilden is the possessor of nearly every disqualification mentioned. + +Mr. Tilden is the author of an essay on finance, commonly called a +letter of acceptance, in which his ideas upon the great subject are +given in the plainest and most direct manner imaginable. All through +this letter or essay there runs a vein of honest bluntness really +refreshing. As a specimen of bluntness and clearness, take the following +extracts: + +How shall the Government make these notes at all times as good as +specie? It has to provide in reference to the mass which would be kept +in use by the wants of business a central reservoir of coin, adequate +to the adjustment of the temporary fluctuations of the international +balance, and as a guaranty against transient drains, artificially +created by panic or by speculation. It has also to provide for the +payment in coin of such fractional currency as may be presented +for redemption, and such inconsiderable portion of legal tenders as +individuals may from time to time desire to convert for special use, or +in order to lay by in coin their little store of money. To make the +coin now in the treasury available for the objects of this reserve, to +gradually strengthen and enlarge that reserve, and to provide for such +other exceptional demands for coin as may arise, does not seem to me a +work of difficulty. If wisely planned and discreetly pursued, it ought +not to cost any sacrifice to the business of the country. It should +tend, on the contrary, to the revival of hope and confidence. + +In other words, the way to pay the debt is to get the money, and the +way to get the money is to provide a central reservoir of coin to adjust +fluctuations. As to the resumption he gives us this: + +The proper time for the resumption is the time when wise preparation +shall have ripened into perfect ability to accomplish the object with +a certainty and ease that will inspire confidence and encourage the +reviving of business. + +The earliest time in which such a result can be brought about is best. +Even when preparations shall have been matured, the exact date would +have to be chosen with reference to the then existing state of trade and +credit operations in our own country, and the course of foreign commerce +and condition of exchanges with other nations. The specific measure and +actual date are matters of details, having reference to ever-changing +conditions. They belong to the domain of practical, administrative +statesmanship. The captain of a steamer, about starting from New York to +Liverpool, does not assemble a council over his ocean craft, and fix +an angle by which to lash the rudder for the whole voyage. A human +intelligence must be at the helm to discern the shifting forces of water +and winds. A human mind must be at the helm to feel the elements day by +day, and guide to a mastery over them. Such preparations are everything. +Without them a legislative command fixing a day--an official promise +fixing a day, are shams. They are worse. They are a snare and a delusion +to all who trust them. They destroy all confidence among thoughtful men +whose judgment will at last sway public opinion. An attempt to act on +such a command, or such a promise without preparation, would end in a +new suspension. It would be a fresh calamity, prolific of confusion, +distrust, and distress. + +That is to say, Congress has not sufficient intelligence to fix the +date of resumption. They cannot fix the proper time. But a Democratic +convention has human intelligence enough to know that the first day of +January, 1879, is not the proper date. That convention knew what the +state of trade and credit in our country and the course of foreign +commerce and the condition of exchanges with other nations would be on +the first day of January, 1879. Of course they did, or else they +never would have had the impudence to declare that resumption would be +impossible at that date. + +The next extract is more luminous still: + +The Government of the United States, in my opinion, can advance to a +resumption of specie payments on its legal tender notes by gradual and +safe processes tending to relieve the present business distress. If +charged by the people with the administration of the executive office, I +should deem it a duty so to exercise the powers with which it has or may +be invested by Congress, as the best and soonest to conduct the country +to that beneficent result. + +Why did not this great statesman tell us of some "gradual and safe +process"? He promises, if elected, to so administer the Government that +it will soon reach a beneficent result. How is this to be done? What is +his plan? Will he rely on "a human intelligence at the helm," or on "the +central reservoir," or on some "gradual and safe process"? + +I defy any man to read this letter and tell me what Mr. Tilden really +proposes to do. There is nothing definite said. He uses such general +terms, such vague and misty expressions, such unmeaning platitudes, that +the real idea, if he had one, is lost in fog and mist. + +Suppose I should, in the most solemn and impressive manner, tell +you that the fluctuations caused in the vital stability of shifting +financial operations, not to say speculations of the wildest character, +cannot be rendered instantly accountable to a true financial theory +based upon the great law that the superfluous is not a necessity, except +in vague thoughts of persons unacquainted with the exigencies of the +hour, and cannot, in the absence of a central reservoir of coin with +a human intelligence at the head, hasten by any system of convertible +bonds the expectation of public distrust, no matter how wisely planned +and discreetly pursued, failure is assured whatever the real result may +be. + +Must we wage this war for the right forever? Is there no time when the +soldiers of progress can rest? Will the bugles of the great army of +civilization never sound even a halt? It does seem as though there +can be no stop, no rest. It is in the world of mind as in the physical +world. Every plant of value has to be cultivated. The land must be +plowed, the seeds must be planted and watered. It must be guarded every +moment. Its enemies crawl in the earth and fly in the air. The sun +scorches it, the rain drowns it, the dew rusts it. He who wins it must +fight. But the weeds they grow in spite of all. Nobody plows for them +except accident. The winds sow the seeds, chance covers them, and they +flourish and multiply. The sun cannot burn them--they laugh at rain and +frost--they care not for birds and beasts. In spite of all they grow. It +is the same in politics. A true Republican must continue to grow, must +work, must think, must advance. The Republican party is the party of +progress, of ideas, of work. To make a Republican you must have schools, +books, papers. To make a Democrat, take all these away. Republicans are +the useful; Democrats the noxious--corn and wheat against the dog fennel +and Canada thistles. + +Republicans of Maine, do not forget that each of you has two votes in +this election--one in Maine and one in Indiana. + +Remember that we are relying on you. There is no stronger tie between +the prairies of Illinois and the pines of Maine--between the Western +States and New England, than James G. Blaine. + +We are relying on Maine for from twelve to fifteen thousand on the +12th of September, and Indiana will answer with from fifteen to twenty +thousand, and hearing these two votes the Nation in November will +declare for Hayes and Wheeler.* + + * This being a newspaper report, and never revised by the + author, is of necessity incomplete, but the publisher feels + that it should not be lost + + + + +COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK. + + *Col. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois last night, at Cooper + Union, spoke on the political issues of the day, at unusual + length, to the largest and most enthusiastic audience which, + during the last ten years, any single speaker has attracted. + His address was in his happiest epigrammatic style, and was + interrupted every few moments either by the most uproarious + laughter or enthusiastic cheering. It is no exaggeration to + say that the meeting was the largest Cooper Institute has + seen since the war. Not merely the main hall was filled, but + the wide corridor in Third Avenue, the entrance hall in + Eighth Street, and every Committee-room to which his voice + could reach, though the speaker was unseen, were crowded--in + fact, literally packed. Half an hour before the hour named + for the organization of the meeting, admission to the body + of the hall was almost impossible; and selected officers, + and the speaker of the evening himself had to beg their way + to the platform. The latter was as painfully crowded with + invited guests as the body of the hall; and ingress was + impossible after the speaker began, and egress was almost as + difficult owing to the pressure in the committee-room + through which the platform is approached. + + Not only in numbers alone, but in the prominence of the + persons present, was the meeting impressive. Besides the + usual large quota of active politicians always seen at such + meetings, there were seen numbers of leading merchants, + financiers, and lawyers of New York, prominent officials not + only of the City but the State and National Government. + + The speech was nearly two hours In length, but as the + interruptions were frequent, indeed almost continuous, it + seemed very short, and when Mr. Ingersoll concluded his fire + of epigrams, there were loud calls and appeals to him to go + on. There were suggestions by some of the managers, of other + speakers who might follow him, but the presiding officer + wisely decided to submit no other speaker to the too severe + test of speaking on the same occasion with Mr. Ingersoll. + + Chauncey M. Depew, on leaving the hall, remarked that it was + the greatest speech he ever heard, and numbers of old + campaigners were equally enthusiastic. At its conclusion, + the reception which Mr. Ingersoll held on the platform + lasted over half-an-hour, and when finally Commissioner + Wheeler piloted him through the crowd to his coach, three or + four hundred of the audience followed and gave him lusty + cheers as he drove off.--New York Tribune, September + 11,1876. + + +HAYES CAMPAIGN. + +1876. + +I AM just on my way home from the grand old State of Maine, and there +has followed me a telegraphic dispatch which I will read to you. If it +were not good, you may swear I would not read it: "Every Congressional +district, every county in Maine, Republican by a large majority. The +victory is overwhelming, and the majority will exceed 15,000." That +dispatch is signed by that knight-errant of political chivalry, James G. +Blaine. + +I suppose we are all stockholders in the great corporation known as the +United States of America, and as such stockholders we have a right to +vote the way we think will best subserve our own interests. Each one has +certain stock in this Government, whether he is rich, or whether he is +poor, and the poor man has the same interest in the United States of +America that the richest man in it has. It is our duty, conscientiously +and honestly, to hear the argument upon both sides of the political +question, and then go and vote conscientiously for the side that we +believe will best preserve our interest in the United States of America. +Two great parties are before you now asking your support--the Democratic +party and the Republican party. One wishes to be kept in power, the +other wishes to have a chance once more at the Treasury of the United +States. The Democratic party is probably the hungriest organization that +ever wandered over the desert of political disaster in the history of +the world. There never was, in all probability, a political stomach +so thoroughly empty, or an appetite so outrageously keen as the one +possessed by the Democratic party. The Democratic party has been howling +like a pack of wolves looking in with hungry and staring eyes at the +windows of the National Capitol, and scratching at the doors of the +White House. They have been engaged in these elegant pursuits for +sixteen long, weary years. Occasionally they have retired to some +convenient eminence and lugubriously howled about the Constitution. +The Democratic party comes and asks for your vote, not on account of +anything it has done, not on account of anything it has accomplished, +but on account of what it promises to do; the Democratic party can make +just as good a promise as any other party in the world, and it will +come farther from fulfilling it than any other party on this globe. The +Republican party having held this Government for sixteen years, proposes +to hold it for four years more. The Republican party comes to you with +its record open, and asks every man, woman and child in this broad +country to read its every word. And I say to you, that there is not a +line, a paragraph, or a page of that record that is not only an honor +to the Republican party, but to the human race. On every page of that +record is written some great and glorious action, done either for the +liberty of man, or the preservation of our common country. We ask every +body to read its every word. The Democratic party comes before you with +its record closed, recording every blot and blur, and stain and treason, +and slander and malignity, and asks you not to read a single word, but +to be kind enough to take its infamous promises for the future. + +Now, my friends, I propose to tell you, to-night, something that has +been done by the Democratic party, and then allow you to judge for +yourselves. Now, if a man came to you, you owning a steamboat on the +Hudson River, and he wished to hire out to you as an engineer, and you +inquired about him, and found he had blown up and destroyed and wrecked +every steamboat he had ever been engineer on, and you should tell him: +"I can't hire you; you blew up such an engine, you wrecked such a ship," +he would say to you, "My Lord! Mister, you must let bygones be bygones." +If a man came to your bank, or came to a solitary individual here to +borrow a hundred dollars, and you went and inquired about him and found +he never paid a note in his life, found he was a dead-beat, and you say +to him, "I cannot loan you money." "Why?" "Because, I have ascertained +you never pay your debts." "Ah, yes," he says, "you are no gentleman +going prying into a man's record," I tell you, my good friends, a good +character rests upon a record, and not upon a prospectus, a good record +rests upon a deed accomplished, and not upon a promise, a good character +rests upon something really done, and not upon a good resolution, and +you cannot make a good character in a day. If you could, Tilden would +have one to-morrow night. + +I propose now to tell you, my friends, a little of the history of the +Republican party, also a little of the history of the Democratic party. + +And first, the Republican party. The United States of America is a free +country, it is the only free country upon this earth; it is the only +republic that was ever established among men. We have read, we have +heard, of the republics of Greece, of Egypt, of Venice; we have heard of +the free cities of Europe. There never was a republic of Venice; there +never was a republic of Rome; there never was a republic of Athens; +there never was a free city in Europe; there never was a government not +cursed with caste; there never was a government not cursed with slavery; +there never was a country not cursed with almost every infamy, until the +Republican party of the United States made this a free country. It is +the first party in the world that contended that the respectable man was +the useful man; it is the first party in the world that said, without +regard to previous conditions, without regard to race, every human being +is entitled to life, to liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and it is +the only party in the world that has endeavored to carry those sublime +principles into actual effect. Every other party has been allied to +some piece of rascality; every other party has been patched up with some +thieving, larcenous, leprous compromise. The Republican party keeps +its forehead in the grand dawn of perpetual advancement; the Republican +party is the party of reason; it is the party of argument; it is +the party of education; it believes in free schools, it believes in +scientific schools; it believes that the schools are for the public and +all the public; it believes that science never should be interfered with +by any sectarian influence whatever. + +The Republican party is in favor of science; the Republican party, as +I said before, is the party of reason; it argues; it does not mob; it +reasons; it does not murder; it persuades you, not with the shot gun, +not with tar and feathers, but with good sound reason, and argument. + +In order for you to ascertain what the Republican party has done for us, +let us refresh ourselves a little; we all know it, but it is well enough +to hear it now and then. Let us then refresh our recollection a little, +in order to understand what the grand and great Republican party has +accomplished in the land. + +We will consider, in the first place, the condition of the country when +the Republican party was born. When this Republican party was born there +was upon the statute books of the United States of America a law known +as the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, by which every man in the State of +New York was made by law a bloodhound, and could be set and hissed upon +a negro, who was simply attempting to obtain his birthright of freedom, +just as you would set a dog upon a wolf. That was the Fugitive Slave Law +of 1850. Around the neck of every man it put a collar as on a dog, but +it had not the decency to put the man's name on the collar. I said in +the State of Maine, and several other States, and expect to say it again +although I hurt the religious sentiment of the Democratic party, and +shocked the piety of that organization by saying it, but I did say then, +and now say, that the Fugitive Slave Law in 1850 would have disgraced +hell in its palmiest days. + +I tell you, my friends, you do not know how easy it is to shock the +religious sentiments of the Democratic party; there is a deep and pure +vein of piety running through that organization; it has been for years +spiritually inclined; there is probably no organization in the world +that really will stand by any thing of a spiritual character, at least +until it is gone, as that Democratic party will. Everywhere I have been +I have crushed their religious hopes. You have no idea how sorry I am +that I hurt their feelings so upon the subject of religion. Why, I did +not suppose that they cared anything about Christianity, but I have been +deceived. I now find that they do, and I have done what no other man in +the United States ever did--I have made the Democratic party come to the +defence of Christianity. I have made the Democratic party use what +time they could spare between drinks in quoting Scripture. But +notwithstanding the fact that I have shocked the religious sentiment +of that party, I do not want them to defend Christianity any more; they +will bring it into universal contempt if they do. Yes, yes, they will +make the words honesty and reform a stench in the nostrils of honest +men. They made the words of the Constitution stand almost for treason, +during the entire war, and every decent word that passes the ignorant, +leprous, malignant lips of the Democratic party, becomes dishonored from +that day forth. + +At the same time, in 1850, when the Fugitive Slave Law was passed, in +nearly all of the Western States, there was a law by which the virtues +of pity and hospitality became indictable offences. There was a law by +which the virtue of charity became a crime, and the man who performed +a kindness could be indicted, imprisoned, and fined. It was the law of +Illinois--of my own State--that if one gave a drop of cold water, or a +crust of bread, to a fugitive from slavery, he could be indicted, fined +and imprisoned, under the infamous slave law of 1850, under the infamous +black laws of the Western States. + +At the time the Republican party was born, (and I have told this many +times) if a woman ninety-nine one-hundredths white had escaped from +slavery, carrying her child on her bosom, having gone through morass and +brush and thorns and thickets, had crossed creeks and rivers, and had +finally got within one step of freedom, with the light of the North +star shining in her tear-filled eyes--with her child upon her withered +breast--it would have been an indictable offence to have given her a +drop of water or a crust of bread; not only that, but under the slave +law of 1850, it was the duty of every Northern citizen claiming to be a +free man, to clutch that woman and hand her back to the dominion of her +master and to the Democratic lash. The Democrats are sorry that those +laws have been repealed. The Republican party with the mailed hand +of war tore from the statute books of the United States, and from the +statute books of each State, every one of those infamous, hellish laws, +and trampled them beneath her glorious feet. + +Such laws are infamous beyond expression; one would suppose they had +been passed by a Legislature, the lower house of which were hyenas, the +upper house snakes, and the executive a cannibal king. The institution +of slavery had polluted, had corrupted the church, not only in the +South, but a large proportion of the church in the North; so that +ministers stood up in their pulpits here in New York and defended the +very infamy that I have mentioned. Not only that, but the Presbyterians, +South, in 1863, met in General Synod, and passed two resolutions. + +The first resolution read, "Resolved, that slavery is a divine +institution" (and as the boy said, "so is hell"). + +_Second_, "Resolved, that God raised up the Presbyterian Church, South, +to protect and perpetuate that institution." + +Well, all I have to say is that, if God did this, he never chose a more +infamous instrument to carry out a more diabolical object. What more had +slavery done? At that time it had corrupted the very courts, so that in +nearly every State in this Union if a Democrat had gone to the hut of +a poor negro, and had shot down his wife and children before his very +eyes, had strangled the little dimpled babe in the cradle, there was no +court before which this negro could come to give testimony. He was not +allowed to go before a magistrate and indict the murderer; he was not +allowed to go before a grand jury and swear an indictment against the +wretch. Justice was not only blind, but deaf; and that was the idea +of justice in the South, when the Republican party was born. When the +Republican party was born the bay of the bloodhound was the music of the +Union; when this party was born the dome of our Capitol at Washington +cast its shadow upon slave-pens in which crouched and shuddered women +from whose breasts their babes had been torn by wretches who are now +crying for honesty and reform. When the Republican party was born, +a bloodhound was considered as one of the instrumentalities of +republicanism. When the Republican party was born, the church had made +the cross of Christ a whipping-post. When the Republican party was +born, courts of the United States had not the slightest idea of justice, +provided a black man was on the other side. When this party came into +existence, if a negro had a plot of ground and planted corn in it, and +the rain had fallen upon it, and the dew had lain lovingly upon it, and +the arrows of light shot from the exhaustless quiver of the sun, had +quickened the blade, and the leaves waved in the perfumed air of June, +and it finally ripened into the full ear in the golden air of autumn, +the courts of the United States did not know to whom the corn belonged, +and if a Democrat had driven the negro off and shucked the corn, and +that case had been left to the Supreme Court of many of the States in +this Union, they would have read all the authorities, they would have +heard all the arguments, they would have heard all the speeches, then +pushed their spectacles back on their bald and brainless heads and +decided, all things considered, the Democrat was entitled to that +corn. We pretended at that time to be a free country; it was a lie. We +pretended at that time to do justice in our courts; it was a lie, and +above all our pretence and hypocrisy rose the curse of slavery, like +Chimborazo above the clouds. + +Now, my friends, what is there about this great Republican party? It is +the party of intellectual freedom. It is one thing to bind the hands of +men; it is one thing to steal the results of physical labor of men, but +it is a greater crime to forge fetters for the souls of men. I am a free +man; I will do my own thinking or die; I give a mortgage on my soul to +nobody; I give a deed of trust on my soul to nobody; no matter whether I +think well or I think ill; whatever thought I have shall be my thought, +and shall be a free thought, and I am going to give cheerfully, gladly, +the same right to thus think to every other human being. + +I despise any man who does not own himself. I despise any man who does +not possess his own spirit. I would rather die a beggar, covered with +rags, with my soul erect, fearless and free, than to live a king in a +palace of gold, clothed with the purple of power, with my soul slimy +with hypocrisy, crawling in the dust of fear. I will do my own thinking, +and when I get it thought, I will say it. These are the splendid things, +my friends, about the Republican party; intellectual and physical +liberty for all. + +Now, my friends, I have told you a little about the Republican party. +Now, I will tell you a little more about the Republican party. When that +party came into power it elected Abraham Lincoln President of the United +States. I live in the State that holds within its tender embrace the +sacred ashes of Abraham Lincoln, the best, the purest man that was +ever President of the United States. I except none. When he was elected +President of the United States, the Democratic party said: "We will not +stand it;" the Democratic party South said: "We will not bear it;" and +the Democratic party North said: "You ought not to bear it." + +James Buchanan was then President. James Buchanan read the Constitution +of the United States, or a part of it, and read several platforms made +by the Democratic party, and gave it as his deliberate opinion that a +State had a right to go out of the Union. He gave it as his deliberate +opinion that this was a Confederacy and not a Nation, and when he said +that, there was another little, dried up, old bachelor sitting over in +the amen corner of the political meeting and he squeaked out: "That is +my opinion too," and the name of that man was Samuel J. Tilden. + +The Democratic party then and now says that the Union is simply a +Confederacy; but I want this country to be a Nation. I want to live in +a great and splendid country. A great nation makes a great people. Your +surroundings have something to do with it. Great plains, magnificent +rivers, great ranges of mountains, a country washed by two oceans--all +these things make us great and grand as the continent on which we live. +The war commenced, and the moment the war commenced the whole country +was divided into two parties. No matter what they had been +before, whether Democrats, Freesoilers, Republicans, old Whigs, or +Abolitionists--the whole country divided into two parties--the friends +and enemies of the country--patriots and traitors, and they so continued +until the Rebellion was put down. I cheerfully admit that thousands +of Democrats went into the army, and that thousands of Democrats were +patriotic men. I cheerfully admit that thousands of them thought more of +their country than they did of the Democratic party, and they came with +us to fight for the country, and I honor every one of them from the +bottom of my heart, and nineteen out of twenty of them have voted the +Republican ticket from that day to this. Some of them came back and went +to the Democratic party again and are still in that party; I have not +a word to say against them, only this: They are swapping off +respectability for disgrace. They give to the Democratic party all the +respectability it has, and the Democratic party gives to them all the +disgrace they have. + +Democratic soldier, come out of the Democratic party. There was a man in +my State got mad at the railroad and would not ship his hogs on it, so +he drove them to Chicago, and it took him so long to get them there that +the price had fallen; when he came back, they laughed at him, and said +to him, "You didn't make much, did you, driving your hogs to Chicago?" +"No," he said, "I didn't make anything except the company of the hogs on +the way." Soldier of the Republic, I say, with the Democratic party all +you can make is the company of the hogs on the way down. Come out, come +out and leave them alone in their putridity--in their rottenness. Leave +them alone. Do not try to put a new patch on an old garment. Leave them +alone. I tell you the Democratic party must be left alone; it must be +left to enjoy the primal curse, "On thy belly shalt thou crawl and dust +shalt thou eat all the days of thy life," O Democratic party. + +Now, my friends, I need not tell you how we put down the Rebellion. You +all know. I need not describe to you the battles you fought. I need not +tell you of the men who sacrificed their lives. I need not tell you of +the old men who are still waiting for footsteps that never will return. +I need not tell you of the women who are waiting for the return of their +loved ones. I need not tell you of all these things. You know we put +down the Rebellion; we fought until the old flag triumphed over every +inch of American soil redeemed from the clutch of treason. + +Now, my friends, what was the Democratic party doing when the Republican +party was doing these splendid things? When, the Republican party said +this was a nation; when the Republican party said we shall be free; +when the Republican party said slavery shall be extirpated from American +soil; when the Republican party said the negro shall be a citizen, and +the citizen shall have the ballot, and the citizen shall have the right +to cast that ballot for the government of his choice peaceably--what was +the Democratic party doing? + +I will tell you a few things that the Democratic party has done within +the last sixteen years. In the first place, they were not willing that +this country should be saved unless slavery could be saved with it. +There never was a Democrat, North or South--and by Democrat I mean the +fellows who stuck to the party all during the war, the ones that stuck +to the party after it was a disgrace; the ones that stuck to the party +from simple, pure cussedness--there never was one who did not think +more of the institution of slavery than he did of the Government of the +United States; not one that I ever saw or read of. And so they said to +us for all those years: "If you can save the Union with slavery, and +without any help from us, we are willing you should do it; but we do not +propose that this shall be an abolition war." So the Democratic +party from the first said, "An effort to preserve this Union is +unconstitutional," and they made a breastwork of the Constitution for +rebels to get behind and shoot down loyal men, so that the first charge +I lay at the feet of the Democratic party, the first charge I make in +the indictment, is that they thought more of slavery than of liberty and +of this Union, and in my judgment they are in the same condition this +moment. The next thing they did was to discourage enlistments in the +North. They did all in their power to prevent any man's going into the +army to assist in putting down the Rebellion. And that grand reformer +and statesman, Samuel J. Tilden, gave it as his opinion that the South +could sue, and that every soldier who put his foot on sacred Southern +soil would be a trespasser, and could be sued before a Justice of the +Peace. The Democratic party met in their conventions in every State +North, and denounced the war as an abolition war, and Abraham Lincoln +as a tyrant. What more did they do? They went into partnership with +the rebels. They said to the rebels just as plainly as though they had +spoken it: "Hold on, hold out, hold hard, fight hard, until we get the +political possession of the North, and then you can go in peace." + +What more? A man by the name of Jacob Thompson--a nice man and a good +Democrat, who thinks that of all the men to reform the Government Samuel +J. Tilden is the best man--Jacob Thompson had the misfortune to be +a very vigorous Democrat, and I will show you what I mean by that. A +Democrat during the war who had a musket--you understand, a musket--he +was a rebel, and during the war a rebel that did not have a musket was +a Democrat. I call Mr. Thompson a vigorous Democrat, because he had a +musket. Jacob Thompson was the rebel agent in Canada, and when he went +there he took between six and seven hundred thousand dollars for the +purpose of co-operating with the Northern Democracy. He got himself +acquainted with and in connection with the Democratic party in Ohio, in +Indiana, and in Illinois. The vigorous Democrats, the real Democrats, +in these States had organized themselves under the heads of "Sons of +Liberty," "Knights of the Golden Circle," "Order of the Star," and +various other beautiful names, and their object was to release rebel +prisoners from Camp Chase, Camp Douglass in Chicago, and from one camp +in Indianapolis and another camp at Rock Island. Their object was to +raise a fire in the rear, as they called it--in other words, to burn +down the homes of Union soldiers while they were in the front fighting +for the honor of their country. That was their object, and they put +themselves in connection with Jacob Thompson. They were to have an +uprising on the 16th of August, 1864. It was thought best to hold a few +public meetings for the purpose of arousing the public mind. They held +the first meeting in the city of Peoria, where I live. That was August +3rd, 1864. Here they came from every part of the State, and were +addressed by the principal Democratic politicians in Illinois. + +To that meeting Fernando Wood addressed a letter, in which he said that +although absent in body he should be present in spirit. George Pendleton +of Ohio, George Pugh of the same State, Seymour of Connecticut, and +various other Democratic gentlemen, sent acknowledgments and expressions +of regret to this Democratic meeting that met at this time for the +purpose of organizing an uprising among the Democratic party. I saw that +meeting, and heard some of their speeches. They denounced the war as an +abolition nigger war. They denounced Abraham Lincoln as a tyrant. They +carried transparencies that said, "Is there money enough in the land to +pay this nigger debt? Arouse, brothers, and hurl the tyrant Lincoln from +the throne." And the men that promulgated that very thing are running +for the most important political offices in the country, on the ground +of honesty and reform. And Jacob Thompson says that he furnished the +money to pay the expenses of that Democratic meeting. They were all paid +by rebel gold, by Jacob Thompson. He has on file the voucher from these +Democratic gentlemen in favor of Tilden and Hendricks. The next meetings +were held in Springfield, Illinois, and Indianapolis, Indiana, the +expenses of which were paid in the same way. They shipped to one town +these weapons of our destruction in boxes labeled Sunday school books! + +That same rebel agent, Jacob Thompson, hired a Democrat by the name +of Churchill to burn the city of Cincinnati, Ohio, and Thompson coolly +remarked: "I don't think he has had much luck, as I have only heard of a +_few_ fires." + +In Indianapolis a man named Dodds was arrested--a sound Democrat--so +sound that the Government had to take him by the nape of the neck and +put him in Fort Lafayette. The convention of Democrats then met in the +city of Chicago, and declared the war a failure. There never was a more +infamous lie on this earth than when the Democratic convention declared +in 1864 that the war was a failure. It was but a few days afterward that +the roar of Grants cannon announced that a lie. Rise from your graves, +Union soldiers, one and all, that fell in support of your country--rise +from your graves, and lift your skeleton hands on high, and swear that +when the Democratic party resolved that the war for the preservation +of your country was a failure, that the Democratic party was a vast +aggregated liar. Well, we grew magnanimous, and let Dodds out of Fort +Lafayette; and where do you suppose Dodds is now? He is in Wisconsin. +What do you suppose Dodds is doing? Making speeches. Whom for? Tilden +and Hendricks--"Honesty and reform!" This same Jacob Thompson, Democrat, +hired men to burn New York, and they did set fire in some twenty places, +and they used Greek fire, as he said in his letter, and ingenuously +adds: "I shall never hereafter advise the use of Greek fire." They +knew that in the smoke and ruins would be found the charred remains of +mothers and children, and that the flames leaping like serpents would +take the child from the mothers arms, and they were ready to do it to +preserve the infamous institution of slavery; and the Democratic party +has never objected to it from that day to this. They burned steamboats, +and many men with them, and the hounds that did it are skulking in the +woods of Missouri. While these things were going on, Democrats in the +highest positions said: "Not one cent to prosecute the war." + +The next question we have to consider is about paying the debt. This +is the first question. The second question is the protection of the +citizen, whether he is white or black. We owe a large debt. Two-thirds +of that debt was incurred in consequence of the action and the meanness +of the Democrats. There are some people who think that you can defer +the payment of a promise so long that the postponement of the debt will +serve in lieu of its liquidation--that you pay your debts by putting off +your creditors. + +The people have to support the Government; the Government cannot support +the people. The Government has no money but what it received from the +people. It had therefore to borrow money to carry on the war. Every +greenback that it issued was a forced loan. My notes are not a legal +tender, though if I had the power I might possibly make them so. We +borrowed money and we have to pay the debt. That debt represents the +expenses of war. The horses and the gunpowder and the rifles and the +artillery are represented in that debt--it represents all the munitions +of war. Until we pay that debt we can never be a solvent nation. Until +our net profits amount to as much as we lost during the war we can never +be a solvent people. If a man cannot understand that, there is no use in +talking to him on the subject. The alchemists in olden times who fancied +that they could make gold out of nothing were not more absurd than the +American advocates of soft money. They resemble the early explorers of +our continent who lost years in searching for the fountain of eternal +youth, but the ear of age never caught the gurgle of that spring. We +all have heard of men who spent years of labor in endeavoring to produce +perpetual motion. They produced machines of the most ingenious character +with cogs and wheels, and pulleys without number, but these ingenious +machines had one fault, they would not go. You will never find a way to +make money out of nothing. It is as great nonsense as the fountain of +perpetual youth. You cannot do it. + +Gold is the best material which labor has yet found as a measure of +value. That measure of value must be as valuable as the object it +measures. + +The value of gold arises from the amount of labor expended in producing +it. A gold dollar will buy as much labor as produced that dollar. + + [Here the speaker opened a telegram from Maine, which he + read to the audience amid a perfect tempest of applause. It + contained the following words:] "We have triumphed by an + immense majority, something we have not achieved since + 1868." [The speaker resumed.] And this despatch is signed by + the man who clutched the throats of the Democrats and held + them until they grew black in the face, James G. Blaine. *** + + +Now, gentlemen, to pass from the financial part of this, and I will say +one word before I do it. The Republican party intends to pay its debts +in coin on the 1st of January, 1879. Paper money means probably the +payment of the Confederate debt; a metallic currency, the discharge of +honest obligations. We have touched hard-pan prices in this country, and +we want to do a hard-pan business with hard money. + +We now come to the protection of our citizens. A government that cannot +protect its citizens, at home and abroad, ought to be swept from the map +of the world. The Democrats tell you that they will protect any citizen +if he is only away from home, but if he is in Louisiana or any other +State in the Union, the Government is powerless to protect him. I say +a government has a right to protect every citizen at home as well as +abroad, and the Government has the right to take its soldiers across +the State line, to take its soldiers into any State, for the purpose of +protecting even one man. That is my doctrine with regard to the power of +the Government. But here comes a Democrat to-day and tells me, (and +it is the old doctrine of secession in disguise), that the State of +Louisiana must protect its own citizens, and that if it does not, the +General Government has nothing to do unless the Governor of that State +asks assistance, no matter whether anarchy prevails or not. That is +infamous. The United States has the right to draft you and me into the +army and compel us to serve there, if its powers are being usurped. It +is the duty of this Government to see to it that every citizen has +all his rights in every State in this Union, and to protect him in the +enjoyment of those rights, peaceably if it can, forcibly if it must. + +Democrats tell us that they treat the colored man very well. I have +frequently read stories relating how two white men were passing along +the road when suddenly they were set upon by ten or twelve negroes, who +sought their lives; but in the fight which ensued, the ten or twelve +negroes were killed, and not a white man hurt. I tell you it is +infamous, and the Democratic press of the North laughs at it, and Mr. +Samuel J. Tilden does not care. He knows that many of the Southern +States are to be carried by assassination and murder, and he knows that +if he is elected it will be by assassination and murder. It is infamous +beyond the expression of language. Now, I ask you which party will be +the most likely to preserve the liberty of the negro--the party who +fought for slavery, or the men who gave them freedom? These are the +two great questions--the payment of the debt, and the protection of our +citizens. My friends, we have to pay the debt, as I told you, but it is +of greater importance to make sacred American citizenship. + +Now, these two parties have a couple of candidates. The Democratic +party has put forward Mr. Samuel J. Tilden. Mr. Tilden is a Democrat who +belongs to the Democratic party of the city of New York; the worst party +ever organized in any civilized country. I wish you could see it. The +pugilists, the prizefighters, the plug-uglies, the fellows that run with +the "masheen;" nearly every nose is mashed, about half the ears have +been chawed off; and of whatever complexion they are, their eyes are +nearly always black. They have fists like tea-kettles and heads like +bullets. I wish you could see them. I have been in New York every few +weeks for fifteen years; and whenever I am here I see the old banner of +Tammany Hall, "Tammany Hall and Reform;" "John Morrissey and Reform;" +"John Kelley and Reform;" "William M. Tweed and Reform;" and the +other day I saw the same old flag; "Samuel J. Tilden and Reform." +The Democratic party of the city of New York never had but two +objects--grand and petit larceny. Tammany Hall bears the same relation +to the penitentiary that the Sunday school does to the church. + +I have heard that the Democratic party got control of the city when it +did not owe a dollar, and have stolen and stolen until it owes a hundred +and sixty millions, and I understand that every election they have had +was a fraud, every one. I understand that they stole everything they +could lay their hands on; and what hands! Grasped and grasped and +clutched, until they stole all it was possible for the people to pay, +and now they are all yelling for "Honesty and Reform." + +I understand that Samuel J. Tilden was a pupil in that school, and that +now he is the head teacher. I understand that when the war commenced +he said he would never aid in the prosecution of that old outrage. I +understand that he said in 1860 and in 1861 that the Southern States +could snap the tie of confederation as a nation would break a treaty, +and that they could repel coercion as a nation would repel invasion. I +understand that during the entire war he was opposed to its prosecution, +and that he was opposed to the Proclamation of Emancipation, and +demanded that the document be taken back. I understand that he regretted +to see the chains fall from the limbs of the colored man. I understand +that he regretted when the Constitution of the United States was +elevated and purified, pure as the driven snow. I understand that he +regretted when the stain was wiped from our flag and we stood before the +world the only pure Republic that ever existed. This is enough for me +to say about him, and since the news from Maine you need not waste your +time in talking about him. + + [A voice: "How about free schools?"] + +I want every schoolhouse to be a temple of science in which shall be +taught the laws of nature, in which the children shall be taught actual +facts, and I do not want that schoolhouse touched, or that institution +of science touched, by any superstition whatever. Leave religion with +the church, with the family, and more than all, leave religion with each +individual heart and man. + +Let every man be his own bishop, let every man be his own pope, let +every man do his own thinking, let every man have a brain of his own. +Let every man have a heart and conscience of his own. + +We are growing better, and truer, and grander. And let me say, Mr. +Democrat, we are keeping the country for your children. We are keeping +education for your children. We are keeping the old flag floating for +your children; and let me say, as a prediction, there is only air enough +on this continent to float that one flag. + + Note.--This address was not revised by the author for + publication. + + + + +INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH. + + * Col. Ingersoll was introduced by Gen'l Noyes, who said: "I + have now the exquisite pleasure of introducing to you that + dashing cavalry officer, that thunderbolt of war, that + silver tongued orator, Col. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois." + The Journal, Indianapolis, Indiana. September 2lst, 1876. + + +HAYES CAMPAIGN. + +1876 + +Delivered to the Veteran Soldiers of the Rebellion. + +LADIES and Gentlemen, Fellow Citizens and Citizen Soldiers:--I am +opposed to the Democratic party, and I will tell you why. Every State +that seceded from the United States was a Democratic State. Every +ordinance of secession that was drawn was drawn by a Democrat. Every man +that endeavored to tear the old flag from the heaven that it enriches +was a Democrat. Every man that tried to destroy this nation was a +Democrat. Every enemy this great Republic has had for twenty years has +been a Democrat. Every man that shot Union soldiers was a Democrat. +Every man that denied to the Union prisoners even the worm-eaten crust +of famine, and when some poor, emaciated Union patriot, driven to +insanity by famine, saw in an insane dream the face of his mother, and +she beckoned him and he followed, hoping to press her lips once again +against his fevered face, and when he stepped one step beyond the dead +line the wretch that put the bullet through his loving, throbbing heart +was and is a Democrat. + +Every man that loved slavery better than liberty was a Democrat. The +man that assassinated Abraham Lincoln was a Democrat. Every man that +sympathized with the assassin--every man glad that the noblest President +ever elected was assassinated, was a Democrat. Every man that wanted the +privilege of whipping another man to make him work for him for nothing +and pay him with lashes on his naked back, was a Democrat. Every man +that raised bloodhounds to pursue human beings was a Democrat. Every man +that clutched from shrieking, shuddering, crouching mothers, babes from +their breasts, and sold them into slavery, was a Democrat. Every man +that impaired the credit of the United States, every man that swore we +would never pay the bonds, every man that swore we would never +redeem the greenbacks, every maligner of his country's credit, every +calumniator of his country's honor, was a Democrat. Every man that +resisted the draft, every man that hid in the bushes and shot at Union +men simply because they were endeavoring to enforce the laws of their +country, was a Democrat. Every man that wept over the corpse of slavery +was a Democrat. Every man that cursed Abraham Lincoln because he +issued the Proclamation of Emancipation--the grandest paper since the +Declaration of Independence--every one of them was a Democrat. Every man +that denounced the soldiers that bared their breasts to the storms of +shot and shell for the honor of America and for the sacred rights of +man; was a Democrat. Every man that wanted an uprising in the North, +that wanted to release the rebel prisoners that they might burn down +the homes of Union soldiers above the heads of their wives and children, +while the brave husbands, the heroic fathers, were in the front fighting +for the honor of the old flag, every one of them was a Democrat. I am +not through yet. Every man that believed this glorious nation of ours +is a confederacy, every man that believed the old banner carried by our +fathers over the fields of the Revolution; the old flag carried by our +fathers over the fields of 1812; the glorious old banner carried by our +brothers over the plains of Mexico; the sacred banner carried by +our brothers over the cruel fields of the South, simply stood for a +contract, simply stood for an agreement, was a Democrat. Every man who +believed that any State could go out of the Union at its pleasure, every +man that believed the grand fabric of the American Government could +be made to crumble instantly into dust at the touch of treason, was a +Democrat. Every man that helped to burn orphan asylums in New York, was +a Democrat; every man that tried to fire the city of New York, although +he knew that thousands would perish, and knew that the great serpent of +flame leaping from buildings would clutch children from their mothers' +arms--every wretch that did it was a Democrat. Recollect it! Every man +that tried to spread smallpox and yellow fever in the North, as the +instrumentalities of civilized war, was a Democrat. Soldiers, every scar +you have on your heroic bodies was given you by a Democrat. Every scar, +every arm that is lacking, every limb that is gone, is a souvenir of a +Democrat. I want you to recollect it. Every man that was the enemy of +human liberty in this country was a Democrat. Every man that wanted +the fruit of all the heroism of all the ages to turn to ashes upon the +lips--every one was a Democrat. + +I am a Republican. I will tell you why: This is the only free Government +in the world. The Republican party made it so. The Republican party took +the chains from four millions of people. The Republican party, with the +wand of progress, touched the auction-block and it became a schoolhouse. +The Republican party put down the Rebellion, saved the nation, kept the +old banner afloat in the air, and declared that slavery of every kind +should be extirpated from the face of this continent. What more? I am a +Republican because it is the only free party that ever existed. It is a +party that has a platform as broad as humanity, a platform as broad as +the human race, a party that says you shall have all the fruit of the +labor of your hands, a party that says you may think for yourself, a +party that says, no chains for the hands, no fetters for the soul.* + + * At this point the rain began to descend, and it looked as + if a heavy shower was impending. Several umbrellas were put + up. Gov. Noyes--"God bless you! What is rain to soldiers" + Voice--"Go ahead; we don't mind the rain." It was proposed + to adjourn the meeting to Masonic Hall, but the motion was + voted down by an overwhelming majority, and Mr. Ingersoll + proceeded. + +I am a Republican because the Republican party says this country is a +Nation, and not a confederacy. I am here in Indiana to speak, and I +have as good a right to speak here as though I had been born on this +stand--not because the State flag of Indiana waves over me--I would +not know it if I should see it. You have the same right to speak in +Illinois, not because the State flag of Illinois waves over you, but +because that banner, rendered sacred by the blood of all the heroes, +waves over you and me. I am in favor of this being a Nation. Think of a +man gratifying his entire ambition in the State of Rhode Island. We want +this to be a Nation, and you cannot have a great, grand, splendid people +without a great, grand, splendid country. The great plains, the sublime +mountains, the great rushing, roaring rivers, shores lashed by two +oceans, and the grand anthem of Niagara, mingle and enter, into the +character of every American citizen, and make him or tend to make him a +great and grand character. I am for the Republican party because it says +the Government has as much right, as much power, to protect its citizens +at home as abroad. The Republican party does not say that you have to go +away from home to get the protection of the Government. The Democratic +party says the Government cannot march its troops into the South to +protect the rights of the citizens. It is a lie. The Government claims +the right, and it is conceded that the Government has the right, to go +to your house, while you are sitting by your fireside with your wife and +children about you, and the old lady knitting, and the cat playing with +the yarn, and everybody happy and serene--the Government claims the +right to go to your fireside and take you by force and put you into the +army; take you down to the valley of the shadow of hell, put you by the +ruddy, roaring guns, and make you fight for your flag. Now, that being +so, when the war is over and your country is victorious, and you go back +to your home, and a lot of Democrats want to trample upon your rights, I +want to know if the Government that took you from your fireside and made +you fight for it, I want to know if it is not bound to fight for you. +The flag that will not protect its protectors is a dirty rag that +contaminates the air in which it waves. The government that will not +defend its defenders is a disgrace to the nations of the world. I am +a Republican because the Republican party says, "We will protect the +rights of American citizens at home, and if necessary we will march +an army into any State to protect the rights of the humblest American +citizen in that State." I am a Republican because that party allows +me to be free--allows me to do my own thinking in my own way. I am a +Republican because it is a party grand enough and splendid enough and +sublime enough to invite every human being in favor of liberty and +progress to fight shoulder to shoulder for the advancement of mankind. +It invites the Methodist, it invites the Catholic, it invites the +Presbyterian and every kind of sectarian; it invites the Freethinker; +it invites the infidel, provided he is in favor of giving to every other +human being every chance and every right that he claims for himself. +I am a Republican, I tell you. There is room in the Republican air +for every wing; there is room on the Republican sea for every sail. +Republicanism says to every man: "Let your soul be like an eagle; fly +out in the great dome of thought, and question the stars for yourself." +But the Democratic party says; "Be blind owls, sit on the dry limb of a +dead tree, and hoot only when that party says hoot." + +In the Republican party there are no followers. We are all leaders. +There is not a party chain. There is not a party lash. Any man that does +not love this country, any man that does not love liberty, any man that +is not in favor of human progress, that is not in favor of giving +to others all he claims for himself; we do not ask him to vote the +Republican ticket. You can vote it if you please, and if there is any +Democrat within hearing who expects to die before another election, +we are willing that he should vote one Republican ticket, simply as a +consolation upon his death-bed. What more? I am a Republican because +that party believes in free labor. It believes that free labor will give +us wealth. It believes in free thought, because it believes that free +thought will give us truth. You do not know what a grand party you +belong to. I never want any holier or grander title of nobility than +that I belong to the Republican party, and have fought for the liberty +of man. The Republican party, I say, believes in free labor. The +Republican party also believes in slavery. What kind of slavery? In +enslaving the forces of nature. + +We believe that free labor, that free thought, have enslaved the +forces of nature, and made them work for man. We make old attraction of +gravitation work for us; we make the lightning do our errands; we make +steam hammer and fashion what we need. The forces of nature are the +slaves of the Republican party. They have no backs to be whipped, +they have no hearts to be torn--no hearts to be broken; they cannot be +separated from their wives; they cannot be dragged from the bosoms of +their husbands; they work night and day and they never tire. You cannot +whip them, you cannot starve them, and a Democrat even can be trusted +with one of them. I tell you I am a Republican. I believe, as I told +you, that free labor will give us these slaves. Free labor will produce +all these things, and everything you have to-day has been produced by +free labor, nothing by slave labor. + +Slavery never invented but one machine, and that was a threshing machine +in the shape of a whip. Free labor has invented all the machines. We +want to come down to the philosophy of these things. The problem of free +labor, when a man works for the wife he loves, when he works for the +little children he adores--the problem is to do the most work in the +shortest space of time. The problem of slavery is to do the least work +in the longest space of time. That is the difference. Free labor, love, +affection--they have invented everything of use in this world. I am a +Republican. + +I tell you, my friends, this world is getting better every day, and the +Democratic party is getting smaller every day. See the advancement we +have made in a few years, see what we have done. We have covered this +nation with wealth, with glory and with liberty. This is the first free +Government in the world. The Republican party is the first party that +was not founded on some compromise with the devil. It is the first party +of pure, square, honest principle; the first one. And we have the first +free country that ever existed. + +And right here I want to thank every soldier that fought to make it +free, every one living and dead. I thank you again and again and again. +You made the first free Government in the world, and we must not forget +the dead heroes. If they were here they would vote the Republican +ticket, every one of them. I tell you we must not forget them. + +* The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great +struggle for national life. We hear the sounds of preparation--the +music of boisterous drums--the silver voices of heroic bugles. We see +thousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators. We see +the pale cheeks of women, and the flushed faces of men; and in those +assemblages we see all the dead whose dust we have covered with flowers. +We lose sight of them no more. We are with them when they enlist in the +great army of freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are +walking for the last time in quiet, woody places, with the maidens they +adore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love as +they lingeringly part forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing +babes that are asleep. Some are receiving the blessings of old men. Some +are parting with mothers who hold them and press them to their +hearts again and again, and say nothing. Kisses and tears, tears and +kisses--divine mingling of agony and love! And some are talking with +wives, and endeavoring with brave words, spoken in the old tones, to +drive from their hearts the awful fear. We see them part. We see the +wife standing in the door with the babe in her arms--standing in the +sunlight sobbing. At the turn of the road a hand waves--she answers by +holding high in her loving arms the child. He is gone, and forever. + +We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting flags, +keeping time to the grand, wild music of war--marching down the streets +of the great cities--through the towns and across the prairies--down to +the fields of glory, to do and to die for the eternal right. + +We go with them, one and all. We are by their side on all the gory +fields--in all the hospitals of pain--on all the weary marches. We stand +guard with them in the wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are with +them in ravines running with blood--in the furrows of old fields. We are +with them between contending hosts, unable to move, wild with thirst, +the life ebbing slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them +pierced by balls and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and +in the whirlwind of the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of +steel. + +We are with them in the prisons of hatred and famine; but human speech +can never tell what they endured. + +We are at home when the news comes that they are dead. We see the maiden +in the shadow of her first sorrow. We see the silvered head of the old +man bowed with the last grief. + +The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human beings +governed by the lash--we see them bound hand and foot--we hear the +strokes of cruel whips--we see the hounds tracking women through +tangled swamps. We see babes sold from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty +unspeakable! Outrage infinite! + +Four million bodies in chains--four million souls in fetters. All the +sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child trampled beneath +the brutal feet of might. And all this was done under our own beautiful +banner of the free. + +The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the bursting +shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We look. Instead of +slaves we see men and women and children. The wand of progress touches +the auction-block, the slave-pen, the whipping-post, and we see homes +and firesides and schoolhouses and books, and where all was want and +crime and cruelty and fear, we see the faces of the free. + +These heroes are dead. They died for liberty--they died for us. They +are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under the flag +they rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, +the tearful willows, and the embracing vines. They, sleep beneath the +shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine or of storm, each in +the windowless Palace of Rest. Earth may run red with other wars--they +are at peace. In the midst of battle, in the roar of conflict, they +found the serenity of death. I have one sentiment for soldiers living +and dead: cheers for the living; tears for the dead. + + * This poetic flight of oratory has since become universally + known as "A. Vision of War." + +Now, my friends, I have given you a few reasons why I am a Republican. I +have given you a few reasons why I am not a Democrat. Let me say another +thing. The Democratic party opposed every forward movement of the +army of the Republic, every one. Do not be fooled. Imagine the meanest +resolution that you can think of--that is the resolution the Democratic +party passed. Imagine the meanest thing you can think of--that is what +they did; and I want you to recollect that the Democratic party did +these devilish things when the fate of this nation was trembling in the +balance of war. I want you to recollect another thing; when they tell +you about hard times, that the Democratic party made the hard times; +that every dollar we owe to-day was made by the Southern and Northern +Democracy. + +When we commenced to put down the Rebellion we had to borrow money, and +the Democratic party went into the markets of the world and impaired the +credit of the United States. They slandered, they lied, they maligned +the credit of the United States, and to such an extent did they do this, +that at one time during the war paper was only worth about thirty-four +cents on the dollar. Gold went up to $2.90. What did that mean? It meant +that greenbacks were worth thirty-four cents on the dollar. What became +of the other sixty-six cents? They were lied out of the greenback, +they were slandered out of the greenback, they were maligned out of the +greenback, they were calumniated out of the greenback, by the Democratic +party of the North. Two-thirds of the debt, two-thirds of the burden +now upon the shoulders of American industry, were placed there by the +slanders of the Democratic party of the North, and the other third by +the Democratic party of the South. And when you pay your taxes keep an +account and charge two-thirds to the Northern Democracy and one-third to +the Southern Democracy, and whenever you have to earn the money to pay +the taxes, when you have to blister your hands to earn that money, pull +off the blisters, and under each one, as the foundation, you will find a +Democratic lie. + +Recollect that the Democratic party did all the things of which I have +told you, when the fate of our nation was submitted to the arbitrament +of the sword. Recollect that the Democratic party did these things when +your brothers, your fathers, and your chivalric sons were fighting, +bleeding, suffering, and dying upon the battle-fields of the South; when +shot and shell were crashing through their sacred flesh. Recollect that +this Democratic party was false to the Union when your husbands, your +fathers, and your brothers, and your chivalric sons were lying in the +hospitals of pain, dreaming broken dreams of home, and seeing fever +pictures of the ones they loved; recollect that the Democratic party was +false to the nation when your husbands, your fathers, and your brothers +were lying alone upon the field of battle at night, the life-blood +slowly oozing from the mangled and pallid lips of death; recollect that +the Democratic party was false to your country when your husbands, your +brothers, your fathers, and your sons were lying in the prison pens of +the South, with no covering but the clouds, with no bed but the frozen +earth, with no food except such as worms had re-p fused to eat, and with +no friends except Insanity and Death. Recollect it, and spurn that party +forever. + +I have sometimes wished that there were words of pure hatred out of +which I might construct sentences like snakes; out of which I might +construct sentences that had fanged mouths, and that had forked tongues; +out of which I might construct sentences that would writhe and hiss; +and then I could give my opinion of the Northern allies of the Southern +rebels during the great struggle for the preservation of the country. + +There are three questions now submitted to the American people. The +first is, Shall the people that saved this country rule it? Shall the +men who saved the old flag hold it? Shall the men who saved the ship +of State sail it, or shall the rebels walk her quarter-deck, give the +orders and sink it? That is the question. Shall a solid South, a united +South, united by assassination and murder, a South solidified by the +shot-gun; shall a united South, with the aid of a divided North, shall +they control this great and splendid country? We are right back where we +were in 1861. This is simply a prolongation of the war. This is the war +of the idea, the other was the war of the musket. The other was the war +of cannon, this is the war of thought; and we have to beat them in +this war of thought, recollect that. The question is, Shall the men who +endeavored to destroy this country rule it? Shall the men that said, +This is not a Nation, have charge of the Nation? + +The next question is, Shall we pay our debts? We had to borrow some +money to pay for shot and shell to shoot Democrats with. We found that +we could get along with a few less Democrats, but not with any less +country, and so we borrowed the money, and the question now is, will we +pay it? And which party is the more apt to pay it, the Republican party +that made the debt--the party that swore it was constitutional, or the +party that said it was unconstitutional? + +Every time a Democrat sees a greenback, it says to him, "I vanquished +you." Every time a Republican sees a greenback, it says, "You and I put +down the Rebellion and saved the country." + +Now, my friends, you have heard a great deal about finance. Nearly +everybody that talks about it gets as dry--as dry as if they had been in +the final home of the Democratic party for forty years. + +I will now give you my ideas about finance. In the first place +the Government does not support the people, the people support the +Government. + +The Government is a perpetual pauper. It passes round the hat, and +solicits contributions; but then you must remember that the Government +has a musket behind the hat. The Government produces nothing. It does +not plow the land, it does not sow corn, it does not grow trees. The +Government is a perpetual consumer. We support the Government. Now, the +idea that the Government can make money for you and me to live on--why, +it is the same as though my hired man should issue certificates of my +indebtedness to him for me to live on. + +Some people tell me that the Government can impress its sovereignty on +a piece of paper, and that is money. Well, if it is, what's the use of +wasting it making one dollar bills? It takes no more ink and no more +paper--why not make one thousand dollar bills? Why not make a hundred +million dollar bills and all be billionaires? + +If the Government can make money, what on earth does it collect taxes +from you and me for? Why does it not make what money it wants, take +the taxes out, and give the balance to us? Mr. Greenbacker, suppose the +Government issued a billion dollars to-morrow, how would you get any +of it? [A voice, "Steal it."] I was not speaking to the Democrats. You +would not get any of it unless you had something to exchange for it. The +Government would not go around and give you your aver-: age. You have to +have some corn, or wheat, or pork to give for it. + +How do you get your money? By work. Where from? You have to dig it out +of the ground. That is where it comes from. Men have always had a kind +of hope that something could be made out of nothing. The old alchemists +sought, with dim eyes, for something that could change the baser metals +to gold. With tottering steps, they searched for the spring of Eternal +Youth. Holding in trembling hands retort and crucible, they dreamed of +the Elixir of Life. The baser metals are not gold. No human ear has ever +heard the silver gurgle of the spring of Immortal Youth. The wrinkles +upon the brow of Age are still waiting for the Elixir of Life. + +Inspired by the same idea, mechanics have endeavored, by curious +combinations of levers and inclined planes, of wheels and cranks and +shifting weights, to produce perpetual motion; but the wheels and levers +wait for force. And, in the financial world, there are thousands now +trying to find some way for promises to take the place of performance; +for some way to make the word dollar as good as the dollar itself; for +some way to make the promise to pay a dollar take the dollar's place. +This financial alchemy, this pecuniary perpetual motion, this fountain +of eternal wealth, are the same old failures with new names. Something +cannot be made out of nothing. Nothing is a poor capital to, carry on +business with, and makes a very unsatisfactory balance at your bankers. + +Let me tell you another thing. The Democrats seem to think that you can +fail to keep a promise so long that it is as good as though you had kept +it. They say you can stamp the sovereignty of the Government upon paper. + +I saw not long ago a piece of gold bearing the stamp of the Roman +Empire. That Empire is dust, and over it has been thrown the mantle of +oblivion, but that piece of gold is as good as though Julius Cæsar were +still riding at the head of the Roman Legions. + +Was it his sovereignty that made it valuable? Suppose he had put it upon +a piece of paper--it would have been of no more value than a Democratic +promise. + +Another thing, my friends: this debt will be paid; you need not worry +about that. The Democrats ought to pay it. They lost the suit, and they +ought to pay the costs. But we in our patriotism are willing to pay our +share. + +Every man that has a bond, every man that has a greenback dollar has +a mortgage upon the best continent of land on earth. Every one has a +mortgage on the honor of the Republican party, and it is on record. +Every spear of grass; every bearded head of golden wheat that grows upon +this continent is a guarantee that the debt will be paid; every field of +bannered corn in the great, glorious West is a guarantee that the debt +will be paid; every particle of coal laid away by that old miser the +sun, millions-of years ago, is a guarantee that every dollar will be +paid; all the iron ore, all the gold and silver under the snow-capped +Sierra Nevadas, waiting for the miners pick to give back the flash of +the sun, every ounce is a guarantee that this debt will be paid; and all +the cattle on the prairies, pastures and plains which adorn our broad +land are guarantees that this debt will be paid; every pine standing +in the sombre forests of the North, waiting for the woodman's axe, is a +guarantee that this debt will be paid; every locomotive with its muscles +of iron and breath of flame, and all the boys and girls bending over +their books at school, every dimpled babe in the cradle, every honest +man, every noble woman, and every man that votes the Republican ticket +is a guarantee that the debt will be paid--these, all these, each and +all, are the guarantees that every promise of the United States will be +sacredly fulfilled. + +What is the next question? The next question is, will we protect the +Union men in the South? I tell you the white Union men have suffered +enough. It is a crime in the Southern States to be a Republican. It is +a crime in every Southern State to love this country, to believe in the +sacred rights of men. + +The colored people have suffered enough. For more than two hundred years +they have suffered the fabled torments of the damned; for more than two +hundred years they worked and toiled without reward, bending, in the +burning sun, their bleeding backs; for more than two hundred years, +babes were torn from the breasts of mothers, wives from husbands, and +every human tie broken by the cruel hand of greed; for more than two +hundred years they were pursued by hounds, beaten with clubs, burned +with fire, bound with chains; two hundred years of toil, of agony, of +tears; two hundred years of hope deferred; two hundred years of +gloom and shadow and darkness and blackness; two hundred years of +supplication, of entreaty; two hundred years of infinite outrage, +without a moment of revenge. + +The colored people have suffered enough. They were and are our friends. +They are the friends of this country, and, cost what it may, they must +be protected. + +There was not during the whole Rebellion a single negro that was not our +friend. We are willing to be reconciled to our Southern brethren when +they will treat our friends as men. When they will be just to the +friends of this country; when they are in favor of allowing every +American citizen to have his rights--then we are their friends. We are +willing to trust them with the Nation when they are the friends of the +Nation. We are willing to trust them with liberty when they believe in +liberty. We are willing to trust them with the black man when they cease +riding in the darkness of night, (those masked wretches,) to the hut of +the freedman, and notwithstanding the prayers and supplications of his +family, shoot him down; when they cease to consider the massacre of +Hamburg as a Democratic triumph, then, I say, we will be their friends, +and not before. + +Now, my friends, thousands of the Southern people and thousands of the +Northern Democrats are afraid that the negroes are going to pass them in +the race of life. And, Mr. Democrat, he will do it unless you attend +to your business. The simple fact that you are white cannot save you +always. You have to be industrious, honest, to cultivate a sense of +justice. If you do not the colored race will pass you, as sure as you +live. I am for giving every man a chance. Anybody that can pass me is +welcome. + +I believe, my friends, that the intellectual domain of the future, as +the land used to be in the State of Illinois, is open to pre-emption. +The fellow that gets a fact first, that is his; that gets an idea +first, that is his. Every round in the ladder of fame, from the one that +touches the ground to the last one that leans against the shining summit +of human ambition, belongs to the foot that gets upon it first. + +Mr. Democrat, (I point down because they are nearly all on the first +round of the ladder) if you can not climb, stand one side and let the +deserving negro pass. + +I must tell you one thing. I have told it so much, and you have all +heard it fifty times, but I am going to tell it again because I like it. +Suppose there was a great horse race here to-day, free to every horse +in the world, and to all the mules, and all the scrubs* and all the +donkeys. + +At the tap of the drum they come to the line, and the judges say "it is +a go." Let me ask you, what does the blooded horse, rushing ahead, with +nostrils distended, drinking in the breath of his own swiftness, with +his mane flying like a banner of victory, with his veins standing out +all over him, as if a network of life had been cast upon him--with his +thin neck, his high withers, his tremulous flanks--what does he care how +many mules and donkeys run on that track? But the Democratic scrub, +with his chuckle-head and lop-ears, with his tail full of cockle-burrs, +jumping high and short, and digging in the ground when he feels the +breath of the coming mule on his cockle-burr tail, he is the chap that +jumps the track and says, "I am down on mule equality." + +I stood, a little while ago, in the city of Paris, where stood the +Bastile, where now stands the Column of July, surmounted by a figure of +liberty. In its right hand is a broken chain, in its left hand a +banner; upon its glorious forehead the glittering and shining star of +progress--and as I looked upon it I said: "Such is the Republican party +of my country." + +The other day going along the road I came to a place where the road had +been changed, but the guide-board did not know it. It had stood there +for twenty years pointing deliberately and solemnly in the direction of +a desolate field; nobody ever went that way, but the guide-board thought +the next man would. Thousands passed, but nobody heeded the hand on the +guide-post, and through sunshine and storm it pointed diligently into +the old field and swore to it the road went that way; and I said to +myself: "Such is the Democratic party of the United States." + +The other day I came to a river where there had been a mill; a part +of it was there still. An old sign said: "Cash for wheat." The old +water-wheel was broken; it had been warped by the sun, cracked and split +by many winds and storms. There had not been a grain of wheat ground +there for twenty years. + +The door was gone, nobody had built a new dam, the mill was not worth a +dam; and I said to myself: "Such is the Democratic party." + +I saw a little while ago a place on the road where there had once been +an hotel. But the hotel and barn had burned down and there was nothing +standing but two desolate chimneys, up the flues of which the fires of +hospitality had not roared for thirty years. The fence was gone, and the +post-holes even were obliterated, but in the road there was an old sign +upon which were these words: "Entertainment for man and beast." The old +sign swung and creaked in the winter wind, the snow fell upon it, the +sleet clung to it, and in the summer the birds sang and twittered and +made love upon it. Nobody ever stopped there, but the sign swore to it, +the sign certified to it! "Entertainment for man and beast," and I said +to myself: "Such is the Democratic party of the United States," and +I further said, "one chimney ought to be called Tilden and the other +Hendricks." + +Now, my friends, I want you to vote the Republican ticket. I want you +to swear you will not vote for a man who opposed putting down the +Rebellion. I want you to swear that you will not vote for a man opposed +to the Proclamation of Emancipation. I want you to swear that you will +not vote for a man opposed to the utter abolition of slavery. + +I want you to swear that you will not vote for a man who called the +soldiers in the field, Lincoln hirelings. I want you to swear that you +will not vote for a man who denounced Lincoln as a tyrant. I want you +to swear that you will not vote for any enemy of human progress. Go and +talk to every Democrat that you can see; get him by the coatcollar, +talk to him, and hold him like Coleridge's Ancient Mariner, with your +glittering eye; hold him, tell him all the mean things his party ever +did; tell him kindly; tell him in a Christian spirit, as I do, but tell +him. Recollect, there never was a more important election than the +one you are going to hold in Indiana. I tell you we must stand by the +country. It is a glorious country. It permits you and me to be free. +It is the only country in the world where labor is respected. Let us +support it. It is the only country in the world where the useful man is +the only aristocrat. The man that works for a dollar a day, goes home +at night to his little ones, takes his little boy on his knee, and he +thinks that boy can achieve anything that the sons of the wealthy man +can achieve. The free schools are open to him; he may be the richest, +the greatest, and the grandest, and that thought sweetens every drop +of sweat that rolls down the honest face of toil. Vote to save that +country. + +My friends, this country is getting better every day. Samuel J. Tilden +says we are a nation of thieves and rascals. If that is so he ought to +be the President. But I denounce him as a calumniator of my country; +a maligner of this nation. It is not so. This country is covered with +asylums for the aged, the helpless, the insane, the orphans and wounded +soldiers. Thieves and rascals do not build such things. In the cities +of the Atlantic coast this summer, they built floating hospitals, great +ships, and took the little children from the sub-cellars and narrow, +dirty streets of New York City, where the Democratic party is the +strongest--took these poor waifs and put them in these great hospitals +out at sea, and let the breezes of ocean kiss the roses of health back +to their pallid cheeks. Rascals and thieves do not so. When Chicago +burned, railroads were blocked with the charity of the American people. +Thieves and rascals do not so. + +I am a Republican. The world is getting better. Husbands are treating +their wives better than they used to; wives are treating their husbands +better. Children are better treated than they used to be; the old whips +and clubs are out of the schools, and they are governing children by +love and by sense. The world is getting better; it is getting better in +Maine, in Vermont. It is getting better in every State of the North, and +I tell you we are going to elect Hayes and Wheeler and the world will +then be better still. I have a dream that this world is growing better +and better every day and every year; that there is more charity, more +justice, more love every day. I have a dream that prisons will not +always curse the land; that the shadow of the gallows will not always +fall upon the earth; that the withered hand of want will not always +be stretched out for charity; that finally wisdom will sit in the +legislatures, justice in the courts, charity will occupy all the +pulpits, and that finally the world will be governed by justice and +charity, and by the splendid light of liberty. That is my dream, and +if it does not come true, it shall not be my fault. I am going to do my +level best to give others the same chance I ask for myself. Free thought +will give us truth; Free labor will give us wealth. + + + + +CHICAGO SPEECH. + + * Col. Robert G. Ingersoll spoke last night at the + Exposition Building to the largest audience ever drawn by + one man In Chicago. From 6.30 o'clock the sidewalks fronting + along the building were jammed. At every entrance there were + hundreds, and half-an-hour later thousands were clamoring + for admittance. So great was the pressure the doors were + finally closed, and the entrances at either end cautiously + opened to admit the select who knew enough to apply In those + directions. Occasionally a rush was made for the main door, + and as the crowd came up against the huge barricade they + were swept back only for another effort. Wabash Avenue, + Monroe, Adams, Jackson, and Van Buren Streets were jammed + with ladies and gentlemen who swept into Michigan Avenue and + swelled the sea that surged around the building. + + At 7.30 the doors were flung open and the people rushed in. + Seating accommodations supposed to be adequate to all + demands, had been provided, but in an Instant they were + filled, the aisles were jammed and around the sides of the + building poured a steady stream of humanity, Intent only + upon some coign of vantage, some place, where they could see + and where they could hear. Prom the fountain, beyond which + the building lay in shadow to the northern end, was a + swaying, surging mass of people. + + Such another attendance of ladies has never been known at a + political meeting in Chicago. They came by the hundreds, and + the speaker looked down from his perch upon thousands of + fair upturned faces, stamped with the most intense interest + in his remarks. + + The galleries were packed. The frame of the huge elevator + creaked, groaned, and swayed with the crowd roosting upon + it. The trusses bore their living weight. The gallery + railings bent and cracked. The roof was crowded, and the sky + lights teemed with heads. Here and there an adventurous + youth crept out on the girders and braces. Towards the + northern end of the building, on the west side, is a smaller + gallery, dark, and not particularly strong-looking. It was + fairly packed--packed like a sardine-box--with men and boys. + Up in the organ-loft around the sides of the organ, + everywhere that a human being could sit, stand or hang, was + pre-empted and filled. + + It was a magnificent, outpouring, at east 50,000 In number, + a compliment alike to the principle it represented, and the + orator.--Chicago Tribune., October 21st, 1876. + + +HAYES CAMPAIGN. + +1876. + +LADIES and Gentlemen:--Democrats and Republicans have a common interest +in the United States. We have a common interest in the preservation of +good order. We have a common interest in the preservation of a common +country. And I appeal to all, Democrats and Republicans, to endeavor +to make a conscientious choice; to endeavor to select as President and +Vice-President of the United States the men and the parties, which, in +your judgment, will best preserve this nation, and preserve all that is +dear to us either as Republicans or Democrats. + +The Democratic party comes before you and asks that you will give this +Government into its hands; and you have a right to investigate as to the +reputation and character of the Democratic organization. The Democratic +party says, "Let bygones be bygones." I never knew a man who did a +decent action that wanted it forgotten. I never knew a man who did some +great and shining act of self-sacrifice and heroic devotion who did +not wish that act remembered. Not only so, but he expected his loving +children would chisel the remembrance of it upon the marble that marked +his last resting place. But whenever a man does an infamous thing; +whenever a man commits some crime; whenever a man does that which +mantles the cheeks of his children with shame; he is the man that says, +"Let bygones be bygones." The Democratic party admits that it has a +record, but it says that any man that will look into it, any man that +will tell it, is not a gentleman. I do not know whether, according to +the Democratic standard, I am a gentleman or not; but I do say that in a +certain sense I am one of the historians of the Democratic party. + +I do not know that it is true that a man cannot give this record and be +a gentleman, but I admit that a gentleman hates to read this record; +a gentleman hates to give this record to the world; but I do it, not +because I like to do it, but because I believe the best interests +of this country demand that there shall be a history given of the +Democratic party. + +In the first place, I claim that the Democratic party embraces within +its filthy arms the worst elements in American society. I claim that +every enemy that this Government has had for twenty years has been and +is a Democrat; every man in the Dominion of Canada that hates the great +Republic, would like to see Tilden and Hendricks successful. Every +titled thief in Great Britain would like to see Tilden and Hendricks the +next President and Vice-President of the United States. + +I say more; every State that seceded from this Union was a Democratic +State. Every man who hated to see bloodhounds cease to be the +instrumentalities of a free government--every one was a Democrat. In +short, every enemy that this Government has had for twenty years, every +enemy that liberty and progress has had in the United States for twenty +years, every hater of our flag, every despiser of our Nation, every man +who has been a disgrace to the great Republic for twenty years, has been +a Democrat. I do not say that they are all that way; but nearly all who +are that way are Democrats. + +The Democratic party is a political tramp with a yellow passport. This +political tramp begs food and he carries in his pocket old dirty scraps +of paper as a kind of certificate of character. On one of these papers +he will show you the ordinance of 1789; on another one of those papers +he will have a part of the Fugitive Slave Law; on another one some +of the black laws that used to disgrace Illinois; on another Governor +Tilden's Letter to Kent; on another a certificate signed by Lyman +Trumbull that the Republican party is not fit to associate with--that +certificate will be endorsed by Governor John M. Palmer and my friend +Judge Doolittle. He will also have in his pocket an old wood-cut, +somewhat torn, representing Abraham Lincoln falling upon the neck of +S. Corning Judd, and thanking him for saving the Union as +Commander-in-Chief of the Sons of Liberty. This political tramp will +also have a letter dated Boston, Mass., saying: "I hereby certify that +for fifty years I have regarded the bearer as a thief and robber, but +I now look upon him as a reformer. Signed, Charles Francis Adams." +Following this tramp will be a bloodhound; and when he asks for food, +the bloodhound will crouch for employment on his haunches, and the drool +of anticipation will run from his loose and hanging lips. Study the +expression of that dog. + +Translate it into English and it means "Oh! I want to bite a nigger!" +And when the dog has that expression he bears a striking likeness to his +master. The question is, Shall that tramp and that dog gain possession +of the White House? + +The Democratic party learns nothing; the Democratic party forgets +nothing. The Democratic party does not know that the world has advanced +a solitary inch since 1860. Time is a Democratic dumb watch. It has not +given a tick for sixteen years. The Democratic party does not know that +we, upon the great glittering highway of progress, have passed a single +mile-stone for twenty years. The Democratic party is incapable of +learning. The Democratic party is incapable of anything but prejudice +and hatred. Every man that is a Democrat is a Democrat because he hates +something; every man that is a Republican is a Republican because he +loves something. + +The Democratic party is incapable of advancement; the only stock that +it has in trade to-day is the old infamous doctrine of Democratic State +Rights. There never was a more infamous doctrine advanced on this +earth, than the Democratic idea of State Rights. What is it? It has its +foundation in the idea that this is not a Nation; it has its foundation +in the idea that this is simply a confederacy, that this great +Government is simply a bargain, that this great splendid people have +simply made a trade, that the people of any one of the States are +sovereign to the extent that they have the right to trample upon the +rights of their fellow-citizens, and that the General Government cannot +interfere. The great Democratic heart is fired to-day, the Democratic +bosom is bloated with indignation because of an order made by General +Grant sending troops into the Southern States to defend the rights of +American citizens! Who objects to a soldier going? Nobody except a man +who wants to carry an election by fraud, by violence, by intimidation, +by assassination, and by murder. + +The Democratic party is willing to-day that Tilden and Hendricks should +be elected by violence; they are willing to-day to go into partnership +with assassination and murder; they are willing to-day that every man in +the Southern States, who is a friend of this Union, and who fought for +our flag--that the rights of every one of these men should be trampled +in the dust, provided that Tilden and Hendricks be elected President +and Vice-President of this country. They tell us that a State line is +sacred; that you never can cross it unless you want to do a mean thing; +that if you want to catch a fugitive slave you have the right to cross +it; but if you wish to defend the rights of men, then it is a sacred +line, and you cannot cross it. Such is the infamous doctrine of the +Democratic party. Who, I say, will be injured by sending soldiers into +the Southern States? No one in the world except the man who wants to +prevent an honest citizen from casting a legal vote for the Government +of his choice. For my part, I think more of the colored Union men of the +South than I do of the white disunion men of the South. For my part, I +think more of a black friend than I do of a white enemy. For my part, I +think more of a friend black outside, and white in, than I do of a man +who is white outside and black inside. For my part, I think more of +black justice, of black charity, and of black patriotism, than I do of +white cruelty, than I do of white treachery and treason. As a matter +of fact, all that is done in the South to-day, of use, is done by the +colored man. The colored man raises everything that is raised in the +South, except hell. And I say here to-night that I think one hundred +times more of the good, honest, industrious black man of the South than +I do of all the white men together that do not love this Government, and +I think more of the black man of the South than I do of the white man of +the North who sympathizes with the white wretch that wishes to trample +upon the rights of that black man. + +I believe that this is a Government, first, not only of power, but that +it is the right of this Government to march all the soldiers in the +United States into any sovereign State of this Union to defend the +rights of every American citizen in that State. If it is the duty of the +Government to defend you in time of war, when you were compelled to go +into the army, how much more is it the duty of the Government to defend +in time of peace the man who, in time of war, voluntarily and gladly +rushed to the rescue and defence of his country; and yet the Democratic +doctrine is that you are to answer the call of the Nation, but the +Nation will be deaf to your cry, unless the Governor of your State makes +request of your Government. Suppose the Governors and every man trample +upon your rights, is the Nation then to let you be trampled upon? Will +the Nation hear only the cry of the oppressor, or will it heed the cry +of the oppressed? I believe we should have a Government that can hear +the faintest wail, the faintest cry for justice from the lips of the +humblest citizen beneath the flag. But the Democratic doctrine is that +this Government can protect its citizens only when they are away from +home. This may account for so many Democrats going to Canada during the +war. I believe that the Government must protect you, not only abroad but +must protect you at home; and that is the greatest question before the +American people to-day. + +I had thought that human impudence had reached its limit ages and ages +ago. I had believed that some time in the history of the world impudence +had reached its height, and so believed until I read the congratulatory +address of Abram S. Hewitt, Chairman of the National Executive +Democratic Committee, wherein he congratulates the negroes of the South +on what he calls a Democratic victory in the State of Indiana. If human +impudence can go beyond this, all I have to say is, it never has. What +does he say to the Southern people, to the colored people? He says to +them in substance: "The reason the white people trample upon you is +because the white people are weak. Give the white people more strength, +put the white people in authority, and, although they murder you now +when they are weak, when they are strong they will let you alone. Yes; +the only trouble with our Southern white brethren is that they are in +the minority, and they kill you now, and the only way to save your lives +is to put your enemy in the majority." That is the doctrine of Abram S. +Hewitt, and he congratulates the colored people of the South upon the +Democratic victory in Indiana. There is going to be a great crop of +hawks next season--let us congratulate the doves. That is it. The +burglars have whipped the police--let us congratulate the bank. That +is it. The wolves have killed off almost all the shepherds--let us +congratulate the sheep. + +In my judgment, the black people have suffered enough. They have +been slaves for two hundred years, and more than all, they have been +compelled to keep the company of the men that owned them. Think of that! +Think of being compelled to keep the society of the man who is stealing +from you! Think of being compelled to live with the man that sold your +wife! Think of being compelled to live with the man that stole your +child from the cradle before your very eyes! Think of being compelled +to live with the thief of your life, and spend your days with the white +robber, and be under his control! The black people have suffered enough. +For two hundred years they were owned and bought and sold and branded +like cattle. For two hundred years every human tie was rent and torn +asunder by the bloody, brutal hands of avarice and might. They have +suffered enough. During the war the black people were our friends not +only, but whenever they were entrusted with the family, with the wives +and children of their masters, they were true to them. They stayed at +home and protected the wife and child of the master while he went into +the field and fought for the right to sell the wife and the right to +whip and steal the child of the very black man that was protecting him. +The black people, I say, have suffered enough, and for that reason I am +in favor of the Government protecting them in every Southern State, if +it takes another war to do it. We can never compromise with the South +at the expense of our friends. We never can be friends with the men that +starved and shot our brothers. We can never be friends with the men +that waged the most cruel war in the world; not for liberty, but for +the right to deprive other men of their liberty. We never can be their +friends until they are the friends of our friends, until they treat the +black man justly; until they treat the white Union man respectfully; +until Republicanism ceases to be a crime; until to vote the Republican +ticket ceases to make you a political and social outcast. We want no +friendship with the enemies of our country. The next question is, who +shall have possession of this country--the men that saved it,--or the +men that sought to destroy it? The Southern people lit the fires of +civil war. They who set the conflagration must be satisfied with the +ashes left. The men that saved this country must rule it. The men +that saved the flag must carry it. This Government is not far from +destruction when it crowns with its highest honor in time of peace, the +man that was false to it in time of war. This Nation is not far from +the precipice of annihilation and destruction when it gives its highest +honor to a man false, false to the country when everything we held +dear trembled in the balance of war, when everything was left to the +arbitrament of the sword. + +The next question prominently before the people--though I think the +great question is, whether citizens shall be protected at home--the +next question I say, is the financial question. With that there is no +trouble. We had to borrow money, and we have to pay it. That is all +there is of that, and we are going to pay it just as soon as we make +the money to pay it with, and we are going to make the money out of +prosperity. + +We have to dig it out of the earth. You cannot make a dollar by law. You +cannot redeem a cent by statute. You cannot pay one solitary farthing by +all the resolutions, by all the speeches ever made beneath the sun. + +If the greenback doctrine is right, that evidence of national +indebtedness is wealth, if that is their idea, why not go another step +and make every individual note a legal tender? Why not pass a law that +every man shall take every other man's note? Then I swear we would have +money in plenty. No, my friends, a promise to pay a dollar is not a +dollar, no matter if that promise is made by the greatest and most +powerful nation on the globe. A promise is not a performance. An +agreement is not an accomplishment and there never will come a time when +a promise to pay a dollar is as good as the dollar, unless everybody +knows that you have the dollar and will pay it whenever they ask for it. +We want no more inflation. We want simply to pay our debts as fast as +the prosperity of the country allows it and no faster. Every speculator +that was caught with property on his hands upon which he owed more +than the property was worth, wanted the game to go on a little longer. +Whoever heard of a man playing poker that wanted to quit when he was +a loser? He wants to have a fresh deal. He wants another hand, and he +don't want any man that is ahead to jump the game. It is so with the +speculators in this country. They bought land, they bought houses, they +bought goods, and when the crisis and crash came, they were caught with +the property on their hands, and they want another inflation, they +want another tide to rise that will again sweep this driftwood into the +middle of the great financial stream. That is all. Every lot in this +city that was worth five thousand and that is now worth two thousand--do +you know what is the matter with that lot? It has been redeeming. It has +been resuming. That is what is the matter with that lot. Every man that +owned property that has now fallen fifty per cent., that property has +been resuming; and if you could have another inflation to-morrow, the +day that the bubble burst would find thousands of speculators who paid +as much for property as property was worth, and they would ask for +another tide of affairs in men. They would ask for another inflation. +What for? To let them out and put somebody else in. + +We want no more inflation. We want the simple honest payment of the +debt, and to pay out of the prosperity of this country. But, says the +greenback man, "We never had as good times as when we had plenty of +greenbacks." + +Suppose a farmer would buy a farm for ten thousand dollars and give +his note. He would buy carriages, horses, wagons and agricultural +implements, and give his note. He would send Mary, Jane and Lucy to +school. He would buy them pianos, and send them to college, and would +give his note, and the next year he would again give his note for the +interest, and the next year again his note, and finally they would come +to him and say, "We must settle up; we have taken your notes as long as +we can; we want money." "Why," he would say to the gentleman, "I never +had as good a time in my life as while I have been giving those notes. +I never had a farm until the man gave it to me for my note. My children +have been clothed as well as anybody's. We have had carriages; we have +had fine horses; and our house has been filled with music, and laughter, +and dancing; and why not keep on taking those notes?" So it is with the +greenback man; he says, "When we were running in debt we had a jolly +time--let us keep it up." But, my friends, there must come a time when +inflation would reach that point when all the Goverment notes in the +world would not buy a pin; when all the Government notes in the world +would not be worth as much as the last year's Democratic platform. I +have no fear that these debts will not be paid. I have no fear that +every solitary greenback dollar will not be redeemed; but, my friends, +we shall have some trouble doing it. Why? Because the debt is a great +deal larger than it should have been. In the first place, there should +have been po debt. If it had not been for the Southern Democracy there +would have been no war. If it had not been for the Northern Democracy +the war would not have lasted one year. + +There was a man tried in court for having murdered his father and +mother. He was found guilty, and the judge asked him, "What have you to +say that sentence of death shall not be pronounced on you?" "Nothing in +the world Judge," said he, "only I hope your Honor will take pity on me +and remember that I am a poor orphan." + +I have no doubt that this debt will be paid. We have the honor to pay +it, and we do not pay it on account of the avarice or greed of the +bondholder. An honest man does not pay money to a creditor simply +because the creditor wants it. The honest man pays at the command of his +honor and not at the demand of the creditor. + +The United States will pay its debts, not because the creditor demands, +but because we owe it. + +The United States will liquidate every debt at the command of its honor, +and every cent will be paid. War is destruction, war is loss, and all +the property destroyed, and the time that is lost, put together, amount +to what we call a national debt. When in peace we shall have made as +much net profit as there was wealth lost in the war, then we shall be a +solvent people. The greenback will be redeemed, we expect to redeem +it on the first day of January, 1879. We may fail; we will fail if the +prosperity of the country fails; but we intend to try to do it, and if +we fail, we will fail as a soldier fails to take a fort, high upon the +rampart, with the flag of resumption in our hands. We will not say that +we cannot pay the debt because there is a date fixed when the debt is to +be paid. I have had to borrow money myself; I have had to give my note, +and I recollect distinctly that every man I ever did give my note to +insisted that somewhere in that note there should be some vague hint +as to the cycle, as to the geological period, as to the time, as to +the century and date when I expected to pay those little notes. I never +understood that having a time fixed would prevent my being industrious; +that it would interfere with my honesty; or with my activity, or with my +desire to discharge that debt. And if any man in this great country owed +you one thousand dollars, due you the first day of next January, and he +should come to you and say: "I want to pay you that debt, but you must +take that date out of that note." "Why?" you would say. "Why," he would +reply in the language of Tilden, "I have to make wise preparation." +"Well," you would say, "why don't you do it?" "Oh," he says, "I cannot +do it while you have that date in that note." "Another thing," he says, +"I have to get me a central reservoir of coin." And do you know I have +always thought I would like to see the Democratic party around a central +reservoir of coin. + +Suppose this debtor would also tell you, "I want the date out of that +note, because I have to come at it by a very slow and gradual process." +"Well," you would say, "I do not care how slow or how gradual you are, +provided that you get around by the time the note is due." + +What would you think of a man that wanted the date out of the note? You +would think he was a mixture of rascal and Democrat. That is what you +would think. + +Now, my friends, the Democratic party (if you may call it a party) +brings forward as its candidate Samuel J. Tilden, of New York. I am +opposed to him, first, because he is an old bachelor. In a country like +ours, depending for its prosperity and glory upon an increase of the +population, to elect an old bachelor is a suicidal policy. Any man that +will live in this country for sixty years, surrounded by beautiful women +with rosy lips and dimpled cheeks, in every dimple lurking a Cupid, with +pearly teeth and sparkling eyes--any man that will push them all aside +and be satisfied with the embraces of the Democratic party, does not +even know the value of time. I am opposed to Samuel J. Tilden, because +he is a Democrat; because he belongs to the Democratic party of the city +of New York; the worst party ever organized in any civilized country. + +No man should be President of this Nation who denies that it is a +Nation. Samuel J. Tilden denounced the war as an outrage. No man should +be President of this country that denounced a war waged in its defence +as an outrage. To elect such a man would be an outrage. + +Samuel J. Tilden said that the flag stands for a contract; that it +stands for a confederation; that it stands for a bargain. But the great, +splendid Republican party says, "No! That flag stands for a great, +hoping, aspiring, sublime Nation, not for a confederacy." + +I am opposed, I say, to the election of Samuel J. Tilden for another +reason. If he is elected he will be controlled by his party, and his +party will be controlled by the Southern stockholders in that party. +They own nineteen-twentieths of the stock, and they will dictate the +policy of the Democratic Corporation. + +No Northern Democrat has the manliness to stand up before a Southern +Democrat. Every Democrat, nearly, has a face of dough, and the Southern +Democrat will swap his ears, change his nose, cut his mouth the other +way of the leather, so that his own mother would not know him, in +fifteen minutes. If Samuel J. Tilden is elected President of the +United States, he will be controlled by the Democratic party, and the +Democratic party will be controlled by the Southern Democracy--that is +to say, the late rebels; that is to say, the men that tried to destroy +the Government; that is to say, the men who are sorry they did not +destroy the Government; that is to say, the enemies of every friend of +this Union; that is to say, the murderers and the assassins of Union men +living in the Southern country. + +Let me say another thing. If Mr. Tilden does not act in accordance with +the Southern Democratic command, the Southern Democracy will not allow +a single life to stand between them and the absolute control of this +country. Hendricks will then be their man. I say that it would be an +outrage to give this country into the control of men who endeavored to +destroy it, to give this country into the control of the Southern rebels +and haters of Union men. + +And on the other hand, the Republican party has put forward Rutherford +B. Hayes. He is an honest man. The Democrats will say, "That is +nothing." Well, let them try it. Rutherford B. Hayes has a good +character. + +Rutherford B. Hayes, when this war commenced, did not say with Tilden, +"It is an outrage." He did not say with Tilden, "I never will contribute +to the prosecution of this war." But he did say this, "I would go into +this war if I knew I would be killed in the course of it, rather than +to live through it and take no part in it." During the war Rutherford +B. Hayes received many wounds in his flesh, but not one scratch upon his +honor. Samuel J. Tilden received many wounds upon his honor, but not +one scratch on his flesh. Rutherford B. Hayes is a firm man; not an +obstinate man, but a firm man; and I draw this distinction: A firm man +will do what he believes to be right, because he wants to do right. He +will stand firm because he believes it to be right; but an obstinate +man wants his own way, whether it is right or whether it is wrong. +Rutherford B. Hayes is firm in the right, and obstinate only when he +knows he is in the right. If you want to vote for a man who fought for +you, vote for Rutherford B. Hayes. If you want to vote for a man +that carried our flag through the storm of shot and shell, vote for +Rutherford B. Hayes. If you believe patriotism to be a virtue, vote for +Rutherford B. Hayes. If you believe this country wants heroes, vote for +Rutherford B. Hayes. If you want a man who turned against his country in +time of war, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. If you believe the war waged for +the salvation of our Nation was an outrage, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. +If you believe it is better to stay at home and curse the brave men in +the field, fighting for the sacred rights of man, vote for Samuel J. +Tilden. If you want to pay a premium upon treason, if you want to pay a +premium upon hypocrisy, if you want to pay a premium upon chicanery, +if you want to pay a premium upon sympathizing with the enemies of your +country, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. + +If you believe that patriotism is right, if you believe the brave +defender of liberty is better than the assassin of freedom, vote for +Rutherford B. Hayes. + +I am proud that I belong to the Republican party. It is the only party +that has not begged pardon for doing right. It is the only party that +has said: "There shall be no distinction on account of race, on account +of color, on account of previous condition." It is the only party that +ever had a platform broad enough for all humanity to stand upon. + +It is the first decent party that ever lived. The Republican party made +the first free government that was ever made. The Republican party made +the first decent constitution that any nation ever had. The Republican +party gave to the sky the first pure flag that was ever kissed by the +waves of air. The Republican party is the first party that ever said: +"Every man is entitled to liberty," not because he is white, not because +he is black, not because he is rich, not because he is poor, but because +he is a man. + +The Republican party is the first party that knew enough to know that +humanity is more than skin deep. It is the first party that said, +"Government should be for all, as the light, as the air, is for all." + +And it is the first party that had the sense to say, "What air is to the +lungs, what light is to the eyes, what love is to the heart, liberty is +to the soul of man." The Republican party is the first party that ever +was in favor of absolute free labor, the first party in favor of giving +to every man, without distinction of race or color, the fruits of the +labor of his hands. The Republican party said, "Free labor will give us +wealth, free thought will give us truth." The Republican party is the +first party that said to every man, "Think for yourself, and express +that thought." I am a free man. I belong to the Republican party. This +is a free country. I will think my thought. I will speak my thought or +die. I say the Republican party is for free labor. + +Free labor has invented all the machines that ever added to the power, +added to the wealth, added to the leisure, added to the civilization of +mankind. Every convenience, everything of use, everything of beauty in +the world, we owe to free labor and to free thought. Free labor, free +thought! + +Science took the thunderbolt from the gods, and in the electric spark, +freedom, with thought, with intelligence and with love, sweeps under all +the waves of the sea; science, free thought, took a tear from the cheek +of unpaid labor, converted it into steam, and created the giant that +turns, with tireless arms, the countless wheels of toil. + +The Republican party, I say, believes in free labor. Every solitary +thing, every solitary improvement made in the United States has been +made by the Republican party. Every reform accomplished was inaugurated, +and was accomplished by the great, grand, glorious Republican party. + +The Republican party does not say: "Let bygones be bygones." The +Republican party is proud of the past and confident of the future. The +Republican party brings its record before you and implores you to read +every page, every paragraph, every line and every shining word. On the +first page you will find it written: "Slavery has cursed American soil +long enough;" on the same page you will find it written: "Slavery +shall go no farther." On the same page you will find it written: "The +bloodhounds shall not drip their gore upon another inch of American +soil." On the second page you will find it written: "This is a Nation, +not a Confederacy; every State belongs to every citizen, and no State +has a right to take territory belonging to any citizens in the United +States and set up a separate Government." On the third page you will +find the grandest declaration ever made in this country: "Slavery shall +be extirpated from the American soil." On the next page: "The Rebellion +shall be put down." On the next page: "The Rebellion has been put down." +On the next page: "Slavery has been extirpated from the American soil." +On the next page: "The freedmen shall not be vagrants; they shall be +citizens." On the next page: "They are citizens." On the next page: "The +ballot shall be put in their hands;" and now we will write on the next +page: "Every citizen that has a ballot in his hand, by the gods! shall +have a right to cast that ballot." That in short, that in brief, is the +history of the Republican party. The Republican party says, and it means +what it says: "This shall be a free country forever; every man in it +twenty-one years of age shall have the right to vote for the Government +of his choice, and if any man endeavors to interfere with that right, +the Government of the United States will see to it that the right of +every American citizen is protected at the polls." + +Now, my friends, there is one thing that troubles the average Democrat, +and that is the idea that somehow, in some way, the negro will get to be +the better man. It is the trouble in the South to-day. And I say to my +Southern friends (and I admit that there are a great many good men in +the South, but the bad men are in an overwhelming majority; the great +mass of the population is vicious, violent, virulent and malignant; the +great mass of the population is cruel, revengeful, idle, hateful,) and +I tell that population: "If you do not go to work, the negro, by his +patient industry, will pass you." In the long run, the nation that is +honest, the people who are industrious, will pass the people who are +dishonest, and the people who are idle, no matter how grand an ancestry +they may have had, and so I say, Mr. Northern Democrat, look out! + +The superior man is the man that loves his fellow-man; the superior man +is the useful man; the superior man is the kind man, the man who lifts +up his down-trodden brothers; and the greater the load of human sorrow +and human want you can get in your arms, the easier you can climb +the great hill of fame. The superior man is the man who loves his +fellow-man. And let me say right here, the good men, the superior +men, the grand men are brothers the world over, no matter what their +complexion may be; centuries may separate them, yet they are hand in +hand; and all the good, and all the grand, and all the superior men, +shoulder to shoulder, heart to heart, are fighting the great battle for +the progress of mankind. + +I pity the man, I execrate and hate the man who has only to boast that +he is white. Whenever I am reduced to that necessity, I believe shame +will make me red instead of white. I believe another thing. If I cannot +hoe my row, I will not steal corn from the fellow that hoes his row. If +I belong to the superior race, I will be so superior that I can make my +living without stealing from the inferior. I am perfectly willing that +any Democrat in the world that can, shall pass me. I have never seen one +yet, except when I looked over my shoulder. But if they can pass I shall +be delighted. + +Whenever we stand in the presence of genius, we take off our hats. +Whenever we stand in the presence of the great, we do involuntary homage +in spite of ourselves. Any one who can go by is welcome, any one in the +world; but until somebody does go by, of the Democratic persuasion, +I shall not trouble myself about the fact that may be, in some future +time, they may get by. The Democrats are afraid of being passed, because +they are being passed. + +No man ever was, no man ever will be, the superior of the man whom he +robs. No man ever was, no man ever will be, the superior of the man he +steals from. I had rather be a slave than a slave-master. I had rather +be stolen from than be a thief. I had rather be the wronged than the +wrong-doer. And allow me to say again to impress it forever upon every +man that hears me, you will always be the inferior of the man you wrong. +Every race is inferior to the race it tramples upon and robs. There +never was a man that could trample upon human rights and be superior +to the man upon whom he trampled. And let me say another thing: No +government can stand upon the crushed rights of one single human being; +and any compromise that we make with the South, if we make it at the +expense of our friends, will carry in its own bosom the seeds of its +own death and destruction, and cannot stand. A government founded upon +anything except liberty and justice cannot and ought not to stand. All +the wrecks on either side of the stream of time, all the wrecks of the +great cities and nations that have passed away--all are a warning that +no nation founded upon injustice can stand. From sand-enshrouded Egypt, +from the marble wilderness of Athens, from every fallen, crumbling stone +of the once mighty Rome, comes as it were a wail, comes as it were the +cry, "No nation founded upon injustice can permanently stand." We must +found this Nation anew. We must fight our fight. We must cling to our +old party until there is freedom of speech in every part of the United +States. We must cling to the old party until I can speak in every State +of the South as every Southerner can speak in every State of the North. +We must vote the grand old Republican ticket until there is the same +liberty in every Southern State that there is in every Northern, Eastern +and Western State. We must stand by the party until every Southern man +will admit that this country belongs to every citizen of the United +States as much as to the man that is born in that country. One more +thing. I do not want any man that ever fought for this country to vote +the Democratic ticket. You will swap your respectability for disgrace. +There are thousands of you--great, grand, splendid men--that have fought +grandly for this Union, and now I beseech of you, I beg of you, do not +give respectability to the enemies and haters of your country. Do not +do it. Do not vote with the Democratic party, of the North. Sometimes +I think a rebel sympathizer in the North worse than a rebel, and I will +tell you why. The rebel was carried into the rebellion by public opinion +at home,--his father, his mother, his sweetheart, his brother, and +everybody he knew; and there was a kind of wind, a kind of tornado, a +kind of whirlwind that took him into the army. He went on the rebel side +with his State. The Northern Democrat went against his own State; went +against his own Government; and went against public opinion at home. The +Northern Democrat rowed up stream against wind and tide. The Southern +rebel went with the current; the Northern rebel rowed against the +current from pure, simple cussedness. + +And I beg every man that ever fought for the Union, every man that ever +bared his breast to a storm of shot and shell, that the old flag might +float over every inch of American soil redeemed from the clutch of +treason; I beg him, I implore him, do not go with the Democratic party. +And to every young man within the sound of my voice I say, do not tie +your bright and shining prospects to that old corpse of Democracy. You +will get tired of dragging it around. Do not cast your first vote +with the enemies of your country. Do not cast your first vote with the +Democratic party that was glad when the Union army was defeated. Do not +cast your vote with that party whose cheeks flushed with the roses of +joy when the old flag was trailed in disaster upon the field of battle. +Remember, my friends, that that party did every mean thing it could, +every dishonest and treasonable thing it could. Recollect that that +party did all it could to divide this Nation, and destroy this country. + +For myself I have no fear; Hayes and Wheeler will be the next President +and Vice-President of the United States of America. Let me beg of +you--let me implore you--let me beseech you, every man, to come out on +election day. Every man, do your duty; every man do his duty with regard +to the State ticket of the great and glorious State of Illinois. + +This year we need Republicans; this year we need men that will vote for +the party; and I tell you that a Republican this year, no matter what +you have against him, no matter whether you like him or do not like him, +is better for the country, no matter how much you hate him, he is better +for the country than any Democrat Nature can make, or ever has made. + +We must, in this supreme election, we must at this supreme moment, vote +only for the men who are in favor of keeping this Government in +the power, in the custody, in the control of the great, the sublime +Republican party. + +Ladies and gentlemen, if I were insensible to the honor you have done me +by this magnificent meeting--the most magnificent I ever saw on earth--a +meeting such as only the marvelous City of Pluck could produce; if I +were insensible of the honor, I would be made of stone. I shall remember +it with delight; I shall remember it with thankfulness all the days of +my life. And I ask in return of every Republican here to remember all +the days of his life, every sacrifice made by this nation for liberty; +every sacrifice made by every private soldier, every sacrifice made by +every patriotic man and patriotic woman. + +I do not ask you to remember in revenge, but I ask you never, never to +forget. As the world swings through the constellations year after year, +I want the memory, I want the patriotic memory of this country to sit +by the grave of every Union soldier, and, while her eyes are filled with +tears, to crown him again and again with the crown of everlasting +honor. I thank you, I thank you, ladies and gentlemen, a thousand times. +Good-night. + + Note:--There was no full report made of this speech, the + above are simply extracts. + + + + +EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS. + +(On the Electoral Commission.) + + * The reputation of Col. Robert G. Ingersoll had taken + possession of the Boston mind to such an extent that his + expected address was spoken of as "The Lecture." People + talked about going to it, as If on that night all other + places were to be closed, and the whole population of the + City turned into Tremont Temple. Long before the appointed + hour a rare audience, for even lecture loving Boston, had + assembled. Col. Ingersoll stepped upon the platform preceded + by Governor Rice, and followed by William Lloyd Garrison, + James T. Fields and others. After the presentation of two + large and exquisite bouquets Governor Rice introduced + Colonel Ingersoll, and the audience, the most acute and + determined looking I ever saw In Boston, poured out their + welcome! It seemed as if all the cheers that had been + suppressed between the first of November and the decision of + the Electoral Commission, found vent at that moment and the + vigorous clapping was renewed and prolonged until it became + an unmistakable salute to the recent brilliant campaigning + of the great Western orator. It is hardly possible to speak + in too high terms of the lecture which, under the title of + "8 to 7," contained a witty, philosophical and intensely + patriotic review of the political contest preceding and + following the recent election, with wise and timely + suggestions for preventing similar perils in the future.-- + Boston, October 22nd,1877. + + +1877. + +I HAVE sometimes wondered whether our country was to be forever governed +by parties full of hatred, full of malice, full of slander. I have +sometimes wondered whether or not in the future there would not be +discovered such a science as the science of government. I do not know +what you think, but what little I do know, and what little experience +has been mine, is, I must admit, against it. We have passed through the +most remarkable campaign of our history--a campaign remarkable in every +respect. + +It was bitter, passionate, relentless and desperate, and I admit, for +one, that I added to its bitterness and relentlessness. I told, and +frankly told, my real, honest opinion of the Democratic party of the +North. I told, and cheerfully told, my opinion of the Democratic party +of the South. And I have nothing to take back. But, to show you that my +heart is not altogether wicked; I am willing to forgive and do forgive +with all my heart, every person and every party that I ever said +anything against. I believe that the campaign of 1876 was the +turning-point, the midnight in the history of the American Republic. + +I believe, and firmly believe, that if the Democratic party had swept +into power, it would have been the end of progress, and the end of what +I consider human liberty, beneath our flag. I felt so, and I went into +the campaign simply because the rights of American citizens in at least +sixteen States of the Union were trampled under foot. I did what little +I could. I am glad I did it. We had, as I say, a wonderful campaign, and +each party said and did about all that could be said and done. Everybody +attended to politics. Business was suspended. Everything was given +over to processions and torches, and flags and transparencies; and +resolutions and conventions and speeches and songs. Old arguments were +revamped. Old stories were pressed into service. The old story of +the Rebellion was told again and again. The memories of the war were +revived. The North was arrayed against the South as though upon the +field of battle. Party cries were heard on every hand. Each party leaped +like a tiger upon the reputation of the other, and tore with tooth and +claw, with might and main, to the very end of the campaign. + +I felt that it was necessary to arouse the North. I felt that it was +necessary to tell again the story of the Rebellion, from Bull Run to +Appomattox. I felt that it was necessary to describe what the Southern +people were doing with Union men, and with colored men; and I felt it +necessary so to describe it that the people of the North could hear the +whips, and could hear the drops of blood as they fell upon the withered +leaves. I did all I could to arouse the people of the North. I did all I +could to prevent the Democratic party from getting into power. The first +morning after the election, the Democracy had a banquet of joy, but +all through the feast they saw sitting at the head of the table the +dim outline of the skeleton of defeat. And, when the tide turned, +Republicans rejoiced with a face ready at any moment to express the +profoundest grief. Then came despatches and rumors, and estimated +majorities, and vague talk about Returning Boards, and intimidating +voters, and stuffed ballot boxes, and fraudulent returns, and bribed +clerks, and injunctions, and contempts of courts, and telegrams in +cipher, and outrages, and octoroon balls in which reverend Senators +were whirled in love's voluptuous waltz. Everybody discussed the +qualifications of Electors and the value of Governors' certificates, and +how to get behind returns, and how to buy an Elector, and who had the +right to count; and persons expecting offices of trust, honor and profit +began to threaten war and extermination, calls were made for a hundred +thousand men, and there were no end of meetings, and resolutions and +denunciations, and the downfall of the country was prophesied; and yet, +notwithstanding all this, the name of the person who really was elected +remained unknown. The last scene of this strange, eventful history, so +far as the election by the people was concerned, was Cronin. I see him +now as he leaves the land "where rolls the Oregon and hears no sound +save his own dashings." Cronin, the last surviving veteran of the grand +army of "honesty and reform." Cronin, a quorum of one. Cronin, who +elected the two others by a plurality of his own vote. + +I see him now, armed with Hoadley's opinion and Grover's certificate, +trudging wearily and drearily over the wide and wasted saleratus deserts +of the West, with a little card marked "S. J. T. i5 G. P." + +Then came the great question of who shall count the electoral vote. The +Vice-President being a Republican, it was generally contended, at least +by me, that he had a right to count that vote. My doctrine was, if the +Vice-President would count the vote right, he had the right to count it. + +The Vice-President not being a Democrat, the members of that party +claimed that the House could prevent the Vice-President from counting +it, and this was simply because the House was not Republican. Nearly all +decided according to their politics. The Constitution is a little blind +on this point, and where anything is blind I always see it my way. +It was about this time that some of the Democrats began to talk about +bringing one hundred thousand unarmed men to Washington to superintend +the count. Others, however, got up a scheme to create, a court in the +United States where politics should have no earthly influence. Nothing +could be easier, they thought, after we had gone through such a hot and +exciting campaign, than to pick out men who have no prejudices whatever +on the subject. Finally a bill was passed creating a tribunal to count +the vote, if any, and hear testimony, if any, and declare what man had +been elected President, if any. This tribunal consisted of fifteen men, +ten being chosen on account of their politics--five from the Senate +and five from the House,--and they chose four judges from purely +geographical considerations. I was there, and I know exactly how it was. +Those four men were picked with a map of the United States in front of +the pickers. The Democrats chose Justice Field, not because he was a +Democrat, but because he lived on the Pacific slope. They chose Justice +Clifford, not because he was a Democrat, but because he lived on the +Eastern slope; that was fair. Thereupon the Republicans chose Justice +Strong, not because he was a Republican, but because he lived on the +Eastern slope. You can see the point. The Republicans chose Justice +Miller, not because he was a Republican, but because he represented the +great West. They then allowed these four to select a fifth man. + +Well, it was impossible to select the fifth man from geographical +considerations, you can see that yourselves. There was nothing left to +choose between, you know, as far as geography was concerned. They then +agreed that they would not take a Justice from any State in which the +candidate for President lived. They left out Justice Hunt, from New +York, and Justice Swayne, from Ohio. They knew of course that that would +not influence them, but they did that simply--well, they did not want +them there; that was all, and it would be unhandy to pick one man out of +four. So they left Swayne and Hunt out. And then they would pick one +man as between Justice Bradley and Justice Davis. Just at that time the +people of the State of Illinois happened to be out of a Senator, and +Judge Davis was there and expressed a willingness to go to the Senate. +And the people of the State of Illinois elected him, and therefore +there was nobody to choose from except Justice Bradley, and he was a +Republican. + +Now, you know this runs in families. His record was good--by marriage. +He married a daughter of Chief Justice Hornblower, of New Jersey. Now, +Hornblower was what you might call a partisan. Do you know they went to +him--it was in the old times, and he was a kind of Whig,--they went to +him with a petition, in the State of New Jersey, a petition addressed to +the Legislature for the abolition of capital punishment, and Hornblower +said, "I'll be damned if I sign it while there is a Democrat in the +State of New Jersey." + +As a matter of fact, however, I believe that Justice Bradley and all the +other Justices, and all other persons on that tribunal decided as they +honestly thought was right. + +Judge Davis is as broad mentally as he is physically; he has an +immensity of common sense, and as much judgment as any one man ever +needs to use, and, in my judgment, he would have come to the same +conclusion as Judge Bradley, precisely. These men were appointed--it +was a Democratic scheme, and I am glad they got it up--and during that +entire investigation, so much were the members of that party controlled +by old associations and habits, and by partisan feeling that there was +not a solitary one of the seven Democrats that ever once voted on the +Republican side. And, as a necessity, the Republicans had to stand +together. And so, notwithstanding the seven Democrats voted constantly +together, the eight Republicans kept having a majority of one, until the +last disputed State was given against the great party of "honesty and +reform." And, finally, when they found they were defeated, they made +up their minds to prevent the counting of the vote. They made up their +minds to wear out the session and prevent the election of a President. +Just at that point, for a wonder, (nothing ever astonished me more), the +members from the South said: "We do not want any more war; we have had +war enough and we say that a President shall be peacefully elected, and +that he shall be peacefully inaugurated!" As soon as I heard that I felt +under a little obligation to the Democracy of the South, and when they +stood in the gap and prevented the Democracy of the North from plunging +this Government into the hell of civil war, I felt like taking them by +the hand and saying, "We have beaten the enemy once, let us keep on. Let +us join hands." I felt like saying to the Democracy of the South, "You +never will have a day's prosperity in the South until you join the +great, free, progressive party of the North--never!" And they never +will. + +Now, I say, I felt as though I were under a certain obligation to these +people. They prevented this thing, and they made it possible for the +Vice-President to declare Rutherford B. Hayes President of the United +States. Now, right here, I want you to observe that this shows the real +defects in our system of government. In the first place, our Government +is being governed by fraud. If the very fountain of power is poisoned by +fraud, then the whole Government is impure. We must find out some way +to prevent fraudulent voting in the United States or our Government is +a failure. Great cities were the mothers of election frauds. They +inaugurated violence and intimidation. They produced the repeaters +and the false boxes. They invented fan-tail tickets and pasters, and +gradually these delightful and patriotic arts and practices have spread +over almost the entire country. + +Unless something is done to preserve the purity of the ballot-box our +form of government must cease. The fountain of power is poisoned. +The sovereignty of the people is stolen and destroyed. The Government +becomes organized fraud, and all respect will soon be lost for the +laws and decisions of the courts. The legislators are elected in many +instances by fraud. The judges are in many instances chosen by fraud. +Every department of the Government becomes tainted and corrupt. It is +no longer a Republic, unless something can be devised to ascertain with +certainty the really honest will of the sovereign people. + +For the accomplishment of this object the good and patriotic men of all +parties should most heartily unite. To cast an illegal vote should +be considered by all as a crime. We must if possible get rid of the +mob--the vagrants, the vagabonds who have no home and who take no +interest in the cities where they vote. We must get rid of the rich +mob too; and by the rich mob I mean the men who buy up these vagabonds. +Various States have passed laws for the registration of voters; but they +all leave wide open all the doors of fraud. Men are allowed to vote if +they have been for one year in the State, and thirty or sixty days in +the ward or precinct; and when they have failed to have their names +registered before the day of election, they can avoid the effect of +this neglect by making a few affidavits, certified to by reputable +householders. Of course all necessary affidavits are made, with hundreds +and thousands to spare. My idea is that the period of registration, in +the first place, is too short, and, in the second place, no way +should be given by which they can vote unless they have been properly +registered, affidavit or no affidavit. Every man, when he goes into a +ward or precinct, should be registered. It should be his duty to see +that he is registered. Officers should be kept for that purpose, and he +should never be allowed to cast a vote until he has been registered +at least one year. Sixty days, say, or thirty days--sixty would be +better--sixty days before the election the registry lists should be +corrected, and every citizen should have the right to enter a complaint +or objection as against any name found upon that list. Thirty days, +or twenty days before the election, that list should be published +and should be exposed in several public places in each ward and each +precinct, and upon the day of election no man should be allowed to +vote whose name was not upon the registry list. Our wards and precincts +should be made smaller, so that people can vote without violence, +without wasting an entire day, so that the honest business man that +wishes to cast his ballot for the Government of his choice can walk +to the polls like a gentleman and deposit his vote and go about his +affairs. Allow me to say that unless some such plan is adopted in +the United States, there never will be another fair election in this +country. During the last campaign all the arts and artifices of the +city, all the arts and artifices of the lowest wards were spread over +this entire country, and unless something is done to preserve the purity +of the ballot-box, and guard the sovereign will of the people, we will +cease to be a Republican Government. + +Another thing--and I cannot say it too often--fraud at the ballot-box +undermines all respect in the minds of the people for the Government. +When they are satisfied that the election is a fraud they despise the +officers elected. When they are satisfied it is a fraud, they despise +the law made by the legislators. When they are satisfied it is a fraud, +they hold in utter contempt the decisions of our highest and most august +tribunals. + +Another trouble in this country is that our terms of office are too +short. Our elections are too frequent. They interfere with the business +of our country. When elections are so frequent, men make a business +of politics. If they fail to get one office they immediately run for +another, and they keep running until the people elect them for the +simple purpose of getting rid of the annoyance. Lengthen the terms, +purify the ballot, and the present scramble for office will become +contests for principles. A man who cannot get a living--unless he +has been disabled in the service of his country or from some other +cause--without holding office, is not fit for an office. + +A professional office-seeker is one of the meanest, and lowest, and +basest of human beings--a little higher than the lower animals and a +little lower than man. He has no earthly or heavenly independence; not a +particle; not a particle. A successful office-seeker is like the center +of the earth; he weighs nothing himself, and draws all things towards +the office he wants. He has not even a temper. You cannot insult him. +Shut the door in his face, and, so far as he is concerned, it is left +wide open, and you are standing on the threshold with a smile, extending +the hand of welcome. He crawls and cringes and flatters and lies and +swaggers and brags and tells of the influence he has in the ward he +lives in. We cannot too often repeat that splendid saying, "The office +should seek the man, not man the office." If you will lengthen the +term of office it will be so long between meals that he will have to do +something else or starve. Adopt the system of registration, as I have +suggested; have small and convenient election districts, so that, as I +said before, the honest, law-abiding, and peaceable citizen can attend +the polls; so that he will not be compelled to risk his life to deposit +his ballot that will be stolen or thrown out, or forced to keep the +company of ballots caused by fraudulent violence. Lengthen the term of +office, drive the professional hunter and seeker of office from the +field, and you will go far toward strengthening and vivifying and +preserving the fabric of the Constitution. That is the kind of civil +service reform I am in favor of, and as I am on that subject, I will say +a word about it. There is but one vital question--but one question of +real importance--in fact I might say in the whole world, and that is +the great question of Civil Service Reform. There may be some others +indirectly affecting the human race, and in which some people take a +languid kind of interest, but the only question worth discussing and +comprehending in all its phases is the one I have mentioned. This great +question is in its infancy still. The doctrine as yet has been applied +only to politics.* + + * Colonel Ingersoll then read the following letter, of which + he was the author. + + +My Dear Sir:--In the olden times, during the purer days of the Republic, +the motto was, "To the victors belong the spoils." The great object of +civil service reform is to reverse this motto. Our people are thoroughly +disgusted with machine politics, and demand politics without any +machine. + +In every precinct and ward there are persons going about lauding one +party and crying down the other. They make it their business to attend +to the affairs of the Nation. They call conventions, pass resolutions; +they put notices in papers of the times and places of meetings; they +select candidates for office, and then insist upon having them elected; +they distribute papers and political documents; they crowd the mails +with newspapers, platforms, resolutions, facts and figures, and with +everything calculated to help their party and hurt the other. In short, +they are the disturbers of the public peace. + +They keep the community in a perpetual excitement. In the last campaign, +wherever they were was turmoil. They fired cannon, carried flags, +torches and transparencies; they subsidized brass bands, and shouted and +hurrahed as though the world had gone insane. They were induced to do +these things by the hope of success and office. Take away this hope and +there will be peace once more. This thing is unendurable. The staid, +the quiet and respectable people, the moderate and conservative men who +always have an idea of joining the other side just to show their candor, +are heartily tired of the entire performance. These gentlemen demand +a rest. They are not adventurers; they have incomes; they belong to +families; they have monograms and liveries. They have succeeded, and +they want quiet. Growth makes a noise; development, as they call it, +is nothing but disturbance. We want stability, we want political +petrifaction, and we therefore demand that these meetings shall be +dismissed, that these processions shall halt, that these flags shall be +furled. But these things never will be stopped until we stop paying men +with office for making these disturbances. You know that it has been +the habit for men elected to bestow political favors upon the men +who elected them. This is a crying shame. It is a kind of bribery and +corruption. Men should not work with the expectation of reward and +success. The frightful consequences of rewarding one's friends cannot be +contemplated by a true patriot without a shudder. Exactly the opposite +course is demanded by the great principle of civil service reform. There +is no patriotism in working for place, for power and success. The true +lover of his country is stimulated to action by the hope of defeat, +and the prospect of office for his opponent. To such an extent has the +pernicious system of rewarding friends for political services gone in +this country, that until very lately it was difficult for a member of +the defeated party to obtain a respectable office. + +The result of all this is, that the country is divided, that these +divisions are kept alive by these speakers, writers and convention +callers. The great mission of civil service reform is not to do +away with parties, but with conflicting opinion, by taking from all +politicians the hope of reward. There is no other hope for peace. What +do the people know about the wants of the nation? There are in every +community a few quiet and respectable men, who know all about the wants +of the people--gentlemen who have retired from business, who take no +part in discussion and who are therefore free from prejudice. Let these +men attend to our politics. They will not call conventions, except +in the parlors of hotels. They will not put out our eyes with flaring +torches. They will not deafen us with speeches. They will carry on a +campaign without producing opposition. They will have elections but no +contests. All the offices will be given to the defeated party. This of +itself will insure tranquillity at the polls. No one will be deprived of +the privilege of casting a ballot. When campaigns are conducted in this +manner a gentleman can engage in politics with a feeling that he is +protected by the great principle of civil service reform. But just so +long as men persist in rewarding their friends, as they call them, just +so long will our country be cursed with political parties. Nothing can +be better calculated to preserve the peace than the great principle of +rewarding those who have confidence enough in our institutions to keep +silent while peace will sit with folded wings upon the moss-covered +political stump of a ruder age. I am satisfied that to civil service +reform the Republican party is indebted for the last great victory. Upon +this question the enthusiasm of the people was simply unbounded. In +the harvest field, the shop, the counting-room, in the church, in the +saloon, in, the palace and in the hut, nothing was heard and nothing +discussed except the great principle of civil service reform. + +Among the most touching incidents of the campaign was to see a few +old soldiers, sacred with scars, sit down, and while battles and +hair-breadth escapes, and prisons of want, were utterly forgotten, +discuss with tremulous lips and tearful eyes the great question of civil +service reform. + +During the great political contest I addressed several quite large +and intelligent audiences, and no one who did not has or can have the +slightest idea of the hold that civil service reform had upon the +very souls of our people. Upon all other subjects the indifference was +marked. I dwelt upon the glittering achievements of my party, but they +were indifferent. I pictured outrages perpetrated upon our citizens, but +they did not care. All this went idly by, but when I touched upon +civil service reform, old men, gray-haired and strong, broke down +utterly--tears fell like rain. The faces of women grew ashen with the +intensity of anguish, and even little children sobbed as though their +hearts would break. To one who has witnessed these affecting scenes, +civil service reform is almost a sacred thing. Even the speeches +delivered upon this subject in German affected to tears thousands of +persons wholly unacquainted with that language. In some instances those +who did not understand a word were affected even more than those who +did. Surely there must be something in the subject itself, apart from +the words used to explain it, that can under such circumstances lead +captive the hearts of men. During the entire campaign the cry of civil +service reform was heard from one end of our land to the other. The +sailor nailed those words to the mast. The miner repeated them between +the strokes of the pick. Mothers explained them to their children. +Emigrants painted them upon their wagons. They were mingled with the +reaper's song and the shout of the pioneer. Adopt this great principle +and we can have quiet and lady-like campaigns, a few articles in monthly +magazines, a leader or two in the "Nation," in the pictorial papers +wood-cuts of the residences of the respective candidates and now and +then a letter from an old Whig would constitute all the aggressive +agencies of the contest. I am satisfied that this great principle +secured us our victories in Florida and Louisiana, and its effect on +the High Joint Commission was greater than is generally supposed. It was +this that finally decided the action of the returning boards. + +Cronin is the only man upon whom this great principle was an utter +failure. Let it be understood that friends are not to be rewarded. +Let it be settled that political services are a barrier to political +preferment, and my word for it, machine politics will never be heard of +again. + +Yours truly,---- + + +I do not believe in carrying civil service reform to the extent that +you will not allow an officer to resign. I do not believe that that +principle should be insisted upon to that degree that there would only +be two ways left to get out of office--death or suicide. I believe, +other things being equal, any party having any office within its gift +will give that office to the man that really believes in the principles +of that party, and who has worked to give those principles ultimate +victory. That is human nature. The man that plows, the man that sows, +and the man that cultivates, ought to be the man that reaps. But we have +in this country a multitude of little places, a multitude of clerkships +in Washington; and the question is whether on the incoming of a new +administration, these men shall all be turned out. In the first place, +they are on starvation salaries, just barely enough to keep soul and +body together, and respectability on the outside; and if there is a +young man in this audience, I beg of him: + +Never accept a clerkship from this Government. Do not live on a little +salary; do not let your mind be narrowed; do not sell all the splendid +possibilities of the future; do not learn to cringe and fawn and crawl. + +I would rather have forty acres of land, with a log cabin on it and the +woman I love in the cabin--with a little grassy winding path leading +down to the spring where the water gurgles from the lips of earth +whispering day and night to the white pebbles a perpetual poem--with +holly-hocks growing at the corner of the house, and morning-glories +blooming over the low latched door--with lattice work over the window +so that the sunlight would fall checkered on the dimpled babe in +the cradle, and birds--like songs with wings hovering in the summer +air--than be the clerk of any government on earth. + +Now, I say, let us lengthen the term of office--I do not care much how +long--send a man to Congress at least for five years. And it would be a +great blessing if there were not half as many of them sent. + +We have too many legislators and too much legislation; too little about +important matters, and too much about unimportant matters. Lengthen the +term of office so that the man can turn his attention to something else +when he gets in besides looking after his re-election. There is another +defect we must remedy in our Constitution, in my judgment, and that is +as to the mode of electing a President. I believe it of the greatest +importance that the Executive should be entirely independent of the +legislative and judicial departments of the country. I do not believe +that Congress should have the right to create a vacancy which it can +fill. I do not believe that the Senate of the United States, or the +lower house of Congress, by a simple objection, should have the right to +deprive any State of its electoral vote. Our Constitution now provides +that the electors chosen in each State shall meet in their respective +States upon a certain day and there cast their votes for President and +Vice-President of the United States. They shall properly certify to the +votes which are cast, and shall transmit lists of them, together with +the proper certificates, to the Vice-President of the United States. +And it is then declared that upon a certain day in the presence of both +houses of Congress, the Vice-President shall open the certificates and +the votes shall then be counted. It does not exactly say who shall count +these votes. It does not in so many words say the Vice-President shall +do it, or may do it, or that both houses of Congress shall do it, or may +do it, or that either house can prevent a count of the votes. It leaves +us in the dark, and, to a certain degree, in blindness. I believe there +is a way, and a very easy way, out of the entire trouble, and it is +this: I do not care whether the electors first meet in their respective +States or not, but I want the Constitution so amended that the electors +of all the States shall meet on a certain day in the city of Washington, +and count the votes themselves; to allow that body to be the judge of +who are electors, to allow it to choose a chairman, and to allow +the person so chosen to declare who is the President, and who is the +Vice-President of the United States. The Executive is then entirely +free and independent of the legislative department of Government. The +Executive is then entirely free from the judicial department, and I tell +you, it is a public calamity to have the ermine of the Supreme Court +of the United States touched or stained by a political suspicion. In +my judgment, this country can never stand such a strain again as it has +now. + +Now, my friends, all these questions are upon us and they have to be +settled. We cannot go on as we have been going. We cannot afford to live +as we have lived--one section running against the other. We cannot go +along that way. It must be settled, either peaceably or there must again +be a resort to the boisterous sword of civil war. + +The people of the South must stop trampling on the rights of the colored +men. It must not be a crime in any State of this Union to be a lover of +this country. I have seen it stated in several papers lately that it is +the duty of each State to protect its own citizens. Well, I know that. +Suppose that the State does not do it; what then I say? Well, then, say +these people, the Governor of the State has the right to call on the +General Government for assistance. But suppose the Governor will not +call for assistance, what then? Then, they tell us, the Legislature can +do so by a joint resolution. But suppose the Legislature will not do it, +what then? Then, say these people, it is a defect in the Constitution. +In my judgment, that is the absurdest kind of secession. If the State of +Illinois must protect me, if I have no right to call for the protection +of the General Government, all I have to say is that my allegiance must +belong to the Government that protects me. If Illinois protects me, and +the General Government has not the power, then my first allegiance is +due to Illinois; and should Illinois unsheathe the sword of civil war, +I must stand by my State, if that doctrine is true. I say, my first +allegiance is due to the General Government, and not to the State of +Illinois, and if the State of Illinois goes out of the Union, I swear to +you that I will not. What does the General Government propose to give +me in exchange for my allegiance? The General Government has a right to +take my property. The General Government has a right to take my body +in its necessary defence. What does that Government propose to give in +exchange for that right? Protection, or else our Government is a fraud. +Who has a right to call for the protection of the United States? I say, +the citizen who needs it. Can our Government obtain information only +through the official sources? Must our Government wait until the +Government asks the proofs, while the State tramples upon the rights of +the citizens? Must it wait until the Legislature calls for assistance +to help it stop robbing and plundering citizens of the United States? Is +that the doctrine and the idea of the Northern Democratic party? It is +not mine. A Government that will not protect its citizens is a +disgrace to humanity. A Government that waits until a Governor calls--a +Government that cannot hear the cry of the meanest citizen under its +flag when his rights are being trampled upon, even by citizens of a +Southern State--has no right to exist. + +It is the duty of the American citizen to see to it that every State +has a Government, not only republican in form, but it is the duty of the +United States to see to it that life, liberty and property are protected +in each State. If they are not protected, it is the duty of the United +States to protect them, if it takes all her military force both upon +land and upon the sea. The people whose Government cannot always hear +the faintest wail of the meanest man beneath its flag have no right to +call themselves a nation. The flag that will not protect its protectors +and defend its defenders is a rag that is not worth the air in which it +waves. + +How are we going to do it? Do it by kindness if you can; by conciliation +if you can, but the Government is bound to try every way until it +succeeds. Now, Rutherford B. Hayes was elected President. The Democracy +will say, of course, that he never was elected, but that does not make +any difference. He is President to-day, and all these things are about +him to be settled. + +What shall we do? What can we do? There are two Governors in South +Carolina and two Legislatures and not one cent of taxes has been +collected by either. A dual government would seem to be the most +economical in the world. Now, the question for us to decide, the +question to be decided by this administration is, how are we to +ascertain which is the legal Government of the State, and what +department of the Government has a right to ascertain that fact? Must it +be left to Congress? Has the Senate alone the right to determine it? +Can it be left in any way to the Supreme Court, or shall the Executive +decide it himself? I do not say that the Executive has the power to +decide that question for himself. I do not say he has not, but I do not +say he has. The question, so far as Louisiana and South Carolina are +concerned--that question is now in the Senate of the United States. +Governor Kellogg is asking for admission as a Senator from the State +of Louisiana, and the question is to be decided by the Senate first, +whether he is entitled to his seat, and that question of course, rests +upon the one fact--was the Legislature that elected him the legal +Legislature of the State of Louisiana? It seems to me that when that +question is pending in the Senate of the United States the President has +not the right, or at least it would be improper for him to decide it on +his own motion, and say this or that Government is the real and legal +Government of the State of Louisiana. But some mode must be adopted, +some way must be discovered to settle this question, and to settle it +peacefully. We are an enlightened people. Force is the last thing that +civilized men should resort to. As long as courts can be created, as +long as courts of arbitration can be selected, as long as we can reason +and think, and urge all the considerations of humanity upon each other, +there should be no appeal to arms in the United States upon any question +whatever. What should the President do? He could only spare twenty-five +hundred men from the Indian war--that is the same army that has so +long been trampling on the rights of the South, the same army that +the Democratic Congress wished to reduce, and that army of twenty-five +hundred men is all he has to spare to protect American citizens in the +Southern States. Is there any sentiment in the North that would uphold +the Executive in calling for volunteers? Is there any sentiment here +that would respond to a call for twenty, fifty, or a hundred thousand +men? Is there any Congress to pass the necessary act to pay them if +there was? + +And so the President of the United States appreciated the situation, and +the people of the South came to him and said, "We have had war enough, +we have had trouble enough, our country languishes, we have no trade, +our pockets are empty, something must be done for us, we are utterly and +perfectly disgusted with the leadership of the Democratic party of the +North. Now, will you let us be your friends?" And he had the sense to +say, "Yes." The President took the right hand of the North, and put it +into the right hand of the South and said "Let us be friends. We parted +at the cannon's mouth; we were divided by the edge of the glittering +sword; we must become acquainted again. We are equals. We are all +fellow-citizens. In a Government of the people, by the people and for +the people, there shall not be an outcast class, whether white or +black. To this feast, every child of the Republic shall be invited and +welcomed." It was a grand thing grandly done. If the President succeeds +in his policy, it will be an immense compliment to his brain. If he +fails, it will be an equal compliment to his heart. He has opened the +door; he has advanced; he has extended his hand, he has broken the +silence of hatred with the words of welcome. Actuated by this broad and +catholic spirit he has selected his constitutional advisors, and +allow me to say right here, the President has the right to select his +constitutional advisors to suit himself, and the idea of men endeavoring +to force themselves or others into the Cabinet of the President, +against, as it were, his will, why I would as soon think of circulating +a petition to compel some woman to marry me. + +He has gathered around him the men he considers the wisest and the best, +and I say, let us give them a fair chance. I say, let us be honest with +the President of the United States and his Cabinet, and give his policy +a fair and honest chance. In order to show his good faith with the +South he chose as a member of his Cabinet an ex-rebel from Tennessee. +I confess, when I heard of it I did not like it. It did not seem to +be exactly what I had been making all this fuss about. But I thought I +would be honest about it, and I went and called on Mr. Key, and really +he begins already to look a good deal like a Republican. A real honest +looking man. And then I said to myself that he had not done much more +harm than as though he had been a Democrat at the North during those +four years, and had cursed and swore instead of fought about it. And so +I told him "I am glad you are appointed." + +And I am. Give him a chance, and so far as the whole Cabinet is +concerned--I have not the time to go over them one by one now, it is +perfectly satisfactory to me. The President made up his mind that to +appoint that man would be to say to the South: "I do not look upon you +as pariahs in this Government. I look upon you as fellow-citizens; I +want you to wipe forever the color line, or the Union line, from the +records of this Government on account of what has been done heretofore." +What are you now? is the only question that should be asked. It was +a strange thing for the President to appoint that man. It was an +experiment. It is an experiment. It has not yet been decided, but I +believe it will simply be a proof of the President's wisdom. I can stand +that experiment taken in connection with the appointment of Frederick +Douglass as Marshal of the District of Columbia. I was glad to see +that man's appointment. He is a good, patient, stern man. He has been +fighting for the liberty of his race, and at the same time for our +liberty. This man has done something for the freedom of my race as well +as his own. This is no time for war. War settles nothing except the mere +question of strength. That is all war ever did settle. You cannot shoot +ideas into a man with a musket, or with cannon into one of those old +Bourbon Democrats of the North. You cannot let prejudices out of a man +with a sword. + +This is the time for reason, for discussion, for compromise. This is the +time to repair, to rebuild, to preserve. War destroys. Peace creates. +War is decay and death. Peace is growth and life,--sunlight and air. War +kills men. Peace maintains them. Artillery does not reason; it asserts. +A bayonet has point enough, but no logic. When the sword is drawn, +reason remains in the scabbard. It is not enough to win upon the field +of battle, you must be victor within the realm of thought. There must be +peace between the North and South some time; not a conquered peace, but +a peace that conquers. The question is, can you and I forget the past? +Can we forget everything except the heroic sacrifices of the men who +saved this Government? Can we say to the South, "Let us be brothers"? +Can we? I am willing to do it because, in the first place, it is right, +and in the second place, it will pay if it can be carried out. We have +fought and hated long enough. Our country is prostrate. Labor is in +rags. Energy has empty hands. Industry has empty pockets. The wheels of +the factory are still. In the safe of prudence money lies idle, locked +by the key of fear. Confidence is what we need--confidence in each +other; confidence in our institutions; confidence in our form of +government; in the great future; confidence in law, confidence in +liberty, confidence in progress, and in the grand destiny of the Great +Republic. Now, do not imagine that I think this policy will please +every body. Of course there are men South and North who can never be +conciliated. They are the Implacables in the South--the Bourbons in the +North. + +Nothing will ever satisfy them. The Implacables want to own negroes +and whip them; the Bourbons never will be satisfied until they can help +catch one. The Implacables with violent hands drive emigration from +their shores. They are poisoning the springs and sources of prosperity. +They dine on hatred and sup on regret. They mourn over the lost cause +and partake of the communion of revenge. They strike down the liberties +of their fellow-citizens and refuse to enjoy their own. They remember +nothing but wrongs, and they forget nothing but benefits. Their bosoms +are filled with the serpents of hate. No one can compromise with them. +Nothing can change them. They must be left to the softening influence +of time and death. The Bourbons are the allies of the Implacables. A +Bourbon in the majority is an Implacable in the minority. An Implacable +in the minority is a Bourbon. We do not appeal to, but from these men. +But there are in the South thousands of men who have accepted in good +faith the results of the war; men who love and wish to preserve this +nation, men tired of strife--men longing for a real Union based upon +mutual respect and confidence. These men are willing that the colored +man shall be free--willing that he shall vote, and vote for the +Government of his choice--willing that his children shall be +educated--willing that he shall have all the rights of an American +citizen. These men are tired of the Implacables and disgusted with the +Bourbons. These men wish to unite with the patriotic men of the North in +the great work of reestablishing a government of law. For my part, call +me of what party you please, I am willing to join hands with these men, +without regard to race, color or previous condition. + +With a knowledge of our wants--with a clear perception of our +difficulties, Rutherford B. Hayes became President. + +Nations have been saved by the grandeur of one man. Above all things a +President should be a patriot. Party at best is only a means--the good +of the country, the happiness of the people, the only end. + +Now, I appeal to you Democrats here--not a great many, I suppose--do +not oppose this policy because you think it is going to increase the +Republican strength. If it strengthens the Government, no matter whether +it is Republican or Democratic, it is for the common good. + +And you Republicans, you who have had all these feelings of patriotism +and glory, I ask you to wait and let this experiment be tried. Do not +prophesy failure for it and then work to fulfill the prophecy. Give the +President a chance. I tell you to-night that he is as good a Republican +as there is in the United States; and I tell you that if this policy is +not responded to by the South, Rutherford B. Hayes will change it, +just as soon and as often as is necessary to accomplish the end. The +President has offered the Southern people the olive branch of peace, +and so far as I am concerned, I implore both the Southern people and +the Northern people to accept it. I extend to you each and all the olive +branch of peace. Fellow-citizens of the South, I beseech you to take it. +By the memory of those who died for naught; by the charred remains of +your remembered homes; by the ashes of your statesman dead; for the sake +of your sons and your daughters and their fair children yet to be, +I implore you to take it with loving and with loyal hands. It will +cultivate your wasted fields. It will rebuild your towns and cities. It +will fill your coffers with gold. It will educate your children. It +will swell the sails of your commerce. It will cause the roses of joy +to clamber and climb over the broken cannon of war. It will flood the +cabins of the freedman with light, and clothe the weak in more than coat +of mail, and wrap the poor and lowly in "measureless content." Take it. +The North will forgive if the South will forget. Take it! The negro +will wipe from the tablet of memory the strokes and scars of two hundred +years, and blur with happy tears the record of his wrongs. Take it! It +will unite our nation. It will make us brothers once again. Take it! And +justice will sit in your courts under the outspread wings of Peace. Take +it! And the brain and lips of the future will be free. Take it! It will +bud and blossom in your hands and fill your land with fragrance and with +joy. + + + + +HARD TIMES AND THE WAY OUT. + + * Boston, October 20, 1878. + +LADIES and Gentlemen:--The lovers of the human race, the +philanthropists, the dreamers of grand dreams, all predicted and all +believed that when man should have the right to govern himself, when +every human being should be equal before the law, pauperism, crime, and +want would exist only in the history of the past. They accounted +for misery in their time by the rapacity of kings and the cruelty of +priests. Here, in the United States, man at last is free. Here, man +makes the laws, and all have an equal voice. The rich cannot oppress the +poor, because the poor are in a majority. The laboring men, those who +in some way work for their living, can elect every Congressman and every +judge; they can make and interpret the laws, and if labor is oppressed +in the United States by capital, labor has simply itself to blame. +The cry is now raised that capital in some mysterious way oppresses +industry; that the capitalist is the enemy of the man who labors. What +is a capitalist? Every man who has good health; every man with good +sense; every one who has had his dinner, and has enough left for supper, +is, to that extent, a capitalist. Every man with a good character, who +has the credit to borrow a dollar or to buy a meal, is a capitalist; and +nine out of ten of the great capitalists in the United States are simply +successful workingmen. There is no conflict, and can be no conflict, in +the United States between capital and labor; and the men who endeavor +to excite the envy of the unfortunate and the malice of the poor are the +enemies of law and order. + +As a rule, wealth is the result of industry, economy, attention +to business; and as a rule, poverty is the result of idleness, +extravagance, and inattention to business, though to these rules there +are thousands of exceptions. The man who has wasted his time, who has +thrown away his opportunities, is apt to envy the man who has not. For +instance, there are six shoemakers working in one shop. One of them +attends to his business. You can hear the music of his hammer late and +early. He is in love with some girl on the next street. He has made up +his mind to be a man; to succeed; to make somebody else happy; to have +a home; and while he is working, in his imagination he can see his own +fireside, with the firelight falling upon the faces of wife and child. +The other five gentlemen work as little as they can, spend Sunday in +dissipation, have the headache Monday, and, as a result, never advance. +The industrious one, the one in love, gains the confidence of his +employer, and in a little while he cuts out work for the others. The +first thing you know he has a shop of his own, the next a store; because +the man of reputation, the man of character, the man of known integrity, +can buy all he wishes in the United States upon a credit. The next thing +you know he is married, and he has built him a house, and he is happy, +and his dream has been realized. After awhile the same five shoemakers, +having pursued the old course, stand on the corner some Sunday when he +rides by. He has a carriage, his wife sits by his side, her face covered +with smiles, and they have two children, their eyes beaming with joy, +and the blue ribbons are fluttering in the wind. And thereupon, these +five shoemakers adjourn to some neighboring saloon and pass a resolution +that there is an irrepressible conflict between capital and labor. + +There is, in fact, no such conflict, and the laboring men of the United +States have the power to protect themselves. In the ballot-box the +vote of Lazarus is on an equality with the vote of Dives; the vote of +a wandering pauper counts the same as that of a millionaire. In a land +where the poor, where the laboring men have the right and have the power +to make the laws, and do, in fact, make the laws, certainly there should +be no complaint. In our country the people hold the power, and if any +corporation in any State is devouring the substance of the people, +every State has retained the power of eminent domain, under which it +can confiscate the property and franchise of any corporation by +simply paying to that corporation what such property is worth. And yet +thousands of people are talking as though the rich combined for the +express purpose of destroying the poor, are talking as though there +existed a widespread conspiracy against industry, against honest toil; +and thousands and thousands of speeches have been made and numberless +articles have been written to fill the breasts of the unfortunate with +hatred. + +We have passed through a period of wonderful and unprecedented +inflation. For years we enjoyed the luxury of going into debt, the +felicity of living upon credit. We have in the United States about +eighty thousand miles of railway, more than enough to make a treble +track around the globe. Most of these miles were built in a period of +twenty-five years, and at a cost of at least five thousand millions +of dollars. Think of the ore that had to be dug, of the iron that was +melted; think of the thousands employed in cutting bridge timber and +ties, and giving to the wintry air the music of the axe; think of the +thousands and thousands employed in making cars, in making locomotives, +those horses of progress with nerves of steel and breath of flame; think +of the thousands and thousands of workers in brass and steel and iron; +think of the numberless industries that thrived in the construction +of eighty thousand miles of railway, of the streams bridged, of the +mountains tunneled, of the plains crossed; and think of the towns and +cities that sprang up, as if by magic, along these highways of iron. + +During the same time we had a war in which we expended thousands of +millions of dollars, not to create, not to construct, but to destroy. +All this money was spent in the work of demolition, and every shot and +every shell and every musket and every cannon was used to destroy. All +the time of every soldier was lost. An amount of property inconceivable +was destroyed, and some of the best and bravest were sacrificed. During +these years the productive power of the North was strained to the +utmost; every wheel was in motion; there was employment for every kind +and description of labor, and for every mechanic. There was a constantly +rising market--speculation was rife, and it seemed almost impossible +to lose. As a consequence, the men who had been toiling upon the farm +became tired. It was too slow a way to get rich. They heard of their +neighbor, of their brother, who had gone to the city and had suddenly +become a millionaire. They became tired with the slow methods of +agriculture. The young men of intelligence, of vim, of nerve became +disgusted with the farms. On every hand fortunes were being made. A +wave of wealth swept over the United States; huts became houses; houses +became palaces with carpeted floors and pictured walls; tatters became +garments; rags became robes; and for the first time in the history of +the world, the poor tasted of the luxuries of wealth. We wondered how +our fathers could have endured their poor and barren lives. + +Every business was pressed to the snow line. Old life insurance +associations had been successful; new ones sprang up on every hand. +The agents filled every town. These agents were given a portion of the +premium. You could hardly go out of your house without being told of the +uncertainty of life and the certainty of death. You were shown pictures +of life insurance agents emptying vast bags of gold at the feet of a +disconsolate widow. You saw in imagination your own fatherless children +wiping away the tears of grief and smiling with joy. + +These agents insured everybody and everything. They would have insured a +hospital or consumption in its last hemorrhage. + +Fire insurance was managed in precisely the same way. The agents +received a part of the premium, and they insured anything and +everything, no matter what its danger might be. They would have insured +powder in perdition, or icebergs under the torrid zone with the same +alacrity. And then there were accident companies, and you could not +go to the station to buy your ticket without being shown a picture of +disaster. You would see there four horses running away with a stage, and +old ladies and children being thrown out; you would see a steamer being +blown up on the Mississippi, legs one way and arms the other, heads +one side and hats the other; locomotives going through bridges, good +Samaritans carrying off the wounded on stretchers. + +The merchants, too, were not satisfied to do business in the old way. It +was too slow; they could not wait for customers. They filled the country +with drummers, and these drummers convinced all the country merchants +that they needed about twice as many goods as they could possibly sell, +and they took their notes on sixty and ninety days, and renewed them +whenever desired, provided the parties renewing the notes would take +more goods. And these country merchants pressed the goods upon their +customers in the same manner. Everybody was selling, everybody was +buying, and nearly all was done upon a credit. No one believed the day +of settlement ever would or ever could come. Towns must continue to +grow, and in the imagination of speculators there were hundreds of +cities numbering their millions of inhabitants. Land, miles and miles +from the city, was laid out in blocks and squares and parks; land that +will not be occupied for residences probably for hundreds of years to +come, and these lots were sold, not by the acre, not by the square +mile, but by so much per foot. They were sold on credit, with a partial +payment down and the balance secured by a mortgage. + +These values, of course, existed simply in the imagination; and a deed +of trust upon a cloud or a mortgage upon a last year's fog would have +been just as valuable. Everybody advertised, and those who were not +selling goods and real estate were in the medicine line, and every rock +beneath our flag was covered with advice to the unfortunate; and I have +often thought that if some sincere Christian had made a pilgrimage +to Sinai and climbed its venerable crags, and in a moment of devotion +dropped upon his knees and raised his eyes toward heaven, the first +thing that would have met his astonished gaze would in all probability +have been: + + "St. 1860 X Plantation Bitters." + +Suddenly there came a crash. Jay Cooke failed, and I have heard +thousands of men account for the subsequent hard times from the fact +that Cooke did fail. As well might you account for the smallpox by +saying that the first pustule was the cause of the disease. The failure +of Jay Cooke & Co. was simply a symptom of a disease universal. + +No language can describe the agonies that have been endured since 1873. +No language can tell the sufferings of the men that have wandered over +the dreary and desolate desert of bankruptcy. Thousands and thousands +supposed that they had enough, enough for their declining years, +enough for wife and children, and suddenly found themselves paupers and +vagrants. + +During all these years the bankruptcy law was in force, and whoever +failed to keep his promise had simply to take the benefit of this law. +As a consequence, there could be no real, solid foundation for business. +Property commenced to decline; that is to say, it commenced to resume; +that is to say, it began to be rated at its real instead of at its +speculative value. + +Land is worth what it will produce, and no more. It may have speculative +value, and, if the prophecy is fulfilled, the man who buys it may become +rich, and if the prophecy is not fulfilled, then the land is simply +worth what it will produce. Lots worth from five to ten thousand dollars +apiece suddenly vanished into farms worth twenty-five dollars per acre. +These lots resumed. The farms that before that time had been considered +worth one hundred dollars per acre, and are now worth twenty or thirty, +have simply resumed. Magnificent residences supposed to be worth one +hundred thousand dollars, that can now be purchased for twenty-five +thousand, they have simply resumed. The property in the United States +has not fallen in value, but its real value has been ascertained. The +land will produce as much as it ever would, and is as valuable to-day +as it ever was; and every improvement, every invention that adds to the +productiveness of the soil or to the facilities for getting that product +to market, adds to the wealth of the nation. + +As a matter of fact, the property kept pace with what we were pleased to +call our money. As the money depreciated, property appreciated; as the +money appreciated, property depreciated. The moment property began to +fall speculation ceased. There is but little speculation upon a falling +market. The stocks and bonds, based simply upon ideas, became worthless, +the collaterals became dust and ashes. + +At the close of the war, when the Government ceased to be such a vast +purchaser and consumer, many of the factories had to stop. When the +crash came the men stopped digging ore; they stopped felling the forest; +the fires died out in the furnaces; the men who had stood in the glare +of the forge were in the gloom of want. There was no employment for +them. The employer could not sell his product; business stood still, +and then came what we call the hard times. Our wealth was a delusion and +illusion, and we simply came back to reality. Too many men were doing +nothing, too many men were traders, brokers, speculators. There were not +enough producers of the things needed; there were too many producers of +the things no one wished. There needed to be a re-distribution of men. + +Many remedies have been proposed, and chief among these is the remedy +of fiat money. Probably no subject in the world is less generally +understood than that of money. So many false definitions have been +given, so many strange, conflicting theories have been advanced, that +it is not at all surprising that men have come to imagine that money +is something that can be created by law. The definitions given by the +hard-money men themselves have been used as arguments by those who +believe in the power of Congress to create wealth. We are told that gold +is an instrumentality or a device to facilitate exchanges. We are told +that gold is a measure of value. Let us examine these definitions. + +"_Gold is an instrumentality or device to facilitate exchanges._" + +That sounds well, but I do not believe it. Gold and silver +are commodities. They are the products of labor. They are not +instrumentalities; they are not devices to facilitate exchanges; they +are the things exchanged for something else; and other things are +exchanged for them. The only device about it to facilitate exchanges is +the coining of these metals. Whenever the Government or any government +certifies that in a certain piece of gold or silver there are a certain +number of grains of a certain fineness, then he who gives it knows that +he is not giving too much, and he who receives, that he is receiving +enough, so that I will change the definition to this: + +The _coining_ of the precious metals is a device to facilitate +exchanges. + +The precious metals themselves are property; they are merchandise; they +are commodities, and whenever one commodity is exchanged for another it +is barter, and gold is the last refinement of barter. + +The second definition is: + +"_Gold is the measure of value_." + +We are told by those who believe in fiat money that gold is a measure of +value just the same as a half bushel or a yardstick. + +I deny that gold is a measure of value. The yardstick is not a measure +of value; it is simply a measure of quantity. It measures cloth worth +fifty dollars a yard precisely as it does calico worth four cents. It +is, therefore, not a measure of value, but of quantities. The same with +the half bushel. The half bushel measures wheat precisely the same, +whether that wheat is worth three dollars or one dollar. It simply +measures quantity; not quality, or value. The yardstick, the half +bushel, and the coining of money are all devices to facilitate +exchanges. The yardstick assures the man who sells that he has not sold +too much; it assures the man who buys that he has received enough; and +in that way it facilitates exchanges. The coining of money facilitates +exchange, for the reason that were it not coined, each man who did any +business would have to carry a pair of scales and be a chemist. + +It matters not whether the yardstick or half bushel are of gold, silver, +or wood, for the reason that the yardstick and half bushel are not the +things bought. We buy not them, but the things they measure. + +If gold and silver are not the measure of value, what is? I +answer--intelligent labor. Gold gets its value from labor. Of course, I +cannot account for the fact that mankind have a certain fancy for gold +or for diamonds, neither can I account for the fact that we like certain +things better than others to eat. These are simply facts in nature, and +they are facts, whether they can be explained or not. The dollar in gold +represents, on the average, the labor that it took to dig and mint it, +together with all the time of the men who looked for it without finding +it. That dollar in gold, on the average, will buy the product of the +same amount of labor in any other direction. + +Nothing ever has been money, from the most barbarous to the most +civilized times, unless it was a product of nature, and a something to +which the people among whom it passed as money attached a certain value, +a value not dependent upon law, not dependent upon "fiat" in any degree. + +Nothing has ever been considered money that man could produce. + +A bank bill is not money, neither is a check nor a draft. These are all +devices simply to facilitate business, but in or of themselves they have +no value. + +We are told, however, that the Government can create money. This I deny. +The Government produces nothing; it raises no wheat, no corn; it digs no +gold, no silver. It is not a producer, it is a consumer. + +The Government cannot by law create wealth. And right here I wish to +ask one question, and I would like to have it answered some time. If +the Government can make money, if it can create money, if by putting +its sovereignty upon a piece of paper it can create absolute money, why +should the Government collect taxes? We have in every district +assessors and collectors; we have at every port customhouses, and we are +collecting taxes day and night for the support of this Government. Now, +if the Government can make money itself, why should it collect taxes +from the poor? Here is a man cultivating a farm--he is working among the +stones and roots, and digging day and night; why should the Government +go to that man and make him pay twenty or thirty or forty dollars taxes +when the Government, according to the theory of these gentlemen, could +make a thousand-dollar fiat bill quicker than that man could wink? Why +impose upon industry in that manner? Why should the sun borrow a candle? + +And if the Government can create money, how much should it create, and +if it should create it who will get it? Money has a great liking for +money. A single dollar in the pocket of a poor man is lonesome; it never +is satisfied until it has found its companions. Money gravitates towards +money, and issue as much as you may, as much as you will, the time will +come when that money will be in the hands of the industrious, in the +hands of the economical, in the hands of the shrewd, in the hands of the +cunning; in other words, in the hands of the successful. + +The other day I had a conversation with one of the principal gentlemen +upon that side, and I told him, "Whenever you can successfully palm off +on a man a bill of fare for a dinner, I shall believe in your doctrine; +and when I can satisfy the pangs of hunger by reading a cook-book, I +shall join your party." Only that is money which stands for labor. Only +that is money which will buy, on the average, in all other directions +the result of the same labor expended in its production. As a matter +of fact, there is money enough in the country to transact the business. +Never before in the history of our Government was money so cheap; that +is to say, was interest so low; never. There is plenty of money, and we +could borrow all we wished had we the collaterals. We could borrow +all we wish if there was some business in which we could embark that +promised a sure and reasonable return. If we should come to a man who +kept a ferry, and find his boat on a sandbar and the river dry, what +would he think of us should we tell him he had not enough boat? He would +probably reply that he had plenty of boat, but not enough water. We have +plenty of money, but not enough business. The reason we have not enough +business is, we have not enough confidence, and the reason we have not +confidence is because the market is slowly falling, and the reason it is +slowly falling is that things have not yet quite resumed; that we have +not quite touched the absolute bedrock of valuation. Another reason is +because those that left the cultivation of the soil have not yet all +returned, and they are living, some upon their wits, some upon their +relatives, some upon charity, and some upon crime. + +The next question is: Suppose the Government should issue a thousand +millions of fiat money, how would it regulate the value thereof? Every +creditor could be forced to take it, but nobody else. If a man was in +debt one dollar for a bushel of wheat, he could compel the creditor to +take the fiat money; but if he wished to buy the wheat, then the owner +could say, "I will take one dollar in gold or fifty dollars in fiat +money, or I will not sell it for fiat money at any price." What will +Congress do then? In order to make this fiat money good it will have to +fix the price of every conceivable commodity; the price of painting +a picture, of trying a lawsuit, of chiseling a statue, the price of a +day's work; in short, the price of every conceivable thing. This even +will not be sufficient. It will be necessary, then, to provide by +law that the prices fixed shall be received, and that no man shall be +allowed to give more for anything than the price fixed by Congress. +Now, I do not believe that any Congress has sufficient wisdom to tell +beforehand what will be the relative value of all the products of labor. + +When the volume of currency is inflated it is at the expense of the +creditor class; when it is contracted it is contracted at the expense +of the debtor class. In other words, inflation means going into debt; +contraction means the payment of the debt. + +A gold dollar is a dollar's worth of gold. + +A real paper dollar is a dollar's worth of paper. + +Another remedy has been suggested by the same persons who advocate fiat +money. With a consistency perfectly charming, they say it would have +been much better had we allowed the Treasury notes to fade out. Why +allow fiat money to fade out when a simple act of Congress can make it +as good as gold? When greenbacks fade out the loss falls upon the chance +holder, upon the poor, the industrious, and the unfortunate. The rich, +the cunning, the well-informed manage to get rid of what they happen to +hold. When, however, the bills are redeemed, they are paid by the +wealth and property of the whole country. To allow them to fade out +is universal robbery; to pay them is universal justice. The greenback +should not be allowed to fade away in the pocket of the soldier or in +the hands of his widow and children. It is said that; the Continental +money faded away. It was and is a disgrace to our forefathers. When the +greenback fades away there will fade with it honor from the American +heart, brain from the American head, and our flag from the air of +heaven. + +A great cry has been raised against the holders of bonds. They have been +denounced by every epithet that malignity can coin. During the war our +bonds were offered for sale and they brought all that they then appeared +to be worth. They had to be sold or the Rebellion would have been a +success. To the bond we are indebted as much as to the greenback. The +fact is, however, we are indebted to neither; we are indebted to the +soldiers. But every man who took a greenback at less than gold committed +the same crime, and no other, as he who bought the bonds at less than +par in gold. These bonds have changed hands thousands of times. They +have been paid for in gold again and again. They have been bought at +prices far above par; they have been laid away by loving husbands +for wives, by toiling fathers for children; and the man who seeks to +repudiate them now, or to pay them in fiat rags, is unspeakably cruel +and dishonest. If the Government has made a bad bargain it must live up +to it. If it has made a foolish promise the only way is to fulfill it. + +A dishonest government can exist only among dishonest people. + +When our money is below par we feel below par. + +We cannot bring prosperity by cheapening money; we cannot increase +our wealth by adding to the volume of a depreciated currency. If the +prosperity of a country depends upon the volume of its currency, and if +anything is money that people can be made to think is money, then the +successful counterfeiter is a public benefactor. The counterfeiter +increases the volume of currency; he stimulates business, and the money +issued by him will not be hoarded and taken from the channels of trade. + +During the war, during the inflation--that is to say, during the years +that we were going into debt--fortunes were made so easily that people +left the farms, crowded to the towns and cities. Thousands became +speculators, traders, and merchants; thousands embarked in every +possible and conceivable scheme. They produced nothing; they simply +preyed upon labor and dealt with imaginary values. These men must +go back; they must become producers, and every producer is a paying +consumer. Thousands and thousands of them are unable to go back. To a +man who begs of you a breakfast you cannot say, "Why don't you get +a farm?" You might as well say, "Why don't you start a line of +steamships?" To him both are impossibilities. They must be helped. + +We should all remember that society must support all of its members, all +of its robbers, thieves, and paupers. Every vagabond and vagrant has +to be fed and clothed, and society must support in some way all of its +members. It can support them in jails, in asylums, in hospitals, in +penitentiaries; but it is a very costly way. We have to employ judges +to try them, juries to sit upon their cases, sheriffs, marshals, and +constables to arrest them, policemen to watch them, and it may be, +at last, a standing army to put them down. It would be far cheaper, +probably, to support them all at some first-class hotel. We must either +support them or help them support themselves. They let us go upon the +one hand simply to take us by the other, and we can take care of them as +paupers and criminals, or, by wise statesmanship, help them to be honest +and useful men. Of all the criminals transported by England to Australia +and Tasmania, the records show that a very large per cent.--something +over ninety--became useful and decent people. In Australia they found +homes; hope again spread its wings in their breasts. They had different +ambitions; they were removed from vile and vicious associations. They +had new surroundings; and, as a rule, man does not morally improve +without a corresponding improvement in his physical condition. +One biscuit, with plenty of butter, is worth all the tracts ever +distributed. + +Thousands must be taken from the crowded streets and stifling dens, away +from the influences of filth and want, to the fields and forests of the +West and South. They must be helped to help themselves. + +While the Government cannot create gold and silver, while it cannot +by its fiat make money, it can furnish facilities for the creation +of wealth. It can aid in the distribution of products, and in the +distribution of men; it can aid in the opening of new territories; +it can aid great and vast enterprises that cannot be accomplished by +individual effort. The Government should see to it that every facility +is offered to honorable adventure, enterprise and industry. Our ships +ought to be upon every sea; our flag ought to be flying in every port. +Our rivers and harbors ought to be improved. The usefulness of the +Mississippi should be increased, its banks strengthened, and its channel +deepened. At no distant day it will bear the commerce of a hundred +millions of people. That grand river is the great guaranty of +territorial integrity; it is the protest of nature against disunion, and +from its source to the sea it will forever flow beneath one flag. + +The Northern Pacific Railway should be pushed to completion. In this +way labor would be immediately given to many thousands of men. Along +the line of that thoroughfare would spring up towns and cities; new +communities with new surroundings; and where now is the wilderness there +would be thousands and thousands of happy homes. + +The Texas Pacific should also be completed. A vast agricultural and +mineral region would be opened to the enterprise and adventure of the +American people. Probably Arizona holds within the miserly clutches of +her rocks greater wealth than any other State or territory of the world. +The construction of that road would put life and activity into a hundred +industries. It would give employment to many thousands of people, and +homes at last to many millions. It would cause the building of thousands +of miles of branches to open, not only new territory, but to connect +with roads already built. It would double the products of gold and +silver, open new fields to trade, create new industries, and make it +possible for us to supply eight millions of people in the Republic of +Mexico with our products. The construction of this great highway will +enable the Government to dispense with from ten to fifteen regiments of +infantry and cavalry now stationed along the border. People enough will +settle along this line to protect themselves. It will permanently settle +the Indian question, saving the people millions each year. It will +effectually destroy the present monopoly, and in this way greatly +increase production and consumption. It will double our trade with +China and Japan, and with the Pacific States as well. It will settle +the Southern question by filling the Southern States with immigrants, +diversifying the industries of that section, changing and rebuilding the +commercial and social fabric; it will do away with the conservatism of +regret and the prejudice born of isolation. It will transmute to wealth +the unemployed muscle of the country. It will rescue California from +the control of a single corporation, from the government of an oligarchy +united, watchful, despotic, and vindictive. It will liberate the +farmers, the merchants, and even the politicians of the Pacific coast. +Besides, it must not be forgotten so to frame the laws and charters that +Congress shall forever have the control of fares and freights. In this +way the public will be perfectly protected and the Government perfectly +secured. + +Look at the map, and you will see the immense advantages its +construction will give to the entire country, not only to the South, but +to the East and West as well. It is one hundred and fifty miles nearer +from Chicago to San Diego than to San Francisco. You will see that the +whole of Texas, a State containing two hundred and ten thousand square +miles; a State four times as large as Illinois, five times as large +as New York, capable of supporting a population of twenty millions of +people, is put in direct and immediate communication with the whole +country. Territory to the extent of nearly a million square miles +will be given to agriculture, trade, commerce, and mining, by the +construction of this line. + +Let this road be built, and we shall feel again the enthusiasm born +of enterprise. In the vast stagnation there will be at last a current. +Something besides waiting is necessary to secure, or to even hasten, the +return of prosperity. Secure the completion of this line and extend the +time for building the Northern Pacific, and confidence and employment +will return together. + +More men must cultivate the soil. In the older States lands are too +high. It requires too much capital to commence. There are so many +failures in business; so many merchants, traders, and manufacturers have +been wrecked and stranded upon the barren shores of bankruptcy, that +the people are beginning to prefer the small but certain profits of +agriculture to the false and splendid promises of speculation. We must +open new territories; we must give the mechanics now out of employment +an opportunity to cultivate the soil--not as day-laborers but as owners; +not as tenants, but as farmers. Something must be done to develop the +resources of this country. With the best lands of the world; with a +population intellectual, energetic, and ingenious far beyond the average +of mankind; with the richest mines of the globe; with plenty of capital; +with a surplus of labor; with thousands of arms folded in enforced +idleness; with billions of gold asking to be dug; with millions of acres +waiting for the plow, thousands upon thousands are in absolute want. + +New avenues must be opened. All our territory must be given to +immigration. Greater facilities must be offered. Obstacles that cannot +be overcome by individual enterprise must be conquered by the Government +for the good of all. Every man out of employment is impoverishing the +country. Labor transmutes muscle into wealth. Idleness is a rust that +devours even gold. For five years we have been wasting the labor of +millions--wasting it for lack of something to do. Prosperity has been +changed to want and discontent. On every hand the poor are asking for +work. That is a wretched government where the honest and industrious +beg, unsuccessfully, for the right to toil; where those who are willing, +anxious, and able to work, cannot get bread. If everything is to be left +to the blind and heartless working of the laws of supply and demand, why +have governments? If the nation leaves the poor to starve, and the weak +and unfortunate to perish, it is hard to see for what purpose the nation +should be preserved. If our statesmen are not wise enough to foster +great enterprises, and to adopt a policy that will give us prosperity, +it may be that the laboring classes, driven to frenzy by hunger, the +bitterness of which will be increased by seeing others in the midst of +plenty, will seek a remedy in destruction. + +The transcontinental commerce of this country should not be in the +clutch and grasp of one corporation. All sections of the Union should, +as far as possible, be benefited. Cheap rates will come, and can be +maintained only by competition. We should cultivate commercial relations +with China and Japan. Six hundred millions of people are slowly awaking +from a lethargy of six thousand years. In a little while they will have +the wants of civilized men, and America will furnish a large proportion +of the articles demanded by these people. In a few years there will be +as many ships upon the Pacific as upon the Atlantic. In a few years our +trade with China will be far greater than with Europe. In a few years +we will sustain the same relation to the far East that Europe once +sustained to us. America for centuries to come will supply six hundred +millions of people with the luxuries of life. A country that expects to +control the trade of other countries must develop its own resources to +the utmost. We have pursued a small, a mean, and a penurious course. +Demagogues have ridden into office and power upon the cry of economy, +by opposing every measure looking to the improvement of the country, by +endeavoring to see how cheaply nothing could be done. A government, like +an individual, should live up to its privileges; it should husband its +resources, simply that it may use them. A nation that expects to control +the commerce of half a world must have its money equal with gold and +silver. It must have the money of the world. + +Whenever the laboring men are out of employment they begin to hate the +rich. They feel that the dwellers in palaces, the riders in carriages, +the wearers of broadcloth, silk, and velvet have in some way been +robbing them. As a matter of fact, the palace builders are the friends +of labor. The best form of charity is extravagance. When you give a man +money, when you toss him a dollar, although you get nothing, the man +loses his manhood. To help others help themselves is the only real +charity. There is no use in boosting a man who is not climbing. Whenever +I see a splendid home, a palace, a magnificent block, I think of the +thousands who were fed--of the women and children clothed, of the +firesides made happy. + +A rich man living up to his privileges, having the best house, the +best furniture, the best horses, the finest grounds, the most beautiful +flowers, the best clothes, the best food, the best pictures, and all the +books that he can afford, is a perpetual blessing. + +The prodigality of the rich is the providence of the poor. + +The extravagance of wealth makes it possible for the poor to save. + +The rich man who lives according to his means, who is extravagant in the +best and highest sense, is not the enemy of labor. The miser, who lives +in a hovel, wears rags, and hoards his gold, is a perpetual curse. He is +like one who dams a river at its source. + +The moment hard times come the cry of economy is raised. The press, the +platform, and the pulpit unite in recommending economy to the rich. In +consequence of this cry, the man of wealth discharges servants, sells +horses, allows his carriage to become a hen-roost, and after taking +employment and food from as many as he can, congratulates himself that +he has done his part toward restoring prosperity to the country. + +In that country where the poor are extravagant and the rich economical +will be found pauperism and crime; but where the poor are economical and +the rich are extravagant, that country is filled with prosperity. + +The man who wants others to work to such an extent that their lives are +burdens, is utterly heartless. The toil of the world should continually +decrease. Of what use are your inventions if no burdens are lifted from +industry--if no additional comforts find their way to the home of labor; +why should labor fill the world with wealth and live in want? + +Every labor-saving machine should help the whole world. Every one should +tend to shorten the hours of labor. + +Reasonable labor is a source of joy. To work for wife and child, to toil +for those you love, is happiness; provided you can make them happy. But +to work like a slave, to see your wife and children in rags, to sit at +a table where food is coarse and scarce, to rise at four in the morning, +to work all day and throw your tired bones upon a miserable bed at +night, to live without leisure, without rest, without making those you +love comfortable and happy--this is not living--it is dying--a slow, +lingering crucifixion. + +The hours of labor should be shortened. With the vast and wonderful +improvements of the nineteenth century there should be not only the +necessaries of life for those who toil, but comforts and luxuries as +well. + +What is a reasonable price for labor? I answer: Such a price as will +enable the man to live; to have the comforts of life; to lay by a little +something for his declining years, so that he can have his own home, his +own fireside; so that he can preserve the feelings of a man. + +Every man ought to be willing to pay for what he gets. He ought to +desire to give full value received. The man who wants two dollars' worth +of work for one is not an honest man. + +I sympathize with every honest effort made by the children of labor +to improve their condition. That is a poorly governed country in which +those who do the most have the least. There is something wrong when men +are obliged to beg for leave to toil. We are not yet a civilized people; +when we are, pauperism and crime will vanish from our land. + +There is one thing, however, of which I am glad and proud, and that is, +that society is not, in our country, petrified; that the poor are not +always poor. + +The children of the poor of this generation may, and probably will, be +the rich of the next. The sons of the rich of this generation may be the +poor of the next; so that after all, the rich fear and the poor hope. + +I sympathize with the wanderers, with the vagrants out of employment; +with the sad and weary men who are seeking for work. When I see one of +these men, poor and friendless--no matter how bad he is--I think that +somebody loved him once; that he was once held in the arms of a mother; +that he slept beneath her loving eyes, and wakened in the light of her +smile. I see him in the cradle, listening to lullabies sung soft and +low, and his little face is dimpled as though touched by the rosy +fingers of Joy. + +And then I think of the strange and winding paths, the weary roads he +has traveled from that mother's arms to vagrancy and want. + +There should be labor and food for all. We invent; we take advantage of +the forces of nature; we enslave the winds and waves; we put shackles +upon the unseen powers and chain the energy that wheels the world. These +slaves should release from bondage all the children of men. + +By invention, by labor--that is to say, by working and thinking--we +shall compel prosperity to dwell with us. + +Do not imagine that wealth can be created by law; do not for a moment +believe that paper can be changed to gold by the fiat of Congress. + +Do not preach the heresy that you can keep a promise by making another +in its place that is never to be kept. Do not teach the poor that the +rich have conspired to trample them into the dust. + +Tell the workingmen that they are in the majority; that they can make +and execute the laws. + +Tell them that since 1873 the employers have suffered about as much as +the employed. + +Tell them that the people who have the power to make the laws should +never resort to violence. Tell them never to envy the successful. Tell +the rich to be extravagant and the poor to be economical. + +Tell every man to use his best efforts to get him a home. Without a +home, without some one to love, life and country are meaningless words. +Upon the face of the patriot must have fallen the firelight of home. + +Tell the people that they must have honest money, so that when a man has +a little laid by for wife and child, it will comfort him even in death; +so that he will feel that he leaves something for bread, something that, +in some faint degree, will take his place; that he has left the coined +toil of his hands to work for the loved when he is dust. + +Tell your representatives in Congress to improve our rivers and harbors; +to release our transcontinental commerce from the grasp of monopoly; +to open all our territories, and to build up our trade with the whole +world. + +Tell them not to issue a dollar of fiat paper, but to redeem every +promise the nation has made. + +If fiat money is ever issued it will be worthless, for the folly that +would issue has not the honor to pay when the experiment fails. + +Tell them to put their trust in work. Debts can be created by law, but +they must be paid by labor. + +Tell them that "fiat money" is madness and repudiation is death. + + + + +SUFFRAGE ADDRESS. + + * This address was delivered at a Suffrage Meeting in + Washington, D. C., January 24,1880 + + +1880. + +LADIES and Gentlemen: I believe the people to be the only rightful +source of political power, and that any community, no matter where, in +which any citizen is not allowed to have his voice in the making of +the laws he must obey, that community is a tyranny. It is a matter of +astonishment to me that a meeting like this is necessary in the Capital +of the United States. If the citizens of the District of Columbia are +not permitted to vote, if they are not allowed to govern themselves, +and if there is no sound reason why they are not allowed to govern +themselves, then the American idea of government is a failure. I do not +believe that only the rich should vote, or that only the whites should +vote, or that only the blacks should vote. I do not believe that +right depends upon wealth, upon education, or upon color. It depends +absolutely upon humanity. I have the right to vote because I am a man, +because I am an American citizen, and that right I should and am willing +to share equally with every human being. There has been a great deal +said in this country of late in regard to giving the right of suffrage +to women. So far as I am concerned I am willing that every woman in the +nation who desires that privilege and honor shall vote. If any woman +wants to vote I am too much of a gentleman to say she shall not. She +gets her right, if she has it, from precisely the same source that I get +mine, and there are many questions upon which I would deem it desirable +that women should vote, especially upon the question of peace or war. +If a woman has a child to be offered upon the altar of that Moloch, a +husband liable to be drafted, and who loves a heart that can be entered +by the iron arrow of death, she surely has as much right to vote for +peace as some thrice-besotted sot who reels to the ballot-box and +deposits a vote for war. I believe, and always have, that there is +only one objection to a woman voting, and that is, the men are not +sufficiently civilized for her to associate with them, and for several +years I have been doing what little I can to civilize them. The only +question before this meeting, as I understand it, is, Shall the people +of this District manage their own affairs--whether they shall vote their +own taxes and select their own officers who are to execute the laws they +make? and for one, I say there is no human being with ingenuity enough +to frame an argument against this question. It is all very well to say +that Congress will do this, but Congress has a great deal to do +besides. There is enough before that body coming from all the States and +Territories of the Union, and the numberless questions arising in the +conduct of the General Government. I am opposed to a government where +the few govern the many. I am opposed to a government that depends upon +suppers, and upon flattery; upon crooking the hinges of the knee; upon +favors, upon subterfuges. We want to be manly men in this District. We +must direct and control our own affairs, and if we are not capable of +doing it, there is no part of the Union where they are capable. It is +said there is a vast amount of ignorance here. That is true; but that +is also true of every section of the United States. There is too much +ignorance and there will continue to be until the people become great +enough, generous enough, and splendid enough to see that no child shall +grow up in their midst without a good, common-school education. The +people of this District are capable of managing their educational +affairs if they are allowed to do so. The fact is, a man now living in +the District lives under a perpetual flag of truce. He is nobody. He +counts for nothing. He is not noticed except as a suppliant. Nothing as +a citizen. That day should pass away. It will be a perpetual education +for this people to govern themselves, and until they do they cannot +be manly men. They say, though, that there is a vast rabble here. Very +well. Make your election laws so as to exclude the vast rabble. Let it +be understood that no man shall vote who has not lived here at least one +year. + +Let your registration laws prohibit any man from voting unless he has +been registered at least six months. We do not want to be governed by +people who have no abode here--who are political Bedouins of the desert. +We want to be governed by people who live with us--who live somewhere +among us, and whom somebody knows, and if a law is properly framed there +will be no trouble about self-government in the District of Columbia. +Let the experiment be tried here of a perfect, complete and honest +registration; let every man, no matter who he is or where he comes from, +vote only by strict compliance with a good registry law. We can have a +fair election, and wherever there is a fair election there will be +good government. Our Government depends for its stability upon honest +elections. The great principle underlying our system of government is +that the people have the virtue and the patriotism to govern themselves. +That is the foundation stone, the corner and the base of our edifice, +and upon it our Government is on trial to-day. And until a man is +considered infamous who casts an illegal vote, our Government will not +be safe. Whoever casts an illegal vote knowingly is a traitor to the +principle upon which our Government is founded. And whoever deprives a +citizen of his right to vote is also a traitor to our Government. When +these things are understood; when the finger of public scorn shall be +pointed at every man who votes illegally, or unlawfully prevents an +honest vote, then you will have a splendid Government. It is humiliating +for one hundred and seventy-five thousand people to depend simply upon +the right of petition. The few will disregard the petition of the many. + +I have not one word to say against the officers of the District. Not a +word. But let them do as well as they can; that is no justification. It +is no justification of a monarchy that the king is a good man; it is no +justification of a tyranny that the despot does justice. There may come +another who will do injustice; and a free people like ours should not be +satisfied to be governed by strangers. They would better have bad men +of their own choosing than to have good men forced upon them. You +have property here, and you have a right to protect it, and a right to +improve it. You have life and liberty and the right to protect it. You +have a right to say what money shall be assessed and collected and paid +for that protection. You have laws and you have a right to have them +executed by officers of your own selection, and by nobody else. In my +judgment, all that is necessary to have these things done is to have the +subject properly laid before Congress, and let that body thoroughly +and perfectly understand the situation. There is no member there, +who rightly understanding our wishes, will dare continue this +disfranchisement of the people. We have the same right to vote that +their constituents have, precisely--no more and no less. + +This District ought to have one representative in Congress, a +representative with a right to speak--not a tongueless dummy. The idea +of electing a delegate who has simply the privilege of standing around! +We ought to have a representative who has not only the right to +talk, but who will talk. This District has the right to a vote in the +committees of Congress, and not simply the privilege of receiving a +little advice. And more than that, this District ought to have at least +one electoral vote in a selection of a President of the United States. +A smaller population than yours is represented not only in Congress, but +in the Electoral College. If it is necessary to amend the Constitution +to secure these rights let us try and have it amended; and when +that question is put to the people of the whole country they will be +precisely as willing that the people of the District of Columbia shall +have an equal voice as that they themselves should have a voice. + +Let us stop at no half-way ground, but claim, and keep claiming all +our rights until somebody says we shall have them. And let me tell you +another thing: Once have the right of self-government recognized here, +have a delegate in Congress, and an electoral vote for President, +and thousands will be willing to come here and become citizens of +the District. As it is, the moment a man settles here his American +citizenship falls from him like dead leaves from a tree. From that +moment he is nobody. Every American citizen wants a little political +power--wants to cast his vote for the rulers of the nation. He wants to +have something to say about the laws he has to obey, and they are not +willing to come here and disfranchise themselves. The moment it is known +that a man is from the District he has no influence, and no one cares +what his political opinions may be. Now, let us have it so that we can +vote and be on an equality with the rest of the voters of the United +States. This Government was founded upon the idea that the only +source of power is the people. Let us show at the Capital that we have +confidence in that principle; that every man should have a vote and +voice in the South, in the North, everywhere, no matter how low his +condition, no matter that he was a slave, no matter what his color is, +or whether he can read or write, he is clothed with the right to +name those who make the laws he is to obey. While the lowest and most +degraded in every State in this Union have that right, the best and most +intelligent in the District have not that right. It will not do. There +is no sense in it--there is no justice in it--nothing American in it. +If this were the case in some of the capitals of Europe we would not be +surprised; but here in the United States, where we have so much to say +about the right of self-government, that two hundred thousand people +should not have the right to say who shall make, and who shall execute +the laws is at least an anomaly and a contradiction of our theory of +government, and for one, I propose to do what little I can to correct +it. It has been said that you had once here the right of self-government. +If I understand it, the right you had was to elect somebody to some +office, and all the other officers were appointed. You had no control +over your Legislature; you had very little control over your other +officers, and the people of the District were held responsible for what +was actually done by the appointing power. We want no appointing power. +If it is necessary to have a police magistrate, I say the people are +competent to elect that magistrate; and if he is not a good man they +are qualified to select another in his place. You ought to elect your +judges. I do not want the office of the Judiciary so far from the people +that it may feel entirely independent. I want every officer in this +District held-accountable to the people, and, unless he discharges his +duties faithfully, the people will put him out, and select another in +his stead. + +I want it understood that no American citizen can be forced to pay +a dollar in a State or in the district where he lives who is not +represented, and where he has not the right to vote. It is all tyranny, +and all infamous. The people of the United States wonder to-day that you +have submitted to this outrage as long as you have. + +Neither do I believe that only the rich should have the right to vote; +that only they should govern; or that only the educated should govern. +I have noticed among educated men many who did not know enough to +govern themselves. I have known many wealthy men who did not believe +in liberty, in giving the people the same rights they claimed for +themselves. I believe in that government where the ballot of Lazarus +counts as much as the vote of Dives. Let the rich, let the educated, +govern the people by moral suasion and by example and by kindness, and +not by brute force. And in a community like this, where the avenues to +distinction are open alike to all, there will be many more reasons for +acting like men. When you can hold any position, when every citizen can +have conferred upon him honor and responsibility, there is some stimulus +to be a man. But in a community where but the few are clothed with power +by appointment, no incentive exists among the people. If the avenues to +distinction and honor are open to all, such a government is beneficial +on every hand, and the poorest man in the community may say to himself, +"If I pursue the right course the very highest place is open to me." And +the poorest man, with his little tow-headed boy on his knee, can say, +"John, all the avenues are open to you; although I am poor, you may be +rich, and while I am obscure, you may become distinguished." + +That idea sweetens every hour of toil and renders holy every drop of +sweat that rolls down the face of labor. I hate tyranny in every form. +I despise it, and I execrate a tyrant wherever he may be, and in every +country where the people are struggling for the right of self-government +I sympathize with them in their struggle. Wherever the sword of +rebellion is drawn in favor of human rights I am a rebel. I sympathize +with all the people in Europe who are endeavoring to push kings from +thrones and struggling for the right to govern themselves. America ought +to send greeting to every part of the world where such a struggle is +pending, and we of the District of Columbia ought to be able to join +in the greeting, but we never shall be until we have the right of +self-government ourselves. No man who is a good citizen can have any +objection to self-government here. No man can be opposed to it who +believes that our people have enough wisdom, enough virtue, enough +patriotism to govern themselves. The man who doubts the right of the +people to govern themselves casts a little doubt upon the question, +simply because he is not man enough himself to believe in liberty. I +would trust the poor of this country with our liberties as soon as I +would the rich. I will trust the huts and hovels, just as soon as I will +the mansions and palaces. I will trust those who work by the day in the +street as soon as I will the bankers of the United States. I will trust +the ignorant--even the ignorant. Why? Because they want education, and +no people in this country are so anxious to have their children educated +as those who are not educated themselves. I will trust the ignorant with +the liberties of this country quicker than I would some of the educated +who doubt the principles upon which our Government is founded. But +let the intelligent do what they can to instruct the ignorant. Let the +wealthy do what they can to give the blessings of liberty to the poor, +and then this Government will remain forever. The time is passing away +when any man of genius can be respected who will not use that genius +in elevating his fellow-man. The time is passing away when men, however +wealthy, can be respected unless they use their millions for the +elevation of mankind. The time is coming when no man will be called an +honest man who is not willing to give to every other man, be he white or +black, every right that he asks for himself. + +For my part, I am willing to live under a government where all govern, +and am not willing to live under any other. I am willing to live where +I am on an equality with other men, where they have precisely my rights, +and no more; and I despise any government that is not based upon this +principle of human equality. Now, let us go just for that one +thing, that we have the same right as any other people in the +United States--that is, to govern this District ourselves. Let us be +represented in the lawmaking power, and let us advocate a change in the +fundamental law so that the people of this District shall be entitled +to one vote as to who shall be President of the United States. And when +that is done and our people are clothed with the panoply of citizenship, +you will find this District growing not to two hundred thousand, but +in a little while one million of people will live here. Now, for one, I +have not the slightest feeling against members of Congress for what +has been done. I believe when this matter is laid before them fully and +properly you will find few men in that august body who will vote against +the proposition. They have had trouble enough. They do not understand +our affairs. They never did, never will, never can. No one who does not +live here will. The public interests are so many and so conflicting, and +touch the sides of so many, that the people must attend to this matter +themselves. They know when they want a market, a judge, or a collector +of taxes, and nobody else does and nobody else has a right to. + +And instead of going up to Congress and standing around some +committee-room with a long petition in your hands, begging somebody to +wait just one moment, it will be far better that you should go to the +polls and elect your representative, who can attend to your interests in +Congress. But above all things, I want to warn you, charge you, beseech +you, that in any legislation upon this subject you must secure a +registration law that will prevent the casting of an illegal vote. +Do this before it is known whether the District is Republican or +Democratic. I do not care. No matter how much of a Republican I am, +absolutely, I would rather be governed by Democrats who live here than +by Republicans who do not. And now, while it is not known whether this +is a Democratic or Republican community, let us get up a registration +that no one can violate; because the moment you have an election, and +it is ascertained to be either Democratic or Republican, the victorious +party may be opposed to any registration or any legislation that will +put in jeopardy their power. I have lived long enough to be satisfied +that any State in this Union, no matter whether Democratic or +Republican, will be safe as long as the people have the right to vote, +and to see that the ballots will be counted. This country is now upon +trial. In nearly every State in this Union there is liable to happen +just the same thing that only the other day happened in Maine. + +In every State there can be two legislatures, one in the State-house and +the other on the fence. Let us in this District so guard the right +to vote and the counting of the ballots, that we shall know after the +election who has been elected and know with certainty the men who have +been elected by the legal voters of the District. + +It becomes us all, whether Republicans or Democrats, to unite in +securing such a law. Let us act together, Democrats and Republicans, +black and white, rich and poor, educated and ignorant--let us all unite +upon the principle that we have the right to govern ourselves. Then +it will make no difference whether the District of Columbia shall be +Democratic or Republican, provided it is the will of a legal majority of +her people. + +Ladies and gentlemen, I thank you. + + + + +WALL STREET SPEECH. + + * A political demonstration was made in Wall Street + yesterday afternoon that stands without a rival among the + many out-door meetings in that place, which for years have + been memorable features of Presidential campaigns. + + Bankers and brokers, members of the Produce Exchange, and + dry goods merchants assembled at their respective rendezvous + and marched in Imposing processions to the open space in + front of the Sub-Treasury building, from the steps of which + Col. Ingersoll delivered an address. Written words are + entirely inadequate to describe this demonstration of Wall + Street business men. It never was equaled in point of + numbers, respectability or enthusiasm, even during the + excitement caused by the outbreak of the Rebellion. + Throughout the day the business houses, banking offices and + public buildings down town were gay with flags and bunting. + Business was practically suspended all day, and the + principal topic of conversation on the Exchanges and m + offices and stores was the coming meeting. Long before the + hour set, well-dressed people began to gather near the Sub- + Treasury Building and by two o'clock Wall Street, from Broad + and Nassau half way down to William, was passable only with + difficulty. While the crowd was fast gathering on every + hand, Graiulla's band, stationed upon the corner buttress + near the Sub-Treasury, struck up a patriotic air, and in a + few minutes the throngs had swelled to such proportions that + the police had all they could do to maintain a thoroughfare. + A few minutes more ana the distant strains of another band + attracted all eyes toward Broadway, where the head of the + procession was seen turning into Wall Street. Ten abreast + and every man a gentleman, they marched by. At this time + Wall street from half way to William Street to half way to + Broadway, Nassau Street half way to Pine, and Broad Street + as far as the eye could reach, were densely packed with + people from side to side. Everything else, except the + telegraph-poles and the tops of the lamp-posts, was hidden + from view. Every window, roof, stoop, and projecting point + was covered. The Produce Exchange men finding Broad Street + impassable made a detour to the east and marched up Wall + Street, filling that thoroughfare to William. It was a + tremendous crowd In point of numbers, and its composition + was entirely of gentlemen--men with refined, intelligent + faces--bankers, brokers, merchants of all kinds--real + business men. Thousands of millions of dollars were + represented in It. On the left of the Sub-Treasury steps a + platform had been erected, with a sounding board covering + the rear and top. A national flag floated from its roof, and + its railing was draped with other flags. After the arrival + of the several organizations the banners they bore were hung + at the sides by way of further ornamentation. Mr. Jackson S. + Schultz then introduced Col. Ingersoll, the speaker of the + day. The cheering was terrific for several minutes. Raising + his hand for silence, Col. Ingersoll then delivered his + address.--New York Times, October 29th, 1880. + + +N.Y. CITY. + +(Garfield Campaign.) + +1880. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS of the Great City of New York: This is the grandest +audience I ever saw. This audience certifies that General James A. +Garfield is to be the next President of the United States. This audience +certifies that a Republican is to be the next mayor of the city of +New York. This audience certifies that the business men of New York +understand their interests, and that the business men of New York are +not going to let this country be controlled by the rebel South and the +rebel North. In 1860 the Democratic party appealed to force; now it +appeals to fraud. In 1860 the Democratic party appealed to the sword; +now it appeals to the pen. It was treason then, it is forgery now. The +Democratic party cannot be trusted with the property or with the honor +of the people of the United States. + +The city of New York owes a great debt to the country. Every man that +has cleared a farm has helped to build New York; every man that helped +to build a railway helped to build up the palaces of this city. Where +I am now speaking are the termini of all the railways in the United +States. They all come here. New York has been built up by the labor of +the country, and New York owes it to the country to protect the best +interests of the country. + +The farmers of Illinois depend upon the merchants, the brokers and the +bankers, upon the gentlemen of New York, to beat the rabble of New York. +You owe to yourselves; you owe to the great Re public; and this city +that does the business of a hemisphere--this city that will in ten years +be the financial centre of this world--owes it to itself, to be true to +the great principles that have allowed it to exist and flourish. + +The Republicans of New York ought to say that this shall forever be a +free country. The Republicans of New York ought to say that free speech +shall forever be held sacred in the United States. The Republicans of +New York ought to see that the party that defended the Nation shall +still remain in power. The Republicans of New York should see that +the flag is safely held by the hands that defended it in war. The +Republicans of New York know that the prosperity of the country depends +upon good government, and they also know that good government +means protection to the people--rich and poor, black and white. The +Republicans of New York know that a black friend is better than a white +enemy. They know that a negro while fighting for the Government, is +better than any white man who will fight against it. + +The Republicans of New York know that the colored party in the South +which allows every man to vote as he pleases, is better than any white +man who is opposed to allowing a negro to cast his honest vote. A black +man in favor of liberty is better than a white man in favor of slavery. +The Republicans of New York must be true to their friends. This +Government means to protect all its citizens, at home and abroad, or it +becomes a byword in the mouths of the nations of the world. + +Now, what do we want to do? We are going to have an election next +Tuesday, and every Republican knows why he is going to vote the +Republican ticket; while every Democrat votes his without knowing why. +A Republican is a Republican because he loves something; a Democrat is a +Democrat because he hates something. A Republican believes in progress; +a Democrat in retrogression. A Democrat is a "has been." He is a "used +to be." The Republican party lives on hope; the Democratic on memory. +The Democrat keeps his back to the sun and imagines himself a great man +because he casts a great shadow. Now, there are certain things we want +to preserve--that the business men of New York want to preserve--and, +in the first place, we want an honest ballot. And where the Democratic +party has power there never has been an honest ballot. You take the +worst ward in this city, and there is where you will find the greatest +Democratic majority. You know it, and so do I. + +There is not a university in the North, East or West that has not in it +a Republican majority. There is not a penitentiary in the United States +that has not in it a Democratic majority--and they know it. Two +years ago, about two hundred and eighty-three convicts were in +the penitentiary of Maine. Out of that whole number there was one +Republican, and only one. [A voice--"Who was the man?"] Well, I do +not know, but he broke out. He said that he did not mind being in the +penitentiary, but the company was a little more than he could stand. + +You cannot rely upon that party for an honest ballot. Every law that +has been passed in this country in the last twenty years, to throw +a safeguard around the ballot-box, has been passed by the Republican +party. Every law that has been defeated has been defeated by the +Democratic party. And you know it. Unless we have an honest ballot the +days of the Republic are numbered; and the only way to get an honest +ballot is to beat the Democratic party forever. And that is what we are +going to do. That party can never carry its record; that party is loaded +down with the infamies of twenty years; yes, that party is loaded down +with the infamies of fifty years. It will never elect a President in +this world. I give notice to the Democratic party to-day that it will +have to change its name before the people of the United States will +change the administration. You will have to change your natures; you +will have to change your personnel, and you will have to get enough +Republicans to join you and tell you how to run a campaign. If you want +an honest ballot--and every honest man does--then you will vote to keep +the Republican party in power. What else do you want? You want honest +money, and I say to the merchants and to the bankers and to the brokers, +the only party that will give you honest money is the party that resumed +specie payments. The only party that will give you honest money is the +party that said a greenback is a broken promise until it is redeemed +with gold. You can only trust the party that has been honest in +disaster. From 1863 to 1879--sixteen long years--the Republican party +was the party of honor and principle, and the Republican party saved the +honor of the United States. And you know it. + +During that time the Democratic party did what it could to destroy our +credit at home and abroad. + +We are not only in favor of free speech, and an honest ballot and honest +money, but we are for law and order. What part of this country believes +in free speech--the South or the North? The South would never give free +speech to the country; there was no free speech in the city of New York +until the Republican party came into power. The Democratic party has +not intelligence enough to know that free speech is the germ of this +Republic. The Democratic party cares little for free speech because it +has no argument to make--no reasons to offer. Its entire argument is +summed up and ended in three words--"Hurrah for Hancock!" The Republican +party believes in free speech because it has something to say; because +it believes in argument; because it believes in moral suasion; because +it believes in education. Any man that does not believe in free speech +is a barbarian. Any State that does not support it is not a civilized +State. + +I have a right to express my opinion, in common with every other human +being, and I am willing to give to every other human being the right +that I claim for myself. Republicanism means justice in politics. +Republicanism means progress in civilization. Republicanism means that +every man shall be an educated patriot and a gentleman. I want to say to +you to-day that it is an honor to belong to the Republican party. It +is an honor to have belonged to it for twenty years; it is an honor to +belong to the party that elected Abraham Lincoln President. And let +me say to you that Lincoln was the greatest, the best, the purest, the +kindest man that has ever sat in the presidential chair. It is an honor +to belong to the Republican party that gave four millions of men the +rights of freemen; it is an honor to belong to the party that broke the +shackles from four millions of men, women and children. It is an honor +to belong to the party that declared that bloodhounds were not the +missionaries of civilization. It is an honor to belong to the party that +said it was a crime to steal a babe from its mother's breast. It is an +honor to belong to the party that swore that this is a Nation forever, +one and indivisible. It is an honor to belong to the party that elected +U. S. Grant President of the United States. It is an honor to belong to +the party that issued thousands and thousands of millions of dollars +in promises--that issued promises until they became as thick as the +withered leaves of winter; an honor to belong to the party that issued +them to put down a rebellion; an honor to belong to the party that put +it down; an honor to belong to the party that had the moral courage +and honesty to make every one of the promises made in war, as good +as shining, glittering gold in peace. And I tell you that if there is +another life, and if there is a day of judgment, all you need say upon +that solemn occasion is, "I was in life and in my death a good square +Republican." + +I hate the doctrine of State Sovereignty because it fostered State +pride; because it fostered the idea that it is more to be a citizen of a +State than a citizen of this glorious country. I love the whole country. +I like New York because it is a part of the country, and I like the +country because it has New York in it. I am not standing here to-day +because the flag of New York floats over my head, but because that flag +for which more heroic blood has been shed than for any other flag that +is kissed by the air of heaven, waves forever over my head. That is the +reason I am here. + +The doctrine of State Sovereignty was appealed to in defence of the +slave-trade; the next time in defence of the slave trade as between the +States; the next time in defence of the Fugitive Slave Law; and if +there is a Democrat in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law he should be +ashamed--if not of himself--of the ignorance of the time in which he +lived. + +That Fugitive Slave Law was a compromise so that we might be friends of +the South. They said in 1850-52: "If you catch the slave we will be your +friend;" and they tell us now: "If you let us trample upon the rights of +the black man in the South, we will be your friend." I do not want their +friendship upon such terms. I am a friend of my friend, and an enemy +of my enemy. That is my doctrine. We might as well be honest about +it. Under that doctrine of State Rights, such men as I see before +me--bankers, brokers, merchants, gentlemen--were expected to turn +themselves into hounds and chase a poor fugitive that had been lured by +the love of liberty and guided by the glittering North Star. + +The Democratic party wanted you to keep your trade with the South, no +matter to what depths of degradation you had to sink, and the Democratic +party to-day says if you want to sell your goods to the Southern people, +you must throw your honor and manhood into the streets. The patronage of +the splendid North is enough to support the city of New York. + +There is another thing: Why is this city filled with palaces, covered +with wealth? Because American labor has been protected. I am in favor +of protection to American labor, everywhere. I am in favor of protecting +American brain and muscle; I am in favor of giving scope to American +ingenuity and American skill. We want a market at home, and the only +way to have it is to have mechanics at home; and the only way to have +mechanics is to have protection; and the only way to have protection is +to vote the Republican ticket. You, business men of New York, know that +General Garfield understands the best interests not only of New York, +but of the entire country. And you want to stand by the men who will +stand by you. What does a simple soldier know about the wants of the +city of New York? What does he know about the wants of this great and +splendid country? If he does not know more about it than he knows about +the tariff he does not know much. I do not like to hit the dead. My +hatred stops with the grave, and I tell you we are going to bury the +Democratic party next Tuesday. The pulse is feeble now, and if that +party proposes to take advantage of the last hour, it is time it should +go into the repenting business. Nothing pleases me better than to see +the condition of that party to-day. What do the Democrats know on the +subject of the tariff? They are frightened; they are rattled. + +They swear their plank and platform meant nothing. They say in effect: +"When we put that in we lied; and now having made that confession we +hope you will have perfect confidence in us from this out." Hancock says +that the object of the party is to get the tariff out of politics. That +is the reason, I suppose, why they put that plank in the platform. I +presume he regards the tariff as a little local issue, but I tell you +to-day that the great question of protecting American labor never will +be taken out of politics. As long as men work, as long as the laboring +man has a wife and family to support, just so long will he vote for the +man that will protect his wages. + +And you can no more take it out of politics than you can take the +question of Government out of politics. I do not want any question +taken out of politics. I want the people to settle these questions for +themselves, and the people of this country are capable of doing it. If +you do not believe it, read the returns from Ohio and Indiana. There +are other persons who would take the question of office out of politics. +Well, when we get the tariff and office both out of politics, then, I +presume, we will see two parties on the same side. It will not do. + +David A. Wells has come to the rescue of the Democratic party on the +tariff, and shed a few pathetic tears over scrap iron. But it will not +do. You cannot run this country on scraps. + +We believe in the tariff because it gives skilled labor good pay. +We believe in the tariff because it allows the laboring man to have +something to eat. We believe in the tariff because it keeps the hands +of the producer close to the mouth of the devourer. We believe in the +tariff because it developed American brain; because it builds up our +towns and cities; because it makes Americans self-supporting; because it +makes us an independent Nation. And we believe in the tariff because the +Democratic party does not. + +That plank in the Democratic party was intended for a dagger to +assassinate the prosperity of the North. The Northern people have become +aroused and that is the plank that is broken in the Democratic platform; +and that plank was wide enough when it broke to let even Hancock +through. + +Gentlemen, they are gone. They are gone--honor bright. Look at the +desperate means that have been resorted to by the Democratic party, +driven to the madness of desperation. Not satisfied with having worn the +tongue of slander to the very tonsils, not satisfied with attacking the +private reputation of a splendid man, not satisfied with that, they +have appealed to a crime; a deliberate and infamous forgery has been +committed. That forgery has been upheld by some of the leaders of +the Democratic party; that forgery has been defended by men calling +themselves respectable. Leaders of the Democratic party have stood by +and said that they were acquainted with the handwriting of James A. +Garfield; and that the handwriting in the forged letter was his, when +they knew that it was absolutely unlike his. They knew it, and no man +has certified that that was the writing of James A. Garfield who did not +know that in his throat of throats he told a falsehood. + +Every honest man in the city of New York ought to leave such a party +if he belongs to it. Every honest man ought to refuse to belong to the +party that did such an infamous crime. + +Senator Barnum, chairman of the Democratic Committee, has lost control. +He is gone, and I will tell you what he puts me in mind of. There was an +old fellow used to come into town every Saturday and get drunk. He had a +little yoke of oxen, and the boys out of pity used to throw him into the +wagon and start the oxen for home. Just before he got home they had +to go down a long hill, and the oxen, when they got to the brow of it, +commenced to run. Now and then the wagon struck a stone and gave the old +fellow an awful jolt, and that would wake him up. After he had looked +up and had one glance at the cattle he would fall helplessly back to +the bottom, and always say, "Gee a little, if anything." And that is the +only order Barnum has been able to give for the last two weeks--"Gee a +little, if anything." I tell you now that forgery makes doubly sure the +election of James A. Garfield. The people of the North believe in honest +dealing; the people of the North believe in free speech and an honest +ballot. The people of the North believe that this is a Nation; the +people of the North hate treason; the people of the North hate forgery; +the people of the North hate slander. The people of the North have made +up their minds to give to General Garfield a vindication of which any +American may be forever proud. + +James A. Garfield is to-day a poor man, and you know that there is not +money enough in this magnificent street to buy the honor and manhood of +James A. Garfield. Money cannot make such a man, and I will swear to you +that money cannot buy him. James A. Garfield to-day wears the glorious +robe of honest poverty. He is a poor man; I like to say it here in Wall +Street; I like to say it surrounded by the millions of America; I like +to say it in the midst of banks and bonds and stocks; I love to say it +where gold is piled--that although a poor man, he is rich in honor; in +integrity he is wealthy, and in brain he is a millionaire. I know him, +and I like him. So do you all, gentlemen. Garfield was a poor boy, he +is a certificate of the splendid form of our Government. Most of these +magnificent buildings have been built by poor boys; most of the success +of New York began almost in poverty. You know it. The kings of this +street were once poor, and they may be poor again; and if they are fools +enough to vote for Hancock they ought to be. Garfield is a certificate +of the splendor of our Government, that says to every poor boy, "All the +avenues of honor are open to you." I know him, and I like him. He is a +scholar; he is a statesman; he is a soldier; he is a patriot; and above +all, he is a magnificent man; and if every man in New York knew him as +well as I do, Garfield would not lose a hundred votes in this city. + +Compare him with Hancock, and then compare General Arthur with William +H. English. If there ever was a pure Republican in this world, General +Arthur is one. + +You know in Wall Street, there are some men always prophesying disaster, +there are some men always selling "short." That is what the Democratic +party is doing to-day. You know as well as I do that if the Democratic +party succeeds, every kind of property in the United States will +depreciate. You know it. There is not a man on the street, who if he +knew Hancock was to be elected would not sell the stocks and bonds of +every railroad in the United States "short." I dare any broker here to +deny it. There is not a man in Wall or Broad Street, or in New York, +but what knows the election of Hancock will depreciate every share +of railroad stock, every railroad bond, every Government bond, in the +United States of America. And if you know that, I say it is a crime to +vote for Hancock and English. + +I belong to the party that is prosperous when the country is prosperous. +I belong to the party that believes in good crops; that is glad when a +fellow finds a gold mine; that rejoices when there are forty bushels of +wheat to the acre; that laughs when every railroad declares dividends, +that claps both its hands when every investment pays; when the rain +falls for the farmer, when the dew lies lovingly on the grass. I belong +to the party that is happy when the people are happy; when the laboring +man gets three dollars a day; when he has roast beef on his table; when +he has a carpet on the floor; when he has a picture of Garfield on the +wall. I belong to the party that is happy when everybody smiles, when +we have plenty of money, good horses, good carriages; when our wives +are happy and our children feel glad. I belong to the party whose banner +floats side by side with the great flag of the country; that does not +grow fat on defeat. + +The Democratic party is a party of famine; it is a good friend of an +early frost, it believes in the Colorado beetle and the weevil. When the +crops are bad the Democratic mouth opens from ear to ear with smiles of +joy; it is in partnership with bad luck; a friend of empty pockets; rags +help it. I am on the other side. The Democratic party is the party of +darkness. I believe in the party of sunshine; and in the party that even +in darkness believes that the stars are shining and waiting for us. + +Now, gentlemen, I have endeavored to give you a few reasons for voting +the Republican ticket; and I have given enough to satisfy any reasonable +man. And you know it. Do not go with the Democratic party, young man. +You have a character to make. + +You cannot make it, as the Democratic party does, by passing a +resolution. + +If your father voted the Democratic ticket, that is disgrace enough for +one family. Tell the old man you can stand it no longer. Tell the old +gentleman that you have made up your mind to stand with the party of +human progress; and if he asks you why you cannot vote the Democratic +ticket you tell him: "Every man that tried to destroy the Government, +every man that shot at the holy flag in heaven, every man that starved +our soldiers, every keeper of Libby, Andersonville and Salisbury, every +man that wanted to burn the negro, every one that wanted to scatter +yellow fever in the North, every man that opposed human liberty, that +regarded the auction-block as an altar and the howling of the bloodhound +as the music of the Union, every man who wept over the corpse of +slavery, that thought lashes on the naked back were a legal tender for +labor performed, every one willing to rob a mother of her child--every +solitary one was a Democrat." + +Tell him you cannot stand that party. Tell him you have to go with the +Republican party, and if he asks you why, tell him it destroyed slavery, +it preserved the Union, it paid the national debt; it made our credit as +good as that of any nation on the earth. + +Tell him it makes every dollar in a four per cent, bond worth a +dollar and ten cents; that it satisfies the demands of the highest +civilization. Tell the old man that the Republican party preserved the +honor of the Nation; that it believes in education; that it looks upon +the schoolhouse as a cathedral. Tell him that the Republican party +believes in absolute intellectual liberty; in absolute religious +freedom; in human rights, and that human rights rise above States. +Tell him that the Republican party believes in humanity, justice, human +equality, and that the Republican party believes this is a Nation and +will be forever and ever; that an honest ballot is the breath of the +Republic's life; that honest money is the blood of the Republic; +and that nationality is the great throbbing beat of the heart of the +Republic. Tell him that. And tell him that you are going to stand by +the flag that the patriots of the North carried upon the battle-field of +death. Tell him you are going to be true to the martyred dead; that you +are going to vote exactly as Lincoln would have voted were he living. +Tell him that if every traitor dead were living now, there would issue +from his lips of dust, "Hurrah for Hancock!" that could every patriot +rise, he would cry for Garfield and liberty; for union and for human +progress everywhere. Tell him that the South seeks to secure by the +ballot what it lost by the bayonet; to whip by the ballot those who +fought it in the field. But we saved the country; and we have the heart +and brains to take care of it. I will tell you what we are going to do. +We are going to treat them in the South just as well as we treat the +people in the North. Victors cannot afford to have malice. The North is +too magnanimous to have hatred. We will treat the South precisely as we +treat the North. There are thousands of good people there. Let us give +them money to improve their rivers and harbors; I want to see the sails +of their commerce filled with the breezes of prosperity; their fences +rebuilt; their houses painted. I want to see their towns prosperous; I +want to see schoolhouses in every town; I want to see books in the hands +of every child, and papers and magazines in every house; I want to see +all the rays of light, of civilization of the nineteenth century, enter +every home of the South; and in a little while you will see that country +full of good Republicans. We can afford to be kind; we cannot afford to +be unkind. + +I will shake hands cordially with every believer in human liberty; I +will shake hands with every believer in Nationality; I will shake hands +with every man who is the friend of the human race. That is my doctrine. +I believe in the great Republic; in this magnificent country of ours. +I believe in the great people of the United States. I believe in the +muscle and brain of America, in the prairies and forests. I believe in +New York. I believe in the brains of your city. I believe that you +know enough to vote the Republican ticket. I believe that you are grand +enough to stand by the country that has stood by you. But whatever +you do, I never shall cease to thank you for the great honor you have +conferred upon me this day. + + Note.--This being a newspaper report it is necessarily + incomplete. + + + + +BROOKLYN SPEECH. + + * The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and Colonel Robert G. + Ingersoll spoke from the same platform last night, and the + great preacher introduced the great orator and free-thinker + to the grandest political audience that was ever assembled + in Brooklyn. The reverend gentleman presided over the + Republican mass meeting held in the Academy of Music. When + he introduced Ingersoll he did it with a warmth and + earnestness of compliment that brought the six thousand + lookers-on to their feet to applaud. When the expounder of + the Gospel of Christ took the famous atheist by the hand, + and shook it fervently, saying that while he respected and + honored him for the honesty of his convictions and his + splendid labors for patriotism and the country, the + enthusiasm knew no bounds, and the great building trembled + and vibrated with the storm of applause. With such a scene + to harmonize the multitude at the outstart it is not strange + that the meeting continued to the end such a one as has no + parallel even in these days of feverish political excitement + and turmoil. The orator spoke in his best vein and his + audience was responsive to the wonderful magical spell of + his eloquence. And when his last glowing utterance had lost + its echo in the wild storm of applause that rewarded him at + the close, Mr. Beecher again stepped forward and, as if to + emphasize the earnestness of his previous compliments, + proposed a vote of thanks to the distinguished speaker. The + vote was a roar of affirmation, whose voice was not stronger + when Mr. Ingersoll in turn called upon the audience to give + three cheers for the great preacher. They were given, and + repeated three times over. Men waved their ats and + umbrellas, ladies, of whom there were many hundreds present, + waved their handkerchiefs, and men, strangers to each other, + shook hands with the fervency of brotherhood. It was indeed + a strange scene, and the principal actors in it seemed not + less than the most wildly excited man there to appreciate + its peculiar import and significance. Standing at the front + of the stage, underneath a canopy of nags, at either side + great baskets of flowers, they clasped each other's hands, + and stood thus for several minutes, while the excited + thousands cheered themselves hoarse and applauded wildly. + + As Mr. Beecher began to speak, however, the applause that + broke out was deafening. + + In substance Mr. Beecher spoke as follows:--"I am not + accustomed to preside at meetings like this; only the + exigency of the times could induce me to do It. I am not + here either to make a speech, but more especially to + introduce the eminent orator of the evening. * * * I stand + not as a minister, but as a man among men, pleading the + cause of fellowship and equal rights. We are not here as + mechanics, as artists, merchants, or professional men, but + as fellow-citizens. The gentleman who will speak to-night is + in no Conventicle or Church. He is to speak to a great body + of citizens, and I take the liberty of saying that I respect + him as the man that for a full score and more of years has + worked for the right in the great, broad field of humanity, + and for the cause of human rights. I consider it an honor to + extend to him, as I do now, the warm, earnest, right hand of + fellowship." (As Mr. Beecher said this he turned to Mr. + Ingersoll and extended his hand. The palms of the two men + met with a clasp that was heard all over the house, and was + the signal for tumultuous cheering and applause, which + continued for several minutes.) + + "I now introduce to you," continued Mr. Beecher, leading Mr. + Ingersoll forward, "a man who--and I say it not + flatteringly--is the most brilliant speaker of the English + tongue of all men on this globe. But as under the brilliancy + of the blaze or light we find the living coals of fire, + under the lambent flow of his wit and magnificent antithesis + we find the glorious flame of genius and honest thought. + Ladies and gentlemen, Mr. Ingersoll."--New York Herald, + October 81st, 1880. + + +(Garfield Campaign.) + +1880. + +LADIES and Gentlemen: Years ago I made up my mind that there was no +particular argument in slander. I made up my mind that for parties, as +well as for individuals, honesty in the long-run is the best policy. +I made up my mind that the people were entitled to know a man's honest +thoughts, and I propose to-night to tell you exactly what I think. And +it may be well enough, in the first place, for me to say that no party +has a mortgage on me. I am the sole proprietor of myself. No party, no +organization, has any deed of trust on what little brains I have, and as +long as I can get my part of the common air I am going to tell my honest +thoughts. One man in the right will finally get to be a majority. I am +not going to say a word to-night that every Democrat here will not know +is true, and, whatever he may say, I will compel him in his heart to +give three cheers. + +In the first place, I wish to admit that during the war there were +hundreds of thousands of patriotic Democrats. I wish to admit that if it +had not been for the War Democrats of the North, we never would have put +down the Rebellion. Let us be honest. I further admit that had it +not been for other than War Democrats there never would have been a +rebellion to put down. War Democrats! + +Why did we call them War Democrats? Did you ever hear anybody talk about +a War Republican? We spoke of War Democrats to distinguish them from +those Democrats who were in favor of peace upon any terms. + +I also wish to admit that the Republican party is not absolutely +perfect. While I believe that it is the best party that ever existed, +while I believe it has, within its organization, more heart, more brain, +more patriotism than any other organization that ever existed beneath +the sun, I still admit that it is not entirely perfect. I admit, in its +great things, in its splendid efforts to preserve this nation, in its +grand effort to keep our flag in heaven, in its magnificent effort to +free four millions of slaves, in its great and sublime effort to save +the financial honor of this Nation, I admit that it has made some +mistakes. In its great effort to do right it has sometimes by mistake +done wrong. And I also wish to admit that the great Democratic party, +in its effort to get office has sometimes by mistake done right. You see +that I am inclined to be perfectly fair. + +I am going with the Republican party because it is going my way; but if +it ever turns to the right or left, I intend to go straight ahead. + +In every government there is something that ought to be preserved, in +every government there are many things that ought to be destroyed. +Every good man, every patriot, every lover of the human race, wishes to +preserve the good and destroy the bad; and every one in this audience +who wishes to preserve the good will go with that section of our common +country--with that party in our country that he honestly believes will +preserve the good and destroy the bad. It takes a great deal of trouble +to raise a good Republican. It is a vast deal of labor. The Republican +party is the fruit of all ages--of self-sacrifice and devotion. The +Republican party is born of every good thing that was ever done in +this world. The Republican party is the result of all martyrdom, of +all heroic blood shed for the right. It is the blossom and fruit of the +great world's best endeavor. In order to make a Republican you have to +have schoolhouses. You have to have newspapers and magazines. A good +Republican is the best fruit of civilization, of all there is of +intelligence, of art, of music and of song. If you want to make +Democrats, let them alone. The Democratic party is the settlings of +this country. Nobody hoes weeds. Nobody takes especial pains to raise +dog-fennel, and yet it grows under the very hoof of travel, The seeds +are sown by accident and gathered by chance. But if you want to raise +wheat and corn you must plough the ground. You must defend and you must +harvest the crop with infinite patience and toil. It is precisely that +way--if you want to raise a good Republican you must work. If you wish +to raise a Democrat give him wholesome neglect. The Democratic party +flatters the vices of mankind. That party says to the ignorant man, "You +know enough." It says to the vicious man, "You are good enough." + +The Republican party says, "You must be better next year than you are +this." A Republican takes a man by the collar and says, "You must do +your best, you must climb the infinite hill of human progress as long as +you live." Now and then one gets tired. He says, "I have climbed enough +and so much better than I expected to do that I do not wish to travel +any farther." Now and then one gets tired and lets go all hold, and he +rolls down to the very bottom, and as he strikes the mud he springs upon +his feet transfigured, and says: "Hurrah for Hancock!" + +There are things in this Government that I wish to preserve, and there +are things that I wish to destroy; and in order to convince you that you +ought to go the way that I am going: it is only fair that I give to +you my reasons. This is a Republic founded upon intelligence and +the patriotism of the people, and in every Republic it is absolutely +necessary that there should be free speech. Free speech is the gem of +the human soul. Words are the bodies of thought, and liberty gives to +those words wings, and the whole intellectual heavens are filled with +light. In a Republic every individual tongue has a right to the general +ear. In a Republic every man has the right to give his reasons for the +course he pursues to all his fellow-citizens, and when you say that a +man shall not speak, you also say that others shall not hear. When +you say a man shall not express his honest thought you say his +fellow-citizens shall be deprived of honest thoughts; for of what use +is it to allow the attorney for the defendant to address the jury if the +jury has been bought? Of what use is it to allow the jury to bring in a +verdict of "not guilty," if the defendant is to be hung by a mob? I ask +you to-night, is not every solitary man here in favor of free speech? Is +there a solitary Democrat here who dares say he is not in favor of free +speech? In which part of this country are the lips of thought free--in +the South or in the North? Which section of our country can you trust +the inestimable gem of free speech with? Can you trust it to the +gentlemen of Mississippi or to the gentlemen of Massachusetts? Can you +trust it to Alabama or to New York? Can you trust it to the South or +can you trust it to the great and splendid North? Honor bright--honor +bright, is there any freedom of speech in the South? There never was and +there is none to-night--and let me tell you why. + +They had the institution of human slavery in the South, which could +not be defended at the bar of public reason. It was an institution that +could not be defended in the high forum of human conscience. No man +could stand there and defend the right to rob the cradle--none to defend +the right to sell the babe from the breast of the agonized mother--none +to defend the claim that lashes on a bare back are a legal tender for +labor performed. Every man that lived upon the unpaid labor of another +knew in his heart that he was a thief. And for that reason he did not +wish to discuss that question. Thereupon the institution of slavery +said, "You shall not speak; you shall not reason," and the lips of free +thought were manacled. You know it. Every one of you. Every Democrat +knows it as well as every Republican. There never was free speech in the +South. + +And what has been the result? And allow me to admit right here, because +I want to be fair, there are thousands and thousands of most excellent +people in the South--thousands of them. There are hundreds and hundreds +of thousands there who would like to vote the Republican ticket. And +whenever there is free speech there and whenever there is a free ballot +there, they will vote the Republican ticket. I say again, there are +hundreds of thousands of good people in the South; but the institution +of human slavery prevented free speech, and it is a splendid fact in +nature that you cannot put chains upon the limbs of others without +putting corresponding manacles upon your own brain. When the South +enslaved the negro, it also enslaved itself, and the result was an +intellectual desert. No book has been produced, with one exception, that +has added to the knowledge of mankind; no paper, no magazine, no poet, +no philosopher, no philanthropist, was ever raised in that desert. Now +and then some one protested against that infamous institution, and +he came as near being a philosopher as the society in which he lived +permitted. Why is it that New England, a rock-clad land, blossoms like a +rose? Why is it that New York is the Empire State of the great Union? +I will tell you. Because you have been permitted to trade in ideas. +Because the lips of speech have been absolutely free for twenty years. + +We never had free speech in any State in this Union until the Republican +party was born. That party was rocked in the cradle of intellectual +liberty, and that is the reason I say it is the best party that ever +existed in the wide, wide world. I want to preserve free speech, and, as +an honest man, I look about me and I say, "How can I best preserve +it?" By giving it to the South or North; to the Democracy or to the +Republican party? And I am bound, as an honest man, to say free speech +is safest with its earliest defenders. Where is there such a thing as +a Republican mob to prevent the expression of an honest thought? Where? +The people of the South are allowed to come to the North; they are +allowed to express their sentiments upon every stump in the great East, +the great West, and in the great Middle States; they go to Maine, to +Vermont, and to all our States, and they are allowed to speak, and we +give them a respectful hearing, and the meanest thing we do is to answer +their arguments. + +I say to-night that we ought to have the same liberty to discuss these +questions in the South that Southerners have in the North. And I say +more than that, the Democrats of the North ought to compel the Democrats +of the South to treat the Republicans of the South as well as the +Republicans of the North treat them. We treat the Democrats well in the +North; we treat them like gentlemen in the North; and yet they go into +partnership with the Democracy of the South, knowing that the Democracy +of the South will not treat Republicans in that section with fairness. A +Democrat ought to be ashamed of that. + +If my friends will not treat other people as well as the friends of the +other people treat me, I'll swap friends. + +First, then, I am in favor of free speech, and I am going with that +section of my country that believes in free speech; I am going with +that party that has always upheld that sacred right. When you stop +free speech, when you say that a thought shall die in the womb of the +brain,--why, it would have the same effect upon the intellectual world +that to stop springs at their sources would have upon the physical +world. Stop the springs at their sources and they cease to gurgle, +the streams cease to murmur, and the great rivers cease rushing to the +embrace of the sea. So you stop thought. Stop thought in the brain in +which it is born, and theory dies; and the great ocean of knowledge to +which all should be permitted to contribute, and from which all should +be allowed to draw, becomes a vast desert of ignorance. + +I have always said, and I say again, that the more liberty there is +given away, the more you have. I endeavor to be consistent in my life +and action. I am a believer in intellectual liberty, and wherever the +torch of knowledge burns the whole horizon is filled with a glorious +halo. I am a free man. I would be less than a man if I did not wish +to hand this flame to my child with the flame increased rather than +diminished. + +Whom will we trust to take care of free speech? Let us consider and be +honest with one another. The gem of the brain is the innocence of the +soul. + +I am not only in favor of free speech, but I am also in favor of an +absolutely honest ballot. There is only one emperor in this country; +there is one czar; only one supreme crown and king, and that is the +will, the legally expressed will of the majority. Every American citizen +is a sovereign. The poorest and humblest may wear that crown, the beggar +holds in his hand that sceptre equally with the proudest and richest, +and so far as his sovereignty is concerned, the poorest American, he +who earns but one dollar a day, has the same voice in controlling the +destiny of the United States as the millionaire. The man who casts an +illegal vote, the man who refuses to count a legal vote, poisons the +fountain of power, poisons the springs of justice, and is a traitor +to the only king in this land. The Government is upon the edge of +Mexicanization through fraudulent voting. The ballot-box is the throne +of America; the ballot-box is the ark of the covenant. Unless we see to +it that every man who has a right to vote, votes, and unless we see +to it that every honest vote is counted, the days of this Republic are +numbered. + +When you suspect that a Congressman is not elected; when you suspect +that a judge upon the bench holds his place by fraud, then the people +will hold the law in contempt and will laugh at the decisions of courts, +and then come revolution and chaos. + +It is the duty of every good man to see to it that the ballot-box is +kept absolutely pure. It is the duty of every patriot, whether he is +a Democrat or Republican--and I want further to admit that I believe +a large majority of Democrats are honest in their opinions, and I know +that all Republicans _must_ be honest in their opinions. It is the duty, +then, of all honest men of both parties to see to it that only honest +votes are cast and counted. Now, honor bright, which section of this +Union can you trust the ballot-box with? + +Do you wish to trust Louisiana, or do you wish to trust Alabama that +gave, in 1872, thirty-four thousand eight hundred and eighty-eight +Republican majority and now gives ninety-two thousand Democratic +majority? And of that ninety-two thousand majority, every one is a lie! +A contemptible, infamous lie! Because if every voter had been allowed +to vote, there would have been forty thousand Republican majority. +Honor bright, can you trust it with the masked murderers who rode in +the darkness of night to the hut of the freedman and shot him down, +notwithstanding the supplication of his wife and the tears of his babe? +Can you trust it to the men who since the close of our war have killed +more men, simply because those men wished to vote, simply because they +wished to exercise a right with which they had been clothed by the +sublime heroism of the North--who have killed more men than were killed +on both sides in the Revolutionary war; than were killed on both sides +during the War of 1812; than were killed on both sides in both wars? +Can you trust them? Can you trust the gentlemen who invented the +tissue ballot? Do you wish to put the ballot-box in the keeping of the +shot-gun, of the White-Liners, of the Ku Klux? Do you wish to put the +ballot-box in the keeping of men who openly swear that they will not be +ruled by a majority of American citizens if a portion of that majority +is made of black men? And I want to tell you right here, I like a black +man who loves this country better than I do a white man who hates it. I +think more of a black man who fought for our flag than for any white man +who endeavored to tear it out of heaven! + +I say, can you trust the ballot-box to the Democratic party? Read the +history of the State of New York. Read the history of this great and +magnificent city--the Queen of the Atlantic--read her history and tell +us whether you can implicitly trust Democratic returns? Honor bright! + +I am not only, then, for free speech, but I am for an honest ballot; +and in order that you may have no doubt left upon your minds as to which +party is in favor of an honest vote, I will call your attention to this +striking fact. Every law that has been passed in every State of this +Union for twenty long years, the object of which was to guard the +American ballot-box, has been passed by the Republican party, and in +every State where the Republican party has introduced such a bill for +the purpose of making it a law; in every State where such a bill has +been defeated, it has been defeated by the Democratic party. That ought +to satisfy any reasonable man to satiety. + +I am not only in favor of free speech and an honest ballot, but I am in +favor of collecting and disbursing the revenues of the United States. I +want plenty of money to collect and pay the interest on our debt. I want +plenty of money to pay our debt and to preserve the financial honor of +the United States. I want money enough to be collected to pay pensions +to widows and orphans and to wounded soldiers. And the question is, +which section in this country can you trust to collect and disburse that +revenue? Let us be honest about it. Which section can you trust? In the +last four years we have collected four hundred and sixty-eight million +dollars of the internal revenue taxes. We have collected principally +from taxes upon high wines and tobacco, four hundred and sixty-eight +million dollars, and in those four years we have seized, libeled and +destroyed in the Southern States three thousand eight hundred and +seventy-four illicit distilleries. And during the same time the Southern +people have shot to death twenty-five revenue officers and wounded +fifty-five others, and the only offence that the wounded and dead +committed was an honest effort to collect the revenues of this country. +Recollect it--don't you forget it. And in several Southern States +to-day every revenue collector or officer connected with the revenue is +furnished by the Internal Revenue Department with a breech-loading +rifle and a pair of revolvers, simply for the purpose of collecting the +revenue. + +I don't feel like trusting such people to collect the revenue of my +Government. + +During the same four years we have arrested and have indicted seven +thousand and eighty-four Southern Democrats for endeavoring to defraud +the revenue of the United States. Recollect--three thousand eight +hundred and seventy-four distilleries seized. Twenty-five revenue +officers killed, fifty-five wounded, and seven thousand and eighty-four +Democrats arrested. Can we trust them? + +The State of Alabama in its last Democratic convention passed a +resolution that no man should be tried in a Federal Court for a +violation of the revenue laws--that he should be tried in a State Court. +Think of it--he should be tried in a State Court! Let me tell you how it +will come out if we trust the Southern States to collect this revenue. A +couple of Methodist ministers had been holding a revival for a week, and +at the end of the week one said to the other that he thought it time to +take up a collection. When the hat was returned he found in it pieces of +slate-pencils and nails and buttons, but not a single solitary cent--not +one--and his brother minister got up and looked at the contribution, and +said, "Let us thank God!" And the owner of the hat said, "What for?" And +the brother replied, "Because you got your hat back." If we trust the +South we shan't get our hats back. + +I am next in favor of honest money. I am in favor of gold and silver, +and paper with gold and silver behind it. I believe in silver, because +it is one of the greatest of American products, and I am in favor of +anything that will add to the value of an American product. But I want +a silver dollar worth a gold dollar, even if you make it or have to make +it four feet in diameter. No government can afford to be a clipper of +coin. A great Republic cannot afford to stamp a lie upon silver or gold. +Honest money, an honest people, an honest Nation. When our money is only +worth eighty cents on the dollar, we feel twenty per cent, below par. +When our money is good we feel good. When our money is at par, that is +where we are. I am a profound believer in the doctrine that for nations +as well as men, honesty is the best policy, always, everywhere, and +forever. + +What section of this country, what party, will give us honest +money--honor bright--honor bright? I have been told that during the war, +we had plenty of money. I never saw it. I lived years without seeing a +dollar. I saw promises for dollars, but not dollars. And the greenback, +unless you have the gold behind it, is no more a dollar than a bill +of fare is a dinner. You cannot make a paper dollar without taking a +dollar's worth of paper. We must have paper that represents money. I +want it issued by the Government, and I want behind every one of these +dollars either a gold or silver dollar, so that every greenback under +the flag can lift up its hand and swear, "I know that my redeemer +liveth." + +When we were running into debt, thousands of people mistook that for +prosperity, and when we began paying they regarded it as adversity. Of +course we had plenty when we bought on credit. No man has ever starved +when his credit was good, if there were no famine in that country. As +long as we buy on credit we shall have enough. The trouble commences +when the pay-day arrives. And I do not wonder that after the war +thousands of people said, "Let us have another inflation." Which party +said, "No, we must pay the promise made in war"? Honor bright! The +Democratic party had once been a hard money party, but it drifted from +its metallic moorings and floated off in the ocean of inflation, and you +know it. They said, "Give us more money;" and every man that had bought +on credit and owed a little something on what he had purchased, when the +property went down commenced crying, or many of them did, for inflation. +I understand it. + +A man, say, bought a piece of land for six thousand dollars; paid five +thousand dollars on it; gave a mortgage for one thousand dollars, and +suddenly, in 1873, found that the land would not pay the other thousand. +The land had resumed, and then he said, looking lugubriously at his note +and mortgage, "I want another inflation." And I never heard a man call +for it that did not also say, "If it ever comes, and I don't unload, you +may shoot me." + +It was very much as it is sometimes in playing poker, and I make this +comparison knowing that hardly a person here will understand it. I have +been told that along toward morning the man that is ahead suddenly +says, "I have got to go home. The fact is, my wife is not well." And the +fellow who is behind says, "Let us have another deal; I have my opinion +of the fellow that will jump a game." And so it was in the hard times +of 1873. They said: "Give us another deal; let us get our driftwood back +into the centre of the stream." And they cried out for more money. +But the Republican party said: "We do want more money, but not more +promises. We have got to pay this first, and if we start out again +upon that wide sea of promise we may never touch the shore." A thousand +theories were born of want; a thousand theories were born of the fertile +brain of trouble; and these people said, "After all, what is money? Why, +it is nothing but a measure of value, just the same as a half bushel or +yardstick." True; and consequently it makes no difference whether your +half bushel is of wood or gold or silver or paper; and it makes no +difference whether your yardstick is gold or paper. But the trouble +about that statement is this: A half bushel is not a measure of value; +it is a measure of quantity, and it measures rubies, diamonds and pearls +precisely the same as corn and wheat. The yardstick is not a measure of +value; it is a measure of length, and it measures lace worth one hundred +dollars a yard precisely as it does cent tape. And another reason why it +makes no difference to the purchaser whether the half bushel is gold or +silver, or whether the yardstick is gold or paper, you do not buy the +yardstick; you do not get the half bushel in the trade. And if it were +so with money--if the people that had the money at the start of the +trade, kept it after the consummation of the bargain--then it would not +make any difference what you made your money of. But the trouble is the +money changes hands. And let me say to-night, money is a thing--it is a +product of nature--and you can no more make a "fiat" dollar than you +can make a fiat star. I am in favor of honest money. Free speech is the +brain of the Republic; an honest ballot is the breath of its life, and +honest money is the blood that courses through its veins. + +If I am fortunate enough to leave a dollar when I die, I want it to be +a good one. I do not wish to have it turn to ashes in the hands of +widowhood, or become a Democratic broken promise in the pocket of the +orphan; I want it money. I want money that will outlive the Democratic +party. They told us--and they were honest about it--they said, "When +we have plenty of money, we are prosperous." And I said, "When we are +prosperous, we have plenty of money." When we are prosperous, then we +have credit, and credit inflates the currency. Whenever a man buys a +pound of sugar and says, "Charge it," he inflates the currency; whenever +he gives his note, he inflates the currency; whenever his word takes the +place of money, he inflates the currency. The consequence is that when +we are prosperous, credit takes the place of money, and we have what we +call "plenty." + +But you cannot increase prosperity simply by using promises to pay. +Suppose you should come to a river that was about dry, so dry that the +turtle had to help the catfish over the shoals, and there you would see +the ferryboat, and the gentleman who kept the ferry, up on the sand, +high and dry, and the cracks all opening in the sun, filled with +loose oakum, looking like an average Democratic mouth listening to a +constitutional argument, and you should say to him, "How is business?" +And he would say, "Dull." And then you would say to him, "Now, what you +want is more boat." He would probably answer, "If I had a little more +water I could get along with this one." + +Suppose I next came to a man running a railroad, complaining of hard +times. "Why," said he, "I did a million dollars' worth of business the +first year and used five hundred thousand dollars' worth of grease. The +second year I did five hundred thousand dollars' worth of business and +used four hundred thousand dollars' worth of grease." "Well," said +I, "the reason your road fell off was because you did not use enough +grease." + +But I want to be fair, and I wish to-night to return my thanks to the +Democratic party. You did a great and splendid work. You went all over +the United States and you said upon every stump that a greenback was +better than gold. You said, "We have at last found the money of the poor +man. Gold loves the rich; gold haunts banks and safes and vaults; but we +have money that will go around inquiring for a man that is dead broke. +We have finally found money that will stay in a pocket with holes in +it." But, after all, do you know that money is the most social thing +in this world? If a fellow has one dollar in his pocket, and he meets +another with two, do you know that dollar is absolutely homesick until +it gets where the other two are? And yet the Greenbackers told us that +they had finally invented money that would be the poor mans friend. They +said, "It is better than gold, better than silver," and they got so many +men to believe it that when we resumed and said, "Here is your gold for +your greenback," the fellows who had the greenback said, "We don't want +it. The greenbacks are good enough for us." Do you know, if they had +wanted it we could not have given it to them? And so I return my thanks +to the Greenback party. But allow me to say in this connection, the days +of their usefulness have passed forever. + +Now, I am not foolish enough to claim that the Republican party resumed. +I am not silly enough to say that John Sherman resumed. But I will tell +you what I do say. I say that every man who raised a bushel of corn or a +bushel of wheat or a pound of beef or pork for sale helped to resume. I +say that the gentle rain and the loving dew helped to resume. The soil +of the United States impregnated by the loving sun helped to resume. The +men that dug the coal and the iron and the silver and the copper and the +gold helped to resume. And the men upon whose foreheads fell the light +of furnaces helped to resume. And the sailors who fought with the waves +of the seas helped to resume. + +I admit to-night that the Democrats earned their share of the money +to resume with. All I claim is that the Republican party furnished the +honesty to pay it over. That is what I claim; and the Republican party +set the day, and the Republican party worked to the promise. That is +what I say. And had it not been for the Republican party this Nation +would have been financially dishonored. I am for honest money, and I am +for the payment of every dollar of our debt, and so is every Democrat +now, I take it. But what did you say a little while ago? Did you say we +could resume? No; you swore we could not, and you swore our bonds would +be worthless as the withered leaves of winter. And now when a Democrat +goes to England and sees an American four per cent, quoted at one +hundred and ten he kind of swells up, and says: "That's the kind of man +I am." In that country he pretends he was a Republican in this. And I do +not blame him. I do not begrudge him enjoying respectability when away +from home. The Republican party is entitled to the credit for keeping +this Nation grandly and splendidly honest. I say, the Republican party +is entitled to the credit of preserving the honor of this Nation. + +In 1873 came the crash, and all the languages of the world cannot +describe the agonies suffered by the American people from 1873 to 1879. +A man who thought he was a millionaire came to poverty; he found +his stocks and bonds ashes in the paralytic hand of old age. Men who +expected to live all their lives in the sunshine of joy found themselves +beggars and paupers. The great factories were closed, the workmen were +demoralized, and the roads of the United States were filled with tramps. +In the hovel of the poor and the palace of the rich came the serpent +of temptation and whispered in the American ear the terrible word +"Repudiation." But the Republican party said, "No; we will pay every +dollar. No; we have started toward the shining goal of resumption and we +never will turn back." And the Republican party struggled until it had +the happiness of seeing upon the broad shining forehead of American +labor the words "Financial Honor." + +The Republican party struggled until every paper promise was as good +as gold. And the moment we got back to gold then we commenced to rise +again. We could not jump until our feet touched something that they +could be pressed against. And from that moment to this we have been +going, going, going higher and higher, more prosperous every hour. And +now they say, "Let us have a change." When I am sick I want a change; +when I am poor I want a change; and if I were a Democrat I would have a +personal change. We are prosperous to-day, and must keep so. We are back +to gold and silver. Let us stay there; and let us stay with the party +that brought us there. + +Now, I am not only in favor of free speech and an honest ballot-box and +an honest collection of the revenue of the United States, and an honest +money, but I am in favor of the idea, of the great and splendid +truth, that this is a Nation one and indivisible. I deny that we are a +confederacy bound together with ropes of cloud and chains of mist. This +is a Nation, and every man in it owes his first allegiance to the grand +old flag for which more brave blood was shed than for any other flag +that waves in the sight of heaven. There is another thing; we all want +to live in a land where the law is supreme. We desire to live beneath a +flag that will protect every citizen beneath its folds. We desire to be +citizens of a Government so great and so grand that it will command +the respect of the civilized world. Most of us are convinced that our +Government is the best upon this earth. It is the only Government +where manhood, and manhood alone, is not made simply a condition of +citizenship, but where manhood, and manhood alone, permits its possessor +to have his equal share in control of the Government. It is the only +Government in the world where poverty is upon an exact equality with +wealth, so far as controlling the destiny of the Republic is concerned. +It is the only Nation where the man clothed in rags stands upon an +equality with the one wearing purple. It is the only country in the +world where, politically, the hut is upon an equality with the palace. + +For that reason every poor man should stand by this Government, and +every poor man who does not is a traitor to the best interests of his +children; every poor man who does not is willing his children should +bear the badge of political inferiority; and the only way to make this +Government a complete and perfect success is for the poorest man to +think as much of his manhood as the millionaire does of his wealth. A +man does not vote in this country simply because he is rich; he does +not vote in this country simply because he has an education; he does +not vote simply because he has talent or genius; we say that he votes +because he is a man, and that he has his manhood to support; and we +admit in this country that nothing can be more valuable to any human +being than his manhood, and for that reason we put poverty on an +equality with wealth. We say in this country manhood is worth more than +gold. We say in this country that without Liberty the Nation is not +worth preserving. Now, I appeal to-day to every poor man; I appeal +to-day to every laboring man, and I ask him, is there another country on +this globe where you can have equal rights with others? There is another +thing; do you want a Government of law or of brute force? In which part +of this country do you find law supreme? In which part of this country +can a man find justice in the courts; in the North or in the South? +Where is crime punished? Where is innocence protected, in the North or +in the South? Which section of this country will you trust? + +You can tell what a man is by the way he treats persons in his power, +and the man that will sneak and crawl in the presence of greatness, will +trample the weak when he gets them in his power. What class of people +does the State have in its power? Criminals and creditors; and you +can judge of a State by the way it treats its criminals and creditors. +Georgia is the best State in the South. They have a penitentiary system +by which they hire out their convict labor. Only two years ago the whole +thing was examined by a friend of mine, Col. Allston. He had been in the +rebel army and was my good friend. He used to come to my house day after +day to see me. He got converted and had the grit to say so. Being +a member of the Legislature, he had a committee of investigation +appointed. Now, in order that you may understand the difference, you +must know that in the Northern penitentiaries the average annual death +rate is one per cent.; that is, of one thousand convicts, ten will +die in a year, on the average. That low death rate is because we are +civilized, because we do not kill; but in the Georgia penitentiary it +was as high as fifteen, twenty-seven and forty-seven per cent., at a +time when there was no typhoid or yellow fever, or epidemic of any kind. +They died for four months at a rate of ten per cent, per month. They +crowded the convicts in together, regardless of sex. They treated them +precisely as wild beasts, and many of them were shot down. Persons high +in authority, Senators of the United States, held interests in those +contracts, and Robert Allston denounced them. When on a visit he said, +"I believe when I get home I shall be killed." I told him not to go +back to Georgia, but to stay in the civilized North; but no, he would go +back, and on the very day of his arrival he was murdered in cold blood. +Do you want to trust such men? * * * + +The Southern people say this is a Confederacy and they are honest in it. +They fought for it, they believed it. They believe in the doctrine of +State Sovereignty, and many Democrats of the North believe in the same +doctrine. No less a man than Horatio Seymour--standing it may be at the +head of Democratic statesmen--said, if he has been correctly reported, +only the other day, that he despised the word "Nation." I bless that +word. I owe my first allegiance to this Nation, and it owes its first +protection to me. I am talking here to-night, not because I am protected +by the flag of New York. I would not know that flag if I should see it. +I am talking here, and have the right to talk here, because the flag of +my country is above us. I have the same right as though I had been born +upon this very platform. I am proud of New York because it is a part of +my country. I am proud of my country because it has such a State as +New York in it, and I will be prouder of New York on a week from next +Tuesday than ever before in my life. I despise the doctrine of State +Sovereignty. I believe in the rights of the States, but not in the +sovereignty of the States. States are political conveniences. Rising +above States, as the Alps above valleys, are the rights of man. Rising +above the rights of the Government, even in this Nation, are the sublime +rights of the people. Governments are good only so long as they protect +human rights. But the rights of a man never should be sacrificed upon +the altar of the State, or upon the altar of the Nation. + +Let me tell you a few objections that I have to State Sovereignty. That +doctrine has never been appealed to for any good. The first time it was +appealed to was when our Constitution was made. And the object then was +to keep the slave-trade open until the year 1808. The object then was +to make the sea the highway of piracy--the object then was to allow +American citizens to go into the business of selling men and women and +children, and feed their cargo to the sharks of the sea, and the sharks +of the sea were as merciful as they. That was the first time that the +appeal to the doctrine of State Sovereignty was made, and the next time +was for the purpose of keeping alive the interstate slave-trade, so that +a gentleman in Virginia could sell the slave who had nursed him, and rob +the cradles of their babes. Think of it! It was made so they could rob +the cradle in the name of law. Think of it! Think of it! And the next +time they appealed to the doctrine of State Sovereignty was in favor of +the Fugitive Slave Law--a law that made a bloodhound of every Northern +man; that made charity a crime; a law that made love a state-prison +offence; that branded the forehead of charity as if it were a felon. +Think of it! + +It is a part of my honor to hate such principles. I have no respect +for any man who is so mean, cruel and wicked, as to allow himself to be +transformed into a bloodhound to bay upon the tracks of innocent human +prey. I will follow my logic, no matter where it goes, after it has +consulted with my heart. If you ever come to a conclusion without +calling the heart in, you will come to a bad conclusion. + +A good man is pretty apt to be right; a perfectly honest man is like the +surface of the stainless mirror, that gives back by simply looking at +him, the image of the one who looks. + +The next time they appealed to the doctrine of State Sovereignty was to +increase the area of human slavery, so that the bloodhound, with clots +of blood dropping from his loose and hanging jaws, might traverse the +billowy plains of Kansas. Think of it! + +The Democratic party then said the Federal Government had a right to +cross the State line. And the next time they appealed to that infamous +doctrine was in defence of secession and treason; a doctrine that cost +us six thousand millions of dollars; a doctrine that cost four hundred +thousand lives; a doctrine that filled our country with widows, our +homes with orphans. And I tell you, the doctrine of State Sovereignty +is the viper in the bosom of this Republic, and if we do not kill that +viper it will kill us. + +The Democrats tell us that in the olden time the Federal Government had +a right to cross a State line to put shackles upon the limbs of men. It +had the right to cross a State line to trample upon the rights of human +beings, but now it has no right to cross those lines upon an errand +of mercy or justice. We are told that now, when the Federal Government +wishes to protect a citizen, a State line rises like a Chinese wall, +and the sword of Federal power turns to air the moment it touches one of +those lines. I deny it and I despise, abhor and execrate the doctrine of +State Sovereignty. The Democrats tell us if we wish to be protected by +the Federal Government we must leave home. I wish they would try it for +about ten days. They say the Federal Government can defend a citizen +in England, France, Spain or Germany, but cannot defend a child of the +Republic sitting around the family hearth. I deny it. A Government that +cannot protect its citizens at home is unfit to be called a Government. +I want a Government with an ear so good that it can hear the faintest +cry of the oppressed wherever its flag floats. I want a Government with +an arm long enough and a sword sharp enough to cut down treason wherever +it may raise its serpent head. I want a Government that will protect +a freedman, standing by his little log hut, with the same alacrity and +with the same efficiency that it would protect Vanderbilt, living in a +palace of marble and gold. Humanity is a sacred thing, and manhood is a +thing to be preserved. Let us look at it. For instance, here is a war, +and the Federal Government says to a man, "We want you," and he says, +"No, I don't want to go," and then they put a lot of pieces of paper in +a wheel and on one of those pieces is his name, and another man turns +the crank, and then they pull it out and there is his name, and +they say, "Come," and so he goes. And they stand him in front of the +brazen-throated guns; they make him fight for his native land, and when +the war is over he goes home and he finds the war has been unpopular +in his neighborhood, and they trample on his rights, and he says to the +Federal Government, "Protect me." And he says to the Government, "I owe +my allegiance to you. You must protect me." What will you say of +that Government if it says to him, "You must look to your State for +protection"? "Ah, but," he says, "my State is the very power trampling +upon me," and, of course, the robber is not going to send for the +police, It is the duty of the Government to defend even its drafted +men; and if that is the duty of the Government, what shall I say of the +volunteer, who for one moment holds his wife in a tremulous and agonized +embrace, kisses his children, shoulders his musket, goes to the field +and says, "Here I am, ready to die for my native land"? A Nation that +will not defend its volunteer defenders is a disgrace to the map of this +world. This is a Nation. Free speech is the brain of the Republic; an +honest ballot is the breath of its life; honest money is the blood of +its veins; and the idea of nationality is its great, beating, throbbing +heart. I am for a Nation. And yet the Democrats tell me that it is +dangerous to have centralized power. How would you have it? I believe in +the localization of power; I believe in having enough of it localized in +one place to be effectively used; I believe in a localization of brain. +I suppose Democrats would like to have it spread all over your body, and +they act as though theirs was. + +There is another thing in which I believe: I believe in the protection +of American labor. The hand that holds Aladdin's lamp must be the hand +of toil. This Nation rests upon the shoulders of its workers, and I want +the American laboring man to have enough to wear; I want him to have +enough to eat: + +I want him to have something for the ordinary misfortunes of life; I +want him to have the pleasure of seeing his wife well-dressed; I want +him to see a few blue ribbons fluttering about his children; I want him +to see the flags of health flying in their beautiful cheeks; I want him +to feel that this is his country, and the shield of protection is above +his labor. + +And I will tell you why I am for protection, too. If we were all farmers +we would be stupid. If we were all shoemakers we would be stupid. If +we all followed one business, no matter what it was, we would become +stupid. Protection to American labor diversifies American industry, +and to have it diversified touches and develops every part of the human +brain. Protection protects ingenuity; it protects intelligence; and +protection raises sense; and by protection we have greater men, better +looking women and healthier children. Free trade means that our laborer +is upon an equality with the poorest paid labor of this world. And allow +me to tell you that for an empty stomach, "Hurrah for Hancock!" is a +poor consolation. I do not think much of a Government where the people +do not have enough to eat. I am a materialist to that extent; I want +something to eat. I have been in countries where the laboring man had +meat once a year; sometimes twice--Christmas and Easter. And I have seen +women carrying upon their heads a burden that no man in this audience +could carry, and at the same time knitting busily with both hands, +and those women lived without meat; and when I thought of the American +laborer, I said to myself, "After all, my country is the best in the +world." And when I came back to the sea and saw the old flag flying, it +seemed to me as though the air from pure joy had burst into blossom. + +Labor has more to eat and more to wear in the United States than in +any other land of this earth. I want America to produce everything that +Americans need. I want it so that if the whole world should declare war +against us, if we were surrounded by walls of cannon and bayonets and +swords, we could supply all our material wants in and of ourselves. I +want to live to see the American woman dressed in American silk; the +American man in everything, from hat to boots, produced in America by +the cunning hand of American toil. I want to see the workingman have +a good house, painted white, grass in the front yard, carpets on the +floor, pictures on the wall. I want to see him a man, feeling that he is +a king by the divine right of living in the Republic. And every man here +is just a little bit a king, you know. Every man here is a part of the +sovereign power. Every man wears a little of purple; every man has a +little of crown and a little of sceptre; and every man that will sell +his vote for money or be ruled by prejudice is unfit to be an American +citizen. + +I believe in American labor, and I will tell you why. The other day a +man told me that we had produced in the United States of America one +million tons of steel rails. How much are they worth? Sixty dollars a +ton. In other words, the million tons are worth sixty million dollars. +How much is a ton of iron worth in the ground? Twenty-five cents. +American labor takes twenty-five cents worth of iron in the ground and +adds to it fifty-nine dollars and seventy-five cents. One million tons +of rails, and the raw material not worth twenty-four thousand dollars! +We build a ship in the United States worth five hundred thousand +dollars, and the value of the ore in the earth, of the trees in the +great forest, of all that enters into the composition of that ship +bringing five hundred thousand dollars in gold is only twenty thousand +dollars; four hundred and eighty thousand dollars by American labor, +American muscle, coined into gold; American brains made a legal tender +the world round. + +I propose to stand by the Nation. I want the furnaces kept hot. I want +the sky to be filled with the smoke of American industry, and upon that +cloud of smoke will rest forever the bow of perpetual promise. That is +what I am for. Where did this doctrine of a tariff for revenue only come +from? From the South. The South would like to stab the prosperity of the +North. They would rather trade with Old England than with New England. +They would rather trade with the people who were willing to help them in +war than with those who conquered the Rebellion. They knew what gave us +our strength in war. They knew that all the brooks and creeks and rivers +of New England were putting down the Rebellion. They knew that every +wheel that turned, every spindle that revolved, was a soldier in the +army of human progress. It won't do! They were so lured by the greed of +office that they were willing to trade upon the misfortunes of a Nation. +It won't do! I do not wish to belong to a party that succeeds only when +my country fails. I do not wish to belong to a party whose banner went +up with the banner of rebellion. I do not wish to belong to a party that +was in partnership with defeat and disaster. I do not. And there is not +a Democrat here who does not know that a failure of the crops this year +would have helped his party. You know that an early frost would have +been a godsend to them. You know that the potato-bug could have done +them more good than all their speakers. + +I wish to belong to that party which is prosperous when the country is +prosperous. I belong to that party which is not poor when the golden +billows are running over the seas of wheat. I belong to that party which +is prosperous when there are oceans of corn, and when the cattle are +upon the thousand hills. I belong to that party which is prosperous when +the furnaces are aflame, and when you dig coal and iron and silver; when +everybody has enough to eat; when everybody is happy; when the children +are all going to school, and when joy covers my Nation as with a +garment. That party which is prosperous then, is my party. + +Now, then, I have been telling you what I am for. I am for free speech, +and so ought you to be. I am for an honest ballot, and if you are not +you ought to be. I am for the collection of the revenue. I am for honest +money. I am for the idea that this is a Nation forever. I believe in +protecting American labor. I want the shield of my country above every +anvil, above every furnace, above every cunning head and above every +deft hand of American labor. + +Now, then, which section of this country will be the more apt to carry +these ideas into execution? Which party will be the more apt to achieve +these grand and splendid things? Honor bright? Now we have not only +to choose between sections of the country; we have to choose between +parties. Here is the Democratic party, and I admit there are thousands +of good Democrats who went to the war, and some of those that stayed at +home were good men; and I want to ask you, and I want you to tell me +in reply what that party did during the war when the War Democrats were +away from home. What did they do? That is the question. I say to you, +that every man who tried to tear our flag out of heaven was a Democrat. +The men who wrote the ordinances of secession, who fired upon Fort +Sumter; the men who starved our soldiers, who fed them with the crumbs +that the worms had devoured before, they were Democrats. The keepers +of Libby, the keepers of Andersonville, were Democrats--Libby and +Andersonville, the two mighty wings that will bear the memory of the +Confederacy to eternal infamy! The men who wished to scatter yellow +fever in the North and who tried to fire the great cities of the +North--they were all Democrats. He who said that the greenback would +never be paid and he who slandered sixty cents out of every dollar of +the Nation's promises were Democrats. Who were joyful when your brothers +and your sons and your fathers lay dead on a field of battle that the +country had lost? They were Democrats. The men who wept when the old +banner floated in triumph above the ramparts of rebellion--they were +Democrats. You know it. The men who wept when slavery was destroyed, who +believed slavery to be a divine institution, who regarded bloodhounds as +apostles and missionaries, and who wept at the funeral of that infernal +institution--they were Democrats. Bad company--bad company! + +And let me implore all the young men here not to join that party. Do not +give new blood to that institution. The Democratic party has a yellow +passport. On one side it says "dangerous." They imagine they have not +changed, and that is because they have not intellectual growth. That +party was once the enemy of my country, was once the enemy of our flag, +and more than that, it was once the enemy of human liberty, and that +party to-night is not willing that the citizens of the Republic should +exercise all their rights irrespective of their color. And allow me to +say right here that I am opposed to that party. + +We have not only to choose between parties, but to choose between +candidates. The Democracy have put forward as the bearers of their +standard General Hancock and William H. English. The Democrats have at +last nominated a Union soldier. They nominated George B. McClellan once, +because he failed to whip the South; they nominated Mr. Greeley, when +they despised him, and now they have nominated General Hancock. Do they +think the South loves him? At Gettysburg they say he fought against +them, and that is one great reason why he should be President--that he +shot rebels. Do the men that fought at Gettysburg still believe in +State Sovereignty? Wade Hampton says, "We must vote as Lee and Jackson +fought." They fought for State Sovereignty. Has the South changed? +Hancock went to kill them then; they want to vote for him now. Who +has changed? [A voice: "Hancock."] I think so. They are using him as a +figure-head. They have dressed him in the noble blue, with the patriotic +coat and Union buttons, and they do not like him any better than they +did at Gettysburg. It would be just as consistent for the Republicans +to have nominated Wade Hampton. Did General Hancock believe in State +Sovereignty when he was at Gettysburg? If he did, he was a murderer, and +not a Union soldier--he was killing men he believed to be in the right, +and a man cannot fight unless his conscience approves of what his sword +does, and if he was honest at that time, he did not believe in State +Sovereignty, and it seems to me he would hate to have the men who tried +to destroy this Government cheering him. All the glory he ever got was +in the service of the Republican party, and if he does not look out +he will lose it all in the service of the Democratic party. He had +a conversation with General Grant. It was a time when he had +been appointed at the head of the Department of the Gulf. In that +conversation he stated to General Grant that he was opposed to "nigger +domination." Grant said to him, "We must obey the laws of Congress. +We are soldiers." And that meant, the military is not above the civil +authority. And I tell you to-night, that the army and the navy are the +right and left hands of the civil power. Grant said to him: "Three or +four million ex-slaves, without property and without education, cannot +dominate over thirty or forty millions of white people, with education +and property." General Hancock replied to that: "I am opposed to 'nigger +domination.'" Allow me to say that I do not believe any man fit for +the presidency of the great Republic, who is capable of insulting a +down-trodden race. I never meet a negro that I do not feel like asking +his forgiveness for the wrongs that my race has inflicted on his. I +remember that from the white man he received for two hundred years agony +and tears; I remember that my race sold a child from the agonized breast +of a mother; I remember that my race trampled with the feet of greed +upon all the holy relations of life; and I do not feel like insulting +the colored man; I feel rather like asking the forgiveness of his race +for the crimes that my race have put upon him. "Nigger domination!" What +a fine scabbard that makes for the sword of Gettysburg! It won't do! + +What is General Hancock for, besides the presidency? How does he stand +upon the great questions affecting American prosperity? He told us the +other day that the tariff is a local question. The tariff affects every +man and woman, live they in hut, hovel or palace; it affects every man +that has a back to be covered or a stomach to be filled, and yet he says +it is a local question. So is death. He also told us that he heard +that question discussed once, in Pennsylvania. He must have been +eavesdropping. And he tells us that his doctrine of the tariff will +continue as long as Nature lasts. Then Senator Randolph wrote him a +letter. I do not know whether Senator Randolph answered it or not; but +that answer was worse than the first interview; and I understand +now that another letter is going through a period of incubation at +Governor's Island, upon the great subject of the tariff. It won't do! + +They say one thing they are sure of, he is opposed to paying Southern +pensions and Southern claims. He says that a man that fought against +this Government has no right to a pension. Good! I say a man that fought +against this Government has no right to office. If a man cannot earn +a pension by tearing our flag out of the sky, he cannot earn power. [A +Voice--"How about Longstreet?"] Longstreet has repented of what he did. +Longstreet admits that he was wrong. And there was no braver officer in +the Southern Confederacy. Every man of the South who will say, "I made a +mistake"--I do not want him to say that he knew he was wrong--all I +ask him to say is that he now thinks he was wrong; and every man of the +South to-day who says he was wrong, and who says from this day forward, +henceforth and forever, he is for this being a Nation. + +I will take him by the hand. But while he is attempting to do at the +ballot-box what he failed to accomplish upon the field of battle, I am +against him; while he uses a Northern general to bait a Southern trap, +I won't bite. I will forgive men when they deserve to be forgiven; but +while they insist that they were right, while they insist that State +Sovereignty is the proper doctrine, I am opposed to their climbing into +power. + +Hancock says that he will not pay these claims; he agrees to veto a +bill that his party may pass; he agrees in advance that he will defeat +a party that he expects will elect him; he, in effect, says to the +people, "You can not trust that party, but you can trust me." He says, +"Look at them; I admit they are a hungry lot; I admit that they haven't +had a bite in twenty years; I admit that an ordinary famine is satiety +compared to the hunger they feel. But between that vast appetite known +as the Democratic party, and the public treasury, I will throw the +shield of my veto." No man has a right to say in advance what he will +veto, any more than a judge has a right to say in advance how he +will decide a case. The veto power is a distinction with which the +Constitution has clothed the Executive, and no President has a right to +say that he will veto until he has heard both sides of the question. But +he agrees in advance. + +I would rather trust a party than a man. Death may veto Hancock, and +Death has not been a successful politician in the United States. +Tyler, Fillmore, Andy Johnson--I do not wish Death to elect any more +Presidents; and if he does, and if Hancock is elected, William H. +English becomes President of the United States. No, no, no! All I need +to say about him is simply to pronounce his name; that is all. You do +not want him. Whether the many stories that have been told about him are +true or not I do not know, and I will not give currency to a solitary +word against the reputation of an American citizen unless I know it to +be true. What I have against him is what he has done in public life. +When Charles Sumner, that great and splendid publicist--Charles Sumner, +the philanthropist, one who spoke to the conscience of his time and to +the history of the future--when he stood up in the United States Senate +and made a great and glorious plea for human liberty, there crept into +the Senate a villain and struck him down as though he had been a wild +beast. That man was a member of Congress, and when a resolution was +introduced in the House, to expel that man, William H. English voted +"No." All the stories in the world could not add to the infamy of that +public act. That is enough for me, and whatever his private life may be, +let it be that of an angel, never, never, never would I vote for a man +that would defend the assassin of free speech. General Hancock, they +tell me, is a statesman; that what little time he has had to spare from +war he has given to the tariff, and what little time he could spare +from the tariff he has given to the Constitution of his country; +showing under what circumstances a Major-General can put at defiance the +Congress of the United States. It won't do! + +But while I am upon that subject it may be well for me to state that he +never will be President of the United States. Now, I say that a man who +in time of peace prefers peace, and prefers the avocations of peace; a +man who in the time of peace would rather look at the corn in the air of +June, rather listen to the hum of bees, rather sit by his door with his +wife and children; the man who in time of peace loves peace, and yet +when the blast of war blows in his ears, shoulders a musket and goes to +the field of war to defend his country, and when the war is over goes +home and again pursues the avocations of peace--that man is just as +good, to say the least of it, as a man who in a time of profound peace +makes up his mind that he would like to make his living killing other +folks. To say the least of it, he is as good. + +The Republicans have named as their standard bearers James A. Garfield +and Chester A. Arthur. James A. Garfield was a volunteer soldier, and +he took away from the field of Chickamauga as much glory as any one +man could carry. He is not only a soldier--7-he is a statesman. He has +studied and discussed all the great questions that affect the prosperity +and well-being of the American people. His opinions are well known, and +I say to you tonight that there is not in this Nation, there is not in +this Republic a man with greater brain and greater heart than James A. +Garfield. I know him and I like him. I know him as well as any other +public man, and I like him. The Democratic party say that he is not +honest. I have been reading some Democratic papers to-day, and you would +say that every one of their editors had a private sewer of his own into +which has been emptied for a hundred years the slops of hell. They tell +me that James A. Garfield is not honest. Are you a Democrat? Your +party tried to steal nearly half of this country. Your party stole the +armament of a nation. Your party was willing to live upon the unpaid +labor of four millions of people. You have no right to the floor for the +purpose of making a motion of honesty. James A. Garfield has been at the +head of the most important committees of Congress; he is a member of the +most important one of the whole House. He has no peer in the Congress of +the United States. And you know it. He is the leader of the House. +With one wave of his hand he can take millions from the pocket of one +industry and put it into the pocket of another; with a motion of his +hand he could have made himself a man of wealth, but he is to-night a +poor man. I know him and I like him. He is as genial as May and he is as +generous as Autumn. And the men for whom he has done unnumbered favors, +the men whom he had pity enough not to destroy with an argument, the men +who, with his great generosity, he has allowed, intellectually, to live, +are now throwing filth at the reputation of that great and splendid man. + +Several ladies and gentlemen were passing a muddy place around which +were gathered ragged and wretched urchins. And these little wretches +began to throw mud at them; and one gentleman said, "If you don't stop +I will throw it back at you." And a little fellow said, "You can't do it +without dirtying your hands, and it doesn't hurt us anyway." + +I never was more profoundly happy than on the night of that 12th day +of October when I found that between an honest and a kingly man and his +maligners, two great States had thrown their shining shields. When Ohio +said, "Garfield is my greatest son, and there never has been raised in +the cabins of Ohio a grander man"--and when Indiana held up her hands +and said, "Allow me to indorse that verdict," I was profoundly happy, +because that said to me, "Garfield will carry every Northern State;" +that said to me, "The Solid South will be confronted by a great and +splendid North." + +I know Garfield--I like him. Some people have said, "How is it that you +support Garfield, when he was a minister?" "How is it that you support +Garfield when he is a Christian?" I will tell you. There are two +reasons. The first is I am not a bigot; and secondly, James A. Garfield +is not a bigot. He believes in giving to every other human being every +right he claims for himself. He believes in freedom of speech and +freedom of thought; untrammeled conscience and upright manhood. He +believes in an absolute divorce between church and state. He believes +that every religion should rest upon its morality, upon its reason, +upon its persuasion, upon its goodness, upon its charity, and that love +should never appeal to the sword of civil power. He disagrees with me in +many things; but in the one thing, that the air is free for all, we do +agree. I want to do equal and exact justice everywhere. + +I want the world of thought to be without a chain, without a wall, and I +wish to say to you, [turning toward Mr. Beecher and directly addressing +him] that I thank you for what you have said to-night, and to +congratulate the people of this city and country that you have +intellectual horizon enough, intellectual sky enough to take the hand +of a man, howsoever much he may disagree in some things with you, on the +grand platform and broad principle of citizenship. James A. Garfield, +believing with me as he does, disagreeing with me as he does, is +perfectly satisfactory to me. I know him, and I like him. + +Men are to-day blackening his reputation, who are not fit to blacken +his shoes. He is a man of brain. Since his nomination he must have made +forty or fifty speeches, and every one has been full of manhood and +genius. He has not said a word that has not strengthened him with the +American people. He is the first candidate who has been free to express +himself and who has never made a mistake. I will tell you why he does +not make a mistake; because he spoke from the inside out. Because he was +guided by the glittering Northern Star of principle. Lie after lie has +been told about him. Slander after slander has been hatched and put in +the air, with its little short wings, to fly its day, and the last lie +is a forgery. + +I saw to-day the fac-simile of a letter that they pretend he wrote upon +the Chinese question. I know his writing; I know his signature; I am +well acquainted with his writing. I know handwriting, and I tell you +to-night, that letter and that signature are forgeries. A forgery +for the benefit of the Pacific States; a forgery for the purpose of +convincing the American workingman that Garfield is without heart. I +tell you, my fellow-citizens, that cannot take from him a vote. But Ohio +pierced their centre and Indiana rolled up both flanks and the rebel +line cannot re-form with a forgery for a standard. They are gone! + +Now, some people say to me, "How long are you going to preach the +doctrine of hate?" I never did preach it. In many States of this Union +it is a crime to be a Republican. I am going to preach my doctrine until +every American citizen is permitted to express his opinion and vote +as he may desire in every State of this Union. I am going to preach my +doctrine until this is a civilized country. That is all. + +I will treat the gentlemen of the South precisely as we do the gentlemen +of the North. I want to treat every section of the country precisely as +we do ours-. I want to improve their rivers and their harbors; I want +to fill their land with commerce; I want them to prosper; I want them to +build schoolhouses; I want them to open the lands to immigration to all +people who desire to settle upon their soil. I want to be friends with +them; I want to let the past be buried forever; I want to let bygones +be bygones, but only upon the basis that we are now in favor of absolute +liberty and eternal justice. I am not willing to bury nationality or +free speech in the grave for the purpose of being friends. Let us +stand by our colors; let the old Republican party that has made this a +Nation--the old Republican party that has saved the financial honor of +this country--let that party stand by its colors. + +Let that party say, "Free speech forever!" Let that party say, "An +honest ballot forever!" Let that party say, "Honest money forever! the +Nation and the flag forever!" And let that party stand by the great men +carrying her banner, James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur. I +would rather trust a party than a man. If General Garfield dies, the +Republican party lives; if General Garfield dies, General Arthur will +take his place--a brave, honest, and intelligent gentleman, upon whom +every Republican can rely. And if he dies, the Republican party lives, +and as long as the Republican party does not die, the great Republic +will live. As long as the Republican party lives, this will be the +asylum of the world. Let me tell you, Mr. Irishman, this is the only +country on the earth where Irishmen have had enough to eat. Let me tell +you, Mr. German, that you have more liberty here than you had in the +Fatherland. Let me tell you, all men, that this is the land of humanity. + +Oh! I love the old Republic, bounded by the seas, walled by the wide +air, domed by heaven's blue, and lit with the eternal stars. I love the +Republic; I love it because I love liberty. Liberty is my religion, and +at its altar I worship, and will worship. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE 86TH ILLINOIS REGIMENT. + + * This is only a fragment of a speech made by Col. Ingersoll + at Peoria, 111., in 1866, to the 86th Illinois Regiment, at + their anniversary meeting. + + +PEORIA, ILLS. + +1865. + +THE history of the past four years seems to me like a terrible dream. +It seems almost impossible that the events that have now passed into +history ever happened. That hundreds of thousands of men, born and +reared under one flag, with the same history, the same future, and, in +truth, the same interests, should have met upon the terrible field of +death, and for four long years should have fought with a bitterness and +determination never excelled; that they should have filled our land with +orphans and widows, and made our country hollow with graves, is +indeed wonderful; but that the people of the South should have thus +fought--thus attempted to destroy and overthrow the Government founded +by the heroes of the Revolution--merely for the sake of perpetuating the +infamous institution of slavery, is wonderful almost beyond belief. + +Strange that people should be found in this, the nineteenth century, to +fight against freedom and to die for slavery! It is most wonderful that +the terrible war ceased as suddenly as it did, and that the soldiers of +the Republic, the moment that the angel of peace spread her white wings +over our country, dropped from their hands the instruments of war +and eagerly went back to the plough, the shop and the office, and are +to-day, with the same determination that characterized them in battle, +engaged in effacing every vestige of the desolation and destruction of +war. But the progress we have made as a people is if possible still more +astonishing. We pretended to be the lovers of freedom, yet we defended +slavery. We quoted the Declaration of Independence and voted for the +compromise of 1850. + +From servility and slavishness we have marched to heroism. We were +tyrants. We are liberators. We were slave-catchers. We are now the +chivalrous breakers of chains. + +From slavery, over a bloody and terrible path, we have marched to +freedom. Hirelings of oppression, we have become the champions of +justice--the defenders of the right--the pillar upon which rests the +hope of the world. To whom are we indebted for this wonderful change? +Most of all to you, the soldiers of the great Republic. We thank you +that the hands of time were not turned back a thousand years--that the +Dark Ages did not again come upon the world--that Prometheus was +not again chained--that the river of progress was not stopped or +stayed--that the dear blood shed during all the past was not rendered +vain--that the sublime faith of all the grand and good did not become +a bitter dream, but a reality more glorious than ever entered into the +imagination of the rapt heroes of the past. Soldiers of the Eighty-sixth +Illinois, we thank you, and through you all the defenders of the +Republic, living and dead. We thank you that the deluge of blood has +subsided, that the ark of our national safety is at rest, that the dove +has returned with the olive branch of peace, and that the dark clouds of +war are in the far distance, covered with the beautiful bow. + +In the name of humanity, in the name of progress, in the name of +freedom, in the name of America, in the name of the oppressed of the +whole world, we thank you again and again. We thank you, that in the +darkest hour you never despaired of the Republic, that you were not +dismayed, that through disaster and defeat, through cruelty and famine, +through the serried ranks of the enemy, in spite of false friends, you +marched resolutely, unflinchingly and bravely forward. Forward through +shot and shell! Forward through fire and sword! Forward past the corpses +of your brave comrades, buried in shallow graves by the hurried hands +of heroes! Forward past the scattered bones of starved captives! Forward +through the glittering bayonet lines, and past the brazen throats of the +guns! Forward through the din and roar and smoke and hell of war! Onward +through blood and fire to the shining, glittering mount of perfect and +complete victory, and from the top your august hands unfurled to the +winds the old banner of the stars, and it waves in triumph now, and +shall forever, from the St. Lawrence to the Rio Grande, and from the +Atlantic to the Pacific! + +We thank you that our waving fields of golden wheat and rustling corn +are not trodden down beneath the bloody feet of invasion--that our homes +are not ashes--that our hearthstones are not desolate--that our towns +and cities still stand, that our temples and institutions of learning +are secure, that prosperity covers us as with a mantle, and, more than +all, we thank you that the Republic still lives; that law and order +reign supreme; that the Constitution is still sacred; that a republican +government has ceased to be only an experiment, and has become a +certainty for all time; that we have by your heroism established the +sublime and shining truth that a government by the people, for the +people, can and will stand until governments cease among men; that you +have given the lie to the impudent and infamous prophecy of tyranny, and +that you have firmly established the Republic upon the great ideas of +National Unity and Human Liberty. + +We thank you for our commerce on the high seas, upon our lakes and +beautiful rivers, for the credit of our nation, for the value of our +money, and for the grand position that we now occupy among the nations +of the earth. We thank you for every State redeemed, for every star +brought back to glitter again upon the old flag, and we thank you +for the grand future that you have opened for us and for our children +through all the ages yet to come; and, not only for us and our children, +but for mankind. + +Thanks to your efforts our country is still an asylum for the oppressed +of the Old World; the arms of our charity are still open, we still +beckon them across the sea, and they come in multitudes,'leaving home, +the graves of their sires, and the dear memories of the heart, and with +their wives and little ones come to this, the only free land upon which +the sun shines--and with their countless hands of labor add to the +wealth, the permanence and the glory of our country. And let them come +from the land of Luther, of Hampden and Emmett. Whoever is for freedom +and the sacred rights of man is a true American, and as such, we welcome +them all. We thank you to-day in the name of four millions of people, +whose shackles you have so nobly and generously broken, and who, from +the condition of beasts of burden, have by your efforts become men. We +thank you in the name of this poor and hitherto despised and insulted +race, and say that their emancipation was, and is, the crowning glory +of this most terrible war. Peace without liberty could have been only a +bloody delusion and a snare. Freedom is peace; Slavery is war. + +We must act justly and honorably with these emancipated men, knowing +that the eyes of the civilized world are upon us. We must do what is +best for both races. We must not be controlled merely by party. + +If the Government is founded upon principle, it will stand against the +shock of revolution and foreign war as long as liberty is sacred, the +rights of man respected, and honor dwells in the hearts of men. + +We thank you for the lesson that has been taught the Old World by your +patriotism and valor; believing that when the people shall have learned +that sublime and divine lesson, thrones will become kingless, kings +crownless, royalty an epitaph, the purple of power the shroud of death, +the chains of tyranny will fall from the bodies of men, the shackles +of superstition from the souls of the people, the spirit of persecution +will fly from the earth, and the banner of Universal Freedom, with the +words "Civil and Religious Liberty for the World" written upon every +fold, blazing from every star, will float over every land and sea under +the whole heavens. + +We thank you for the glorious past, for the still more glorious future, +and will continue to thank you while our hearts are warm with life. We +will gather around you in the hour of your death and soothe your last +moments with our gratitude. We will follow you tearfully to the narrow +house of the dead, and over your sacred remains erect the whitest and +purest marble. The hands of love will adorn your last abode, and the +chisel will record that beneath rests the sacred dust of the Heroic +Saviors of the Great Republic. Such ground will be holy, and future +generations will draw inspiration from your tombs, courage from your +heroic examples, patience and fortitude from your sufferings, and +strength eternal from your success. + +I cannot stop without speaking of the heroic dead. It seems to me as +though their spirits ought to hover over you to-day--that they might +join with us in giving thanks for the great victory,--that their faces +might grow radiant to think that their blood was not shed in vain,--that +the living are worthy to reap the benefits of their sacrifices, their +sufferings and death, and it almost seems as if their sightless eyes are +suffused with tears. Then we think of the dear mothers waiting for their +sons, of the devoted wives waiting for their husbands, of the orphans +asking for fathers whose returning footsteps they can never hear; that +while they can say "my country," they cannot say "my son," "my husband," +or "my father." + +My heart goes out to all the slain, to those heroic corpses sleeping far +away from home and kindred in unknown and lonely graves, to those poor +pieces of dear, bleeding earth that won for me the blessings I enjoy +to-day. + +Shall I recount their sufferings? They were starved day by day with +a systematic and calculating cruelty never equaled by the most savage +tribes. They were confined in dens as though they had been beasts, and +then they slowly faded and wasted from life. Some were released from +their sufferings by blessed insanity, until their parched and fevered +lips, their hollow and glittering eyes, were forever closed by the angel +of death. And thus they died, with the voices of loved ones in their +ears; the faces of the dear absent hovering over them; around them their +dying comrades, and the fiendish slaves of slavery. + +And what shall I say more of the regiment before me? It is enough that +you were a part of the great army that accomplished so much for America +and mankind. + +It is but just, however, to say that you were at the bloody field of +Perryville, that you stood with Thomas at Chickamauga and kept at bay +the rebel host, that you marched to the relief of Knoxville through +bitter cold, hunger and privations, and had the honor of relieving that +heroic garrison. + +It is but just to say that you were with Sherman in his wonderful march +through the heart of the Confederacy; that you were in the terrible +charge at Kenesaw Mountain, and held your ground for days within a few +steps of the rebel fortifications; that you were at Atlanta and took +part in the terrible conflict before that city and marched victoriously +through her streets; that you were at Savannah; that you had the honor +of being present when Johnson surrendered, and his ragged rebel horde +laid down their arms; that from there you marched to Washington and +beneath the shadow of the glorious dome of our Capitol, that lifts from +the earth as though jealous of the stars, received the grandest national +ovation recorded in the annals of the world. + + + + +DECORATION DAY ORATION. + + + * At the Memorial Celebration of the Grand Army of the + Republic last evening the Academy of Music was filled to + overflowing, within a few minutes after the opening of the + doors. + + Gen. Hancock was the first arrival of importance. The + Governor's Island band accepted this as a signal for the + overture. The Academy was tastefully decorated. The three + balconies were covered, the first with blue cloth, the + second with white and national bunting, studded with the + insignia of the original thirteen States, and the family + circle with red. Over the centre of the stage the national + flag and device hung suspended, and was held In its place by + flying streamers extending to the boxes. The latter were + draped with flags, relieved by antique armor and weapons-- + shields, casques and battle axes and crossed swords and + pikes. + + At 8.05 the curtain slowly rose, and discovered to the view + of the audience, a second audience reaching back to the + farthest depths of the scenes. These were the fortunate + holders of stage tickets, and comprised a great number of + distinguished men. + + Among them were noticed Gen. Horace Porter, Gen. Lloyd + Aspinwall, Gen. Daniel Butterfield, Gen. D. D. Wylie, Gen. + Charles Roome, Gen. W. Palmer, Gen. John Cochrane, Gen. H. + G. Tremaine, the Hon. Edward Pierrepont, Dep't. Commander + James M. Fraser, the Hon. Carl Schurz, August Belmont, Henry + Clews, Dr. Lewis A. Sayre, Charles Scribner, Jesse Seligman, + William Dowa, Henry Bergh and George William Curtis. Gen. + Bamum came upon the stage followed by President Arthur, + Gen's. Grant and Hancock, Secretaries Folger and Brewster, + ex-Senator Roscoe Conkling, Mayor Grace and the Rev. J. P. + Newman. Gen. Hancock's brilliant uniform made him a very + conspicuous figure, and he served as a foil to the plain + evening dress of Gen. Grant, who was separated from him by + the portly form of the President. + + Gen. James McQuade, the President of the day, rose and + uncovering a flag which draped a sort of patriotic altar in + front of him, announced that It was the genuine flag upon + which was written the famous order, "If any man pull down + the American flag, shoot him on the spot.' * This was the + signal for round after round of applause, while Gen. McQuade + waved this precious relic of the past. The time had now come + for the introduction of the orator of the evening, Col. + Robert G. Ingersoll. Col. Ingersoll stepped across the stage + to the reading desk, and was received with an ovation of + cheering and waving of handkerchiefs. + + After the enthusiasm had somewhat abated, a gentleman in one + of the boxes shouted: "Three-cheers for Ingersoll." + These were given with a will, the excitement quieted down + and the orator spoke as follows '.--The New York Times. May + 31st, 1883. + + +New York City. + + +1882. + +THIS day is sacred to our heroes dead. Upon their tombs we have lovingly +laid the wealth of Spring. + +This is a day for memory and tears. A mighty Nation bends above its +honored graves, and pays to noble dust the tribute of its love. + +Gratitude is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume in the heart. + +To-day we tell the history of our country's life--recount the lofty +deeds of vanished years--the toil and suffering, the defeats and +victories of heroic men,--of men who made our Nation great and free. + +We see the first ships whose prows were gilded by the western sun. We +feel the thrill of discovery when the New World was found. We see the +oppressed, the serf, the peasant and the slave, men whose flesh had +known the chill of chains--the adventurous, the proud, the brave, +sailing an unknown sea, seeking homes in unknown lands. We see the +settlements, the little clearings, the blockhouse and the fort, the rude +and lonely huts. Brave men, true women, builders of homes, fellers of +forests, founders of States. + +Separated from the Old World,--away from the heartless distinctions +of caste,--away from sceptres and titles and crowns, they governed +themselves. They defended their homes; they earned their bread. Each +citizen had a voice, and the little villages became republics. Slowly +the savage was driven back. The days and nights were filled with fear, +and the slow years with massacre and war, and cabins' earthen floors +were wet with blood of mothers and their babes. + +But the savages of the New World were kinder than the kings and nobles +of the Old; and so the human tide kept coming, and the places of the +dead were filled. Amid common dangers and common hopes, the prejudiced +and feuds of Europe faded slowly from their hearts. From every land, +of every speech, driven by want and lured by hope, exiles and emigrants +sought the mysterious Continent of the West. + +Year after year the colonists fought and toiled and suffered and +increased. They began to talk about liberty--to reason of the rights of +man. They * t asked no help from distant kings, and they began to doubt +the use of paying tribute to the useless. They lost respect for dukes +and lords, and held in high esteem all honest men. There was the dawn +of a new day. They began to dream of independence. They found that +they could make and execute the laws. They had tried the experiment of +self-government. They had succeeded. The Old World wished to dominate +the New. In the care and keeping of the colonists was the destiny of +this Continent--of half the world. + +On this day the story of the great struggle between colonists and kings +should be told. We should tell our children of the contest--first +for justice, then for freedom. We should tell them the history of +the Declaration of Independence--the chart and compass of all human +rights:--All men are equal, and have the right to life, to liberty and +joy. + +This Declaration uncrowned kings, and wrested from the hands of titled +tyranny the sceptre of usurped and arbitrary power. It superseded royal +grants, and repealed the cruel statutes of a thousand years. It gave the +peasant a career; it knighted all the sons of toil; it opened all the +paths to fame, and put the star of hope above the cradle of the poor +man's babe. + +England was then the mightiest of nations--mistress of every sea--and +yet our fathers, poor and few, defied her power. + +To-day we remember the defeats, the victories, the disasters, the weary +marches, the poverty, the hunger, the sufferings, the agonies, and above +all, the glories of the Revolution. We remember all--from Lexington to +Valley Forge, and from that midnight of despair to Yorktown's cloudless +day. We remember the soldiers and thinkers--the heroes of the sword and +pen. They had the brain and heart, the wisdom and courage to utter +and defend these words: "Governments derive their just powers from the +consent of the governed." In defence of this sublime and self-evident +truth the war was waged and won. + +To-day we remember all the heroes, all the generous and chivalric men +who came from other lands to make ours free. Of the many thousands who +shared the gloom and glory of the seven sacred years, not one remains. +The last has mingled with the earth, and nearly all are sleeping now +in unmarked graves, and some beneath the leaning, crumbling stones from +which their names have been effaced by Time's irreverent and relentless +hands. But the Nation they founded remains. The United States are still +free and independent. The "government derives its just power from +the consent of the governed," and fifty millions of free people remember +with gratitude the heroes of the Revolution. + +Let us be truthful; let us be kind. When peace came, when the +independence of a new Nation was acknowledged, the great truth for +which our fathers fought was half denied, and the Constitution was +inconsistent with the Declaration. The war was waged for liberty, and +yet the victors forged new fetters for their fellow-men. The chains our +fathers broke were put by them upon the limbs of others. "Freedom for +All" was the cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night, through seven +years of want and war. In peace the cloud was forgotten and the pillar +blazed unseen. + +Let us be truthful; all our fathers were not true to themselves. In +war they had been generous, noble and self-sacrificing; with peace came +selfishness and greed. They were not great enough to appreciate the +grandeur of the principles for which they fought. They ceased to regard +the great truths as having universal application. "Liberty for +All" included only themselves. They qualified the Declaration. They +interpolated the word "white." They obliterated the word "All." + +Let us be kind. We will remember the age in which they lived. We will +compare them with the citizens of other nations. They made merchandise +of men. They legalized a crime. They sowed the seeds of war. But they +founded this Nation. + +Let us gratefully remember. + +Let us gratefully forget. + +To-day we remember the heroes of the second war with England, in which +our fathers fought for the freedom of the seas--for the rights of the +American sailor. We remember with pride the splendid victories of Erie +and Champlain and the wondrous achievements upon the sea--achievements +that covered our navy with a glory that neither the victories nor +defeats of the future can dim. We remember the heroic services and +sufferings of those who fought the merciless savage of the frontier. +We see the midnight massacre, and hear the war-cries of the allies of +England. We see the flames climb around the happy homes, and in the +charred and blackened ruins the mutilated bodies of wives and children. +Peace came at last, crowned with the victory of New Orleans--a victory +that "did redeem all sorrows" and all defeats. + +The Revolution gave our fathers a free land--the War of 1812 a free sea. + +To-day we remember the gallant men who bore our flag in triumph from the +Rio Grande to the heights of Chapultepec. + +Leaving out of question the justice of our cause--the necessity for +war--we are yet compelled to applaud the marvelous courage of our +troops. A handful of men, brave, impetuous, determined, irresistible, +conquered a nation. Our history has no record of more daring deeds. + +Again peace came, and the Nation hoped and thought that strife was at +an end. We had grown too powerful to be attacked. Our resources were +boundless, and the future seemed secure. The hardy pioneers moved to the +great West. Beneath their ringing strokes the forests disappeared, and +on the prairies waved the billowed seas of wheat and corn. The great +plains were crossed, the mountains were conquered, and the foot of +victorious adventure pressed the shore of the Pacific. In the great +North all the streams went singing to the sea, turning wheels and +spindles, and casting shuttles back and forth. Inventions were springing +like magic from a thousand brains. From Labor's holy altars rose and +leaped the smoke and flame, and from the countless forges ran the chant +of rhythmic stroke. + +But in the South, the negro toiled unpaid, and mothers wept while babes +were sold, and at the auction-block husbands and wives speechlessly +looked the last good-bye. Fugitives, lighted by the Northern Star, +sought liberty on English soil, and were, by Northern men, thrust back +to whip and chain. The great statesmen, the successful politicians, +announced that law had compromised with crime, that justice had been +bribed, and that time had barred appeal. A race was left without a +right, without a hope. The future had no dawn, no star--nothing but +ignorance and fear, nothing but work and want. This, was the conclusion +of the statesmen, the philosophy of the politicians--of constitutional +expounders:--this was decided by courts and ratified by the Nation. + +We had been successful in three wars. We had wrested thirteen colonies +from Great Britain. We had conquered our place upon the high seas. We +had added more than two millions of square miles to the national domain. +We had increased in population from three to thirty-one millions. We +were in the midst of plenty. We were rich and free. Ours appeared to +be the most prosperous of Nations. But it was only appearance. The +statesmen and the politicians were deceived. Real victories can be won +only for the Right. The triumph of Justice is the only Peace. Such is +the nature of things. He who enslaves another cannot be free. He who +attacks the right, assaults himself. The mistake our fathers made had +not been corrected. The foundations of the Republic were insecure. The +great dome of the temple was clad in the light of prosperity, but +the corner-stones were crumbling. Four millions of human beings were +enslaved. Party cries had been mistaken for principles--partisanship +for patriotism--success for justice. + +But Pity pointed to the scarred and bleeding backs of slaves; Mercy +heard the sobs of mothers reft of babes, and Justice held aloft the +scales, in which one drop of blood shed by a master's lash, outweighed a +Nation's gold. There were a few men, a few women, who had the courage to +attack this monstrous crime. They found it entrenched in constitutions, +statutes, and decisions--barricaded and bastioned by every department +and by every party. Politicians were its servants, statesmen its +attorneys, judges its menials, presidents its puppets, and upon its +cruel altar had been sacrificed our country's honor. It was the crime of +the Nation--of the whole country--North and South responsible alike. + +To-day we reverently thank the abolitionists. Earth has no grander +men--no nobler women. They were the real philanthropists, the true +patriots. When the will defies fear, when the heart applauds the +brain, when duty throws the gauntlet down to fate, when honor scorns to +compromise with death,--this is heroism. The abolitionists were heroes. +He loves his country best who strives to make it best. The bravest men +are those who have the greatest fear of doing wrong. Mere politicians +wish the country to do something for them. True patriots desire to do +something for their country. Courage without conscience is a wild beast. +Patriotism without principle is the prejudice of birth, the animal +attachment to place. These men, these women, had courage and conscience, +patriotism and principle, heart and brain. + +The South relied upon the bond,--upon a barbarous clause that stained, +disfigured and defiled the Federal pact, and made the monstrous claim +that slavery was the Nation's ward. The spot of shame grew red in +Northern cheeks, and Northern men declared that slavery had poisoned, +cursed and blighted soul and soil enough, and that the Territories must +be free. The radicals of the South cried: "No Union without Slavery!" +The radicals of the North replied: "No Union without Liberty!" The +Northern radicals were right. Upon the great issue of free homes for +free men, a President was elected by the free States. The South appealed +to the sword, and raised the standard of revolt. For the first time in +history the oppressors rebelled. + +But let us to-day be great enough to forget individuals,--great enough +to know that slavery was treason, that slavery was rebellion, that +slavery fired upon our flag and sought to wreck and strand the mighty +ship that bears the hope and fortune of this world. The first shot +liberated the North. Constitution, statutes and decisions, compromises, +platforms, and resolutions made, passed, and ratified in the interest of +slavery became mere legal lies, base and baseless. Parchment and paper +could no longer stop or stay the onward march of man. The North was +free. Millions instantly resolved that the Nation should not die--that +Freedom should not perish, and that Slavery should not live. + +Millions of our brothers, our sons, our fathers, our husbands, answered +to the Nation's call. + +The great armies have desolated the earth. The greatest soldiers have +been ambition's dupes. They waged war for the sake of place and pillage, +pomp and power,--for the ignorant applause of vulgar millions,--for the +flattery of parasites, and the adulation of sycophants and slaves. + +Let us proudly remember that in our time the greatest, the grandest, the +noblest army of the world fought, not to enslave, but to free; not to +destroy, but to save; not for conquest, but for conscience; not only for +us, but for every land and every race. + +With courage, with enthusiasm, with a devotion' never excelled, with an +exaltation and purity of purpose never equaled, this grand army fought +the battles of the Republic. For the preservation of this Nation, for +the destruction of slavery, these soldiers, these sailors, on land and +sea, disheartened by no defeat, discouraged by no obstacle, appalled by +no danger, neither paused nor swerved until a stainless flag, without +a rival, floated over all our wide domain, and until every human being +beneath its folds was absolutely free. + +The great victory for human rights--the greatest of all the years--had +been won; won by the Union men of the North, by the Union men of the +South, and by those who had been slaves. Liberty was national, Slavery +was dead. + +The flag for which the heroes fought, for which they died, is the symbol +of all we are, of all we hope to be. + +It is the emblem of equal rights. + +It means free hands, free lips, self-government and the sovereignty of +the individual. + +It means that this continent has been dedicated to freedom. + +It means universal education,--light for every mind, knowledge for every +child. + +It means that the schoolhouse is the fortress of Liberty. + +It means that "Governments derive their just powers from the consent of +the governed;" that each man is accountable to and for the Government; +that responsibility goes hand in hand with liberty. + +It means that it is the duty of every citizen to bear his share of the +public burden,--to take part in the affairs of his town, his county, his +State and his country. + +It means that the ballot-box is the Ark of the Covenant; that the source +of authority must not be poisoned. + +It means the perpetual right of peaceful revolution. It means that every +citizen of the Republic--native or naturalized--must be protected; at +home, in every State,--abroad, in every land, on every sea. + +It means that all distinctions based on birth or blood, have perished +from our laws; that our Government shall stand between labor and +capital, between the weak and the strong, between the individual and the +corporation, between want and wealth, and give the guarantee of simple +justice to each and all. + +It means that there shall be a legal remedy for every wrong. + +It means national hospitality,--that we must welcome to our shores the +exiles of the world, and that we may not drive them back. Some may +be deformed by labor, dwarfed by hunger, broken in spirit, victims of +tyranny and caste,--in whose sad faces may be read the touching record +of a weary life; and yet their children, born of liberty and love, will +be symmetrical and fair, intelligent and free. + +That flag is the emblem of a supreme will--of a Nation's power. Beneath +its folds the weakest must be protected and the strongest must obey. It +shields and canopies alike the loftiest mansion and the rudest hut. +That flag was given to the air in the Revolution's darkest days. It +represents the sufferings of the past, the glories yet to be; and like +the bow of heaven, it is the child of storm and sun. + +This day is sacred to the great heroic host who kept this flag above +our heads,--sacred to the living and the dead--sacred to the scarred and +maimed,--sacred to the wives who gave their husbands, to the mothers who +gave their sons. + +Here in this peaceful land of ours,--here where the sun shines, where +flowers grow, where children play, millions of armed men battled for the +right and breasted on a thousand fields the iron storms of war. + +These brave, these incomparable men, founded the first Republic. They +fulfilled the prophecies; they brought to pass the dreams; they realized +the hopes, that all the great and good and wise and just have made and +had since man was man. + +But what of those who fell? There is no language to express the debt we +owe, the love we bear, to all the dead who died for us. Words are but +barren sounds. We can but stand beside their graves and in the hush and +silence feel what speech has never told. + +They fought, they died; and for the first time since man has kept a +record of events, the heavens bent above and domed a land without a +serf, a servant or a slave. + + + + +DECORATION DAY ADDRESS. + + * Empty sleeves worn by veterans with scanty locks and + grizzled mustaches graced the Metropolitan Opera House last + night. On the breasts of their faded uniforms glittered the + badges of the legions in which they had fought and suffered, + and beside them sat the wives and daughters, whose hearts + had ached at home while they served their country at the + front. + + Every seat in the great Opera House was filled, and hundreds + stood, glad to And any place where they could see and hear. + And the gathering and the proceedings were worthy of the + occasion. + + Mr. Depew upon taking the chair said that he had the chief + treat of the evening to present to the audience, and that + was Robert G. Ingersoll, the greatest living orator, and one + of the great controversialists of the age. + + Then came the orator of the occasion Col. Ingersoll, whose + speech is printed herewith. + + Enthusiastic cheers greeted all his points, and his audience + simply went wild at the end. It was a grand oration, and it + was listened to by enthusiastic and appreciative hearers, + upon whom not a single word was lost, and in whose hearts + every word awoke a responsive echo. + + Nor did the enthusiasm which Col. Ingersoll created end + until the very last, when the whole assemblage arose and + sang "America" in a way which will never be forgotten by any + one present. It was a great ending of a great evening.--The + New York Times, May 31st, 1888. + + +New York City. + +1888. + +THIS is a sacred day--a day for gratitude and love. + +To-day we commemorate more than independence, more than the birth of +a nation, more than the fruits of the Revolution, more than physical +progress, more than the accumulation of wealth, more than national +prestige and power. + +We commemorate the great and blessed victory over ourselves--the triumph +of civilization, the reformation of a people, the establishment of a +government consecrated to the preservation of liberty and the equal +rights of man. + +Nations can win success, can be rich and powerful, can cover the earth +with their armies, the seas with their fleets, and yet be selfish, small +and mean. Physical progress means opportunity for doing good. It means +responsibility. Wealth is the end of the despicable, victory the purpose +of brutality. + +But there is something nobler than all these--something that rises above +wealth and power--something above lands and palaces--something above +raiment and gold--it is the love of right, the cultivation of the moral +nature, the desire to do justice, the inextinguishable love of human +liberty. + +Nothing can be nobler than a nation governed by conscience, nothing more +infamous than power without pity, wealth without honor and without the +sense of justice. + +Only by the soldiers of the right can the laurel be won or worn. + +On this day we honor the heroes who fought to make our Nation just and +free--who broke the shackles of the slave, who freed the masters of the +South and their allies of the North. We honor chivalric men who made +America the hope and beacon of the human race--the foremost Nation of +the world. + +These heroes established the first republic, and demonstrated that +a government in which the legally expressed will of the people is +sovereign and supreme is the safest, strongest, securest, noblest and +the best. + +They demonstrated the human right of the people, and of all the people, +to make and execute the laws--that authority does not come from the +clouds, or from ancestry, or from the crowned and titled, or from +constitutions and compacts, laws and customs--not from the admissions of +the great, or the concessions of the powerful and victorious--not from +graves, or consecrated dust--not from treaties made between successful +robbers--not from the decisions of corrupt and menial courts--not from +the dead, but from the living--not from the past but from the present, +from the people of to-day--from the brain, from the heart and from the +conscience of those who live and love and labor. + +The history of this world for the most part is the history of conflict +and war, of invasion, of conquest, of victorious wrong, of the many +enslaved by the few. + +Millions have fought for kings, for the destruction and enslavement of +their fellow-men. Millions have battled for empire, and great armies +have been inspired by the hope of pillage; but for the first time in the +history of this world millions of men battled for the right, fought to +free not themselves, but others, not for prejudice, but for principle, +not for conquest, but for conscience. + +The men whom we honor were the liberators of a Nation, of a whole +country, North and South--of two races. They freed the body and the +brain, gave liberty to master and to slave. They opened all the highways +of thought, and gave to fifty millions of people the inestimable legacy +of free speech. + +They established the free exchange of thought. They gave to the air a +flag without a stain, and they gave to their country a Constitution +that honest men can reverently obey. They destroyed the hateful, the +egotistic and provincial--they established a Nation, a national spirit, +a national pride and a patriotism as broad as the great Republic. + +They did away with that ignorant and cruel prejudice that human rights +depend on race or color, and that the superior race has the right +to oppress the inferior. They established the sublime truth that the +superior are the just, the kind, the generous, and merciful--that the +really superior are the protectors, the defenders, and the saviors of +the oppressed, of the fallen, the unfortunate, the weak and helpless. +They established that greatest of all truths that nothing is nobler than +to labor and suffer for others. + +If we wish to know the extent of our debt to these heroes, these +soldiers of the right, we must know what we were and what we are. A few +years ago we talked about liberty, about the freedom of the world, and +while so talking we enslaved our fellow-men. We were the stealers +of babes and the whippers of women. We were in partnership with +bloodhounds. We lived on unpaid labor. We held manhood in contempt. +Honest toil was disgraceful--sympathy was a crime--pity was +unconstitutional--humanity contrary to law, and charity was treason. Men +were imprisoned for pointing out in heaven's dome the Northern Star--for +giving food to the hungry, water to the parched lips of thirst, shelter +to the hunted, succor to the oppressed. In those days criminals and +courts, pirates and pulpits were in partnership--liberty was only a +word standing for the equal rights of robbers. + +For many years we insisted that our fathers had founded a free +Government, that they were the lovers of liberty, believers in equal +rights. We were mistaken. The colonists did not believe in the freedom +of to-day. Their laws were filled with intolerance, with slavery and +the infamous spirit of caste. They persecuted and enslaved. Most of them +were narrow, ignorant and cruel. For the most part, their laws were more +brutal than those of the nations from which they came. They branded the +forehead of intelligence, bored with hot irons the tongue of truth. They +persecuted the good and enslaved the helpless. They were believers in +pillories and whipping-posts for honest, thoughtful men. + +When their independence was secured they adopted a Constitution that +legalized slavery, and they passed laws making it the duty of free men +to prevent others from becoming free. They followed the example of kings +and nobles. They knew that monarchs had been interested in the slave +trade, and that the first English commander of a slave-ship divided his +profits with a queen. + +They forgot all the splendid things they had said--the great principles +they had so proudly and eloquently announced. The sublime truths faded +from their hearts. The spirit of trade, the greed for office, took +possession of their souls. The lessons of history were forgotten. The +voices coming from all the wrecks of kingdoms, empires and republics on +the shores of the great river were unheeded and unheard. + +If the foundation is not justice, the dome cannot be high enough, or +splendid enough, to save the temple. + +But above everything in the minds of our fathers was the desire for +union--to create a Nation, to become a Power. + +Our fathers compromised. + +A compromise is a bargain in which each party defrauds the other, and +himself. + +The compromise our fathers made was the coffin of honor and the cradle +of war. + +A brazen falsehood and a timid truth are the parents of compromise. + +But some--the greatest and the best--believed in liberty for all. They +repeated the splendid sayings of the Roman: "By the law of nature all +men are free;"--of the French King: "Men are born free and equal;"--of +the sublime Zeno: "All men are by nature equal, and virtue alone +establishes a difference between them." + +In the year preceding the Declaration of Independence, a society for the +abolition of slavery was formed in Pennsylvania and its first President +was one of the wisest and greatest of men--Benjamin Franklin. A society +of the same character was established in New York in 1785; its first +President was John Jay--the second, Alexander Hamilton. + +But in a few years these great men were forgotten. Parties rivaled each +other in the defence of wrong. Politicians cared only for place and +power. In the clamor of the heartless, the voice of the generous was +lost. Slavery became supreme. It dominated legislatures, courts and +parties; it rewarded the faithless and little; it degraded the honest +and great. + +And yet, through all these hateful years, thousands and thousands of +noble men and women denounced the degradation and the crime. Most of +their names are unknown. They have given a glory to obscurity. They have +filled oblivion with honor. + +In the presence of death it has been the custom to speak of the +worthlessness, and the vanity, of life. I prefer to speak of its value, +of its importance, of its nobility and glory. + +Life is not merely a floating shadow, a momentary spark, a dream that +vanishes. Nothing can be grander than a life filled with great and noble +thoughts--with brave and honest deeds. Such a life sheds light, and the +seeds of truth sown by great and loyal men bear fruit through all the +years to be. To have lived and labored and died for the right--nothing +can be sublimer. + +History is but the merest outline of the exceptional--of a few great +crimes, calamities, wars, mistakes and dramatic virtues. A few mountain +peaks are touched, while all the valleys of human life, where countless +victories are won, where labor wrought with love--are left in the +eternal shadow. + +But these peaks are not the foundation of nations. The forgotten words, +the unrecorded deeds, the unknown sacrifices, the heroism, the industry, +the patience, the love and labor of the nameless good and great have for +the most part founded, guided and defended States. The world has +been civilized by the unregarded poor, by the untitled nobles, by the +uncrowned kings who sleep in unknown graves mingled with the common +dust. + +They have thought and wrought, have borne the burdens of the world. The +pain and labor have been theirs--the glory has been given to the few. + +The conflict came. The South unsheathed the sword. Then rose the +embattled North, and these men who sleep to-night beneath the flowers of +half the world, gave all for us. + +They gave us a Nation--a republic without a slave--a republic that is +sovereign, and to whose will every citizen and every State must bow. +They gave us a Constitution for all--one that can be read without shame +and defended without dishonor. They freed the brain, the lips and hands +of men. + +All that could be done by force was done. All that could be accomplished +by the adoption of constitutions was done. The rest is left to +education--the innumerable influences of civilization--to the +development of the intellect, to the cultivation of the heart and the +imagination. + +The past is now a hideous dream. + +The present is filled with pride, with gratitude, and hope. + +Liberty is the condition of real progress. The free man works for wife +and child--the slave toils from fear. Liberty gives leisure and leisure +refines, beautifies and ennobles. Slavery gives idleness and idleness +degrades, deforms and brutalizes. + +Liberty and slavery--the right and wrong--the joy and grief--the day and +night--the glory and the gloom of all the years. + +Liberty is the word that all the good have spoken. + +It is the hope of every loving heart--the spark and flame in every noble +breast--the gem in every splendid soul--the many-colored dream in every +honest brain. + +This word has filled the dungeon with its holy light,--has put the halo +round the martyr's head,--has raised the convict far above the king, +and clad even the scaffold with a glory that dimmed and darkened every +throne. + +To the wise man, to the wise nation, the mistakes of the past are the +torches of the present. The war is over. The institution that caused it +has perished. The prejudices that fanned the flames are only ashes now. +We are one people. We will stand or fall together. At last, with clear +eyes we see that the triumph of right was a triumph for all. Together we +reap the fruits of the great victory. We are all conquerors. Around the +graves of the heroes--North and South, white and colored--together +we stand and with uncovered heads reverently thank the saviors of our +native land. + +We are now far enough away from the conflict--from its hatreds, its +passions, its follies and its glories, to fairly and philosophically +examine the causes and in some measure at least to appreciate the +results. + +States and nations, like individuals, do as they must. Back of +revolution, of rebellion, of slavery and freedom, are the efficient +causes. Knowing this, we occupy that serene height from which it is +possible to calmly pronounce a judgment upon the past. + +We know now that the seeds of our war were sown hundreds and thousands +of years ago--sown by the vicious and the just, by prince and peasant, +by king and slave, by all the virtues and by all the vices, by all the +victories and all the defeats, by all the labor and the love, the loss +and gain, by all the evil and the good, and by all the heroes of the +world. + +Of the great conflict we remember only its glory and its lessons. We +remember only the heroes who made the Republic the first of nations, and +who laid the foundation for the freedom of mankind. + +This will be known as the century of freedom. Slowly the hosts of +darkness have been driven back. + +In 1808 England and the United States united for the suppression of the +slave-trade. The Netherlands joined in this holy work in 1818. France +lent her aid in 1819 and Spain in 1820. In the same year the United +States declared the traffic to be piracy, and in 1825 the same law was +enacted by Great Britain. In 1826 Brazil agreed to suppress the traffic +in human flesh. In 1833 England abolished slavery in the West Indies, +and in 1843 in her East Indian possessions, giving liberty to more than +twelve millions of slaves. In 1846 Sweden abolished slavery, and in +1848 it was abolished in the colonies of Denmark and France. In 1861 +Alexander II., Czar of all the Russias, emancipated the serfs, and on +the first day of January, 1863, the shackles fell from millions of +the citizens of this Republic. This was accomplished by the heroes +we remember to-day--this, in accordance with the Proclamation of +Emancipation signed by Lincoln,--greatest of our mighty dead--Lincoln +the gentle and the just--and whose name will be known and honored to +"the last syllable of recorded time." And this year, 1888, has been made +blessed and memorable forever--in the vast empire of Brazil there stands +no slave. + +Let us hope that when the next century looks from the sacred portals of +the East, its light will only fall upon the faces of the free. + + * By request, Col. Ingersoll closed this address with his + "Vision of War," to which he added "A Vision of the + Future." This accounts for its repetition in this volume. + +The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great +struggle for national life. We hear the sounds of preparation--the +music of boisterous drums--the silver voices of heroic bugles. We see +thousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators. We see +the pale cheeks of women, and the flushed faces of men; and in those +assemblages we see all the dead whose dust we have covered with flowers. +We lose sight of them no more. We are with them when they enlist in the +great army of freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are +walking for the last time in quiet, woody places, with the maidens they +adore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love as +they lingeringly part forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing +babes that are asleep. Some are receiving the blessings of old men. Some +are parting with mothers who hold them and press them to their +hearts again and again, and say nothing. Kisses and tears, tears and +kisses--divine mingling of agony and love! And some are talking with +wives, and endeavoring with brave words, spoken in the old tones, to +drive from their hearts the awful fear. We see them part. We see the +wife standing in the door with the babe in her arms--standing in the +sunlight sobbing. At the turn of the road a hand waves--she answers by +holding high in her loving arms the child. He is gone, and forever. + +We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting flags, +keeping time to the grand, wild music of war--marching-down the streets +of the great cities--through the towns and across the prairies--down to +the fields of glory, to do and to die for the eternal right. + +We go with them, one and all. We are by their side on all the gory +fields--in all the hospitals of pain--on all the weary marches. We stand +guard with them in the wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are with +them in ravines running with blood--in the furrows of old fields. We are +with them between contending hosts, unable to move, wild with thirst, +the life ebbing slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them +pierced by balls and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and +in the whirlwind of the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of +steel. + +We are with them in the prisons of hatred and famine; but human speech +can never tell what they endured. + +We are at home when the news comes that they are dead. We see the maiden +in the shadow of her first sorrow. We see the silvered head of the old +man bowed with the last grief. + +The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human beings +governed by the lash--we see them bound hand and foot--we hear the +strokes of cruel whips--we see the hounds tracking women through +tangled swamps. We see babes sold from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty +unspeakable! Outrage infinite! + +Four million bodies in chains--four million souls in fetters. All the +sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child trampled beneath +the brutal feet of might. And all this was done under our own beautiful +banner of the free. + +The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the bursting +shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We look. Instead of +slaves we see men and women and children. The wand of progress touches +the auction block, the slave pen, the whipping post, and we see homes +and firesides and school-houses and books, and where all was want and +crime and cruelty and fear, we see the faces of the free. + +These heroes are dead. They died for liberty--they died for us. They +are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under the flag +they rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, the +tearful willows, and the embracing vines. + +They sleep beneath the shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine +or of storm, each in the windowless Palace of Rest. Earth may run red +with other wars--they are at peace. In the midst of battle, in the roar +of conflict, they found the serenity of death. I have one sentiment for +soldiers living and dead: Cheers for the living; tears for the dead. + +A vision of the future rises: + +I see our country filled with happy homes, with firesides of +content,--the foremost land of all the earth. + +I see a world where thrones have crumbled and where kings are dust. The +aristocracy of idleness has perished from the earth. + +I see a world without a slave. Man at last is free. Nature's forces have +by Science been enslaved. Lightning and light, wind and wave, frost +and flame, and all the secret, subtle powers of earth and air are the +tireless toilers for the human race. + +I see a world at peace, adorned with every form of art, with music's +myriad voices thrilled, while lips are rich with words of love and +truth; a world in which no exile sighs, no prisoner mourns; a world on +which the gibbet's shadow does not fall; a world where labor reaps its +full reward, where work and worth go hand in hand, where the poor girl +trying to win bread with the needle--the needle that has been called +"the asp for the breast of the poor,"--is not driven to the desperate +choice of crime or death, of suicide or shame. + +I see a world without the beggar's outstretched palm, the miser's +heartless, stony stare, the piteous wail of want, the livid lips of +lies, the cruel eyes of scorn. + +I see a race without disease of flesh or brain,--shapely and fair,--the +married harmony of form and function,--and, as I look, life lengthens, +joy deepens, love canopies the earth; and over all, in the great dome, +shines the eternal star of human hope. + + + + +RATIFICATION SPEECH. + + + * Delivered at the Metropolitan Opera House, New York, June + 29,1688. + +Harrison and Morton. + +1888. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS, Ladies and Gentlemen--The speaker who is perfectly +candid, who tells his honest thought, not only honors himself, but +compliments his audience. It is only to the candid that man can afford +to absolutely open his heart. Most people, whenever a man is nominated +for the presidency, claim that they were for him from the very start--as +a rule, claim that they discovered him. They are so anxious to be with +the procession, so afraid of being left, that they insist that they got +exactly the man they wanted. + +I will be frank enough with you to say that the convention did not +nominate my choice. I was for the nomination of General Gresham, +believing that, all things considered, he was the best and most +available man--a just judge, a soldier, a statesman. But there is +something in the American blood that bows to the will of the majority. +There is that splendid fealty and loyalty to the great principle upon +which our Government rests; so that when the convention reached its +conclusion, every Republican was for the nominee. There were good men +from which to select this ticket. I made my selection, and did the best +I could to induce the convention to make the same. Some people think, +or say they think, that I made a mistake in telling the name of the man +whom I was for. But I always know whom I am for, I always know what I am +for, and I know the reasons why I am for the thing or for the man. + +And it never once occurred to me that we could get a man nominated, or +elected, and keep his name a secret. When I am for a man I like to stand +by him, even while others leave, no matter if at last I stand alone. I +believe in doing things above board, in the light, in the wide air. +No snake ever yet had a skin brilliant enough, no snake ever crawled +through the grass secretly enough, silently or cunningly enough, to +excite my admiration. My admiration is for the eagle, the monarch of the +empyrean, who, poised on outstretched pinions, challenges the gaze of +all the world. Take your position in the sunlight; tell your neighbors +and your friends what you are for, and give your reasons for your +position; and if that is a mistake, I expect to live making only +mistakes. I do not like the secret way, but the plain, open way; and I +was for one man, not because I had anything against the others, who were +all noble, splendid men, worthy to be Presidents of the United States. + +Now, then, leaving that subject, two parties again confront each other. +With parties as with persons goes what we call character. They have +built up in the nation in which they live reputation, and the reputation +of a party should be taken into consideration as well as the reputation +of a man. What is this party? What has it done? What has it endeavored +to do? What are the ideas in its brain? What are the hopes, the emotions +and the loves in its heart? Does it wish to make the world grander and +better and freer? Has it a high ideal? Does it believe in sunrise, or +does it keep its back to the sacred east of eternal progress? These +are the questions that every American should ask. Every man should +take pride in this great Nation--America, with a star of glory in her +forehead!--and every man should say, "I hope when I lie down in death I +shall leave a greater and grander country than when I was born." + +This is the country of humanity. This is the Government of the poor. +This is where man has an even chance with his fellow-man. In this +country the poorest man holds in his hand at the day of election the +same unit, the same amount, of political power as the owner of a hundred +millions. That is the glory of the United States. + +A few days ago our party met in convention. Now, let us see who we are. +Let us see what the Republican party is. Let us see what is the spirit +that animates this great and splendid organization. + +And I want you to think one moment, just one moment: What was this +country when the first Republican President was elected? Under the +law then, every Northern man was a bloodhound, pledged to catch human +beings, who, led by the light of the Northern Star, were escaping +to free soil. Remember that. And remember, too, that when our first +President was elected we found a treasury empty, the United States +without credit, the great Republic unable to borrow money from day to +day to pay its current expenses. Remember that. Think of the glory and +grandeur of the Republican party that took the country with an empty +exchequer, and then think of what the Democratic party says to-day of +the pain and anguish it has suffered administering the Government with a +surplus! + +We must remember what the Republican party has done--what it has +accomplished for nationality, for liberty, for education and for the +civilization of our race. We must remember its courage in war, its +honesty in peace. Civil war tests to a certain degree the strength, the +stability and the patriotism of a country. After the war comes a greater +strain. It is a great thing to die for a cause, but it is a greater +thing to live for it. We must remember that the Republican party not +only put down a rebellion, not only created a debt of thousands and +thousands of millions, but that it had the industry and the intelligence +to pay that debt, and to give to the United States the best financial +standing of any nation. + +When this great party came together in Chicago what was the first thing +the convention did? What was the first idea in its mind? It was to honor +the memory of the greatest and grandest men the Republic has produced. +The first name that trembled upon the lips of the convention was that of +Abraham Lincoln--Abraham Lincoln, one of the greatest and grandest men +who ever lived, and, in my judgment, the greatest man that ever sat +in the presidential chair. And why the greatest? Because the kindest, +because he had more mercy and love in his heart than were in the heart +of any other President. And so the convention paid its tribute to the +great soldier, to the man who led, in company with others, the great +army of freedom to victory, until the old flag floated over every inch +of American soil and every foot of that territory was dedicated to the +eternal freedom of mankind. + +And what next did this convention do? The next thing was to send +fraternal greetings to the Americans of Brazil. Why? Because Brazil +had freed every slave, and because that act left the New World, this +hemisphere, without a slave--left two continents dedicated to the +freedom of man--so that with that act of Brazil the New World, +discovered only a few years ago, takes the lead in the great march of +human progress and liberty. That is the second thing the convention did. +Only a little while ago the minister to this country from Brazil, acting +under instructions from his government, notified the President of the +United States that this sublime act had been accomplished--notified +him that from the bodies of millions of men the chains of slavery had +fallen--an act great enough to make the dull sky of half the world glow +as though another morning had risen upon another day. + +And what did our President say? Was he filled with enthusiasm? Did his +heart beat quicker? Did the blood rush to his cheek? He simply said, +as it is reported, "that he hoped time would justify the wisdom of the +measure." It is precisely the same as though a man should quit a life of +crime, as though some gentleman in the burglar business should finally +announce to his friends: "I have made up my mind never to break into +another house," and the friend should reply: "I hope that time will +justify the propriety of that resolution." + +That was the first thing, with regard to the condition of the world, +that came into the mind of the Republican convention. And why was that? +Because the Republican party has fought for liberty from the day of its +birth to the present moment. + +And what was the next? The next resolution passed by the convention was, +"that we earnestly hope, we shall soon congratulate our fellow-citizens +of Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of home rule in Ireland." + +Wherever a human being wears a chain, there you will find the sympathy +of the Republican party. Wherever one languishes in a dungeon for having +raised the standard of revolt in favor of human freedom, there you will +find the sympathy of the Republican party. I believe in liberty for +Ireland, not because it is Ireland, but because they are human beings, +and I am for liberty, not as a prejudice, but as a principle. + +The man rightfully in jail who wants to get out is a believer in liberty +as a prejudice; but when a man out of jail sees a man wrongfully in jail +and is willing to risk his life to give liberty to the man who ought to +have it, that is being in favor of liberty as a principle. So I am in +favor of liberty everywhere, all over the world, and wherever one man +tries to govern another simply because he has been born a lord or a duke +or a king, or wherever one governs another simply by brute force, I say +that that is oppression, and it is the business of Americans to do all +they can to give liberty to the oppressed everywhere. + +Ireland should govern herself. Those who till the soil should own the +soil, or have an opportunity at least of becoming the owners. A few +landlords should not live in extravagance and luxury while those +who toil live on the leavings, on parings, on crumbs and crusts. The +treatment of Ireland by England has been one continuous crime. There is +no meaner page in history. + +What is the next thing in this platform? And if there is anything in it +that anybody can object to, we will find it out to-night. The next thing +is the supremacy of the Nation.-Why, even the Democrats now believe in +that, and in their own platform are willing to commence that word with +a capital N. They tell us that they are in favor of an indissoluble +Union--just as I presume they always have been. But they now believe in +a Union. So does the Republican party. What else? The Republican party +believes, not in State Sovereignty, but in the preservation of all the +rights reserved to the States by the Constitution. + +Let me show you the difference: For instance, you make a contract with +your neighbor who lives next door--equal partners--and at the bottom of +the contract you put the following addition: "If there is any dispute +as to the meaning of this contract, my neighbor shall settle it, and any +settlement he shall make shall be final." Is there any use of talking +about being equal partners any longer? Any use of your talking about +being a sovereign partner? So, the Constitution of the United States +says: "If any question arises between any State and the Federal +Government it shall be decided by a Federal Court." That is the end of +what they call State Sovereignty. + +Think of a sovereign State that can make no treaty, that cannot levy +war, that cannot coin money. But we believe in maintaining the rights +of the States absolutely in their integrity, because we believe in local +self-government. We deny, however, that a State has any right to deprive +a citizen of his vote. We deny that the State has any right to violate +the Federal law, and we go further and we say that it is the duty of the +General Government to see to it that every citizen in every State shall +have the right to exercise all of his privileges as a citizen of the +United States--"the right of every lawful citizen," says our platform, +"native or foreign, white or black, to cast a free ballot." + +Let me say one word about that. + +The ballot is the king, the emperor, the ruler of America; it is the +only rightful sovereign of the Republic; and whoever refuses to count +an honest vote, or whoever casts a dishonest vote, is a traitor to the +great principle upon which our Government is founded. The man poisons, +or endeavors to poison, the springs of authority, the fountains of +justice, of rightful dominion and power; and until every citizen can +cast his vote everywhere in this land and have that vote counted, we are +not a republican people, we are not a civilized nation. The Republican +party will not have finished its mission until this country is +civilized. That is its business. It was born of a protest against +barbarism. + +The Republican party was the organized conscience of the United States. +It had the courage to stand by what it believed to be right. There is +something better even than success in this world; or in other words, +there is only one kind of success, and that is to be for the right. Then +whatever happens, you have succeeded. + +Now, comes the next question. The Republican party not only wants to +protect every citizen in his liberty, in his right to vote, but it wants +to have that vote counted. And what else? + +The next thing in this platform is protection for American labor. + +I am going to tell you in a very brief way why I am in favor of +protection. First, I want this Republic substantially independent of +the rest of the world. You must remember that while people are +civilized--some of them--so that when they have a quarrel they leave it +to the courts to decide, nations still occupy the position of savages +toward each other. There is no national court to decide a question, +consequently the question is decided by the nations themselves, and you +know what selfishness and greed and power and the ideas of false glory +will do and have done. So that this Nation is not safe one moment from +war. I want the Republic so that it can live although at war with all +the world. + +We have every kind of climate that is worth having. Our country embraces +the marriage of the pine and palm; we have all there is of worth; it +is the finest soil in the world and the most ingenious people that ever +contrived to make the forces of nature do their work. I want this Nation +substantially independent, so that if every port were blockaded we would +be covered with prosperity as with a mantle. Then, too, the Nation that +cannot take care of itself in war is always at a disadvantage in peace. +That is one reason. Let me give you the next. + +The next reason is that whoever raises raw material and sells it will be +eternally poor. There is no State in this Union where the farmer raises +wheat and sells it, that the farmer is not poor. Why? He only makes one +profit, and, as a rule, that is a loss. The farmer that raises corn does +better, because he can sell, not corn, but pork and beef and horses. In +other words, he can make the second or third profit, and those farmers +get rich. There is a vast difference between the labor necessary to +raise raw material and the labor necessary to make the fabrics used +by civilized men. Remember that; and if you are confined simply to raw +material your labor will be unskilled; unskilled labor will be cheap, +the raw material will be cheap, and the result is that your country will +grow poorer and poorer, while the country that buys your raw material, +makes it into fabrics and sells it back to you, will grow intelligent +and rich. I want you to remember this, because it lies at the foundation +of this whole subject. Most people who talk on this point bring forward +column after column of figures, and a man to understand it would have to +be a walking table of logarithms. I do not care to discuss it that +way. I want to get at the foundation principles, so that you can give a +reason, as well as myself, why you are in favor of protection. + +Let us take another step. We will take a locomotive--a wonderful +thing--that horse of progress, with its flesh of iron and steel and +breath of flame--a wonderful thing. Let us see how it is made. Did you +ever think of the deft and cunning hands, of the wonderfully accurate +brains, that can make a thing like that? Did you ever think about it? +How much do you suppose the raw material lying in the earth was worth +that was changed into that locomotive? A locomotive that is worth, we +will say, twelve thousand dollars; how much was the raw material worth +lying in the earth, deposited there millions of years ago? Not as much +as one dollar. Let us, just for the sake of argument, say five dollars. +What, then, has labor added to the twelve thousand dollar locomotive? +Eleven thousand nine hundred and ninety-five dollars. Now, why? Because, +just to the extent that thought is mingled with labor, wages increase; +just to the extent you mix mind with muscle, you give value to labor; +just to the extent that the labor is skilled, deft, apt, just to that +extent or in that proportion, is the product valuable. Think about it. +Raw material! There is a piece of canvas five feet one way, three the +other. Raw material would be to get a man to whitewash it; that is raw +material. Let a man of genius paint a picture upon it; let him put in +that picture the emotions of his heart, the landscapes that have made +poetry in his brain, the recollection of the ones he loves, the prattle +of children, a mother's tear, the sunshine of her smile, and all the +sweet and sacred memories of his life, and it is worth five thousand +dollars--ten thousand dollars. + +Noise is raw material, but the great opera of "Tristan and Isolde" is +the result of skilled labor. There is the same difference between simple +brute strength and skilled labor that there is between noise and the +symphonies of Beethoven. I want you to get this in your minds. + +Now, then, whoever sells raw material gives away the great profit. You +raise cotton and sell it; and just as long as the South does it and does +nothing more the South will be poor, the South will be ignorant, and it +will be solidly Democratic. + +Now, do not imagine that I am saying anything against the Democratic +party. I believe the Democratic party is doing the best it can under the +circumstances. You know my philosophy makes me very charitable. You find +out all about a man, all about his ancestors, and you can account for +his vote always. Why? Because there are causes and effects in nature. +There are sometimes antecedents and subsequents that have no relation +to each other, but at the same time, all through the web and woof of +events, you find these causes and effects, and if you only look far +enough, you will know why a man does as he does. + +I have nothing to say against the Democratic party. I want to talk +against ideas, not against people. I do not care anything about their +candidates, whether they are good, bad or indifferent. What, gentlemen, +are your ideas? What do you propose to do? What is your policy? That +is what I want to know, and I am willing to meet them upon the field of +intellectual combat. They are in possession; they are in the rifle pits +of office; we are in the open field, but we will plant our standard, the +flag that we love, without a stain, and under that banner, upon which +so many dying men have looked in the last hour when they thought of +home and country--under that flag we will carry the Democratic +fortifications. + +Another thing; we want to get at this business so that we will +understand what we are doing. I do not believe in protecting American +industry for the sake of the capitalist, or for the sake of any class, +but for the sake of the whole Nation. And if I did not believe that it +was for the best interests of the whole Nation I should be opposed to +it. + +Let us take this next step. Everybody, of course, cannot be a farmer. +Everybody cannot be a mechanic. All the people in the world cannot go at +one business. We must have a diversity of industry. I say, the greater +that diversity, the greater the development of brain in the country. We +then have what you might call a mental exchange; men are then pursuing +every possible direction in which the mind can go, and the brain is +being developed upon all sides; whereas, if you all simply cultivated +the soil, you would finally become stupid. If you all did only one +business you would become ignorant; but by pursuing all possible +avocations that call for taste, genius, calculation, discovery, +ingenuity, invention--by having all these industries open to the +American people, we will be able to raise great men and great women; and +I am for protection, because it will enable us to raise greater men and +greater women. Not only because it will make more money in less time, +but because I would rather have greater folks and less money. + +One man of genius makes a continent sublime. Take all the men of wealth +from Scotland--who would know it? Wipe their names from the pages of +history, and who would miss them? Nobody. Blot out one name, Robert +Burns, and how dim and dark would be the star of Scotland. The great +thing is to raise great folks. That is what we want to do, and we want +to diversify all the industries and protect them all. How much? Simply +enough to prevent the foreign article from destroying the domestic. But +they say, then the manufacturers will form a trust and put the prices +up. If we depend upon the foreign manufacturers will they not form +trusts? We can depend on competition. What do the Democrats want to do? +They want to do away with the tariff, so as to do away with the surplus. +They want to put down the tariff to do away with the surplus. If you put +down the tariff a small per cent, so that the foreign article comes to +America, instead of decreasing, you will increase the surplus. Where you +get a dollar now, you will get five then. If you want to stop getting +anything from imports, you want to put the tariff higher, my friend. + +Let every Democrat understand this, and let him also understand that I +feel and know that he has the same interest in this great country that I +have, and let me be frank enough and candid enough and honest enough +to say that I believe the Democratic party advocates the policy it does +because it believes it will be the best for the country. But we differ +upon a question of policy, and the only way to argue it is to keep cool. +If a man simply shouts for his side, or gets mad, he is a long way from +any intellectual improvement. + +If I am wrong in this, I want to be set right. If it is not to the +interest of America that the shuttle shall keep flying, that wheels +shall keep turning, that cloth shall be woven, that the forges shall +flame and that the smoke shall rise from the numberless chimneys--if +that is not to the interest of America, I want to know it. But I believe +that upon the great cloud of smoke rising from the chimneys of the +manufactories of this country, every man who will think can see the bow +of national promise. + +"Oh, but," they say, "you put the prices so high." Let me give you two +or three facts: Only a few years ago I know that we paid one hundred and +twenty-five dollars a ton for Bessemer steel. At that time the tariff +was twenty-eight dollars a ton, I believe. I am not much on figures. I +generally let them add it up, and I pay it and go on about my business. +With the tariff at twenty-eight dollars a ton, that being a sufficient +protection against Great Britain, the ingenuity of America went to work. +Capital had the courage to try the experiment, and the result was that, +instead of buying thousands and thousands and thousands and tens of +thousands and hundreds of thousands and millions of tons of steel from +Great Britain, we made it here in our own country, and it went down as +low as thirty dollars a ton. Under this "rascally protection" it went +down to one-fourth of what free trade England was selling it to us for. + +And so I might go on all night with a thousand other articles; all I +want to show you is that we want these industries here, and we want +them protected just as long as they need protection. We want to rock the +cradle just as long as there is a child in it. When the child gets to +be seven or eight feet high, and wears number twelve boots, we will say: +"Now you will have to shift for yourself." What we want is not simply +for the capitalist, not simply for the workingmen, but for the whole +country. + +If there is any object worthy the attention of this or any other +government, it is the condition of the workingmen. What do they do? They +do all that is done. They are the Atlases upon whose mighty shoulders +rests the fabric of American civilization. The men of leisure are simply +the vines that run round this great sturdy oak of labor. If there is +anything noble enough, and splendid enough to claim the attention of a +nation, it is this question, and I hope the time will come when labor +will receive far more than it does to-day. I want you all to think of +it--how little, after all, the laboring man, even in America, receives. + +[A voice: "Under protection."] + +Yes, sir, even under protection. Take away that protection, and he is +instantly on a level with the European serf. And let me ask that good, +honest gentleman one question. If the laborer is better off in other +countries, why does not the American laborer emigrate to Europe? + +There is no place in the wide world where, in my judgment, labor reaps +its true reward. There never has been. But I hope the time will come +when the American laborer will not only make a living for himself, for +his wife and children, but lay aside something to keep the roof above +his head when the winter of age may come. My sympathies are all with +them, and I would rather see thousands of... '' palaces of millionaires +unroofed than to see desolation in the cabins of the poor. I know that +this world has been made beautiful by those who have labored and those +who have suffered. I know that we owe to them the conveniences of life, +and I have more conveniences, I live a more luxurious life, than any +monarch ever lived one hundred years ago. I have more conveniences than +any emperor could have purchased with the revenue of his empire one +hundred years ago. It is worth something to live in this age of the +world. + +And what has made us such a great and splendid and progressive and +sensible people? + +[A voice: "Free thought."] + +Free thought, of course. Back of every invention is free thought. Why +does a man invent? Slavery never invents; freedom invents. A slave +working for his master tries to do the least work in the longest space +of time, but a free man, working for wife and children, tries to do the +most work in the shortest possible time. He is in love with what he is +doing, consequently his head and his hands go in partnership; muscle and +brain unite, and the result is that the head invents something to help +the hands, and out of the brain leaps an invention that makes a slave +of the forces of nature--those forces that have no backs to be whipped, +those forces that shed no tears, those forces that are destined to work +forever for the happiness of the human race. + +Consequently I am for the protection of American labor, American genius, +American thought. I do not want to put our workingmen on a level with +the citizens of despotisms. Why do not the Democrats and others want the +Chinese to come here? Are they in favor of being protected? Why is it +that the Democrats and others object to penitentiary labor? I will tell +you. They say that a man in the penitentiary can produce cheaper. He has +no family to support, he has no children to look after; and they say, it +is hardly fair to make the father of a family and an honest man compete +with a criminal within the walls of a penitentiary. So they ask to be +protected. + +What is the difference whether a man is in the penitentiary, or whether +he is in the despotism of some European state? "Ah, but," they say, "you +let the laborer of Europe come here himself." Yes, and I am in favor of +it always. Why? This world belongs to the human race. And when they come +here, in a little while they have our wants, and if they do not their +children do, and you will find the second generation of Irishmen or +Germans or of any other nationality just as patriotic as the tenth +generation from the first immigrant. I want them to come. Then they get +our habits. + +Who wants free trade? Only those who want us for their customers, who +would like to sell us everything that we use--England, Germany, all +those countries. And why? Because one American will buy more than one +thousand, yes, five thousand Asiatics. America consumes more to-day +than China and India, more than ten billion would of semi-civilized and +barbarous peoples. What do they buy--what does England sell? A little +powder, a little whiskey, cheap calico, some blankets--a few things of +that kind. What does the American purchase? Everything that civilized +man uses or that civilized man can want. + +England wants this market. Give her free trade, and she will become the +most powerful, the richest nation that ever had her territories marked +upon the map of the world. And what do we become? Nobodies. Poor. +Invention will be lost, our minds will grow clumsy, the wondrous, +deft hand of the mechanic paralyzed--a great raw material producing +country--ignorant, poor, barbaric. I want the cotton that is raised in +this country to be spun here, to be woven into cloth. I want everything +that we use to be made by Americans. We can make the cloth, we can raise +the food to feed and to clothe this Nation, and the Nation is now only +in its infancy. + +Somehow people do not understand this. They really think we are getting +filled up. Look at the map of this country. See the valley of the +Mississippi. Put your hand on it. Trace the rivers coming from the Rocky +Mountains and the Alleghanies, and sweeping down to the Gulf, and know +that in the valley of the Mississippi, with its wondrous tributaries, +there can live and there can be civilized and educated five hundred +millions of human beings. + +Let us have some sense. I want to show you how far this goes beyond the +intellectual horizon of some people who hold office. For instance: We +have a tariff on lead, and by virtue of that tariff on lead nearly every +silver mine is worked in this country. Take the tariff from lead and +there would remain in the clutch of the rocks, of the quartz misers, +for all time, millions and millions of silver; but when that is put with +lead, and lead runs with silver, they can make enough on lead and silver +to pay for the mining, and the result is that millions and millions are +added every year to the wealth of the United States. + +Let me tell you another thing: There is not a State in the Union but +has something it wants protected. And Louisiana--a Democratic State, +and will be just as long as Democrats count the votes--Louisiana has the +impudence to talk about free trade and yet it wants its sugar protected. +Kentucky says free trade, except hemp; and if anything needs protection +it is hemp. Missouri says hemp and lead. Colorado, lead and wool; and so +you can make the tour of the States and every one is for free trade with +an exception--that exception being to the advantage of that State, and +when you put the exceptions together you have protected the industries +of all the States. + +Now, if the Democratic party is in favor of anything, it is in favor of +free trade. If President Clevelands message means anything it means free +trade. And why? Because it says to every man that gets protection: If +you will look about you, you will find that you pay for something +else that is protected more than you receive in benefits for what is +protected of yours; consequently the logic of that is free trade. They +believe in it I have no doubt. When the whole world is civilized, when +men are everywhere free, when they all have something like the same +tastes and ambitions, when they love their families and their children, +when they want the same kind of food and roofs above them--if that day +shall ever come--the world can afford to have its trade free, but do not +put the labor of America on a par with the labor of the Old World. + +Now, about taxes--internal revenue. That was resorted to in time of war. +The Democratic party made it necessary. We had to tax everything to beat +back the Democratic hosts, North and South. Now, understand me. I know +that thousands and hundreds of thousands of individual Democrats were +for this country, and were as pure patriots as ever marched beneath the +flag. I know that--hundreds of thousands of them. I am speaking of the +party organization that staid at home and passed resolutions that every +time the Union forces won a victory the Constitution had been violated. +I understand that. Those taxes were put on in time of war, because it +was necessary. Direct taxation is always odious. A government dislikes, +to be represented among all the people by a tax gatherer, by an official +who visits homes carrying consternation and grief wherever he goes. +Everybody, from the most ancient times of which I have ever read, until +the present moment, dislikes a tax gatherer. I have never yet seen in +any cemetery a monument with this inscription: "Sacred to the memory of +the man who loved to pay his taxes." It is far better if we can collect +the needed revenue of this Government indirectly. But, they say, you +must not take the taxes off tobacco; you must not take the taxes off +alcohol or spirits or whiskey. Why? Because it is immoral to take off +the taxes. Do you believe that there was, on the average, any more +drunkenness in this country before the tax was put on than there is now? +I do not. I believe there is as much liquor drank to-day, per capita, +as there ever was in the United States. I will not blame the Democratic +party. I do not care what they drink. What they think is what I have to +do with. I will be plain with them, because I know lots of fellows +in the Democratic party, and that is the only bad thing about +them--splendid fellows. And I know a good many Republicans, and I am +willing to take my oath that that is the only good thing about them. So, +let us all be fair. + +I want the taxes taken from tobacco and whiskey; and why? Because it is +a war measure that should not be carried on in peace; and in the second +place, I do not want that system inaugurated in this country, unless +there is an absolute necessity for it, and the moment the necessity is +gone, stop it. + +The moral side of this question? Only a couple of years ago, I think +it was, the Prohibitionists said that they wanted this tax taken from +alcohol. Why? Because as long as the Government licensed, as long as the +Government taxed and received sixty millions of dollars in revenue, just +so long the Government would make this business respectable, just so +long the Government would be in partnership with this liquor crime. That +is what they said then. Now we say take the tax off, and they say it is +immoral. Now, I have a little philosophy about this. I may be entirely +wrong, but I am going to give it to you. You never can make great men +and great women, by keeping them out of the way of temptation. You have +to educate them to withstand temptation. It is all nonsense to tie a +man's hands behind him and then praise him for not picking pockets. I +believe that temperance walks hand in hand with liberty. Just as life +becomes valuable, people take care of it. Just as life is great, and +splendid and noble, as long as the future is a kind of gallery filled +with the ideal, just so long will we take care of ourselves and avoid +dissipation of every kind. Do you know, I believe, as much as I believe +that I am living, that if the Mississippi itself were pure whiskey and +its banks loaf sugar, and all the flats covered with mint, and all +the bushes grew teaspoons and tumblers, there would not be any more +drunkenness than there is now! + +As long as you say to your neighbor "you must not" there is something in +that neighbor that says, "Well I will determine that for myself, and you +just say that again and I will take a drink if it kills me." There is no +moral question involved in it, except this: Let the burden of government +rest as lightly as possible upon the shoulders of the people, and let it +cause as little irritation as possible. Give liberty to the people. I +am willing that the women who wear silks, satins and diamonds; that the +gentlemen who smoke Havana cigars and drink champagne and Chateau Yquem; +I am perfectly willing that they shall pay my taxes and support this +Government, and I am willing that the man who does not do that, but is +willing to take the domestic article, should go tax free. + +Temperance walks hand in hand with liberty. You recollect that little +old story about a couple of men who were having a discussion on +this prohibition question, and the man on the other side said to the +Prohibitionist: "How would you like to live in a community where +every body attended to his own business, where every body went to bed +regularly at night, got up regularly in the morning; where every man, +woman and child was usefully employed during the day; no backbiting, +no drinking of whiskey, no cigars, and where they all attended divine +services on Sunday, and where no profane language was used?" "Why," said +he, "such a place would be a paradise, or heaven; but there is no such +place." "Oh," said the other man, "every well regulated penitentiary is +that way." So much for the moral side of the question. + +Another point that the Republican party calls the attention of the +country to is the use that has been made of the public land. Oh, say the +Democratic party, see what States, what empires have been given away +by the Republican party--and see what the Republican party did with it. +Road after road built to the great Pacific. Our country unified--the two +oceans, for all practical purposes, washing one shore. That is what +it did, and what else? It has given homes to millions of people in a +civilized land, where they can get all the conveniences of civilization. +And what else? Fifty million acres have been taken back by the +Government. How was this done? It was by virtue of the provisions put in +the original grants by the Republican party. + +There is another thing to which the Republican party has called the +attention of the country, and that is the admission of new States where +there are people enough to form a State. Now, with a solid South, with +the assistance of a few Democrats from the North, comes a State, North +Dakota, with plenty of population, a magnificent State, filled with +intelligence and prosperity. It knocks at the door for admission, and +what is the question asked by this administration? Not "Have you the +land, have you the wealth, have you the men and women?" but "Are you +Democratic or Republican?" And being intelligent people, they answer: +"We are Republicans." And the solid South, assisted by the Democrats +of the North, says to that people: "The door is shut; we will not have +you." Why? "Because you would add two to the Republican majority in +the Senate." Is that the spirit in which a nation like this should be +governed? When a State asks for admission, no matter what the politics +of its people may be, I say, admit that State; put a star on the flag +that will glitter for her. + +The next thing the Republican party says is, gold and silver shall both +be money. You cannot make every thing payable in gold--that would +be unfair to the poor man. You shall not make every thing payable in +silver--that would be unfair to the capitalist; but it shall be payable +in gold and silver. And why ought we to be in favor of silver? Because +we are the greatest silver producing nation in the world; and the value +of a thing, other things being equal, depends on its uses, and being +used as money adds to the value of silver. And why should we depreciate +one of our own products by saying that we will not take it as money? I +believe in bimetalism, gold and silver, and you cannot have too much +of either or both. No nation ever died of a surplus, and in all the +national cemeteries of the earth you will find no monument erected to a +nation that died from having too much silver. Give me all the silver I +want and I am happy. + +The Republican party has always been sound on finance. It always knew +you could not pay a promise with a promise. The Republican party always +had sense enough to know that money could not be created by word +of mouth, that you could not make it by a statute, or by passing +resolutions in a convention. It always knew that you had to dig it out +of the ground by good, honest work. The Republican party always knew +that money is a commodity, exchangeable for all other commodities, but a +commodity just as much as wheat or corn, and you can no more make money +by law than you can make wheat or corn by law. You can by law, make a +promise that will to a certain extent take the place of money until the +promise is paid. It seems to me that any man who can even understand the +meaning of the word democratic can understand that theory of money. + +Another thing right in this platform. Free schools for the education of +all the children in the land. The Republican party believes in looking +out for the children. It knows that the a, b, c's are the breastworks of +human liberty. They know that every schoolhouse is an arsenal, a fort, +where missiles are made to hurl against the ignorance and prejudice of +mankind; so they are for the free school. + +And what else? They are for reducing the postage one-half. Why? Simply +for the diffusion of intelligence. What effect will that have? It will +make us more and more one people. The oftener we communicate with each +other the more homogeneous we become. The more we study the same books +and read the same papers the more we swap ideas, the more we become true +Americans, with the same spirit in favor of liberty, progress and the +happiness of the human race. + +What next? The Republican party says, let us build ships for +America--for American sailors. Let our fleets cover the seas, and let +our men-of-war protect the commerce of the Republic--not that we can +wrong some weak nation, but so that we can keep the world from doing +wrong to us. This is all. I have infinite contempt for civilized people +who have guns carrying balls weighing several hundred pounds, who go and +fight poor, naked savages that can only throw boomerangs and stones. + +I hold such a nation in infinite contempt. + +What else is in this platform? You have no idea of the number of things +in it till you look them over. It wants to cultivate friendly feelings +with all the governments in North, Central and South America, so that +the great continents can be one--instigated, moved, pervaded, inspired +by the same great thoughts. In other words, we want to civilize this +continent and the continent of South America. And what else? This great +platform is in favor of paying--not giving, but paying--pensions to +every man who suffered in the great war. What would we have said at the +time? What, if the North could have spoken, would it have said to the +heroes of Gettysburg on the third day? "Stand firm! We will empty the +treasures of the Nation at your feet." They had the courage and the +heroism to keep the hosts of rebellion back without that promise, and is +there an American to-day that can find it in his heart to begrudge +one solitary dollar that has found its way into the pocket of a maimed +soldier, or into the hands of his widow or his orphan? + +What would we have offered to the sailors under Farragut on condition +that they would pass Forts St. Phillip and Jackson? What would we have +offered to the soldiers under Grant in the Wilderness? What to the +followers of Sherman and Sheridan? Do you know, I can hardly conceive of +a spirit contemptible enough--and I am not now alluding to the President +of the United States--I can hardly conceive of a spirit contemptible +enough to really desire to keep a maimed soldier from the bounty of this +Nation. It would be a disgrace and a dishonor if we allowed them to +die in poorhouses, to drop by life's highway and to see their children +mourning over their poor bodies, glorious with scars, maimed into +immortality. I may do a great many bad things before I die, but I give +you my word that so long as I live I will never vote for any President +that vetoed a pension bill unless upon its face it was clear that the +man was not a wounded soldier. + +What next in this platform? For the protection of American homes. I am +a believer in the home. I have said, and I say again--the hearthstone is +the foundation of the great temple; the fireside is the altar where the +true American worships. I believe that the home, the family, is the unit +of good government, and I want to see the aegis of the great Republic +over millions of happy homes. + +That is all there is in this world worth living for. Honor, place, fame, +glory, riches--they are ashes, smoke, dust, disappointment, unless there +is somebody in the world you love, somebody who loves you; unless there +is some place that you can call home, some place where you can feel the +arms of children around your neck, some place that is made absolutely +sacred by the love of others. + +So I am for this platform. I am for the election of Harrison and Morton, +and although I did nothing toward having that ticket nominated, because, +I tell you, I was for Gresham, yet I will do as much toward electing the +candidates, within my power, as any man who did vote on the winning +side. + +We have a good ticket, a noble, gallant soldier at the head; that is +enough for me. He is in favor of liberty and progress. And you have +for Vice-President a man that you all know better than I do, but a good, +square, intelligent, generous man. That is enough for me. And these +men are standing on the best platform that was ever adopted by the +Republican party--a platform that stands for education, liberty, the +free ballot, American industry; for the American policy that has made us +the richest and greatest Nation of the globe. + + + + +REUNION ADDRESS. + + * The Elmwood Reunion, participated in by six regiments, + came to a glorious close last evening. There were thousands + of people present. The city was gayly decorated with flags + and hunting, while pictures and busts of Col. Ingersoll were + in every show window. From early in the morning until noon, + delegations kept coming in, A special train arrived from + Peoria at 10.50 o'clock, bearing a large delegation of old + soldiers together with Col. Ingersoll and his daughter Maud. + He was met by the reception committee, and marched up the + street escorted by an army of veterans. When he arrived on + the west side of the public square, the lines were opened, + and he marched between, in review of his old friends and + comrades. The parade started as soon as it could be formed, + after the arrival of the special train. + + Col. Ingersoll was greeted by a salute of thirteen guns from + Peoria's historic cannon, as he was escorted to the grand + stand by Spencer's band and the Peoria Veterans. + + The reviewing stand was on the west side of the park. Here + the parade was seen by Col. Ingersoll and the other + distinguished guests, among whom were Congressmen Graff and + Prince, Mayor Day, Judges N. E. Worthington and I. C. + Pinkney, and the Hon. Clark E. Carr, who also made a speech + saying that the people cannot estimate the majesty of the + eloquence of Col. Robert G. Ingersoll, keeping alive the + flame of patriotism from 1860 to the present time. . + + The parade was an imposing one, there were fully two + thousand five hundred old veterans in line who passed In + review before Col. Ingersoll, each one doffing his hat as he + marched by. The most pleasing feature of the exercises of + the day was the representation of the Living Flag by one + hundred and fifty little girls of Elmwood, at ten o' clock + under the direction of Col. Lem. H. Wiley, of Peoria. The + flag was presented on a large Inclined amphitheatre at the + left of the grand stand, and was the finest thing ever + witnessed lu this part of the country. + + Following the presentation of the Living Flag, Chairman + Brown called the Reunion to order, and Col. Lem. H. Wiley, + National Bugler gave the assembly call. + + Following the assembly call a male chorus rendered a song, + "Ring O Bells." The song was composed for the occasion by + Mr. E. R. Brown and was as follows: + + "Welcome now that leader fearless, + Free of thought and grand of brain, + King of hearts and speaker peerless, + Hail our Ingersoll again." *** + + Then Chairman, E. R. Brown, took charge of the meeting and + introduced Col. Ingersoll as the greatest of living orators, + referring to the time that the Colonel declared, a quarter + of a century ago, in Rouse's Hall, Peoria, that from that + time forth there would be one free man in Illinois, and + expressing Indebtedness to him for what had been done since + for the freedom and happiness of mankind, by his mighty + brain, his great spirit and his gentle heart. + + He then spoke of Col. Ingersoll's residence in Peoria + county, paying an eloquent tribute to him, and concluded by + leading the distinguished gentleman to the front of the + stand. The appearance of Col. Ingersoll was a signal for a + mighty shout, which was heartily joined in by everybody + present, even the little girls composing the living flag, + cheering and waving their banners. + + It was fully ten minutes before the cheering had subsided, + and when Col. Ingersoll commenced to speak it was renewed + and he was forced to wait for several minutes more. When + quiet was restored, he opened his address, and for an hour + and a half he held the vast audience spell-bound with his + eloquence and wit. + + After Col. Ingersoll's speech the veterans crowded around + the stand to meet and grasp the hand of their comrade, and + the boys of the Eleventh Illinois Cavalry, his old regiment, + were especially profuse in their congratulations and thanks + for the splendid address he had delivered. His speeeh was + off-hand, only occasional reference being made to his short + notes. The Colonel then left the Park amid the yells of + delight of the old soldiers, every man of whom endeavored to + grasp his hand. + + In the afternoon the veterans assembled in Liberty Hall by + themselves, the room being filled. Col. Ingersoll appeared + and was greeted with such cheers as he had not received + during the entire day. He then said good-bye to his old + comrades.--Chicago Inter-ocean and Peoria papers, Sept. 6th, + 1896. + + +Elmwood, Ills. + +1895. + +LADIES and Gentlemen, Fellow-citizens, Old Friends and Comrades: + +It gives me the greatest pleasure to meet again those with whom I became +acquainted in the morning of my life. It is now afternoon. The sun of +life is slowly sinking in the west, and, as the evening comes, nothing +can be more delightful than to see again the faces that I knew in youth. + +When first I knew you the hair was brown; it is now white. The lines +were not quite so deep, and the eyes were not quite so dim. Mingled with +this pleasure is sadness,--sadness for those who have passed away--for +the dead. + +And yet I am not sure that we ought to mourn for the dead. I do not know +which is better--life or death. It may be that death is the greatest +gift that ever came from nature's open hands. We do not know. + +There is one thing of which I am certain, and that is, that if we could +live forever here, we would care nothing for each other. The fact +that we must die, the fact that the feast must end, brings our souls +together, and treads the weeds from out the paths between our hearts. + +And so it may be, after all, that love is a little flower that grows +on the crumbling edge of the grave. So it may be, that were it not +for death there would be no love, and without love all life would be a +curse. + +I say it gives me great pleasure to meet you once again; great pleasure +to congratulate you on your good fortune--the good fortune of being a +citizen of the first and grandest republic ever established upon the +face of the earth. + +That is a royal fortune. To be an heir of all the great and brave men +of this land, of all the good, loving and patient women; to be in +possession of the blessings that they have given, should make every +healthy citizen of the United States feel like a millionaire. + +This, to-day, is the most prosperous country on the globe; and it is +something to be a citizen of this country. + +It is well, too, whenever we meet, to draw attention to what has been +done by our ancestors. It is well to think of them and to thank them for +all their work, for all their courage, for all their toil. + +Three hundred years ago our country was a vast wilderness, inhabited by +a few savages. Three hundred years ago--how short a time; hardly a tick +of the great clock of eternity--three hundred years; not a second in the +life even of this planet--three hundred years ago, a wilderness; three +hundred years ago, inhabited by a few savages; three hundred years ago +a few men in the Old World, dissatisfied, brave and adventurous, trusted +their lives to the sea and came to this land. + +In 1776 there were only three millions of people all told. These men +settled on the shores of the sea. These men, by experience, learned to +govern themselves. These men, by experience, found that a man should +be respected in the proportion that he was useful. They found, by +experience, that titles were of no importance; that the real thing was +the man, and that the real things in the man were heart and brain. They +found, by experience, how to govern themselves, because there was nobody +else here when they came. The gentlemen who had been in the habit of +governing their fellow-men staid at home, and the men who had been in +the habit of being governed came here, and, consequently, they had to +govern themselves. + +And finally, educated by experience, by the rivers and forests, by the +grandeur and splendor of nature, they began to think that this continent +should not belong to any other; that it was great enough to count one, +and that they had the intelligence and manhood to lay the foundations of +a nation. + +It would be impossible to pay too great and splendid a tribute to the +great and magnificent souls of that day. They saw the future. They saw +this country as it is now, and they endeavored to lay the foundation +deep; they endeavored to reach the bed-rock of human rights, the +bed-rock of justice. And thereupon they declared that all men were born +equal; that all the children of nature had at birth the same rights, and +that all men had the right to pursue the only good,--happiness. + +And what did they say? They said that men should govern men; that the +power to govern should come from the consent of the governed, not +from the clouds, not from some winged phantom of the air, not from the +aristocracy of ether. They said that this power should come from +men; that the men living in this world should govern it, and that the +gentlemen who were dead should keep still. + +They took another step, and said that church and state should forever be +divorced. That is no harm to real religion. It never was, because real +religion means the doing of justice; real religion means the giving to +others every right you claim for yourself; real religion consists in +duties of man to man, in feeding the hungry, in clothing the naked, in +defending the innocent, and in saying what you believe to be true. + +Our fathers had enough sense to say that, and a man to do that in 1776 +had to be a pretty big fellow. It is not so much to say it now, because +they set the example; and, upon these principles of which I have spoken, +they fought the war of the Revolution. + +At no time, probably, were the majority of our forefathers in favor +of independence, but enough of them were on the right side, and they +finally won a victory. And after the victory, those that had not been +even in favor of independence became, under the majority rule, more +powerful than the heroes of the Revolution. + +Then it was that our fathers made a mistake. We have got to praise them +for what they did that was good, and we will mention what they did that +was wrong. + +They forgot the principles for which they fought. They forgot the +sacredness of human liberty, and, in the name of freedom, they made a +mistake and put chains on the limbs of others. + +That was their error; that was the poison that entered the American +blood; that was the corrupting influence that demoralized presidents +and priests; that was the influence that corrupted the United States of +America. + +That mistake, of course, had to be paid for, as all mistakes in nature +have to be paid for. And not only do you pay for your mistake itself, +but you pay at least ten per cent, compound interest. Whenever you do +wrong, and nobody finds it out, do not imagine you have gotten over it; +you have not. Nature knows it. + +The consequences of every bad act are the invisible police that no +prayers can soften, and no gold can bribe. + +Recollect that. Recollect, that for every bad act, there will be laid +upon your shoulder the arresting hand of the consequences; and it is +precisely the same with a nation as it is with an individual. You have +got to pay for all of your mistakes, and you have got to pay to the +uttermost farthing. That is the only forgiveness known in nature. Nature +never settles unless she can give a receipt in full. + +I know a great many men differ with me, and have all sorts of bankruptcy +systems, but Nature is not built that way. + +Finally, slavery took possession of the Government. Every man who wanted +an office had to be willing to step between a fugitive slave and his +liberty. + +Slavery corrupted the courts, and made judges decide that the child born +in the State of Pennsylvania, whose mother had been a slave, could not +be free. + +That was as infamous a decision as was ever rendered, and yet the +people, in the name of the law, did this thing, and the Supreme Court of +the United States did not know right from wrong. + +These dignified gentlemen thought that labor could be paid by lashes on +the back--which was a kind of legal tender--and finally an effort was +made to subject the new territory--the Nation--to the institution of +slavery. + +Then we had a war with Mexico, in which we got a good deal of glory and +one million square miles of land, but little honor. I will admit that we +got but little honor out of that war. That territory they wanted to give +to the slaveholder. + +In 1803 we purchased from Napoleon the Great, one million square miles +of land, and then, in 1821, we bought Florida from Spain. So that, when +the war came, we had about three million square miles of new land. The +object was to subject all this territory to slavery. + +The idea was to go on and sell the babes from their mothers until time +should be no more. The idea was to go on with the branding-iron and the +whip. The idea was to make it a crime to teach men, human beings, +to read and write; to make every Northern man believe that he was a +bulldog, a bloodhound to track down men and women, who, with the light +of the North Star in their eyes, were seeking the free soil of Great +Britain. + +Yes, in these times we had lots of mean folks. Let us remember that. + +And all at once, under the forms of law, under the forms of our +Government, the greatest man under the flag was elected President. That +man was Abraham Lincoln. And then it was that those gentlemen of the +South said: "We will not be governed by the majority; we will be a law +unto ourselves." + +And let me tell you here to-day--I am somewhat older than I used to be; +I have a little philosophy now that I had not at the nine o'clock in the +morning portion of my life--and I do not blame anybody. I do not blame +the South; I do not blame the Confederate soldier. + +She--the South--was the fruit of conditions. She was born to +circumstances stronger than herself; and do you know, according to my +philosophy, (which is not quite orthodox), every man and woman in the +whole world are what conditions have made them. + +So let us have some sense. The South said, "We will not submit; this is +not a nation, but a partnership of States." I am willing to go so far as +to admit that the South expressed the original idea of the Government. + +But now the question was, to whom did the newly acquired property +belong? New States had been carved out of that territory; the soil of +these States had been purchased with the money of the Republic, and had +the South the right to take these States out of the Republic? That was +the question. + +The great West had another interest, and that was that no enemy, no +other nation, should control the mouth of the Mississippi. I regard +the Mississippi River as Nature's protest against secession. The old +Mississippi River says, and swears to it, that this country shall be +one, now and forever. + +What was to be done? The South said, "We will never remain," and the +North said, "You shall not go." It was a little slow about saying it, +it is true. Some of the best Republicans in the North said, "Let it go." +But the second, sober thought of the great North said, "No, this is our +country and we are going to keep it on the map of the world." + +And some who had been Democrats wheeled into line, and hundreds and +thousands said, "This is our country," and finally, when the Government +called for volunteers, hundreds and thousands came forward to offer +their services. Nothing more sublime was ever seen in the history of +this world. + +I congratulate you to-day that you live in a country that furnished the +greatest army that ever fought for human liberty in any country round +the world. I want you to know that. I want you to know that the North, +East and West furnished the greatest army that ever fought for human +liberty. I want you to know that Gen. Grant commanded more men, men +fighting for the right, not for conquest, than any other general who +ever marshaled the hosts of war. + +Let us remember that, and let us be proud of it. The millions who poured +from the North for the defence of the flag--the story of their heroism +has been told to you again and again. I have told it myself many times. +It is known to every intelligent man and woman in the world. Everybody +knows how much we suffered. Everybody knows how we poured out money like +water; how we spent it like leaves of the forest. Everybody knows how +the brave blood was shed. Everybody knows the story of the great, the +heroic struggle, and everybody knows that at last victory came to our +side, and how the last sword of the Rebellion was handed to Gen. Grant. +There is no need to tell that story again. + +But the question now, as we look back, is, was this country worth +saving? Was the blood shed in vain? Were the lives given for naught? +That is the question. + +This country, according to my idea, is the one success of the world. Men +here have more to eat, more to wear, better houses, and, on the average, +a better education than those of any other nation now living, or any +that has passed away. + +Was the country worth saving? + +See what we have done in this country since 1860. We were not much of a +people then, to be honor bright about it. We were carrying, in the great +race of national life, the weight of slavery, and it poisoned us; it +paralyzed our best energies; it took from our politics the best minds; +it kept from the bench the greatest brains. + +But what have we done since 1860, since we really became a free people, +since we came to our senses, since we have been willing to allow a man +to express his honest thoughts on every subject? + +Do you know how much good we did? The war brought men together from +every part of the country and gave them an opportunity to compare their +foolishness. It gave them an opportunity to throw away their prejudices, +to find that a man who differed with them on every subject might be the +very best of fellows. That is what the war did. We have been broadening +ever since. + +I sometimes have thought it did men good to make the trip to California +in 1849. As they went over the plains they dropped their prejudices on +the way. I think they did, and that's what killed the grass. + +But to come back to my question, what have we done since 1860? + +From 1860 to 1880, in spite of the waste of war, in spite of all the +property destroyed by flame, in spite of all the waste, our profits were +one billion three hundred and seventy-four million dollars. Think of it! +From 1860 to 1880! That is a vast sum. + +From 1880 to 1890 our profits were two billion one hundred and +thirty-nine million dollars. + +Men may talk against wealth as much as they please; they may talk about +money being the root of all evil, but there is little real happiness in +this world without some of it. It is very handy when staying at home +and it is almost indispensable when you travel abroad. Money is a good +thing. It makes others happy; it makes those happy whom you love, and +if a man can get a little together, when the night of death drops the +curtain upon him, he is satisfied that he has left a little to keep the +wolf from the door of those who, in life, were dear to him. Yes, money +is a good thing, especially since special providence has gone out of +business. + +I can see to-day something beyond the wildest dream of any patriot who +lived fifty years ago. The United States to-day is the richest nation +on the face of the earth. The old nations of the world, Egypt, India, +Greece, Rome, every one of them, when compared with this great Republic, +must be regarded as paupers. + +How much do you suppose this Nation is worth to-day? I am talking about +land and cattle, products, manufactured articles and railways. Over +seventy thousand million dollars. Just think of it. + +Take a thousand dollars and then take nine hundred and ninety-nine +thousand; so you will have one thousand piles of one thousand each. That +makes only a million, and yet the United States today is worth seventy +thousand millions. This is thirty-five percent, more than Great Britain +is worth. + +We are a great Nation. We have got the land. This land was being made +for many millions of years. Its soil was being made by the great lakes +and rivers, and being brought down from the mountains for countless +ages. + +This continent was standing like a vast pan of milk, with the cream +rising for millions of years, and we were the chaps that got there when +the skimming commenced. + +We are rich, and we ought to be rich. It is our own fault if we are not. +In every department of human endeavor, along every path and highway, +the progress of the Republic has been marvelous, beyond the power of +language to express. + +Let me show you: In 1860 the horse-power of all the engines, the +locomotives and the steamboats that traversed the lakes and rivers--the +entire power--was three million five hundred thousand. In 1890 the +horse-power of engines and locomotives and steamboats was over seventeen +million. + +Think of that and what it means! Think of the forces at work for the +benefit of the United States, the machines doing the work of thousands +and millions of men! + +And remember that every engine that puffs is puffing for you; every road +that runs is running for you. I want you to know that the average man +and woman in the United States to-day has more of the conveniences of +life than kings and queens had one hundred years ago. + +Yes, we are getting along. + +In 1860 we used one billion eight hundred million dollars' worth +of products, of things manufactured and grown, and we sent to other +countries two hundred and fifty million dollars' worth. + +In 1893 we used three billion eighty-nine million dollars' worth, and +we sent to other countries six hundred and fifty-four million dollars' +worth. + +You see, these vast sums are almost inconceivable. There is not a +man to-day with brains large enough to understand these figures; to +understand how many cars this money put upon the tracks, how much coal +was devoured by the locomotives, how many men plowed and worked in the +fields, how many sails were given to the wind, how many ships crossed +the sea. + +I tell you, there is no man able to think of the ships that were built, +the cars that were made, the mines that were opened, the trees that were +felled--no man has imagination enough to grasp the meaning of it all. No +man has any conception of the sea till he crosses it. I knew nothing of +how broad this country is until I went over it in a slow train. + +Since 1860 the productive power of the United States has more than +trebled. + +I like to talk about these things, because they mean good houses, +carpets on the floors, pictures on the walls, some books on the shelves. +They mean children going to school with their stomachs full of good +food, prosperous men and proud mothers. + +All my life I have taken a much deeper interest in what men produce than +in what nature does. I would rather see the prairies, with the oats and +the wheat and the waving corn, and the schoolhouse, and hear the thrush +sing amid the happy homes of prosperous men and women--I would rather +see these things than any range of mountains in the world. Take it as +you will, a mountain is of no great value. + +In 1860 our land was worth four billion five hundred million dollars; in +1890 it was worth fourteen billion dollars. + +In 1860 all the railroads in the United States were worth four hundred +million dollars, now they are worth a little less than ten thousand +million dollars. + +I want you to understand what these figures mean. + +For thirty years we spent, on an average, one million dollars a day in +building railroads.--I want you to think what that means. All that money +had to be dug out of the ground. It had to be made by raising something +or manufacturing something. We did not get it by writing essays on +finance, or discussing the silver question. It had to be made with the +ax, the plow, the reaper, the mower; in every form of industry; all to +produce these splendid results. + +We have railroads enough now to make seven tracks around the great +globe, and enough left for side tracks. That is what we have done here, +in what the European nations are pleased to call "the new world." + +I am telling you these things because you may not know them, and I did +not know them myself until a few days ago. I am anxious to give away +information, for it is only by giving it away that you can keep it. When +you have told it, you remember it. It is with information as it is +with liberty, the only way to be dead sure of it is to give it to other +people. + +In 1860 the houses in the United States, the cabins on the frontier, the +buildings in the cities, were worth six thousand million dollars. Now +they are worth over twenty-two thousand million dollars. To talk about +figures like these is enough to make a man dizzy. + +In 1860 our animals of all kinds, including the Illinois deer--commonly +called swine--the oxen and horses, and all others, were worth about one +thousand million dollars; now they are worth about four thousand million +dollars. + +Are we not getting rich? Our national debt today is nothing. It is like +a man who owes a cent and has a dollar. + +Since 1860 we have been industrious. We have created two million five +hundred thousand new farms. Since 1860 we have done a good deal of +plowing; there have been a good many tired legs. I have been that way +myself. Since 1860 we have put in cultivation two hundred million acres +of land. Illinois, the best State in the Union, has thirty-five million +acres of land, and yet, since 1860, we have put in cultivation enough +land to make six States of the size of Illinois. That will give you some +idea of the quantity of work we have done. I will admit I have not done +much of it myself, but I am proud of it. + +In 1860 we had four million five hundred and sixty-five thousand farmers +in this country, whose land and implements were worth over sixteen +thousand million dollars. The farmers of this country, on an average, +are worth five thousand dollars, and the peasants of the Old World, who +cultivate the soil, are not worth, on an average, ten dollars beyond the +wants of the moment. The farmers of our country produce, on an average, +about one million four hundred thousand dollars' worth of stuff a day. + +What else? Have we in other directions kept pace with our physical +development? Have we developed the mind? Have we endeavored to develop +the brain? Have we endeavored to civilize the heart? I think we have. + +We spend more for schools per head than any nation in the world. And the +common school is the breath of life. + +Great Britain spends one dollar and thirty cents per head on the common +schools; France spends eighty cents; Austria, thirty cents; Germany, +fifty cents; Italy, twenty-five cents, and the United States over two +dollars and fifty cents. + +I tell you the schoolhouse is the fortress of liberty. Every schoolhouse +is an arsenal, filled with weapons and ammunition to destroy the +monsters of ignorance and fear. + +As I have said ten thousand times, the school-house is my cathedral. The +teacher is my preacher. + +Eighty-seven per cent, of all the people of the United States, over ten +years of age, can read and write. There is no parallel for this in the +history of the wide world. + +Over forty-two millions of educated citizens, to whom are opened all the +treasures of literature! + +Forty-two millions of people, able to read and write! I say, there is +no parallel for this. The nations of antiquity were very ignorant when +compared with this great Republic of ours. There is no other nation in +the world that can show a record like ours. We ought to be proud of +it. We ought to build more schools, and build them better. Our teachers +ought to be paid more, and everything ought to be taught in the public +school that is worth knowing. + +I believe that the children of the Republic, no matter whether their +fathers are rich or poor, ought to be allowed to drink at the fountain +of education, and it does not cost more to teach everything in the free +schools than it does teaching reading and writing and ciphering. + +Have we kept up in other ways? The post office tells a wonderful story. +In Switzerland, going through the post office in each year, are letters, +etc., in the proportion of seventy-four to each inhabitant. In England +the number is sixty; in Germany, fifty-three; in France, thirty-nine; in +Austria, twenty-four; in Italy, sixteen, and in the United States, our +own home, one hundred and ten. Think of it. In Italy only twenty-five +cents paid per head for the support of the public schools and only +sixteen letters. And this is the place where God's agent lives. I would +rather have one good schoolmaster than two such agents. + +There is another thing. A great deal has been said, from time to time, +about the workingman. I have as much sympathy with the workingman as +anybody on the earth--who does not work. There has always been a desire +in this world to let somebody else do the work, nearly everybody having +the modesty to stand back whenever there is anything to be done. In +savage countries they make the women do the work, so that the weak +people have always the bulk of the burdens. In civilized communities +the poor are the ones, of course, that work, and probably they are never +fully paid. It is pretty hard for a manufacturer to tell how much he +can pay until he sells the stuff which he manufactures. Every man who +manufactures is not rich. I know plenty of poor corporations; I know +tramp railroads that have not a dollar. And you will find some of them +as anarchistic as you will find their men. What a man can pay, depends +upon how much he can get for what he has produced. What the farmer can +pay his help depends upon the price he receives for his stock, his corn +and his wheat. + +But wages in this country are getting better day by day. We are getting +a little nearer to being civilized day by day, and when I want to make +up my mind on a subject I try to get a broad view of it, and not decide +it on one case. + +In 1860 the average wages of the workingman were, per year, two hundred +and eighty-nine dollars. In 1890 the average was four hundred and +eighty-five. Thus the average has almost doubled in thirty years. The +necessaries of life are far cheaper than they were in 1860. Now, to my +mind, that is a hopeful sign. And when I am asked how can the dispute +between employer and employee be settled, I answer, it will be settled +when both parties become civilized. + +It takes a long time to educate a man up to the point where he does not +want something for nothing. Yet, when a man is civilized, he does not. + +He wants for a thing just what it is worth; he wants to give labor its +legitimate reward, and when he has something to sell he never wants more +than it is worth. I do not claim to be civilized myself; but all these +questions between capital and labor will be settled by civilization. + +We are to-day accumulating wealth at the rate of more than seven million +dollars a day. Is not this perfectly splendid? + +And in the midst of prosperity let us never forget the men who helped +to save our country, the men whose heroism gave us the prosperity we now +enjoy. + +We have one-seventh of the good land of this world. You see there is a +great deal of poor land in the world. I know the first time I went to +California, I went to the Sink of the Humboldt, and what a forsaken look +it had. There was nothing there but mines of brimstone. On the train, +going over, there was a fellow who got into a dispute with a minister +about the first chapter of Genesis. And when they got along to the Sink +of the Humboldt the fellow says to the minister: + +"Do you tell me that God made the world in six days, and then rested on +the seventh?" + +He said, "I do." + +"Well," said the fellow, "don't you think he could have put in another +day here to devilish good advantage?" + +But, as I have said, we have got about one-seventh of the good land of +the world. I often hear people say that we have too many folks here; +that we ought to stop immigration; that we have no more room. The people +who say this know nothing of their country. They are ignorant of their +native land. I tell you that the valley of the Mississippi and the +valleys of its tributaries can support a population of five hundred +millions of men, women, and children. Don't talk of our being +overpopulated; we have only just started. + +Here, in this land of ours, five hundred million men and women and +children can be supported and educated without trouble. We can afford to +double two or three times more. But what have we got to do? We have got +to educate them when they come. That is to say, we have got to educate +their children, and in a few generations we will have them splendid +American citizens, proud of the Republic. + +We have no more patriotic men under the flag than the men who came from +other lands, the hundreds and thousands of those who fought to preserve +this country. And I think just as much of them as I would if they had +been born on American soil. What matters it where a man was born? It is +what is inside of him you have to look at--what kind of a heart he has, +and what kind of a head. I do not care where he was born; I simply ask, +Is he a man? Is he willing to give to others what he claims for himself? +That is the supreme test. + +Now, I have got a hobby. I do not suppose any of you have heard of it. +I think the greatest thing for a country is for all of its citizens to +have a home. I think it is around the fireside of home that the virtues +grow, including patriotism. We want homes. + +Until a few years ago it was the custom to put men in prison for debt. +The authorities threw a man into jail when he owed something which he +could not pay, and by throwing him into jail they deprived him of an +opportunity to earn what would pay it. After a little time they got +sense enough to know that they could not collect a debt in this way, +and that it was better to give him his freedom and allow him to earn +something, if he could. Therefore, imprisonment for debt was done away +with. + +At another time, when a man owed anything, if he was a carpenter, a +blacksmith or a shoemaker, and not able to pay it, they took his tools, +on a writ of sale and execution, and thus incapacitated him so that he +could do nothing. Finally they got sense enough to abolish that law, +to leave the mechanic his tools and the farmer his plows, horses and +wagons, and after this, debts were paid better than ever they were +before. + +Then we thought of protecting the home-builder, and we said: "We will +have a homestead exemption. We will put a roof over wife and child, +which shall be exempt from execution and sale," and so we preserved +hundreds of thousands and millions of homes, while debts were paid just +as well as ever they were paid before. + +Now, I want to take a step further. I want, the rich people of this +country to support it. I want the people who are well off to pay the +taxes. I want the law to exempt a homestead of a certain value, say from +two thousand dollars to two thousand five hundred, and to exempt it, not +only from sale on judgment and execution, but to exempt it from taxes of +all sorts and kinds. I want to keep the roof over the heads of children +when the man himself is gone. I want that homestead to belong not only +to the man, but to wife and children. I would like to live to see a roof +over the heads of all the families of the Republic. I tell you, it does +a man good to have a home. You are in partnership with nature when you +plant a hill of corn. When you set out a tree you have a new interest in +this world. When you own a little tract of land you feel as if you and +the earth were partners. All these things dignify human nature. + +Bad as I am, I have another hobby. There are thousands and thousands of +criminals in our country. I told you a little while ago I did not blame +the South, because of the conditions which prevailed in the South. The +people of the South did as they must. I am the same about the criminal. +He does as he must. + +If you want to stop crime you must treat it properly. The conditions of +society must not be such as to produce criminals. + +When a man steals and is sent to the penitentiary he ought to be sent +there to be reformed and not to be brutalized; to be made a better man, +not to be robbed. + +I am in favor, when you put a man in the penitentiary, of making him +work, and I am in favor of paying him what his work is worth, so that +in five years, when he leaves the prison cell, he will have from two +hundred dollars to three hundred dollars as a breastwork between him and +temptation, and something for a foundation upon which to build a nobler +life. + +Now he is turned out and before long he is driven back. Nobody will +employ him, nobody will take him, and, the night following the day of +his release he is without a roof over his head and goes back to his old +ways. I would allow him to change his name, to go to another State with +a few hundred dollars in his pocket and begin the world again. + +We must recollect that it is the misfortune of a man to become a +criminal. + +I have hobbies and plenty of them. + +I want to see five hundred millions of people living here in peace. If +we want them to live in peace, we must develop the brain, civilize the +heart, and above all things, must not forget education. Nothing should +be taught in the school that somebody does not know. + +When I look about me to-day, when I think of the advance of my country, +then I think of the work that has been done. + +Think of the millions who crossed the mysterious sea, of the thousands +and thousands of ships with their brave prows towards the West. + +Think of the little settlements on the shores of the ocean, on the banks +of rivers, on the edges of forests. + +Think of the countless conflicts with savages--of the midnight +attacks--of the cabin floors wet with the blood of dead fathers, mothers +and babes. + +Think of the winters of want, of the days of toil, of the nights of +fear, of the hunger and hope. + +Think of the courage, the sufferings and hardships. + +Think of the homesickness, the disease and death. + +Think of the labor; of the millions and millions of trees that were +felled, while the aisles of the great forests were filled with the +echoes of the ax; of the many millions of miles of furrows turned by the +plow; of the millions of miles of fences built; of the countless logs +changed to lumber by the saw--of the millions of huts, cabins and +houses. + +Think of the work. Listen, and you will hear the hum of wheels, the +wheels with which our mothers spun the flax and wool. Listen, and you +will hear the looms and flying shuttles with which they wove the cloth. + +Think of the thousands still pressing toward the West, of the roads they +made, of the bridges they built; of the homes, where the sunlight fell, +where the bees hummed, the birds sang and the children laughed; of the +little towns with mill and shop, with inn and schoolhouse; of the old +stages, of the crack of the whips and the drivers' horns; of the canals +they dug. + +Think of the many thousands still pressing toward the West, passing over +the Alleghanies to the shores of the Ohio and the great lakes--still +onward to the Mississippi--the Missouri. + +See the endless processions of covered wagons drawn by horses, by +oxen,--men and boys and girls on foot, mothers and babes inside. See the +glimmering camp fires at night; see the thousands up with the sun and +away, leaving the perfume of coffee on the morning air, and sometimes +leaving the new-made grave of wife or child. Listen, and you will hear +the cry of "Gold!" and you will see many thousands crossing the great +plains, climbing the mountains and pressing on to the Pacific. + +Think of the toil, the courage it has taken to possess this land! + +Think of the ore that was dug, the furnaces that lit the nights with +flame; of the factories and mills by the rushing streams. + +Think of the inventions that went hand in hand with the work; of the +flails that were changed to threshers; of the sickles that became +cradles, and the cradles that were changed to reapers and headers--of +the wooden plows that became iron and steel; of the spinning wheel that +became the jennie, and the old looms transformed to machines that almost +think--of the steamboats that traversed the rivers, making the towns +that were far apart neighbors and friends; of the stages that became +cars, of the horses changed to locomotives with breath of flame, and the +roads of dust and mud to highways of steel, of the rivers spanned and +the mountains tunneled. + +Think of the inventions, the improvements that changed the hut to the +cabin, the cabin to the house, the house to the palace, the earthen +floors and bare walls to carpets and pictures--that changed famine to +feast--toil to happy labor and poverty to wealth. + +Think of the cost. + +Think of the separation of families--of boys and girls leaving the old +home--taking with them the blessings and kisses of fathers and mothers. +Think of the homesickness, of the tears shed by the mothers left by the +daughters gone. Think of the millions of brave men deformed by labor now +sleeping in their honored graves. + +Think of all that has been wrought, endured and accomplished for our +good, and let us remember with gratitude, with love and tears the brave +men, the patient loving women who subdued this land for us. + +Then think of the heroes who served this country; who gave us this +glorious present and hope of a still more glorious future; think of the +men who really made us free, who secured the blessings of liberty, not +only to us, but to billions yet unborn. + +This country will be covered with happy homes and free men and free +women. + +To-day we remember the heroic dead, those whose blood reddens the paths +and highways of honor; those who died upon the field, in the charge, +in prison-pens, or in famine's clutch; those who gave their lives that +liberty should not perish from the earth. And to-day we remember the +great leaders who have passed to the realm of silence, to the land of +shadow. Thomas, the rock of Chickamauga, self-poised, firm, brave, +faithful; Sherman, the reckless, the daring, the prudent and the +victorious; Sheridan, a soldier fit to have stood by Julius Cæsar and +to have uttered the words of command; and Grant, the silent, the +invincible, the unconquered; and rising above them all, Lincoln, the +wise, the patient, the merciful, the grandest figure in the Western +world. We remember them all today and hundreds of thousands who are +not mentioned, but who are equally worthy, hundreds of thousands of +privates, deserving of equal honor with the plumed leaders of the host. + +And what shall I say to you, survivors of the death-filled days? To you, +my comrades, to you whom I have known in the great days, in the time +when the heart beat fast and the blood flowed strong; in the days of +high hope--what shall I say? All I can say is that my heart goes out to +you, one and all. To you who bared your bosoms to the storms of war; to +you who left loved ones to die, if need be, for the sacred cause. May +you live long in the land you helped to save; may the winter of your +age be as green as spring, as full of blossoms as summer, as generous as +autumn, and may you, surrounded by plenty, with your wives at your sides +and your grandchildren on your knees, live long. And when at last the +fires of life burn low; when you enter the deepening dusk of the last +of many, many happy days; when your brave hearts beat weak and slow, +may the memory of your splendid deeds; deeds that freed your fellow-men; +deeds that kept your country on the map of the world; deeds that kept +the flag of the Republic in the air--may the memory of these deeds fill +your souls with peace and perfect joy. Let it console you to know that +you are not to be forgotten. Centuries hence your story will be told in +art and song, and upon your honored graves flowers will be lovingly laid +by millions' of men and women now unborn. + +Again expressing the joy that I feel in having met you, and again saying +farewell to one and all, and wishing you all the blessings of life, I +bid you goodbye.* + + * At the last reunion of the Eleventh Illinois Cavalry, the + Colonel's old regiment, and the soldiers of Peoria county, + which Mr. Ingersoll attended, a little incident happened + which let us into the inner circle of his life. The meeting + was held at Elmwood. While the soldier were passing in + review the citizens and young people filled all the seats in + the park and crowded around the speaker's stand, so as to + occupy all available space. When the soldiers had finished + their parade and returned to the park, they found it + impossible to get near the speaker. Of course we were all + disappointed, but were forced to stand on the outskirts of + the vast throng. + + As soon as he ceased speaking, Mr. Ingersoll said to a + soldier that he would like to meet his comrades in the hall + at a certain hour in the afternoon. The word spread quickly, + and at the appointed hour the hall was crowded with + soldiers. The guard stationed at tue door was ordered to let + none but soldiers pass into the hall. Some of the comrades, + however, brought their wives. The guards, true to their + orders, refused to let the ladies pass. Just as Mr. + Ingersoll was ready to speak, word came to him that some of + the comrades' wives were outside and wanted permission to + pass the guard. The hall was full, but Mr. Ingersoll + requested all comrades whose wives were within reach to go + and get them. When his order had been complied with even + standing room was at a premium. When Mr. Ingersoll arose to + speak to that great assemblage of white-haired veterans and + their aged companions his voice was unusually tender, and the + wave of emotion that passed through the hall cannot be told + in words. Tears and cheers blended as Mr. Ingersoll arose + and began his speech with the statement that all present + were nearing the setting sun of life, and in all probability + that was the last opportunity many of them would have of + taking each other by the hand. + + In this half-hour impromptu speech the great-hearted man, + Robert G. Ingersoll, was seen at his best. It was not a + clash of opinions over party or creed, but it was a meeting + of hearts and communion together In the holy of holies of + human life. The address was a series of word-pictures that + still hang on the walls of memory. The speaker, in his most + sympathetic mood, drew a picture of the service of the G. A. + R., of the women of the republic, and then paid a beautiful + tribute to home and invoked the kindest and greatest + influence to guard his comrades and their companions during + the remainder of life's journey. + + We got very close to the man that day, where we could see + the heart of Mr. Ingersoll. I have often wished that a + reporter could have been present to preserve the address. + Imagine four beautiful word-paintings entitled, "The Service + of the G. A. R.," "The Influence of Noble Womanhood," "The + Sacredness of Home," and "The Pilgrimage of Life." Imagine + these word-paintings as drawn by Mr. Ingersoll under the + most favorable circumstances, and you have an idea of that + address. Mr. Ingersoll the Agnostic is a very different man + from Mr. Ingersoll the man and patriot. I cannot share the + doubts of this Agnostic. I cannot help admiring the man and + patriot.--The Rev. Frank McAlpine, Peoria Star, August 1, + 1895. + + + + +THE CHICAGO AND NEW YORK GOLD SPEECH. + + * "This world will see but one Ingersoll." + + Such was the terse, laconic, yet potent utterance that came + spontaneously from a celebrated statesman whose head is now + pillowed in the dust of death, as he stood in the lobby of + the old Burnet House in Cincinnati after the famous + Republican Convention in that city in 1876, at which Colonel + Robert G. Ingersoll made that powerful speech nominating + Blaine for the Presidency, one which is read and reread to- + day, and will be read in the future, as an example of the + highest art of the platform. + + That same sentiment in thought, emotion or vocal expression + emanated from upward of twenty thousand citizens last night + who heard the eloquent and magic Ingersoll in the great + tent stretched near the corner of Sacramento avenue and Lake + street as he expounded the living gospel of true + Republicanism. + + The old warhorse, silvered by long years of faithful service + to his country, aroused the same all-pervading enthusiasm as + he did in the campaigns of Grant and Hayes and Garfield. + + He has lost not one whit, not one iota of his striking + physical presence, his profound reasoning, his convincing + logic, his rollicking wit, grandiloquence--in fine, all the + graces of the orator of old, reenforced by increased + patriotism and the ardor of the call to battle for his + country, are still his in the fullest measure. + + Ingersoll in his powerful speech at Cincinnati, spoke in + behalf of a friend; last night he plead for his country. In + 1876 he eulogized a man; last night, twenty years afterward, + he upheld the principles of democratic government. Such was + the difference in his theme; the logic, the eloquence of his + utterances was the more profound In the same ratio. + + He came to the ground floor of human existence and talked as + man to man. His patriotism, be it religion, sentiment, or + that lofty spirit inseparable from man's soul, is his life. + Last night he sought to inspire those who heard him with the + same loyalty, and he succeeded. + + Those passionate outbursts of eloquence, the wit that fairly + scintillated, the logic as Inexorable as heaven's decrees, + his rich rhetoric and immutable facts driven straight to his + hearers with the strength of bullets, aroused applause that + came as spontaneous as sunlight. + + Now eliciting laughter, now silence, now cheers, the great + orator, with the singular charm of presence, manner and + voice, swayed his immense audience at his own volition. + Packed with potency was every sentence, each word a living + thing, and with them he flayed financial heresy, laid bare + the dire results of free trade, and exposed the dangers of + Populism. + + It was an immense audience that greeted him. The huge tent + was packed from center-pole to circumference, and thousands + went away because they could not gain entrance. The houses + in the vicinity were beautifully illuminated decorated. + + The Chairman, Wm. P. McCabe, in a brief but forcible speech, + presented Colonel Ingersoll to the vast audience. As the old + veteran of rebellion days arose from his seat, one + prolonged, tremendous cheer broke forth from the twenty + thousand throats. And it was fully fifteen minutes before + the great orator could begin to deliver his address. + + In his introductory speech Mr. McCabe said: + + "Friends and Fellow-Citizens: I have no set speech to make + to-night. My duty Is to introduce to you one whose big heart + and big brain is filled with love and patriotic care for the + things that concern the country he fought for and loved so + well. I now have the honor of introducing to you Hon. Robert + G. Ingersoll."--The Intrr-Ocean, Chicago, 111., October 9th, + 1895. + + +1896. + +LADIES and Gentlemen: This is our country. + +The legally expressed will of the majority is the supreme law of the +land. We are responsible for what our Government does. We cannot excuse +ourselves because of the act of some king, or the opinions of nobles. We +are the kings. We are the nobles. We are the aristocracy of America, and +when our Government does right we are honored, and when our Government +does wrong the brand of shame is on the American brow. + +Again we are on the field of battle, where thought contends with +thought, the field of battle where facts are bullets and arguments are +swords. + +To-day there is in the United States a vast congress consisting of the +people, and in that congress every man has a voice, and it is the duty +of every man to inquire into all questions presented, to the end that he +may vote as a man and as a patriot should. + +No American should be dominated by prejudice. No man standing under our +flag should follow after the fife and drum of a party. He should say to +himself: "I am a free man, and I will discharge the obligations of an +American citizen with all the intelligence I possess." + +I love this country because the people are free; and if they are not +free it is their own fault. + +To-night I am not going to appeal to your prejudices, if you have any. +I am going to talk to the sense that you have. I am going to address +myself to your brain and to your heart. I want nothing of you except +that you will preserve the institutions of the Republic; that you will +maintain her honor unstained. That is all I ask. + +I admit that all the parties who disagree with me are honest. Large +masses of mankind are always honest, the leader not always, but the mass +of people do what they believe to be right. Consequently there is no +argument in abuse, nothing calculated to convince in calumny. To be +kind, to be candid, is far nobler, far better, and far more American. We +live in a Democracy, and we admit that every other human being has the +same right to think, the same right to express his thought, the same +right to vote that we have, and I want every one who hears me to vote +in exact accord with his sense, to cast his vote in accordance with +his conscience. I want every one to do the best he can for the great +Republic, and no matter how he votes, if he is honest, I shall find no +fault. + +But the great thing is to understand what you are going to do; the great +thing is to use the little sense that we have. In most of us the capital +is small, and it ought to be turned often. We ought to pay attention, we +ought to listen to what is said and then think, think for ourselves. + +Several questions have been presented to the American people for their +solution, and I propose to speak a little about those questions, and I +do not want you to pretend to agree with me. I want no applause unless +you honestly believe I am right. + +Three great questions are presented: First, as to money; second, as +to the tariff, and third, whether this Government has the right of +self-defence. Whether this is a Government of law, or whether there +shall be an appeal from the Supreme Court to a mob. These are the three +questions to be answered next Tuesday by the American people. + +First, let us take up this money question. Thousands and thousands of +speeches have been made on the subject. Pamphlets thick as the leaves +of autumn have been scattered from one end of the Republic to the other, +all about money, as if it were an exceedingly metaphysical question, as +though there were something magical about it. + +What is money? Money is a product of nature. Money is a part of nature. +Money is something that man cannot create. All the legislatures and +congresses of the world cannot by any possibility create one dollar, any +more than they could suspend the attraction of gravitation or hurl a +new constellation into the concave sky. Money is not made. It has to be +found. It is dug from the crevices of rocks, washed from the sands of +streams, from the gravel of ancient valleys; but it is not made. It +cannot be created. Money is something that does not have to be redeemed. +Money is the redeemer. And yet we have a man running for the presidency +on three platforms with two Vice-Presidents, who says that money is the +creature of law. It may be that law sometimes is the creature of money, +but money was never the creature of law. + +A nation can no more create money by law than it can create corn and +wheat and barley by law, and the promise to pay money is no nearer money +than a warehouse receipt is grain, or a bill of fare is a dinner. If you +can make money by law, why should any nation be poor? + +The supply of law is practically unlimited. Suppose one hundred people +should settle on an island, form a government, elect a legislature. They +would have the power to make law, and if law can make money, if money +is the creature of law, why should not these one hundred people on the +island be as wealthy as Great Britain? What is to hinder? And yet we are +told that money is the creature of law. In the financial world that +is as absurd as perpetual motion in mechanics; it is as absurd as the +fountain of eternal youth, the philosopher's stone, or the transmutation +of metals. + +What is a dollar? People imagine that a piece of paper with pictures on +it, with signatures, is money. The greenback is not money--never was; +never will be. It is a promise to pay money; not money. The note of the +nation is no nearer money than the note of an individual. A bank note is +not money. It is a promise to pay money; that is all. + +Well, what is a dollar? In the civilized world it is twenty-three grains +and twenty-two one hundredths of pure gold. That is a dollar. Well, +cannot we make dollars out of silver? Yes, I admit it, but in order to +make a silver dollar you have got to put a dollars worth of silver in +the silver dollar, and you have to put as much silver in it as you can +buy for twenty-three grains and twenty-two one-hundredths' of a grain +of pure gold. It takes a dollar's worth of silver to make a dollar. +It takes a dollar's worth of paper to make a paper dollar. It takes a +dollar's worth of iron to make an iron dollar; and there is no way of +making a dollar without the value. + +And let me tell you another thing. You do not add to the value of gold +by coining it any more than you add to the value of wheat by measuring +it; any more than you add to the value of coal by weighing it. Why do +you coin gold? Because every man cannot take a chemist's outfit with +him. He cannot carry a crucible and retort, scales and acids, and so +the Government coins it, simply to certify how much gold there is in the +piece. + +Ah, but, says this same gentleman, what gives our money--our silver--its +value? It is because it is a legal tender, he says. Nonsense; nonsense. +Gold was not given value by being made a legal tender, but being +valuable it was made a legal tender. And gold gets no value to-day from +being a legal tender. I not only say that, but I will prove it; and I +will not only prove it, but I will demonstrate it. Take a twenty dollar +gold piece, hammer it out of shape, mar the Goddess of Liberty, pound +out the United States of America and batter the eagle, and after you get +it pounded how much is it worth? + +It is worth exactly twenty dollars. Is it a legal tender? No. Has its +value been changed? No. Take a silver dollar. It is a legal tender; now +pound it into a cube, and how much is it worth? A little less than fifty +cents. What gives it the value of a dollar? The fact that it is a legal +tender? No; but the promise of the Government to keep it on an equality +with gold. I will not only say this, but I will demonstrate it. I do not +ask you to take my word; just use the sense you have. + +The Mexican silver dollar has a little more silver in it than one of our +dollars, and the Mexican silver dollar is a legal tender in Mexico. If +there is any magic about legal tender it ought to work as well in Mexico +as in the United States. I take an American silver dollar and I go +to Mexico. I buy a dinner for a dollar and I give to the Mexican the +American dollar and he gives me a Mexican dollar in change. Yet both of +the dollars are legal tender. Why is it that the Mexican dollar is worth +only fifty cents? Because the Mexican Government has not agreed to keep +it equal with gold; that is all, that is all. + +We want the money of the civilized world, and I will tell you now that +in the procession of nations every silver nation lags behind--every one. +There is not a silver nation on the globe where decent wages are paid +for human labor--not one. The American laborer gets ten times as much +here in gold as a laborer gets in China in silver, twenty times as much +as a laborer does in India, four times as much as a laborer gets in +Russia; and yet we are told that the man who will "follow England" with +the gold standard lacks patriotism and manhood. What then shall we +say of the man that follows China, that follows India in the silver +standard? + +Does that require patriotism? + +It certainly requires self-denial. + +And yet these gentlemen say that our money is too good. They might as +well say the air is too pure; they might as well say the soil is too +rich. How can money be too good? Mr. Bryan says that it is so good, +people hoard it; and let me tell him they always will. Mr. Bryan wants +money so poor that everybody will be anxious to spend it. He wants money +so poor that the rich will not have it. Then he thinks the poor can get +it. We are willing to toil for good money. Good money means the comforts +and luxuries of life. Real money is always good. Paper promises and +silver substitutes may be poor; words and pictures may be cheap and may +fade to worthlessness--but gold shines on. + +In Chicago, many years ago, there was an old colored man at the Grand +Pacific. I met him one morning, and he looked very sad, and I said to +him, "Uncle, what is the matter?" "Well," he said, "my wife ran away +last night. Pretty good looking woman; a good deal younger than I am; +but she has run off." And he says: "Colonel, I want to give you my idea +about marriage. If a man wants to marry a woman and have a good time, +and be satisfied and secure in his mind, he wants to marry some woman +that no other man on God's earth would have." + +That is the kind of money these gentlemen want in the United States. +Cheap money. Do you know that the words cheap money are a contradiction +in terms? Cheap money is always discounted when people find out that it +is cheap. We want good money, and I do not care how much we get. But we +want good money. Men are willing to toil for good money; willing to +work in the mines; willing to work in the heat and glare of the furnace; +willing to go to the top of the mast on the wild sea; willing to work +in tenements; women are willing to sew with their eyes filled with tears +for the sake of good money. And if anything is to be paid in good money, +labor is that thing. If any man is entitled to pure gold, it is the man +who labors. Let the big fellows take cheap money. Let the men living +next the soil be paid in gold. But I want the money of this country as +good as that of any other country. + +When our money is below par we feel below par. I want our money, no +matter how it is payable, to have the gold behind it. That is the money +I want in the United States. + +I want to teach the people of the world that a Democracy is honest. I +want to teach the people of the world that America is not only capable +of self-government, but that it has the self-denial, the courage, the +honor, to pay its debts to the last farthing. + +Mr. Bryan tells the farmers who are in debt that they want cheap money. +What for? To pay their debts. And he thinks that is a compliment to the +tillers of the soil. The statement is an insult to the farmers, and the +farmers of Maine and Vermont have answered him. + +And if the farmers of those States with their soil can be honest, I +think a farmer in Illinois has no excuse for being a rascal. I regard +the farmers as honest men, and when the sun shines and the rains fall +and the frosts wait, they will pay their debts. They are good men, and I +want to tell you to-night that all the stories that have been told about +farmers being Populists are not true. + +You will find the Populists in the towns, in the great cities, in +the villages. All the failures, no matter for what reason, are on the +Populist's side. They want to get rich by law. They are tired of work. + +And yet Mr. Bryan says vote for cheap money so that you can pay your +debts in fifty cent dollars. Will an honest man do it? + +Suppose a man has borrowed a thousand bushels of wheat of his neighbor, +of sixty pounds to the bushel, and then Congress should pass a law +making thirty pounds of wheat a bushel. Would that farmer pay his debt +with five hundred bushels and consider himself an honest man? + +Mr. Bryan says, "Vote for cheap money to pay your debts," and thereupon +the creditor says, "What is to become of me?" Mr. Bryan says, "We will +make it one dollar and twenty-nine cents an ounce, and make it of the +ratio of sixteen to one, make it as good as gold." And thereupon the +poor debtor says, "How is that going to help me?" And in nearly all the +speeches that this man has made he has taken the two positions, first, +that we want cheap money to pay debts, and second, that the money would +be just as good as gold for creditors. + +Now, the question is: Can Congress make fifty cents' worth of silver +worth one dollar? That is the question, and if Congress can, then I +oppose the scheme on account of its extravagance. What is the use of +wasting all that silver? Think about it. If Congress can make fifty +cents' worth of silver worth a dollar by law, why can it not make one +cent's worth of silver worth a dollar by law. Let us save the silver and +use it for forks and spoons. The supply even of silver is limited--the +supply of law is inexhaustible. Do not waste silver, use more law. You +cannot fix values by law any more than you can make cooler summers by +shortening thermometers. + +There is another trouble. If Congress, by the free coinage of silver, +can double its value, why should we allow an Englishman with a million +dollars' worth of silver bullion at the market price, to bring it to +America, have it coined free of charge, and make it exactly double the +value? Why should we put a million dollars in his pocket? That is too +generous. Why not buy the silver from him in the open market and let the +Government make the million dollars? Nothing is more absurd; nothing is +more idiotic. I admit that Mr. Bryan is honest. I admit it. If he were +not honest his intellectual pride would not allow him to make these +statements. + +Well, another thing says our friend, "Gold has been cornered"; and +thousands of people believe it. + +You have no idea of the credulity of some folks. I say that it has not +been cornered, and I will not only prove it, I will demonstrate it. +Whenever the Stock Exchange or some of the members have a corner on +stocks, that stock goes up, and if it does not, that corner bursts. +Whenever gentlemen in Chicago get up a corner on wheat in the Produce +Exchange, wheat goes up or the corner bursts. And yet they tell me there +has been a corner in gold for all these years, yet since 1873 to the +present time the rate of interest has steadily gone down. + +If there had been a corner the rate of interest would have steadily +advanced. There is a demonstration. But let me ask, for my own +information, if they corner gold what will prevent their cornering +silver? Or are you going to have it so poor that it will not be worth +cornering? + +Then they say another thing, and that is that the demonetization of +silver is responsible for all the hardships we have endured, for all the +bankruptcy, for all the panics. That is not true, and I will not only +prove it, but I will demonstrate it. The poison of demonetization +entered the American veins, as they tell us, in 1873, and has been busy +in its hellish work from that time to this; and yet, nineteen years +after we were vaccinated, 1892, was the most prosperous year ever known +by this Republic. All the wheels turning, all the furnaces aflame, +work at good wages, everybody prosperous. How, Mr. Bryanite, how do you +account for that? Just be honest a minute and think about it. + +Then there is another thing. In 1816 Great Britain demonetized silver, +and that wretched old government has had nothing but gold from that day +to this as a standard. And to show you the frightful results of that +demonetization, that government does not own now above one-third of +the globe, and all the winds are busy floating her flags. There is a +demonstration. + +Mr. Bryan tells us that free coinage will bring silver 16 to 1. What is +the use of stopping there? Why not make it 1 to 1? Why not make it equal +with gold and be done with it? And why should it stop at exactly one +dollar and twenty-nine cents? I do not know. I am not well acquainted +with all the facts that enter into the question of value, but why should +it stop at exactly one dollar and twenty-nine cents? I do not know. And +I guess if he were cross-examined along toward the close of the trial he +would admit that he did not know. + +And yet this statesman calls this silver the money of our fathers. Well, +let us see. Our fathers did some good things. In 1792 they made gold and +silver the standards, and at a ratio of 15 to 1. But where you have two +metals and endeavor to make a double standard it is very hard to keep +them even. They vary, and, as old Dogberry says, "An two men ride of a +horse, one must ride behind." They made the ratio 15 to 1, and who did +it? Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton. Jefferson, the greatest +man, with one exception, that ever sat in the presidential chair. With +one exception. [A voice: "Who was that?"] Abraham Lincoln. Alexander +Hamilton, with more executive ability than any other man that ever +stood under the flag. And how did they fix the ratio? They found the +commercial value in the market; that is how they did it. And they went +on and issued American dollars 15 to 1; and in 1806, when Jefferson was +President, the coinage was stopped. Why? There was too much silver in +the dollars, and people instead of passing them around put them aside +and sold them to the silversmiths. + +Then in 1834 the ratios changed; not quite sixteen to one. That was +based again on the commercial value, and instead of sixteen to one they +went into the thousands in decimals. It was not quite sixteen to one. +They wanted to fix it absolutely on the commercial value. Then a few +more dollars were coined; and our fathers coined of these sacred dollars +up to 1873, eight millions, and seven millions had been melted. + +In 1853 the gold standard was in fact adopted, and, as I have told you, +from 1792 to 1873 only eight millions of silver had been coined. + +What have the "enemies of silver" done since that time? Under the act +of 1878 we have coined over four hundred and thirty millions of these +blessed dollars. We bought four million ounces of silver in the open +market every month, and in spite of the vast purchases silver continued +to go down. We are coining about two millions a month now, and silver is +still going down. Even the expectation of the election of Bryan cannot +add the tenth of one per cent, to the value of silver bullion. It is +going down day by day. + +But what I want to say to-night is, if you want silver money, measure it +by the gold standard. + +I wish every one here would read the speech of Senator Sherman, +delivered at Columbus a little while ago, in which he gives the history +of American coinage, and every man who will read it will find +that silver was not demonetized in 1873. You will find that it was +demonetized in 1853, and if he will read back he will find that the +apostles of silver now were in favor of the gold standard in 1873. +Senator Jones of Nevada in 1873 voted for the law of 1873. He said from +his seat in the Senate, that God had made gold the standard. He said +that gold was the mother of civilization. Whether he has heard from God +since or not I do not know. But now he is on the other side. Senator +Stewart of Nevada was there at the time; he voted for the act of 1873, +and said that gold was the only standard. He has changed his mind. So +they have said of me that I used to talk another way, and they have +published little portions of speeches, without publishing all that was +said. I want to tell you to-night that I have never changed on the money +question. + +On many subjects I have changed. I am very glad to feel that I have +grown a little in the last forty or fifty years. And a man should allow +himself to grow, to bud and blossom and bear new fruit, and not be +satisfied with the rotten apples under the tree. + +But on the money question I have not changed. Sixteen years ago in this +city at Cooper Union, in 1880, in discussing this precise question, I +said that I wanted gold and silver and paper; that I wanted the paper +issued by the General Government, and back of every paper dollar I +wanted a gold dollar or a silver dollar worth a dollar in gold. I said +then, "I want that silver dollar worth a dollar in gold if you have +to make it four feet in diameter." I said then, "I want our paper so +perfectly secure that when the savage in Central Africa looks upon a +Government bill of the United States his eyes will gleam as though he +looked at shining gold." I said then, "I want every paper dollar of the +Union to be able to hold up its hand and swear, 'I know that my Redeemer +liveth.'" I said then, "The Republic cannot afford to debase money; +cannot afford to be a clipper of coin; an honest nation, honest +money; for nations as well as individuals, honesty is the best policy +everywhere and forever." I have not changed on that subject. As I told +a gentleman the other day, "I am more for silver than you are because I +want twice as much of it in a dollar as you do." + +Ah, but they say, "free coinage would bring prosperity." I do not +believe it, and I will tell you why. Elect Bryan, come to the silver +standard, and what would happen? We have in the United States about six +hundred million dollars in gold. Every dollar would instantly go out +of circulation. Why? No man will use the best money when he can use +cheaper. Remember that. No carpenter will use mahogany when his contract +allows pine. Gold will go out of circulation, and what next would +happen? All the greenbacks would fall to fifty cents on the dollar. The +only reason they are worth a dollar now is because the Government has +agreed to pay them in gold. When you come to a silver basis they fall to +fifty cents. What next? All the national bank notes would be cut square +in two. Why? Because they are secured by United States bonds, and when +we come to a silver basis, United States bonds would be paid in silver, +fifty cents on the dollar. And what else would happen? What else? These +sacred silver dollars would instantly become fifty cent pieces, because +they would no longer be redeemable in gold; because the Government would +no longer be under obligation to keep them on a parity with gold. And +how much currency and specie would that leave for us in the United +States? In value three hundred and fifty million dollars. That is five +dollars per capita. We have twenty dollars per capita now, and yet +they want to go to five dollars for the purpose of producing prosperous +times! + +What else would happen? Every human being living on an income would lose +just one-half. Every soldiers' pension would be cut in two. Every human +being who has a credit in the savings bank would lose just one-half. +All the life insurance companies would pay just one-half. All the fire +insurance companies would pay just one-half, and leave you the ashes for +the balance. That is what they call prosperity. + +And what else? The Republic would be dishonored. The believers in +monarchy--in the divine right of kings--the aristocracies of the Old +World--would say, "Democracy is a failure, freedom is a fraud, and +liberty is a liar;" and we would be compelled to admit the truth. No; +we want good, honest money. We want money that will be good when we are +dead. We want money that will keep the wolf from the door, no matter +what Congress does. We want money that no law can create; that is what +we want. There was a time when Rome was mistress of the world, and there +was a time when the arch of the empire fell, and the empire was buried +in the dust of oblivion; and before those days the Roman people coined +gold, and one of those coins is as good to-night as when Julius Cæsar +rode at the head of his legions. That is the money we want. We want +money that is honest. + +But Mr. Bryan hates the bondholders. Who are the bondholders? Let us be +honest; let us have some sense. When this Government was in the flame +of civil war it was compelled to sell bonds, and everybody who bought a +bond bought it because he believed the great Republic would triumph at +last. Every man who bought a bond was our friend, and every bond that +he purchased added to the chances of our success. They were our friends, +and I respect them all. Most of them are dead, and the bonds they bought +have been sold and resold maybe hundreds of times, and the men who have +them now paid a hundred and twenty in gold, and why should they not be +paid in gold? Can any human being think of any reason? And yet Mr. Bryan +says that the debt is so great that it cannot be paid in gold. How much +is the Republic worth? Let me tell you? This Republic to-day--its +lands in cultivation, its houses, railways, canals, and money--is worth +seventy thousand million dollars. And what do we owe? One billion five +hundred million dollars, and what is the condition of the country? It is +the condition of a man who has seventy dollars and owes one dollar and +a half. This is the richest country on the globe. Have we any excuse for +being thieves? Have we any excuse for failing to pay the debt? No, sir; +no, sir. Mr. Bryan hates the bondholders of the railways. Why? I do not +know. What did those wretches do? They furnished the money to build the +one hundred and eighty thousand miles of railway in the United States; +that is what they did. + +They paid the money that threw up the road-bed, that shoveled the +gravel; they paid the men that turned the ore into steel and put it in +form for use; they paid the men that cut down the trees and made the +ties, that manufactured the locomotives and the cars. That is what they +did. No wonder that a presidential failure hates them. + +So this man hates bankers. Now, what is a banker? Here is a little town +of five thousand people, and some of them have a little money. They do +not want to keep it in the house because some Bryan man might find it; I +mean if it were silver. So one citizen buys a safe and rents a room +and tells all the people, "You deposit the overplus with me to hold it +subject to your order upon your orders signed as checks;" and so they +do, and in a little while he finds that he has on hand continually about +one hundred thousand dollars more than is called for, and thereupon he +loans it to the fellow who started the livery stable and to the chap +that opened the grocery and to the fellow with the store, and he makes +this idle money work for the good and prosperity of that town. And that +is all he does. And these bankers now, if Mr. Bryan becomes President, +can pay the depositors in fifty cent dollars; and yet they are such +rascally wretches that they say, "We prefer to pay back gold." You can +see how mean they are. + +Mr. Bryan hates the rich. Would he like to be rich? He hates the +bondholders. Would he like to have a million? He hates the successful +man. Does he want to be a failure? If he does, let him wait until +the third day of November. We want honest money because we are honest +people; and there never was any real prosperity for a nation or an +individual without honesty, without integrity, and it is our duty to +preserve the reputation of the great Republic. + +Better be an honest bankrupt than a rich thief. Poverty can hold in its +hand the jewel, honor--a jewel that outshines all other gems. A thousand +times better be poor and noble than rich and fraudulent. + +Then there is another question--the question of the tariff. I admit that +there are a great many arguments in favor of free trade, but I assert +that all the facts are the other way. I want American people as far as +possible to manufacture everything that Americans use. + +The more industries we have the more we will develop the American brain, +and the best crop you can raise in every country is a crop of good men +and good women--of intelligent people. And another thing, I want to keep +this market for ourselves. A nation that sells raw material will grow +ignorant and poor; a nation that manufactures will grow intelligent and +rich. It only takes muscle to dig ore. It takes mind to manufacture +a locomotive, and only that labor is profitable that is mixed with +thought. Muscle must be in partnership with brain. I am in favor of +keeping this market for ourselves, and yet some people say: "Give us the +market of the world." Well, why don't you take it? There is no export +duty on anything. You can get things out of this country cheaper than +from any other country in the world. Iron is as cheap here in the +ground, so are coal and stone, as any place on earth. The timber is as +cheap in the forest. Why don't you make things and sell them in Central +Africa, in China and Japan? Why don't you do it? I will tell you why. +It is because labor is too high; that is all. Almost the entire value is +labor. You make a ton of steel rails worth twenty-five dollars; the ore +in the ground is worth only a few cents, the coal in the earth only a +few cents, the lime in the cliff only a few cents--altogether not +one dollar and fifty cents; but the ton is worth twenty-five dollars; +twenty-three dollars and fifty cents labor! That is the trouble. The +steamship is worth five hundred thousand dollars, but the raw material +is not worth ten thousand dollars. The rest is labor. Why is labor +higher here than in Europe? Protection. And why do these gentlemen ask +for the trade of the world? Why do they ask for free trade? Because +they want cheaper labor. That is all; cheaper labor. The markets of +the world! We want our own markets. I would rather have the market +of Illinois than all of China with her four hundred millions. I would +rather have the market of one good county in New York than all of +Mexico. What do they want in Mexico? A little red calico, a few +sombreros and some spurs. They make their own liquor and they live on +red pepper and beans. What do you want of their markets? We want to keep +our own. In other words, we want to pursue the policy that has given us +prosperity in the past. We tried a little bit of free trade in 1892 when +we were all prosperous. I said then: "If Grover Cleveland is elected it +will cost the people five hundred million dollars." I am no prophet, nor +the son of a prophet, nor a profitable son, but I placed the figure too +low. His election has cost a thousand million dollars. There is an old +song, "You Put the Wrong Man off at Buffalo;" we took the wrong man on +at Buffalo. We tried just a little of it, not much. We tried the +Wilson bill--a bill, according to Mr. Cleveland, born of perfidy and +dishonor--a bill that he was not quite foolish enough to sign and +not brave enough to veto. We tried it and we are tired of it, and if +experience is a teacher the American people know a little more than they +did. We want to do our own work, and we want to mingle our thought with +our labor. We are the most inventive of all the peoples. We sustain the +same relation to invention that the ancient Greeks did to sculpture. We +want to develop the brain; we want to cultivate the imagination, and we +want to cover our land with happy homes. A thing is worth sometimes the +thought that is in it, sometimes the genius. Here is a man buys a little +piece of linen for twenty-five cents, he buys a few paints for fifteen +cents, and a few brushes, and he paints a picture; just a little one; a +picture, maybe, of a cottage with a dear old woman, white hair, +serene forehead and satisfied eyes; at the corner a few hollyhocks in +bloom--may be a tree in blossom, and as you listen you seem to hear the +songs of birds--the hum of bees, and your childhood all comes back to +you as you look. You feel the dewy grass beneath your bare feet once +again, and you go back in your mind until the dear old woman on the +porch is once more young and fair. There is a soul there. Genius has +done its work. And the little picture is worth five, ten, may be fifty +thousand dollars. All the result of labor and genius. + +And another thing we want is to produce great men and great women here +in our own country; then again we want business. Talk about charity, +talk about the few dollars that fall unconsciously from the hand of +wealth, talk about your poorhouses and your sewing societies and your +poor little efforts in the missionary line in the worst part of your +town! Ah, there is no charity like business. Business gives work to +labor's countless hands; business wipes the tears from the eyes of +widows and orphans; business dimples with joy the cheek of sorrow; +business puts a roof above the heads of the homeless; business covers +the land with happy homes. + +We do not want any populistic philanthropy. We want no fiat philosophy. +We want no silver swindles. We want business. Wind and wave are our +servants; let them work. Steam and electricity are our slaves; let them +toil. Let all the wheels whirl; let all the shuttles fly. Fill the air +with the echoes of hammer and saw. Fill the furnace with flame; the +moulds with liquid iron. Let them glow. + +Build homes and palaces of trade. Plow the fields, reap the waving +grain. Create all things that man can use. Business will feed the +hungry, clothe the naked, educate the ignorant, enrich the world with +art--fill the air with song. Give us Protection and Prosperity. Do not +cheat us with free trade dreams. Do not deceive us with debased coin. +Give us good money--the life blood of business--and let it flow through +the veins and arteries of commerce. + +And let me tell you to-night the smoke arising from the factories' great +plants forms the only cloud on which has ever been seen the glittering +bow of American promise. We want work, and I tell you to-night that my +sympathies are with the men who work, with the women who weep. I +know that labor is the Atlas on whose shoulders rests the great +superstructure of civilization and the great dome of science adorned +with all there is of art. Labor is the great oak, labor is the great +column, and labor, with its deft and cunning hands, has created the +countless things of art and beauty. I want to see labor paid. I want to +see capital civilized until it will be willing to give labor its share, +and I want labor intelligent enough to settle all these questions in the +high court of reason. And let me tell the workingman to-night: You will +never help your self by destroying your employer. You have work to sell. +Somebody has to buy it, if it is bought, and somebody has to buy it that +has the money. Who is going to manufacture something that will not sell. +Nobody is going into the manufacturing business through philanthropy, +and unless your employer makes a profit, the mill will be shut down and +you will be out of work. The interest of the employer and the employed +should be one. Whenever the employers of the continent are successful, +then the workingman is better paid, and you know it. I have some hope in +the future for the workingman. I know what it is to work. I do not think +my natural disposition runs in that direction, but I know what it is +to work, and I have worked with all my might at one dollar and a half a +week. I did the work of a man for fifty cents a day, and I was not sorry +for it. In the horizon of my future burned and gleamed the perpetual +star of hope. I said to myself: I live in a free country, and I have +a chance; I live in a free country, and I have as much liberty as any +other man beneath the flag, and I have enjoyed it. + +Something has been done for labor. Only a few years ago a man worked +fifteen or sixteen hours a day, but the hours have been reduced to at +least ten and are on the way to still further reduction. And while the +hours have been decreased the wages have as certainly been increased. In +forty years--in less--the wages of American workingmen have doubled. A +little while ago you received an average of two hundred and eighty-five +dollars a year; now you receive an average of more than four hundred and +ninety dollars; there is the difference. So it seems to me that the star +of hope is still in the sky for every workingman. Then there is another +thing: every workingman in this country can take his little boy on his +knee and say, "John, all the avenues to distinction, wealth, and glory +are open to you. There is the free school; take your chances with the +rest." And it seems to me that that thought ought to sweeten every drop +of sweat that trickles down the honest brow of toil. + +So let us have protection! How much? Enough, so that our income at least +will equal our outgo. That is a good way to keep house. I am tired of +depression and deficit. I do not like to see a President pawning bonds +to raise money to pay his own salary. I do not like to see the great +Republic at the mercy of anybody, so let us stand by protection. + +There is another trouble. The gentleman now running for the +presidency--a tireless talker--oh, if he had a brain equal to his vocal +chords, what a man! And yet when I read his speeches it seems to me +as though he stood on his head and thought with his feet. This man is +endeavoring to excite class against class, to excite the poor against +the rich. Let me tell you something. We have no classes in the United +States. There are no permanent classes here. The millionaire may be a +mendicant, the mendicant may be a millionaire. The man now working for +the millionaire may employ that millionaire's sons to work for him. +There is a chance for us all. Sometimes a numskull is born in the +mansion, and a genius rises from the gutter. Old Mother Nature has a +queer way of taking care of her children. You cannot tell. You cannot +tell. Here we have a free open field of competition, and if a man passes +me in the race I say: "Good luck. Get ahead of me if you can, you are +welcome." + +And why should I hate the rich? Why should I make my heart a den of +writhing, hissing snakes of envy? Get rich. I do not care. I am glad I +live in a country where somebody can get rich. It is a spur in the flank +of ambition. Let them get rich. I have known good men that were +quite rich, and I have known some mean men who were in straitened +circumstances. So I have known as good men as ever breathed the air, who +were poor. We must respect the man; what is inside, not what is outside. + +That is why I like this country. That is why I do not want it +dishonored. I want no class feeling. The citizens of America should be +friends. Where capital is just and labor intelligent, happiness dwells. +Fortunate that country where the rich are extravagant and the poor +economical. Miserable that country where the rich are economical and the +poor are extravagant. A rich spendthrift is a blessing. A rich miser is +a curse. Extravagance is a splendid form of charity. Let the rich spend, +let them build, let them give work to their fellow-men, and I will find +no fault with their wealth, provided they obtained it honestly. + +There was an old fellow by the name of Socrates. He happened to be +civilized, living in a barbarous time, and he was tried for his life. +And in his speech in which he defended himself is a paragraph that ought +to remain in the memory of the human race forever. + +He said to those judges, "During my life I have not sought ambition, +wealth. I have not sought to adorn my body, but I have endeavored to +adorn my soul with the jewels of patience and justice, and above all, +with the love of liberty." Such a man rises above all wealth. + +Why should we envy the rich? Why envy a man who has no earthly needs? +Why envy a man that carries a hundred canes? Why envy a man who has that +which he cannot use? I know a great many rich men and I have read about +a great many others, and I do not envy them. They are no happier than +I am. You see, after all, few rich men own their property. The property +owns them. It gets them up early in the morning. It will not let them +sleep; it makes them suspect their friends. Sometimes they think their +children would like to attend a first-class funeral. Why should we +envy the rich? They have fear; we have hope. They are on the top of the +ladder; we are close to the ground. They are afraid of falling, and we +hope to rise. + +Why should we envy the rich? They never drank any colder water than I +have. They never ate any lighter biscuits or any better corn bread. They +never drank any better Illinois wine, or felt better after drinking it, +than I have; than you have. They never saw any more glorious sunsets +with the great palaces of amethyst and gold, and they never saw the +heavens thicker with constellations; they never read better poetry. They +know no more about the ecstasies of love than we do. They never got any +more pleasure out of courting than I did. Why should we envy the rich? +I know as much about the ecstasies of love of wife and child and friends +as they. They never had any better weather in June than I have, or you +have. They can buy splendid pictures. I can look at them. And who owns +a great picture or a great statue? The man who bought it? Possibly, and +possibly not. The man who really owns it, is the man who understands +it, that appreciates it, the man into whose heart its beauty and genius +come, the man who is ennobled and refined and glorified by it. + +They have never heard any better music than I have. + +When the great notes, winged like eagles, soar to the great dome of +sound, I have felt just as good as though I had a hundred million +dollars. + +Do not try to divide this country into classes. The rich man that +endeavors to help his fellow-man deserves the honor and respect of the +great Republic. I have nothing against the man that got rich in the +free and open field of competition. Where they combine to rob their +fellow-men, then I want the laws enforced. That is all. Let them play +fair and they are welcome to all they get. + +And why should we hate the successful? Why? We cannot all be first. The +race is a vast procession; a great many hundred millions are back of the +center, and in front there is only one human being; that is all. Shall +we wait for the other fellows to catch up? Shall the procession stop? +I say, help the fallen, assist the weak, help the poor, bind up the +wounds, but do not stop the procession. + +Why should we envy the successful? Why should we hate them? And why +should we array class against class? It is all wrong. For instance, here +is a young man, and he is industrious. He is in love with a girl around +the corner. She is in his brain all day--in his heart all night, and +while he is working he is thinking. He gets a little ahead, they get +married. He is an honest man, he gets credit, and the first thing you +know he has a good business of his own and he gets rich; educates his +children, and his old age is filled with content and love. Good! His +companions bask in the sunshine of idleness. They have wasted their +time, wasted their wages in dissipation, and when the winter of life +comes, when the snow falls on the barren fields of the wasted days, then +shivering with cold, pinched with hunger, they curse the man who has +succeeded. Thereupon they all vote for Bryan. + +Then there is another question, and that is whether the Government has +a right to protect itself? And that is whether the employees of railways +shall have a right to stop the trains, a right to prevent interstate +commerce, a right to burn bridges and shoot engineers? Has the United +States the right to protect commerce between the States? I say, yes. + +It is the duty of the President to lay the mailed hand of the Republic +upon the mob. We want no mobs in this country. This is a Government of +the people and by the people, a Government of law, and these laws +should be interpreted by the courts in judicial calm. We have a supreme +tribunal. Undoubtedly it has made some bad decisions, but it has made +a vast number of good ones. The judges do the best they can. Of course +they are not like Mr. Bryan, infallible. But they are doing the best +they can, and when they make a decision that is wrong it will be +attacked by reason, it will be attacked by argument, and in time it will +be reversed, but I do not believe in attacking it with a torch or by a +mob. I hate the mob spirit. Civilized men obey the law. Civilized men +believe in order. Civilized men believe that a man that makes property +by industry and economy has the right to keep it. Civilized men believe +that that man has the right to use it as he desires, and they will judge +of his character by the manner in which he uses it. If he endeavors to +assist his fellow-man he will have the respect and admiration of his +fellow-men. But we want a Government of law. We do not want labor +questions settled by violence and blood. + +I want to civilize the capitalist so that he will be willing to give +what labor is worth. I want to educate the workingman so that he will be +willing to receive what labor is worth. I want to civilize them both to +that degree that they can settle all their disputes in the high court of +reason. + +But when you tell me that they can stop the commerce of the Nation, then +you preach the gospel of the bludgeon, the gospel of torch and bomb. I +do not believe in that religion. I believe in a religion of kindness, +reason and law. The law is the supreme will of the supreme people, and +we must obey it or we go back to savagery and black night. I stand +by the courts. I stand by the President who endeavors to preserve the +peace. I am against mobs; I am against lynchings, and I believe it is +the duty of the Federal Government to protect all of its citizens at +home and abroad; and I want a Government powerful enough to say to the +Governor of any State where they are murdering American citizens without +process of law--I want the Federal Government to say to the Governor of +that State: "Stop; stop shedding the blood of American citizens. And if +you cannot stop it, we can." I believe in a Government that will protect +the lowest, the poorest and weakest as promptly as the mightiest and +strongest. That is my Government. This old doctrine of State Sovereignty +perished in the flame of civil war, and I tell you to-night that that +infamous lie was surrendered to Grant with Lee's sword at Appomattox. + +I believe in a strong Government, not in a Government that can make +money, but in a strong Government. + +Oh, I forgot to ask the question, "If the Government can make money why +should it collect taxes?" + +Let us be honest. Here is a poor man with a little yoke of cattle, +cultivating forty acres of stony ground, working like a slave in the +heat of summer, in the cold blasts of winter, and the Government makes +him pay ten dollars taxes, when, according to these gentlemen, it could +issue a one hundred thousand dollar bill in a second. Issue the bill and +give the fellow with the cattle a rest. Is it possible for the mind to +conceive anything more absurd than that the Government can create money? + +Now, the next question is, or the next thing is, you have to choose +between men. Shall Mr. Bryan be the next President or shall McKinley +occupy that chair? Who is Mr. Bryan? He is not a tried man. If he had +the capacity to reason, if he had logic, if he could spread the wings of +imagination, if there were in his heart the divine flower called pity, +he might be an orator, but lacking all these, he is as he is. + +When Major McKinley was fighting under the flag, Bryan was in his +mother's arms, and judging from his speeches he ought to be there still. +What is he? He is a Populist. He voted for General Weaver. + +Only a little while ago he denied being a Democrat. His mind is filled +with vagaries. A fiat money man. His brain is an insane asylum without a +keeper. + +Imagine that man President. Whom would he call about him? Upon whom +would he rely? Probably for Secretary of State he would choose Ignatius +Donnelly of Minnesota; for Secretary of the Interior, Henry George; for +Secretary of War, Tillman with his pitchforks; for Postmaster-General, +Peffer of Kansas. Once somebody said: "If you believe in fiat money, +why don't you believe in fiat hay, and you can make enough hay out of +Peffer's whiskers to feed all the cattle in the country." For Secretary +of the Treasury, Coin Harvey. For Secretary of the Navy, Coxey, and then +he could keep off the grass. And then would come the millennium. The +great cryptogram and the Bacon cipher; the single tax, State saloons, +fiat money, free silver, destruction of banks and credit, bondholders +and creditors mobbed, courts closed, debts repudiated and the rest of +the folks made rich by law. + +And suppose Bryan should die, and then think, think of Thomas Watson +sitting in the chair of Abraham Lincoln. That is enough to give a +patriot political nightmare. + +If McKinley dies there is an honest capable man to take his place. A man +who believes in business, in prosperity. A man who knows what money is. +A man who would never permit the laying of a land warrant on a cloud. A +man of good sense, a man of level head. A man that loves his country, a +man that will protect its honor. + +And is McKinley a tried man? Honest, candid, level-headed, putting on +no airs, saying not what he thinks somebody else thinks, but what he +thinks, and saying it in his own honest, forcible way. He has made +hundreds of speeches during this campaign, not to people whom he ran +after, but to people who came to see him. Not from the tail end of cars, +but from the doorstep of his home, and every speech has been calculated +to make votes. Every speech has increased the respect of the American +people for him, every one. He has never slopped over. Four years ago +I read a speech made by him at Cleveland, on the tariff. I tell you +to-night that he is the best posted man on the tariff under the flag. +I tell you that he knows the road to prosperity. I read that speech. It +had foundation, proportion, dome, and he handled his facts as skillfully +as Caesar marshaled his hosts on the fields of war, and ever since +I read it I have had profound respect for the intelligence and +statesmanship of William McKinley. + +He will call about him the best, the wisest, and the most patriotic +men, and his cabinet will respect the highest and loftiest interests and +aspirations of the American people. + +Then you have to make another choice. You have to choose between +parties, between the new Democratic and the old Republican. And I want +to tell you the new Democratic is worse than the old, and that is a +good deal for me to say. In 1861 hundreds and hundreds of thousands of +Democrats thought more of country than of party. Hundreds and hundreds +of thousands shouldered their muskets, rushed to the rescue of the +Republic, and sustained the administration of Abraham Lincoln. With +their help the Rebellion was crushed, and now hundreds and hundreds of +thousands of Democrats will hold country above party and will join +with the Republicans in saving the honor, the reputation, of the United +States; and I want to say to all the National Democrats who feel that +they cannot vote for Bryan, I want to say to you, vote for McKinley. +This is no war for blank cartridges. Your gun makes as much noise, but +it does not do as much execution. + +If you vote for Palmer it is not to elect him, it is simply to defeat +Bryan, and the sure way to defeat Bryan is to vote for McKinley. You +have to choose between parties. The new Democratic party, with its +allies, the Populists and Socialists and Free Silverites, represents the +follies, the mistakes, and the absurdities of a thousand years. They are +in favor of everything that cannot be done. Whatever is, is wrong. They +think creditors are swindlers, and debtors who refuse to pay their debts +are honest men. Good money is bad and poor money is good. A promise is +better than a performance. They desire to abolish facts, punish success, +and reward failure. They are worse than the old. And yet I want to be +honest. I am like the old Dutchman who made a speech in Arkansas. He +said: "Ladies and Gentlemen, I must tell you the truth. There are +good and bad in all parties except the Democratic party, and in the +Democratic party there are bad and worse." The new Democratic party, a +party that believes in repudiation, a party that would put the stain of +dishonesty on every American brow and that would make this Government +subject to the mob. + +You have to make your choice. I have made mine. I go with the party that +is traveling my way. + +I do not pretend to belong to anything or that anything belongs to me. +When a party goes my way I go with that party and I stick to it as long +as it is traveling my road. And let me tell you something. The +history of the Republican party is the glory of the United States. The +Republican party has the enthusiasm of youth and the wisdom of old age. +The Republican party has the genius of administration. The Republican +party knows the wants of the people. The Republican party kept this +country on the map of the world and kept our flag in the air. The +Republican party made our country free, and that one fact fills all the +heavens with light. The Republican party is the pioneer of progress; the +grandest organization that has ever existed among men. The Republican +party is the conscience of the nineteenth century. I am proud to belong +to it. Vote the Republican ticket and you will be happy here, and if +there is another life you will be happy there. + +I had an old friend down in Woodford County, Charley Mulidore. He won +a coffin on Lincoln's election. He took it home and every birthday he +called in his friends. They had a little game of "sixty-six" on the +coffin lid. When the game was over they opened the coffin and took out +the things to eat and drink and had a festival, and the minister in +the little town, hearing of it, was scandalized, and he went to Charley +Mulidore and he said: "Mr. Mulidore, how can you make light of such +awful things?" "What things?" "Why," he said, "Mr. Mulidore, what did +you do with that coffin? In a little while you die, and then you come +to the day of judgment." "Well, Mr. Preacher, when I come to that day of +judgment they will say, 'What is your name?' I will tell them, 'Charley +Mulidore.' And they will say, 'Mr. Mulidore, are you a Christian?' 'No, +sir, I was a Republican, and the coffin I got out of this morning I won +on Abraham Lincoln's election.' And then they will say, 'Walk in, Mr. +Mulidore, walk in, walk in; here is your halo and there is your harp.'" + +If you want to live in good company vote the Republican ticket. Vote +for Black for Governor of the State of New York--a man in favor of +protection and honest money; a man that believes in the preservation of +the honor of the Nation. Vote for members of Congress that are true to +the great principles of the Republican party. Vote for every Republican +candidate from the lowest to the highest. This is a year when we mean +business. Vote, as I tell you, the Republican ticket if you want good +company. + +If you want to do some good to your fellow-men, if you want to say when +you die--when the curtain falls--when the music of the orchestra grows +dim--when the lights fade; if you want to live so at that time you can +say "the world is better because I lived," vote the Republican ticket +in 1896. Vote with the party of Lincoln--greatest of our mighty dead; +Lincoln the Merciful. Vote with the party of Grant, the greatest soldier +of his century; a man worthy to have been matched against Cæsar for the +mastery of the world; as great a general as ever planted on the field +of war the torn and tattered flag of victory. Vote with the party of +Sherman and Sheridan and Thomas. But the time would fail me to repeat +even the names of the philosophers, the philanthropists, the thinkers, +the orators, the statesmen, and the soldiers who made the Republican +party glorious forever. + +We love our country; dear to us for its reputation throughout the world. +We love our country for her credit in all the marts of the world. We +love our country, because under her flag we are free. It is our duty +to hand down the American institutions to our children unstained, +unimpaired. It is our duty to preserve them for ourselves, for our +children, and for their fair children yet to be. + +This is the last speech that I shall make in this campaign, and to-night +there comes upon me the spirit of prophecy. On November 4th you will +find that by the largest majorities in our history, William McKinley has +been elected President of the United States.* + + * The final rally of the McKinley League for the present + campaign, was held last night in Carnegie Music Hall, ana + the orator chosen to present the doctrines of the + Republican party was Robert G. Ingersoll. The meeting will + remain notable for the high character of the audience. The + great hall was filled to its utmost capacity. It was crowded + from the rear of the stage to the last row of seats in the + deep gallery. + + The boxes were occupied by brilliantly attired women, and + hundreds of other women vied with the sterner sex In the + applause that greeted the numerous telling points of the + speaker. The audience was a very fashionable and exclusive + one, for admission was only to be had by ticket, and tickets + were hard to get. + + On the stage a great company of men and women were gathered, + and over them waved rich masses of color, the American + colors, of course, predominating in the display Flags hung + from all the gallery rails, and the whole scheme of + decoration was consistent and beautiful. At 8.80 o'clock Mr. + John E. Milholland appeared upon the stage followed by Col. + Ingersoll. + + Without any delay Mr. Milholland was presented as the + chairman of the meeting. He spoke briefly of the purpose of + the party and then said; "There is no Intelligent audience + under the flag or in any civilized country to whom it would + be necessary for me to introduce Robert G. Ingersoll." And + the cheers with which the audience greeted the orator proved + the truth of his words. + + Col. Ingersoll rose impressively and advanced to the front + of the stage, from which the speaker's desk had been removed + in order to allow him full opportunity to indulge in his + habit of walking to and fro as he talked. He was greeted + with tremendous applause; the men cheered him and the women + waved their handkerchiefs and fans for several minutes. + + He was able to secure instant command of his audience, and + while the applause was wildest, he waved his hand, and the + gesture was followed by a silence that was oppressive. Still + the speaker waited. He did not intend to waste any of his + ammunition. Then, convinced that every eye was centred upon + him, he spoke, declaring "This is our country." The assembly + was his from that instant. He followed it up with a summary + of the issues of the campaign. They were "money, the tariff, + and whether this Government has the right of self-defence." + As he said later on in his address, the Colonel has changed + in a good many things, but he has not changed his politics, + and he has not altered one whit in his masterful command of + forceful sayings.--New York Tribune, October 80th, 1896. + + + Note:--This was Col. Ingersoll's last political address. + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. +9 (of 12), by Robert G. Ingersoll + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORKS OF INGERSOLL *** + +***** This file should be named 38809-8.txt or 38809-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/8/8/0/38809/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. 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Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/38809-8.zip b/38809-8.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..ec37c86 --- /dev/null +++ b/38809-8.zip diff --git a/38809-h.zip b/38809-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..36efe99 --- /dev/null +++ b/38809-h.zip diff --git a/38809-h/38809-h.htm b/38809-h/38809-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b5686fe --- /dev/null +++ b/38809-h/38809-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,13634 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="us-ascii"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en" xml:lang="en"> + <head> + <title> + The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Volume 9 (of 12) by Robert G. Ingersoll + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd0; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + .pagenum {display:inline; font-size: 70%; font-style:normal; + margin: 0; padding: 0; position: absolute; right: 1%; + text-align: right;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + +</style> + </head> + <body> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 9 +(of 12), by Robert G. Ingersoll + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 9 (of 12) + Dresden Edition--Political + +Author: Robert G. Ingersoll + +Release Date: February 9, 2012 [EBook #38809] +Last Updated: November 15, 2012 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORKS OF INGERSOLL *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + <p> + <a name="title" id="title"></a> + </p> + <h1> + THE WORKS OF ROBERT G. INGERSOLL + </h1> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h2> + By Robert G. Ingersoll + </h2> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h4> + "HE LOVES HIS COUNTRY BEST WHO STRIVES TO MAKE IT BEST." + </h4> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h3> + IN TWELVE VOLUMES, VOLUME IX. + </h3> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h2> + POLITICAL + </h2> + <h3> + DRESDEN EDITION + </h3> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto" cellpadding="4" border="3"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/38809/old/orig38809-h/main.htm">This + file has been formatted in a very plain format for use with tablet + readers. Those wishing to view this eBook in its normal more + appealing format for laptops and other computers may click on this + line to to view the original HTML file.</a> + </td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> + <img alt="titlepage (62K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> + <img alt="portrait (64K)" src="images/portrait.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <h2> + Contents + </h2> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkTOC">CONTENTS OF VOLUME IX.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0001">AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED PEOPLE.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0002">SPEECH AT INDIANAPOLIS.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0003">CENTENNIAL ORATION.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0004">BANGOR SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0005">COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0006">INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0007">CHICAGO SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0008">EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0009">HARD TIMES AND THE WAY OUT.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0010">SUFFRAGE ADDRESS.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0011">WALL STREET SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0012">BROOKLYN SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0013">ADDRESS TO THE 86TH ILLINOIS REGIMENT.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0014">DECORATION DAY ORATION.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0015">DECORATION DAY ADDRESS.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0016">RATIFICATION SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0017">REUNION ADDRESS.</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0018">THE CHICAGO AND NEW YORK GOLD SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="linkTOC" id="linkTOC"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + CONTENTS OF VOLUME IX. + </h2> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0001">AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED PEOPLE.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1867.)<br /> Slavery and its Justification by Law and Religion—Its + Destructive<br /> Influence upon Nations—Inauguration of the Modern + Slave Trade by the<br /> Portuguese Gonzales—Planted upon American + Soil—The Abolitionists,<br /> Clarkson, Wilberforce, and Others—The + Struggle in England—Pioneers<br /> in San Domingo, Oge and + Chevannes—Early Op-posers of Slavery in<br /> America—William + Lloyd Garrison—Wendell Phillips, Charles Sumner, John<br /> Brown—The + Fugitive Slave Law—The Emancipation Proclamation—Dread of<br /> + Education in the South—Advice to the Colored People.<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0006">INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1868.)<br /> Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus—Precedent + Established by the<br /> Revolutionary Fathers—Committees of Safety + appointed by the<br /> Continental Congress—Arrest of Disaffected + Persons in Pennsylvania<br /> and Delaware—Interference with + Elections—Resolution of Continental<br /> Congress with respect to + Citizens who Opposed the sending of Deputies<br /> to the Convention of + New York—Penalty for refusing to take Continental<br /> Money or + Pray for the American Cause—Habeas Corpus Suspended during the<br /> + Revolution—Interference with Freedom of the Press—Negroes + Freed and<br /> allowed to Fight in the Continental Army—Crispus + Attacks—An Abolition<br /> Document issued by Andrew Jackson—Majority + rule—Slavery and the<br /> Rebellion—Tribute to General + Grant.<br /> SPEECH NOMINATING BLAINE.<br /> (1876.)<br /> Note descriptive + of the Occasion—Demand of the Republicans of the<br /> United + States—Resumption—The Plumed Knight.<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0003">CENTENNIAL ORATION.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1876.)<br /> One Hundred Years ago, our Fathers retired the Gods + from Politics—The<br /> Declaration of Independence—Meaning + of the Declaration—The Old Idea<br /> of the Source of Political + Power—Our Fathers Educated by their<br /> Surroundings—The + Puritans—Universal Religious Toleration declared by<br /> the + Catholics of Maryland—Roger Williams—Not All of our Fathers + in<br /> favor of Independence—Fortunate Difference in Religious + Views—Secular<br /> Government—Authority derived from the + People—The Declaration and<br /> the Beginning of the War—What + they Fought For—Slavery—Results of<br /> a Hundred Years of + Freedom—The Declaration Carried out in Letter and<br /> Spirit.<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0004">BANGOR SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1876.)<br /> The Hayes Campaign—Reasons for Voting the + Republican Ticket—Abolition<br /> of Slavery—Preservation of + the Union—Reasons for Not Trusting the<br /> Democratic Party—Record + of the Republican Party—Democrats Assisted<br /> the South—Paper + Money—Enfranchisement of the Negroes—Samuel J.<br /> Tilden—His + Essay on Finance.<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0005">COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK.</a> + </p> + <p> + COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK.<br /> (1876.)<br /> All Citizens + Stockholders in the United States of America—The<br /> Democratic + Party a Hungry Organization—Political Parties<br /> Contrasted—The + Fugitive Slave Law a Disgrace to Hell in its Palmiest<br /> Days—Feelings + of the Democracy Hurt on the Subject of Religion—Defence<br /> of + Slavery in a Resolution of the Presbyterians, South—State of the<br /> + Union at the Time the Republican Party was Born—Jacob Thompson—The<br /> + National Debt—Protection of Citizens Abroad—Tammany Hall: + Its Relation<br /> to the Penitentiary—The Democratic Party of New + York City—"What<br /> Hands!"—Free Schools.<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0006">INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1876.)<br /> Address to the Veteran Soldiers of the Rebellion—Objections + to<br /> the Democratic Party—The Men who have been Democrats—Why + I am a<br /> Republican—Free Labor and Free Thought—A Vision + of War—Democratic<br /> Slander of the Greenback—Shall the + People who Saved the Country Rule<br /> It?—On Finance—Government + Cannot Create Money—The Greenback Dollar<br /> a Mortgage upon the + Country—Guarantees that the Debt will be Paid-'The<br /> + Thoroughbred and the Mule—The Column of July, Paris—The + Misleading<br /> Guide Board, the Dismantled Mill, and the Place where + there had been a<br /> Hotel,<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0007">CHICAGO SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1876.)<br /> The Plea of "Let Bygones be Bygones"—Passport + of the Democratic<br /> Party—Right of the General Government to + send Troops into Southern<br /> States for the Protection of Colored + People—Abram S. Hewitt's<br /> Congratulatory Letter to the Negroes—The + Demand for Inflation of the<br /> Currency—Record of Rutherford B. + Hayes—Contrasted with Samuel J.<br /> Tilden—Merits of the + Republican Party—Negro and Southern White—The<br /> Superior + Man—"No Nation founded upon Injustice can Permanently Stand."<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0008">EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1877.)<br /> On the Electoral Commission—Reminiscences of + the Hayes-Tilden Camp—<br /> Constitution of the Electoral College—Characteristics + of the Members—<br /> Frauds at the Ballot Box Poisoning the + Fountain of Power—Reforms<br /> Suggested—Elections too + Frequent—The Professional Office-seeker—A<br /> Letter on + Civil Service Reform—Young Men Advised against Government<br /> + Clerkships—Too Many Legislators and too Much Legislation—Defect + in the<br /> Constitution as to the Mode of Electing a President—Protection + of<br /> Citizens by State and General Governments—The Dual + Government in South<br /> Carolina—Ex-Rebel Key in the President's + Cabinet—Implacables and<br /> Bourbons South and North—"I + extend to you each and all the Olive Branch<br /> of Peace."<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0009">HARD TIMES AND THE WAY OUT.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1878.)<br /> Capital and Labor—What is a Capitalist?—The + Idle and the Industrious<br /> Artisans—No Conflict between Capital + and Labor—A Period of Inflation<br /> and Speculation—Life + and Fire Insurance Agents—Business done on<br /> Credit—The + Crash, Failure, and Bankruptcy—Fall in the Price of Real<br /> + Estate a Form of Resumption—Coming back to Reality—Definitions + of<br /> Money Examined—Not Gold and Silver but Intelligent Labor + the Measure<br /> of Value—Government cannot by Law Create Wealth—A + Bill of Fare not<br /> a Dinner—Fiat Money—American Honor + Pledged to the Maintenance of the<br /> Greenbacks—The Cry against + Holders of Bonds—Criminals and Vagabonds to<br /> be supported—Duty + of Government to Facilitate Enterprise—More Men must<br /> + Cultivate the Soil—Government Aid for the Overcoming of Obstacles + too<br /> Great for Individual Enterprise—The Palace Builders the + Friends of<br /> Labor—Extravagance the best Form of Charity—Useless + to Boost a Man<br /> who is not Climbing—The Reasonable Price for + Labor—The Vagrant and his<br /> strange and winding Path—What + to tell the Working Men.<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0010">SUFFRAGE ADDRESS.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1880.)<br /> The Right to Vote—All Women who desire the + Suffrage should have<br /> It—Shall the People of the District of + Columbia Manage their Own<br /> Affairs—Their Right to a + Representative in Congress and an Electoral<br /> Vote—Anomalous + State of Affairs at the Capital of the Republic—Not the<br /> + Wealthy and Educated alone should Govern—The Poor as Trustworthy + as the<br /> Rich—Strict Registration Laws Needed.<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0011">WALL STREET SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1880.)<br /> Obligation of New York to Protect the Best Interests + of the<br /> Country—Treason and Forgery of the Democratic Party in + its Appeal to<br /> Sword and Pen—The One Republican in the + Penitentiary of Maine—The<br /> Doctrine of State Sovereignty—Protection + for American Brain and<br /> Muscle—Hancock on the Tariff—A + Forgery (the Morey letter) Committed<br /> and upheld—The Character + of James A. Garfield.<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0012">BROOKLYN SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> (1880.)<br /> Introduced by Henry Ward Beecher (note)—Some + Patriotic<br /> Democrats—Freedom of Speech North and South—An + Honest Ballot—<br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0013">ADDRESS TO THE 86TH ILLINOIS REGIMENT.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0014">DECORATION DAY ORATION.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0015">DECORATION DAY ADDRESS.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0016">RATIFICATION SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0017">REUNION ADDRESS.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link0018">THE CHICAGO AND NEW YORK GOLD SPEECH.</a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <a name="link0001" id="link0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED PEOPLE. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * An address delivered to the colored people at Galesburg, + Illinois, 1867. +</pre> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS—Slavery has in a thousand forms existed in all ages, + and among all people. It is as old as theft and robbery. + </p> + <p> + Every nation has enslaved its own people, and sold its own flesh and + blood. Most of the white race are in slavery to-day. It has often been + said that any man who ought to be free, will be. The men who say this + should remember that their own ancestors were once cringing, frightened, + helpless slaves. + </p> + <p> + When they became sufficiently educated to cease enslaving their own + people, they then enslaved the first race they could conquer. If they + differed in religion, they enslaved them. If they differed in color, that + was sufficient. If they differed even in language, it was enough. If they + were captured, they then pretended that having spared their lives, they + had the right to enslave them. This argument was worthless. If they were + captured, then there was no necessity for killing them. If there was no + necessity for killing them, then they had no right to kill them. If they + had no right to kill them, then they had no right to enslave them under + the pretence that they had saved their lives. + </p> + <p> + Every excuse that the ingenuity of avarice could devise was believed to be + a complete justification, and the great argument of slaveholders in all + countries has been that slavery is a divine institution, and thus stealing + human beings has always been fortified with a "Thus saith the Lord." + </p> + <p> + Slavery has been upheld by law and religion in every country. The word + Liberty is not in any creed in the world. Slavery is right according to + the law of man, shouted the judge. It is right according to the law of + God, shouted the priest. Thus sustained by what they were pleased to call + the law of God and man, slaveholders never voluntarily freed the slaves, + with the exception of the Quakers. The institution has in all ages been + clung to with the tenacity of death; clung to until it sapped and + destroyed the foundations of society; clung to until all law became + violence; clung to until virtue was a thing only of history; clung to + until industry folded its arms—until commerce reefed every sail—until + the fields were desolate and the cities silent, except where the poor free + asked for bread, and the slave for mercy; clung to until the slave forging + the sword of civil war from his fetters drenched the land in the master's + blood. Civil war has been the great liberator of the world. + </p> + <p> + Slavery has destroyed every nation that has gone down to death. It caused + the last vestige of Grecian civilization to disappear forever, and it + caused Rome to fall with a crash that shook the world. After the + disappearance of slavery in its grossest forms in Europe, Gonzales pointed + out to his countrymen, the Portuguese, the immense profits that they could + make by stealing Africans, and thus commenced the modern slave-trade—that + aggregation of all horror—that infinite of all cruelty, prosecuted + only by demons, and defended only by fiends. And yet the slave-trade has + been defended and sustained by every civilized nation, and by each and all + has been baptized "Legitimate commerce," in the name of the Father, the + Son and the Holy Ghost: + </p> + <p> + It was even justified upon the ground that it tended to Christianize the + negro. + </p> + <p> + It was of the poor hypocrites who had used this argument that Whittier + said, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "They bade the slaveship speed from coast to coast, + Fanned by the wings of the Holy Ghost." +</pre> + <p> + Backed and supported by such Christian and humane arguments slavery was + planted upon our soil in 1620, and from that day to this it has been the + cause of all our woes, of all the bloodshed—of all the + heart-burnings—hatred and horrors of more than two hundred years, + and yet we hated to part with the beloved institution. Like Pharaoh we + would not let the people go. He was afflicted with vermin, with frogs—with + water turned to blood—with several kinds of lice, and yet would not + let the people go. We were afflicted with worse than all these combined—the + Northern Democracy—before we became grand enough to say, "Slavery + shall be eradicated from the soil of the Republic." When we reached this + sublime moral height we were successful. The Rebellion was crushed and + liberty established. + </p> + <p> + A majority of the civilized world is for freedom—nearly all the + Christian denominations are for liberty. The world has changed—the + people are nobler, better and purer than ever. + </p> + <p> + Every great movement must be led by heroic and self-sacrificing pioneers. + In England, in Christian England, the soul of the abolition cause was + Thomas Clarkson. To the great cause of human freedom he devoted his life. + He won over the eloquent and glorious Wilberforce, the great Pitt, the + magnificent orator, Burke, and that far-seeing and humane statesman, + Charles James Fox. + </p> + <p> + In 1788 a resolution was introduced in the House of Commons declaring that + the slave trade ought to be abolished. It was defeated. Learned lords + opposed it. They said that too much capital was invested by British + merchants in the slave-trade. That if it were abolished the ships would + rot at the wharves, and that English commerce would be swept from the + seas. Sanctified Bishops—lords spiritual—thought the scheme + fanatical, and various resolutions to the same effect were defeated. + </p> + <p> + The struggle lasted twenty years, and yet during all those years in which + England refused to abolish the hellish trade, that nation had the + impudence to send missionaries all over the world to make converts to a + religion that in their opinion, at least, allowed man to steal his brother + man—that allowed one Christian to rob another of his wife, his + child, and of that greatest of all blessings—his liberty. It was not + until the year 1808 that England was grand and just enough to abolish the + slave-trade, and not until 1833 that slavery was abolished in all her + colonies. + </p> + <p> + The name of Thomas Clarkson should be remembered and honored through all + coming time by every black man, and by every white man who loves liberty + and hates cruelty and injustice. + </p> + <p> + Clarkson, Wilberforce, Pitt, Fox, Burke, were the Titans that swept the + accursed slaver from that highway—the sea. + </p> + <p> + In St. Domingo the pioneers were Oge and Chevannes; they headed a revolt; + they were unsuccessful, but they roused the slaves to resistance. They + were captured, tried, condemned and executed. They were made to ask + forgiveness of God, and of the King, for having attempted to give freedom + to their own flesh and blood. They were broken alive on the wheel, and + left to die of hunger and pain. The blood of these martyrs became the seed + of liberty; and afterward in the midnight assault, in the massacre and + pillage, the infuriated slaves shouted their names as their battle-cry, + until Toussaint, the greatest of the blacks, gave freedom to them all. + </p> + <p> + In the United States, among the Revolutionary fathers, such men as John + Adams, and his son John Quincy—such men as Franklin and John Jay + were opposed to the institution of slavery. Thomas Jefferson said, + speaking of the slaves, "When the measure of their tears shall be full—when + their groans shall have involved heaven itself in darkness—doubtless + a God of justice will awaken to their distress, and by diffusing light and + liberality among their oppressors, or at length by his exterminating + thunder manifest his attention to the things of this world, and that they + are not left to the guidance of a blind fatality." + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine said, "No man can be happy surrounded by those whose + happiness he has destroyed." And a more self-evident proposition was never + uttered. + </p> + <p> + These and many more Revolutionary heroes were opposed to slavery and did + what they could to prevent the establishment and spread of this most + wicked and terrible of all institutions. + </p> + <p> + You owe gratitude to those who were for liberty as a principle and not + from mere necessity. You should remember with more than gratitude that + firm, consistent and faithful friend of your downtrodden race, Wm. Lloyd + Garrison. He has devoted his life to your cause. Many years ago in Boston + he commenced the publication of a paper devoted to liberty. Poor and + despised—friendless and almost alone, he persevered in that grandest + and holiest of all possible undertakings. He never stopped, or stayed, or + paused until the chain was broken and the last slave could lift his + toil-worn face to heaven with the light of freedom shining down upon him, + and say, I am a Free Man. + </p> + <p> + You should not forget that noble philanthropist, Wendell Phillips, and + your most learned and eloquent defender, Charles Sumner. + </p> + <p> + But the real pioneer in America was old John Brown. Moved not by + prejudice, not by love of his blood, or his color, but by an infinite love + of Liberty, of Right, of Justice, almost single-handed, he attacked the + monster, with thirty million people against him. His head was wrong. He + miscalculated his forces; but his heart was right. He struck the sublimest + blow of the age for freedom. It was said of him that, he stepped from the + gallows to the throne of God. It was said that he had made the scaffold to + Liberty what Christ had made the cross to Christianity. The sublime Victor + Hugo declared that John Brown was greater than Washington, and that his + name would live forever. + </p> + <p> + I say, that no man can be greater than the man who bravely and heroically + sacrifices his life for the good of others. No man can be greater than the + one who meets death face to face, and yet will not shrink from what he + believes to be his highest duty. If the black people want a patron saint, + let them take the brave old John Brown. And as the gentleman who preceded + me said, at all your meetings, never separate until you have sung the + grand song, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave, + But his soul goes marching on." +</pre> + <p> + You do not, in my opinion, owe a great debt of gratitude to many of the + white people. + </p> + <p> + Only a few years ago both parties agreed to carry out the Fugitive Slave + Law. If a woman ninety-nine one-hundredths white had fled from slavery—had + traveled through forests, crossed rivers, and through countless sufferings + had got within one step of Canada—of free soil—with the light + of the North Star shining in her eyes, and her babe pressed to her + withered breast, both parties agreed to clutch her and hand her back to + the dominion of the hound and lash. Both parties, as parties, were willing + to do this when the Rebellion commenced. + </p> + <p> + The truth is, we had to give you your liberty. There came a time in the + history of the war when, defeated at the ballot box and in the field—driven + to the shattered gates of eternal chaos—we were forced to make you + free; and on the first day of January, 1863, the justice so long delayed + was done, and four millions of people were lifted from the condition of + beasts of burden to the sublime heights of freedom. Lincoln, the immortal, + issued, and the men of the North sustained the great proclamation. + </p> + <p> + As in the war there came a time when we were forced to make you free, so + in the history of reconstruction came a time when we were forced to make + you citizens; when we were forced to say that you should vote, and that + you should have and exercise all the rights that we claim for ourselves. + </p> + <p> + And to-day I am in favor of giving you every right that I claim for + myself. + </p> + <p> + In reconstructing the Southern States, we could take our choice, either + give the ballot to the negro, or allow the rebels to rule. We preferred + loyal blacks to disloyal whites, because we believed liberty safer in the + hands of its friends than in those of its foes. + </p> + <p> + We must be for freedom everywhere. Freedom is progress—slavery is + desolation, cruelty and want. + </p> + <p> + Freedom invents—slavery forgets. The problem of the slave is to do + the least work in the longest space of time. The problem of free men is to + do the greatest amount of work in the shortest space of time. The free + man, working for wife and children, gets his head and his hands in + partnership. + </p> + <p> + Freedom has invented every useful machine, from the lowest to the highest, + from the simplest to the most complex. Freedom believes in education—the + salvation of slavery is ignorance. + </p> + <p> + The South always dreaded the alphabet. They looked upon each letter as an + abolitionist, and well they might. With a scent keener than their own + bloodhounds they detected everything that could, directly or indirectly, + interfere with slavery. They knew that when slaves begin to think, masters + begin to tremble. They knew that free thought would destroy them; that + discussion could not be endured; that a free press would liberate every + slave; and so they mobbed free thought, and put an end to free discussion + and abolished a free press, and in fact did all the mean and infamous + things they could, that slavery might live, and that liberty might perish + from among men. + </p> + <p> + You are now citizens of many of the States, and in time you will be of + all. I am astonished when I think how long it took to abolish the + slave-trade, how long it took to abolish slavery in this country. I am + also astonished to think that a few years ago magnificent steamers went + down the Mississippi freighted with your fathers, mothers, brothers, and + sisters, and maybe some of you, bound like criminals, separated from + wives, from husbands, every human feeling laughed at and outraged, sold + like beasts, carried away from homes to work for another, receiving for + pay only the marks of the lash upon the naked back. I am astonished at + these things. I hate to think that all this was done under the + Constitution of the United States, under the flag of my country, under the + wings of the eagle. + </p> + <p> + The flag was not then what it is now. It was a mere rag in comparison. The + eagle was a buzzard, and the Constitution sanctioned the greatest crime of + the world. + </p> + <p> + I wonder that you—the black people—have forgotten all this. I + wonder that you ask a white man to address you on this occasion, when the + history of your connection with the white race is written in your blood + and tears—is still upon your flesh, put there by the branding-iron + and the lash. + </p> + <p> + I feel like asking your forgiveness for the wrongs that my race has + inflicted upon yours. If, in the future, the wheel of fortune should take + a turn, and you should in any country have white men in your power, I pray + you not to execute the villainy we have taught you. + </p> + <p> + One word in conclusion. You have your liberty—use it to benefit your + race. Educate yourselves, educate your children, send teachers to the + South. Let your brethren there be educated. Let them know something of art + and science. Improve yourselves, stand by each other, and above all be in + favor of liberty the world over. + </p> + <p> + The time is coming when you will be' allowed to be good and useful + citizens of the Great Republic. This is your country as much as it is + mine. You have the same rights here that I have—the same interest + that I have. The avenues of distinction will be open to you and your + children. Great advances have been made. The rebels are now opposed to + slavery—the Democratic party is opposed to slavery, <i>as they say</i>. + There is going to be no war of races. Both parties want your votes in the + South, and there will be just enough negroes without principle to join the + rebels to make them think they will get more, and so the rebels will treat + the negroes well. And the Republicans will be sure to treat them well in + order to prevent any more joining the rebels. + </p> + <p> + The great problem is solved. Liberty has solved it—and there will be + no more slavery. On the old flag, on every fold and on every star will be + liberty for all, equality before the law. The grand people are marching + forward, and they will not pause until the earth is without a chain, and + without a throne. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0002" id="link0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH AT INDIANAPOLIS. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Hon. Robert G. Ingersoll, Attorney-General of Illinois, + spoke at the Rink last night to a large and appreciative + audience among whom were many ladies. The distinguished + speaker was escorted to the Rink by the battalion of the + Fighting Boys in Blue. Col. Ingersoll spoke at a great + disadvantage in having so large a hall to fill, but he has a + splendid voice and so overcame the difficulty. The audience + liberally applauded the numerous passages of eloquence and + humor in Col. Ingersoll's speeeh, and listened with the best + attention to his powerful argument, nor could they have done + otherwise, for the speaker has a national reputation and did + himself full justice last night—The Journal, Indianapolis, + Indiana, September 23, 1868. +</pre> + <p> + GRANT CAMPAIGN + </p> + <p> + THE Democratic party, so-called, have several charges which they make + against the Republican party. They give us a variety of reasons why the + Republican party should no longer be entrusted with the control of this + country. Among other reasons they say that the Republican party during the + war was guilty of arresting citizens without due process of law—that + we arrested Democrats and put them in jail without indictment, in Lincoln + bastiles, without making an affidavit before a Justice of the Peace—that + on some occasions we suspended the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>, that we + put some Democrats in jail without their being indicted. I am sorry we did + not put more. I admit we arrested some of them without an affidavit filed + before a Justice of the Peace. I sincerely regret that we did not arrest + more. I admit that for a few hours on one or two occasions we interfered + with the freedom of the press; I sincerely regret that the Government + allowed a sheet to exist that did not talk on the side of this Government. + </p> + <p> + I admit that we did all these things. + </p> + <p> + It is only proper and fair that we should answer these charges. Unless the + Republican party can show that they did these things either according to + the strict letter of law, according to the highest precedent, or from the + necessity of the case, then we must admit that our party did wrong. You + know as well as I that every Democratic orator talks about the fathers, + about Washington and Jackson, Madison, Jefferson, and many others; they + tell us about the good old times when politicians were pure, when you + could get justice in the courts, when Congress was honest, when the + political parties differed, and differed kindly and honestly; and they are + shedding crocodile tears day after day—praying that the good old + honest times might return again. They tell you that the members of this + radical party are nothing like the men of the Revolution. Let us see. + </p> + <p> + I lay this down as a proposition, that we had a right to do anything to + preserve this Government that our fathers had a right to do to found it. + If they had a right to put Tories in jail, to suspend the writ of <i>habeas + corpus</i>, and on some occasions <i>corpus</i>, in order to found this + Government, we had a right to put rebels and Democrats in jail and to + suspend the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> in order to preserve the + Government they thus formed. If they had a right to interfere with the + freedom of the press in order that liberty might be planted upon this + soil, we had a right to do the same thing to prevent the tree from being + destroyed. In a word, we had a right to do anything to preserve this + Government which they had a right to do to found it. + </p> + <p> + Did our fathers arrest Tories without writs, without indictments—did + they interfere with the personal rights of Tories in the name of liberty—did + they have Washington bastiles, did they have Jefferson jails—did + they have dungeons in the time of the Revolution in which they put men + that dared talk against this country and the liberties of the colonies? I + propose to show that they did—that where we imprisoned one they + imprisoned a hundred—that where we interfered with personal liberty + once they did it a hundred times—that they carried on a war that <i>was</i> + a war—that they knew that when an appeal was made to force that was + the end of law—that they did not attempt to gain their liberties + through a Justice of the Peace or through a Grand Jury; that they appealed + to force and the God of battles, and that any man who sought their + protection and at the same time was against them and their cause they took + by the nape of the neck and put in jail, where he ought to have been. + </p> + <p> + The old Continental Congress in 1774 and 1776 had made up their minds that + we ought to have something like liberty in these colonies, and the first + step they took toward securing that end was to provide for the selection + of a committee in every county and township, with a view to examining and + finding out how the people stood touching the liberty of the colonies, and + if they found a man that was not in favor of it, the people would not have + anything to do with him politically, religiously, or socially. That was + the first step they took, and a very sensible step it was. + </p> + <p> + What was the next step? They found that these men were so lost to every + principle of honor that they did not hurt them any by disgracing them. + </p> + <p> + So they passed the following resolution which explains itself: + </p> + <p> + <i>Resolved</i>. That it be recommended to the several provincial + assemblies or conventions or councils, or committees of safety, to arrest + and secure every person in their respective colonies whose going at large, + may, in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony or the liberties + of America.—Journal of Congress, vol. 1, page 149. + </p> + <p> + What was the Committee of Safety? Was it a Justice of the Peace? No. Was + it a Grand Jury? No. It was simply a committee of five or seven persons, + more or less, appointed to watch over the town or county and see that + these Tories were attending to their business and not interfering with the + rights of the colonies. Whom were they to thus arrest and secure? Every + man that had committed murder—that had taken up arms against + America, or voted the Democratic or Tory ticket? No. "Every person whose + going at large might in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony + or the liberties of America." It was not necessary that they had committed + any overt act, but if in the opinion of this council of safety, it was + dangerous to let them run at large they were locked up. Suppose that we + had done that during the last war? You would have had to build several new + jails in this county. What a howl would have gone up all over this State + if we had attempted such a thing as that, and yet we had a perfect right + to do anything to preserve our liberties, which our fathers had a right to + do to obtain them. + </p> + <p> + What more did they do? In 1777 the same Congress that signed the immortal + Declaration of Independence (and I think they knew as much about liberty + and the rights of men as any Democrat in Marion county) adopted another + resolution: + </p> + <p> + <i>Resolved</i>. That it be recommended to the Executive powers of the + several States, forthwith to apprehend and secure all persons who have in + their general conduct and conversation evinced a disposition inimical to + the cause of America, and that the persons so seized be confined in such + places and treated in such manner as shall be consistent with their + several characters and security of their persons.—-Journal of + Congress, vol. 2, p. 246. + </p> + <p> + If they had talked as the Democrats talked during the late war—if + they had called the soldiers, "Washington hirelings," and if when they + allowed a few negroes to help them fight, had branded the struggle for + liberty as an abolition war, they would be "apprehended and confined in + such places and treated in such manner as was consistent with their + characters and security of their persons," and yet all they did was to + show a disposition inimical to the independence of America. If we had + pursued a policy like that during the late war, nine out of ten of the + members of the Democratic party would have been in jail—there would + not have been jails and prisons enough on the face of the whole earth to + hold them. . + </p> + <p> + Now, when a Democrat talks to you about Lincoln bastiles, just quote this + to him: + </p> + <p> + <i>Whereas</i>, The States of Pennsylvania and Delaware are threatened + with an immediate invasion from a powerful army, who have already landed + at the head of Chesapeake Bay; and whereas, The principles of sound policy + and self-preservation require that persons who may be reasonably suspected + of aiding or abetting the cause of the enemy may be prevented from + pursuing measures injurious to the general weal, + </p> + <p> + <i>Resolved</i>, That the executive authorities of the States of + Pennsylvania and Delaware be requested to cause all persons within their + respective States, notoriously disaffected, to be apprehended, disarmed + and secured until such time as the respective States think they may be + released without injury to the common cause.—-Journal of Congress, + vol. 2, p. 240. + </p> + <p> + That is what they did with them. When there was an invasion threatened the + good State of Indiana, if we had said we will imprison all men who by + their conduct and conversation show that they are inimical to our cause, + we would have been obliged to import jails and corral Democrats as we did + mules in the army. Our fathers knew that the flag was never intended to + protect any man who wanted to assail it. + </p> + <p> + What more did they do? There was a man by the name of David Franks, who + wrote a letter and wanted to send it to England. In that letter he gave it + as his opinion that the colonies were becoming disheartened and sick of + the war. The heroic and chivalric fathers of the Revolution violated the + mails, took the aforesaid letter and then they took the aforesaid David + Franks by the collar and put him in jail. Then they passed a resolution in + Congress that inasmuch as the said letter showed a disposition inimical to + the liberties of the United States, Major General Arnold be requested to + cause the said David Franks to be forthwith arrested, put in jail and + confined till the further order of Congress. (Jour. Cong., vol. 3, p. 96 + and 97.) + </p> + <p> + How many Democrats wrote letters during the war declaring that the North + never could conquer the South? How many wrote letters to the soldiers in + the army telling them to shed no more fraternal blood in that suicidal and + unchristian war? It would have taken all the provost marshals in the + United States to arrest the Democrats in Indiana who were guilty of that + offence. And yet they are talking about our fathers being such good men, + while they are cursing us fordoing precisely what they did, only to a less + extent than they did. + </p> + <p> + We are still on the track of the old Continental Congress. I want you to + understand the spirit that animated those men. They passed a resolution + which is particularly applicable to the Democrats during the war: + </p> + <p> + With respect to all such unworthy Americans as, regardless of their duty + to their Creator, their country, and their posterity, have taken part with + our oppressors, and, influenced by the hope or possession of ignominious + rewards, strive to recommend themselves to the bounty of the + administration by misrepresenting and traducing the conduct and principles + of the friends of American liberty, and opposing every measure formed for + its preservation and security, + </p> + <p> + <i>Resolved</i>, That it be recommended to the different assemblies, + conventions and committees or councils of safety in the United Colonies, + by the most speedy and effectual measures, to frustrate the mischievous + machinations and restrain the wicked practices of these men. And it is the + opinion of this Congress that they ought to be disarmed and the more + dangerous among them either kept in safe custody or bound with sufficient + sureties for their good behavior. + </p> + <p> + And in order that the said assemblies, conventions, committees or councils + of safety may be enabled with greater ease and facility to carry this + resolution into execution, + </p> + <p> + <i>Resolved</i>, That they be authorized to call to their aid whatever + Continental troops stationed in or near their respective colonies that may + be conveniently spared from their more immediate duties, and commanding + officers of such troops are hereby directed to afford the said assemblies, + conventions, committees or councils of safety, all such assistance in + executing this resolution as they may require, and which, consistent with + the good of the service, may be supplied—Journal of Congress, vol. + i, p. 22, + </p> + <p> + Do you hear that, Democrat? The old Continental Congress said to these + committees and councils of safety: "Whenever you want to arrest any of + these scoundrels, call on the Continental troops." And General Washington, + the commander-in-chief of the army, and the officers under him, were + directed to aid in the enforcement of all the measures adopted with + reference to disaffected and dangerous persons. And what had these persons + done? Simply shown by their conversation, and letters directed to their + friends, that they were opposed to the cause of American liberty. They did + not even spare the Governors of States. They were not appalled by any + official position that a Tory might hold. They simply said, "If you are + not in favor of American liberty, we will put you 'where the dogs won't + bite you.'" One of these men was Governor Eden of Maryland. Congress + passed a resolution requesting the Council of Safety of Maryland to seize + and secure his person and papers, and send such of them as related to the + American dispute to Congress without delay. At the same time the person + and papers of another man, one Alexander Ross, were seized in the same + manner. Ross was put in jail, and his papers transmitted to Congress. + </p> + <p> + There was a fellow by the name of Parke and another by the name of Morton, + who presumed to undertake a journey from Philadelphia to New York without + getting a pass. Congress ordered them to be arrested and imprisoned until + further orders. They did not wait to have an affidavit filed before a + Justice of the Peace. They took them by force and put them in jail, and + that was the end of it. So much for the policy of the fathers, in regard + to arbitrary arrests. + </p> + <p> + During the war there was a great deal said about our occasionally + interfering with the elections. Let us see how the fathers stood upon that + question. + </p> + <p> + They held a convention in the State of New York in Revolutionary times, + and there were some gentlemen in Queens County that were playing the role + of Kentucky—they were going to be neutral—they refused to vote + to send deputies to the convention—they stood upon their dignity + just as Kentucky stood upon hers—a small place to stand on, the Lord + knows. What did our fathers do with them? They denounced them as unworthy + to be American citizens and hardly fit to live. Here is a resolution + adopted by the Continental Congress on the 3d of January, 1776: + </p> + <p> + <i>Resolved</i>, That all such persons in Queens County aforesaid as voted + against sending deputies to the present Convention of New York, and named + in a list of delinquents in Queens County, published by the Convention of + New York, be put out of the protection of the United Colonies, and that + all trade and intercourse with them cease; that none of the inhabitants of + that county be permitted to travel or abide in any part of these United + Colonies out of their said colony without a certificate from the + Convention or Committee of Safety of the Colony of New York, setting forth + that such inhabitant is a friend of the American cause, and not of the + number of those who voted against sending deputies to the said Convention, + and that such of the inhabitants as shall be found out of the said county + without such certificate, be apprehended and imprisoned three months. + </p> + <p> + <i>Resolved</i>, That no attorney or lawyer ought to commence, prosecute + or defend any action at law of any kind, for any of the said inhabitants + of Queens County, who voted against sending deputies to the Convention as + aforesaid, and such attorney or lawyer as shall countenance this + revolution, are enemies to the American cause, and shall be treated + accordingly. + </p> + <p> + What had they done? Simply voted against sending delegates to the + convention, and yet the fathers not only put them out of the protection of + law, but prohibited any lawyer from appearing in their behalf in a court. + Democrats, don't you wish we had treated you that way during the war? + </p> + <p> + What more did they do? They ordered a company of troops from Connecticut, + and two or three companies from New Jersey, to go into the State of New + York, and take away from every person who had voted against sending + deputies to the convention, all his arms, and if anybody refused to give + up his arms, they put him in jail. Don't you wish you had lived then, my + friend Democrat? Don't you wish you had prosecuted the war as our fathers + prosecuted the Revolution? + </p> + <p> + I now want to show you how far they went in this direction. A man by the + name of Sutton, who lived on Long Island, had been going around giving his + constitutional opinions upon the war. They had him arrested, and went on + to resolve that he should be taken from Philadelphia, pay the cost of + transportation himself, be put in jail there, and while in jail should + board himself. Wouldn't a Democrat have had a hard scramble for victuals + if we had carried out that idea? Just see what outrageous and terrible + things the fathers did. And why did they do it? Because they saw that in + order to establish the liberties of America it was necessary they should + take the Tory by the throat just as it was necessary for us to take rebels + by the throat during the late war. + </p> + <p> + They had paper money in those days—shin-plasters—and some of + the Democrats of those times had legal doubts about this paper currency. + One of these Democrats, Thomas Harriott, was called before a Committee of + Safety of New York, and there convicted of having refused to receive in + payment the Continental bills. The committee of New York conceiving that + he was a dangerous person, informed the Provincial Congress of the facts + in the case, and inquired whether Congress thought he ought to go at + large. Upon receipt of this information by Congress an order for the + imprisonment of the offender was passed, as follows: + </p> + <p> + <i>Resolved</i>, That the General Committee of the city of New York be + requested and authorized, and are hereby requested and authorized to + direct that Thomas Harriott be committed to close jail in this city, there + to remain until further orders of this Congress.—Amer. Archives, 4th + series, vol. 6, P. i, 344. + </p> + <p> + And yet all that he had done was to refuse to take Continental money. He + had simply given his opinion on the legal tender law, just as the + Democrats of Indiana did in regard to greenbacks, and as a few circuit + judges decided when they declared the Legal Tender Act unconstitutional. + It would have been perfectly proper and right that they, every man of + them, should be, like Thomas Harriott, "committed to close jail, there to + remain until further orders." + </p> + <p> + Did our forefathers ever interfere with religion? Yes, they did with a + preacher by the name of Daniels, because he would not pray for the + American cause. He thought he could coax the Lord to beat us. They said to + him, "You pray on our side, sir." He would not do it, and so they put him + in jail and gave him work enough to pray himself out, and it took him some + time to do it. They interfered with a <i>lack</i> of religion. They + believed that a Tory or traitor in the pulpit was no better than anybody + else. That is the way I have sometimes felt during the war. I have thought + that I would like to see some of those white cravatted gentlemen "snaked" + right out of the pulpits where they had dared to utter their treason, and + set to playing checkers through a grated window. + </p> + <p> + It is not possible that our fathers ever interfered with the writ of <i>habeas + corpus</i>, is it? Yes sir. Our fathers advocated the doctrine that the + good of the people is the supreme law of the land. They also advocated the + doctrine that in the midst of armies law falls to the ground; the doctrine + that when a country is in war it is to be governed by the laws of war. + They thought that laws were made for the protection of good citizens, for + the punishment of citizens that were bad, when they were not too bad or + too numerous; then they threw the law-book down while they took the cannon + and whipped the badness out of them; that is the next step, when the + stones you throw, and kind words, and grass have failed. They said, why + did we not appeal to law? We did; but it did no good. A large portion of + the people were up in arms in defiance of law, and there was only one way + to put them down, and that was by force of arms; and whenever an appeal is + made to force, that force is governed by the law of war. + </p> + <p> + The fathers suspended the writ in the case of a man who had committed an + offence in the State of New York. They sent him to the State of + Connecticut to be confined, just as men were sent from Indiana to Fort + Lafayette. The attorneys came before the convention of New York to hear + the matter inquired into, but the committee of the convention to whom the + matter was referred refused to inquire into the original cause of + commitment—a direct denial of the authority of the writ. The writ of + <i>habeas corpus</i> merely brings the body before the judge that he may + inquire why he is imprisoned. They refused to make any such inquiry. Their + action was endorsed by the convention and the gentleman was sent to + Connecticut and put in jail. They not only did these things in one + instance, but in a thousand. They took men from Maryland and put them in + prison in Pennsylvania, and they took men from Pennsylvania and confined + them in Maryland, Whenever they thought the Tories were so thick at one + point that the rascals might possibly be released, they took them + somewhere else. + </p> + <p> + They did not interfere with the freedom of the press, did they? Yes, sir. + They found a gentleman who was speaking and writing against the liberties + of the colonies, and they just took his paper away from him, and gave it + to a man who ran it in the interest of the colonies, using the Tory's type + and press. [A voice—That was right.] Right! of course it was right. + What right has a newspaper in Indiana to talk against the cause for which + your son is laying down his life on the field of battle? What right has + any man to make it take thousands of men more to crush a rebellion? What + right has any man protected by the American flag to do all in his power to + put it in the hands of the enemies of his country? The same right that any + man has to be a rascal, a thief and traitor—no other right under + heaven. Our fathers had sense enough to see that, and they said, "One + gentleman in the rear printing against our noble cause, will cost us + hundreds of noble lives at the front." Why have you a right to take a + rebel's horse? Because it helps you and weakens the enemy. That is by the + law of war. That is the principle upon which they seized the Tory printing + press. They had the right to do it. And if I had had the power in this + country, no man should have said a word, or written a line, or printed + anything against the cause for which the heroic men of the North + sacrificed their lives. I would have enriched the soil of this country + with him before he should have done it. A man by the name of James + Rivington undertook to publish a paper against the country. They would not + speak to him; they denounced him, seized his press, and made him ask + forgiveness and promise to print no more such stuff before they would let + him have his sheet again. No person but a rebel ever thought that was + wrong. There is no common sense in going to the field to fight and leaving + a man at home to undo all that you accomplish. + </p> + <p> + Our fathers did not like these Tories, and when the war was over they + confiscated their estates—took their land and gave it over to good + Union men. + </p> + <p> + How did they do it? Did they issue summons, and have a trial? No, sir. + They did it by wholesale—they did it by resolution, and the estates + of hundreds of men were taken from them without their having a day in + court or any notice or trial whatever. They said to the Tories: "You cast + your fortunes with the other side, let them pay you. The flag you fought + against protects the land you owned and it will prevent you from having + it." Nor is that all. They ran thousands of them out of the country away + up into Nova Scotia, and the old blue-nosed Tories are there yet. + </p> + <p> + In his letter to Governor Cooke of Rhode Island, Washington enumerates an + act of that colony, declaring that "none should speak, write, or act + against the proceedings of Congress or their Acts of Assembly, under + penalty of being disarmed and disqualified from holding any office, and + being further punished by imprisonment," as one that met his approbation, + and which should exist in other colonies. There is the doctrine for you + Democrats. So I could go on by the hour or by the day. I could show you + how they made domiciliary visits, interfered with travel, imprisoned + without any sort of writ or affidavit—in other words, did whatever + they thought was necessary to whip the enemy and establish their + independence. + </p> + <p> + What next do they charge against us? That we freed negroes. So we did. + That we allowed those negroes to fight in the army. Yes, we did, That we + allowed them to vote. We did that too. That we have made them citizens. + Yes, we have, and what are you Democrats going to do about it? + </p> + <p> + Now, what did our fathers do? Did they free any of the negroes? Yes, sir. + Did they allow any of them to fight in the army? Yes, sir. Did they permit + any of them to vote? Yes, sir. Did they make them citizens? Yes, sir. Let + us see whether they did or not. + </p> + <p> + Before we had the present Constitution we had what were called Articles of + Confederation. The fourth of those articles provided that every free + inhabitant of the colony should be a citizen. It did not make any + difference whether he was white or black; and negroes voted by the side of + Washington and Jefferson. Just here the question arises, if negroes were + good enough in 1787 and 1790 to vote by the side of such men, whether + rebels and their sympathizers are good enough now to vote alongside of the + negro. + </p> + <p> + Did they let any of these negroes fight? In 1750, when Massachusetts had + slaves, there appeared in the Boston Gazette the following notice: + </p> + <p> + "Ran away from his master, Wm. Brown, of Framingham, on the 30th September + last, a mulatto fellow, about 27 years of age, named Crispus, about 6 feet + high, short curly hair, had on a light colored bear-skin coat, brown + jacket, new buckskin breeches, blue yarn stockings and check woolen + shirt," etc. + </p> + <p> + This "mulatto fellow" did not come back, and so they advertised the next + week and the week following, but still the toes of the blue yarn socks + pointed the other way. That was in 1750. 1760 came and 1770, and the + people of this continent began to talk about having their liberties. And + while wise and thoughtful men were talking about it, making petitions for + popular rights and laying them at the foot of the throne, the King's + troops were in Boston. One day they marched down King street, on their way + to arrest some citizen. The soldiery were attacked by a mob, and at its + head was a "mulatto fellow" who shouted "here they are," and it was + observed that this "mulatto fellow" was about six feet high—that his + knees were nearer together than common, and that he was about 47 years of + age. The soldiers fired upon the mob and he fell, shot through with five + balls—the first man that led a charge against British aggression—the + first martyr whose blood was shed for American liberty upon this soil. + They took up that poor corpse, and as it lay in Faneuil Hall it did more + honor to the place than did Daniel Webster defending the Fugitive Slave + Law. + </p> + <p> + They allowed him to fight. Would our fathers have been brutal enough, if + he had not been killed, to put him back into slavery? No! They would have + said that a man who fights for liberty should enjoy it. If a man fights + for that flag it shall protect him. Perish forever from the heavens the + flag that will not defend its defenders, be they white or black. + </p> + <p> + Thus our fathers felt. They raised negro troops by the company and the + regiment, and gave his liberty to every man that fought for liberty. Not + only that, but they allowed them to vote. They voted in the Carolinas, in + Tennessee, in New York, in all the New England States. Our fathers had too + much decency to act upon the Democratic doctrine. + </p> + <p> + In the war of 1812, negroes fought at Lake Erie and at New Orleans, and + then the fathers, as in the Revolution, were too magnanimous to turn them + back into slavery. You need not get mad, my Democratic friends, because + you hate Ben. Butler. Let me read you an abolition document. + </p> + <p> + You will all say it is right; you cannot say anything else when you hear + it. Butler, you know, was down in New Orleans, and he made some of those + rebels dance a tune that they did not know, and he made them keep pretty + good time too: + </p> + <p> + <i>To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana:</i> + </p> + <p> + Through a mistaken policy you have heretofore been deprived of a + participation in the glorious struggle for national rights in which our + country is engaged. This shall no longer exist. As sons of freedom you are + now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessing. As Americans, + your country looks with confidence to her adopted children for a valorous + support as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and + equitable government. As fathers, husbands and brothers you are summoned + to rally around the standard of the eagle—to defend all which is + dear in existence. Your country, although calling for your exertions, does + not wish you to engage in her cause without amply remunerating you for the + services rendered. Your intelligent minds can not be led away by false + representations. Your love of honor would cause you to despise a man who + should attempt to deceive you. In the sincerity of a soldier and the + language of truth I address you. To every noble-hearted, generous free man + of color volunteering to serve during the present contest and no longer, + there will be paid the same bounty in money and lands now received by the + white soldiers of the United States, viz: $124 in money and one hundred + and sixty acres of land. The noncommissioned officers and privates will + also be entitled to the same monthly pay and daily rations and clothing + furnished any American soldier. + </p> + <p> + On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major General commanding will + select officers for your government from your white fellow-citizens. Your + non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves. Due + regard will be paid to their feelings as freemen and soldiers. You will + not by being associated with white men in the same corps, be exposed to + improper companions or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct battalion or regiment + pursuing the path of glory, you will undivided receive the applause and + gratitude of your countrymen. + </p> + <p> + To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions and my anxiety to engage + your valuable services to our country, I have communicated my wishes to + the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to the manner of + enrollment, and give you every necessary information on the subject of + this address. + </p> + <p> + This is a terrible document to a Democrat. Let us look back over it a + little. "Through a mistaken policy." We had not sense enough to let the + negroes fight during the first part of the war. "As sons of freedom" we + had got sense by this time. "Americans." Oh! shocking! Think of calling + negroes Americans. "Your country!" Is that not enough to make a Democrat + sick? "As fathers, husbands, brothers." Negro brothers. That is too bad. + "Your intelligent minds." Now, just think of a negro having an intelligent + mind. "Are not to be led away by false representations." Then precious few + of them will vote the Democratic ticket. "Your sense of honor will lead + you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive you." Then how they + will hate the Democratic party. Then he goes on to say that the same + bounty, money and land that the white soldiers receive will be paid to + these negroes. Not only that, but they are to have the same pay, clothing + and rations. Only think of a negro having as much land, as much to eat and + as many clothes to wear as a white man. Is not this a vile abolition + document? And yet there is not a Democrat in Indiana that dare open his + mouth against it, full of negro equality as it is. Now, let us see when + and by whom this proclamation was issued. You will find that it is dated, + "Headquarters 7th Military District, Mobile, September 21st, 1814," and + signed "Andrew Jackson, Major General Commanding." + </p> + <p> + Oh, you Jackson Democrats. You gentlemen that are descended from + Washington and Jackson—great heavens, what a descent! Do you think. + Jackson was a Democrat? He generally passed for a good Democrat; yet he + issued that abominable abolition proclamation and put negroes on an + equality with white men. That is not the worst of it, either; for after he + got these negroes into the army he made a speech to them, and what did he + say in that speech? Here it is in full: + </p> + <p> + <i>To the Men of Color:</i> + </p> + <p> + Soldiers—From the shores of Mobile I called you to arms. I invited + you to share in the perils and to divide the glory with your white + countrymen. I expected much from you, for I was not uninformed of those + qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew + that you could endure hunger, thirst, and all the hardships of war. I knew + that you loved the land of your nativity, and that like ourselves you had + to defend all that is most dear to man. But you surpass my hopes. I have + found in you united to these qualities that noble enthusiasm which impels + to great deeds. Soldiers, the President of the United States shall be + informed of your conduct on the present occasion and the voice of the + representatives of the American nation shall applaud your valor as your + General now praises your ardor. The enemy is near. His sails cover the + lakes. But the brave are united, and if he finds' us contending among + ourselves, it will be only for the prize of valor, its noblest reward. + </p> + <p> + There is negro equality for you. There is the first man since the heroes + of the Revolution died that issued a proclamation and put negroes on an + equality with white men, and he was as good a Democrat as ever lived in + Indiana. I could go on and show where they voted, and who allowed them to + vote, but I have said enough on that question, and also upon the question + of their fighting in the army, and of their being citizens, and have + established, I think conclusively, this: + </p> + <p> + <i>First</i>. That our fathers, in order to found this Government, + arrested men without warrant, indictment or affidavit by the hundred and + by the thousand; that we, in order to preserve the Government that they + thus founded, arrested a few people without warrant. + </p> + <p> + <i>Second</i>. That our fathers, for the purpose of founding the + Government, suspended the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>; that we, for the + purpose of preserving the same Government, did the same thing. + </p> + <p> + <i>Third</i>. That they, for the purpose of inaugurating this Government, + interfered with the liberty of the press; that we, on one or two + occasions, for the purpose of preserving the Government, interfered with + the liberty of the press. + </p> + <p> + <i>Fourth</i>. That our fathers allowed negroes to fight in order that + they might secure the liberties of America; that we, in order to preserve + those liberties, allow negroes to fight. + </p> + <p> + <i>Fifth</i>. That our fathers, out of gratitude to the negroes in the + Revolutionary war, allowed them to vote; that we have done the same. That + they made them citizens, and we have followed their example. + </p> + <p> + As far as I have gone, I have shown that the fathers of the Revolution and + the War of 1812 set us the example for everything we have done. Now, Mr. + Democrat, if you want to curse us, curse them too. Either quit yawping + about the fathers, or quit yawping about us. + </p> + <p> + Now, then, was there any necessity, during this war, to follow the example + of our fathers? The question was put to us in 1861: "Shall the majority + rule?" and also the balance of that question: "Shall the minority submit?" + The minority said they would not. Upon the right of the majority to rule + rests the entire structure of our Government. Had we, in 1861, given up + that principle, the foundations of our Government would have been totally + destroyed. In fact there would have been no Government, even in the North. + It is no use to say the majority shall rule if the minority consents. + Therefore, if, when a man has been duly elected President, anybody + undertakes to prevent him from being President, it is your duty to protect + him and enforce submission to the will of the majority. In 1861 we had + presented to us the alternative, either to let the great principle that + lies at the foundation of our Government go by the board, or to appeal to + arms, and to the God of battles, and fight it through. + </p> + <p> + The Southern people said they were going out of the Union; we implored + them to stay, by the common memories of the Revolution, by an apparent + common destiny; by the love of man, but they refused to listen to us—rushed + past us, and appealed to the arbitrament of the sword; and now I, for one, + say by the decision of the sword let them abide. + </p> + <p> + Now, I want to show how mean the American people were in 1861. The vile + and abominable institution of slavery had so corrupted us that we did not + know right from wrong. It crept into the pulpit until the sermon became + the echo of the bloodhound's bark. It crept upon the bench, and the judge + could not tell whether the corn belonged to the man that raised it, or to + the fellow that did not, but he rather thought it belonged to the latter. + We had lost our sense of justice. Even the people of Indiana were so far + gone as to agree to carry out the Fugitive Slave Law. Was it not low-lived + and contemptible? We agreed that if we found a woman ninety-nine one + hundredths white, who, inspired by the love of liberty, had run away from + her masters, and had got within one step of free soil, we would clutch her + and bring her back to the dominion of the Democrat, the bloodhound and the + lash. We were just mean enough to do it. We used to read that some + hundreds of years ago a lot of soldiers would march into a man's house, + take him out, tie him to a stake driven into the earth, pile fagots around + him, and let the thirsty flames consume him, and all because they differed + from him about religion. We said it was horrible; it made our blood run + cold to think of it; yet at the same time many a magnificent steamboat + floated down the Mississippi with wives and husbands, fragments of + families torn asunder, doomed to a life of toil, requited only by lashes + upon the naked back, and branding irons upon the quivering flesh, and we + thought little of it. When we set out to put down the Rebellion the + Democratic party started up all at once and said, "You are not going to + interfere with slavery, are you?" Now, it is remarkable that whenever we + were going to do a good thing, we had to let on that we were going to do a + mean one. If we had said at the outset, "We will break the shackles from + four millions of slaves" we never would have succeeded. We had to come at + it by degrees. The Democrats scented it out. They had a scent keener than + a bloodhound when anything was going to be done to affect slavery. "Put + down rebellion," they said, "but don't hurt slavery." We said, "We will + not; we will restore the Union as it was and the Constitution as it is." + We were in good faith about it. We had no better sense then than to think + that it was worth fighting for, to preserve the cause of quarrel—the + bone of contention—so as to have war all the time. Every blow we + struck for slavery was a blow against us. The Rebellion was simply slavery + with a mask on. We never whipped anybody but once so long as we stood upon + that doctrine; that was at Donelson; and the victory there was not owing + to the policy, but to the splendid genius of the next President of the + United States. After a while it got into our heads that slavery was the + cause of the trouble, and we began to edge up slowly toward slavery. When + Mr. Lincoln said he would destroy slavery if absolutely necessary for the + suppression of the Rebellion, people thought that was the most radical + thing that ever was uttered. But the time came when it was necessary to + free the slaves, and to put muskets into their hands. The Democratic party + opposed us with all their might until the draft came, and they wanted + negroes for substitutes; and I never heard a Democrat object to arming the + negroes after that. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [The speaker from this point presented the history of the + Republican policy of reconstruction, and touched lightly on + the subject of the national debt. He glanced at the + finances, reviewing in the most scathing manner the history + and character of Seymour, paid a most eloquent tribute to + the character and public services of General Grant, and + closed with the following words: ] +</pre> + <p> + The hero of the Rebellion, who accomplished at Shiloh what Napoleon + endeavored at Waterloo; who captured Vicksburg by a series of victories + unsurpassed, taking the keystone from the rebel arch; who achieved at + Missionary Ridge a success as grand as it was unexpected to the country; + who, having been summoned from the death-bed of rebellion in the West, + marched like an athlete from the Potomac to the James, the grandest march + in the history of the world. This was all done without the least flourish + upon his part. No talk about destiny—without faith in a star—with + the simple remark that he would "fight it out on that line," without a + boast, modest to bashfulness, yet brave to audacity, simple as duty, firm + as war, direct as truth—this hero, with so much common sense that he + is the most uncommon man of his time, will be, in spite of Executive + snares and Cabinet entanglements, of competent false witnesses of the + Democratic party, the next President of the United States. He will be + trusted with the Government his genius saved. + </p> + <p> + SPEECH AT CINCINNATI.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The nomination of Blaine was the passionately dramatic + scene of the day. Robert G. Ingersoll had been fixed upon to + present Blaine's name to the Convention, and, as the result + proved, a more effective champion could not have been + selected in the whole party conclave. + + As the clerk, running down the list, reached Maine, an + extraordinary event happened. The applause and cheers which + had heretofore broken out in desultory patches of the + galleries and platform, broke in a simultaneous, thunderous + outburst from every part of the house. + + Ingersoll moved out from the obscure corner and advanced to + the central stage. As he walked forward the thundering + cheers, sustained and swelling, never ceased. As he reached + the platform they took on an increased volume of sound, and + for ten minutes the surging fury of acclamation, the wild + waving of fans, hats, and handkerchiefs transformed the + scene from one of deliberation to that of a bedlam of + rapturous delirium. Ingersoll waited with unimpaired + serenity, until he should get a chance to be heard. * * * + And then began an appeal, impassioned, artful, brilliant, + and persuasive. * * * + + Possessed of a fine figure, a face of winning, cordial + frankness, Ingersoll had half won his audience before he + spoke a word. It is the attestation of every man that heard + him, that so brilliant a master stroke was never uttered + before a political Convention. Its effect was indescribable. + The coolest-headed in the hall were stirred to the wildest + expression. The adversaries of Blaine, as well as his + friends, listened with unswerving, absorbed attention. + Curtis sat spell-bound, his eyes and mouth wide open, his + figure moving in unison to the tremendous periods that fell + in a measured, exquisitely graduated flow from the + Illinoisan's smiling lips. The matchless method and manner + of the man can never be imagined from the report in type. To + realize the prodigious force, the inexpressible power, the + irrestrainable fervor of the audience requires actual sight. + + Words can do but meagre justice to the wizard power of this + extraordinary man. He swayed and moved and impelled and + restrained and worked in all ways with the mass before him + as if he possessed some key to the innermost mechanism that + moves the human heart, and when he finished, his fine, frank + face as calm as when he began, the overwrought thousands + sank back in an exhaustion of unspeakable wonder and + delight.—Chicago Times, June 16, 1876. +</pre> + <p> + SPEECH NOMINATING BLAINE. + </p> + <p> + June 75, 1876. + </p> + <p> + MASSACHUSETTS may be satisfied with the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristow; so + am I; but if any man nominated by this convention can not carry the State + of Massachusetts, I am not satisfied with the loyalty of that State. If + the nominee of this convention cannot carry the grand old Commonwealth of + Massachusetts by seventy-five thousand majority, I would advise them to + sell out Faneuil Hall as a Democratic headquarters. I would advise them to + take from Bunker Hill that old monument of glory. + </p> + <p> + The Republicans of the United States demand as their leader in the great + contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of integrity, a man of + well-known and approved political opinions. They demand a statesman; they + demand a reformer after as well as before the election. They demand a + politician in the highest, broadest and best sense—a man of superb + moral courage. They demand a man acquainted with public affairs—with + the wants of the people; with not only the requirements of the hour, but + with the demands of the future. They demand a man broad enough to + comprehend the relations of this Government to the other nations of the + earth. They demand a man well versed in the powers, duties and + prerogatives of each and every department of this Government. They demand + a man who will sacredly preserve the financial honor of the United States; + one who knows enough to know that the national debt must be paid through + the prosperity of this people; one who knows enough to know that all the + financial theories in the world cannot redeem a single dollar; one who + knows enough to know that all the money must be made, not by law, but by + labor; one who knows enough to know that the people of the United States + have the industry to make the money, and the honor to pay it over just as + fast as they make it. + </p> + <p> + The Republicans of the United States demand a man who knows that + prosperity and resumption, when they come, must come together; that when + they come, they will come hand in hand through the golden harvest fields; + hand in hand by the whirling spindles and the turning wheels; hand in hand + past the open furnace doors; hand in hand by the flaming forges; hand in + hand by the chimneys filled with eager fire, greeted and grasped by the + countless sons of toil. + </p> + <p> + This money has to be dug out of the earth. You cannot make it by passing + resolutions in a political convention. + </p> + <p> + The Republicans of the United States want a man who knows that this + Government should protect every citizen, at home and abroad; who knows + that any government that will not defend its defenders, and protect its + protectors, is a disgrace to the map of the world. They demand a man who + believes in the eternal separation and divorcement of church and school. + They demand a man whose political reputation is spotless as a star; but + they do not demand that their candidate shall have a certificate of moral + character signed by a Confederate congress. The man who has, in full, + heaped and rounded measure, all these splendid qualifications, is the + present grand and gallant leader of the Republican party—James G. + Blaine. + </p> + <p> + Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous achievements of its first + century, asks for a man worthy of the past, and prophetic of her future; + asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks for a man who is the + grandest combination of heart, conscience and brain beneath her flag—such + a man is James G. Blaine. + </p> + <p> + For the Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no defeat. + </p> + <p> + This is a grand year—a year filled with recollections of the + Revolution; filled with proud and tender memories of the past; with the + sacred legends of liberty—a year in which the sons of freedom will + drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; a year in which the people call + for the man who has preserved in Congress what our soldiers won upon the + field; a year in which they call for the man who has torn from the throat + of treason the tongue of slander—for the man who has snatched the + mask of Democracy from the hideous face of rebellion; for the man who, + like an intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena of debate and + challenged all comers, and who is still a total stranger to defeat. + </p> + <p> + Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched down + the halls of the American Congress and threw his shining lance full and + fair against the brazen foreheads of the defamers of his country and the + maligners of his honor. For the Republican party to desert this gallant + leader now, is as though an army should desert their general upon the + field of battle. + </p> + <p> + James G. Blaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the sacred + standard of the Republican party. I call it sacred, because no human being + can stand beneath its folds without becoming and without remaining free. + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great Republic, the only + republic that ever existed upon this earth; in the name of all her + defenders and of all her supporters; in the name of all her soldiers + living; in the name of all her soldiers dead upon the field of battle, and + in the name of those who perished in the skeleton clutch of famine at + Andersonville and Libby, whose sufferings he so vividly remembers, + Illinois—Illinois nominates for the next President of this country, + that prince of parliamentarians—that leader of leaders—James + G. Blaine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0003" id="link0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + CENTENNIAL ORATION. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Delivered on the one hundredth Anniversary of the + Declaration of Independence, at Peoria, Ill., July 4, 1876. +</pre> + <p> + July 4, 1876. + </p> + <p> + THE Declaration of Independence is the grandest, the bravest, and the + profoundest political document that was ever signed by the representatives + of a people. It is the embodiment of physical and moral courage and of + political wisdom. + </p> + <p> + I say of physical courage, because it was a declaration of war against the + most powerful nation then on the globe; a declaration of war by thirteen + weak, unorganized colonies; a declaration of war by a few people, without + military stores, without wealth, without strength, against the most + powerful kingdom on the earth; a declaration of war made when the British + navy, at that day the mistress of every sea, was hovering along the coast + of America, looking after defenceless towns and villages to ravage and + destroy. It was made when thousands of English soldiers were upon our + soil, and when the principal cities of America were in the substantial + possession of the enemy. And so, I say, all things considered, it was the + bravest political document ever signed by man. And if it was physically + brave, the moral courage of the document is almost infinitely beyond the + physical. They had the courage not only, but they had the almost infinite + wisdom, to declare that all men are created equal. + </p> + <p> + Such things had occasionally been said by some political enthusiast in the + olden time, but, for the first time in the history of the world, the + representatives of a nation, the representatives of a real, living, + breathing, hoping people, declared that all men are created equal. With + one blow, with one stroke of the pen, they struck down all the cruel, + heartless barriers that aristocracy, that priestcraft, that kingcraft had + raised between man and man. They struck down with one immortal blow that + infamous spirit of caste that makes a god almost a beast, and a beast + almost a god. With one word, with one blow, they wiped away and utterly + destroyed, all that had been done by centuries of war—centuries of + hypocrisy—centuries of injustice. + </p> + <p> + One hundred years ago our fathers retired the gods from politics. + </p> + <p> + What more did they do? They then declared that each man has a right to + live. And what does that mean? It means that he has the right to make his + living. It means that he has the right to breathe the air, to work the + land, that he stands the equal of every other human being beneath the + shining stars; entitled to the product of his labor—the labor of his + hand and of his brain. + </p> + <p> + What more? That every man has the right to pursue his own happiness in his + own way. Grander words than these have never been spoken by man. + </p> + <p> + And what more did these men say? They laid down the doctrine that + governments were instituted among men for the purpose of preserving the + rights of the people. The old idea was that people existed solely for the + benefit of the state—that is to say, for kings and nobles. + </p> + <p> + The old idea was that the people were the wards of king and priest—that + their bodies belonged to one and their souls to the other. + </p> + <p> + And what more? That the people are the source of political power. That was + not only a revelation, but it was a revolution. It changed the ideas of + people with regard to the source of political power. For the first time it + made human beings men. What was the old idea? The old idea was that no + political power came from, or in any manner belonged to, the people. The + old idea was that the political power came from the clouds; that the + political power came in some miraculous way from heaven; that it came down + to kings, and queens, and robbers. That was the old idea. The nobles lived + upon the labor of the people; the people had no rights; the nobles stole + what they had and divided with the kings, and the kings pretended to + divide what they stole with God Almighty. The source, then, of political + power was from above. The people were responsible to the nobles, the + nobles to the king, and the people had no political rights whatever, no + more than the wild beasts of the forest. The kings were responsible to + God; not to the people. The kings were responsible to the clouds; not to + the toiling millions they robbed and plundered. + </p> + <p> + And our forefathers, in this Declaration of Independence, reversed this + thing, and said: No; the people, they are the source of political power, + and their rulers, these presidents, these kings are but the agents and + servants of the great sublime people. For the first time, really, in the + history of the world, the king was made to get off the throne and the + people were royally seated thereon. The people became the sovereigns, and + the old sovereigns became the servants and the agents of the people. It is + hard for you and me now to even imagine the immense results of that + change. It is hard for you and for me, at this day, to understand how + thoroughly it had been ingrained in the brain of almost every man, that + the king had some wonderful right over him; that in some strange way the + king owned him; that in some miraculous manner he belonged, body and soul, + to somebody who rode on a horse—to somebody with epaulettes on his + shoulders and a tinsel crown upon his brainless head. + </p> + <p> + Our forefathers had been educated in that idea, and when they first landed + on American shores they believed it. They thought they belonged to + somebody, and that they must be loyal to some thief who could trace his + pedigree back to antiquity's most successful robber. + </p> + <p> + It took a long time for them to get that idea out of their heads and + hearts. They were three thousand miles away from the despotisms of the old + world, and every wave of the sea was an assistant to them. The distance + helped to disenchant their minds of that infamous belief, and every mile + between them and the pomp and glory of monarchy helped to put republican + ideas and thoughts into their minds. Besides that, when they came to this + country, when the savage was in the forest and three thousand miles of + waves on the other side, menaced by barbarians on the one hand and famine + on the other, they learned that a man who had courage, a man who had + thought, was as good as any other man in the world, and they built up, as + it were, in spite of themselves, little republics. And the man that had + the most nerve and heart was the best man, whether he had any noble blood + in his veins or not. + </p> + <p> + It has been a favorite idea with me that our forefathers were educated by + Nature, that they grew grand as the continent upon which they landed; that + the great rivers—the wide plains—the splendid lakes—the + lonely forests—the sublime mountains—that all these things + stole into and became a part of their being, and they grew great as the + country in which they lived. They began to hate the narrow, contracted + views of Europe. They were educated by their surroundings, and every + little colony had to be to a certain extent a republic. The kings of the + old world endeavored to parcel out this land to their favorites. But there + were too many Indians. There was too much courage required for them to + take and keep it, and so men had to come here who were dissatisfied with + the old country—who were dissatisfied with England, dissatisfied + with France, with Germany, with Ireland and Holland. The kings' favorites + stayed at home. Men came here for liberty, and on account of certain + principles they entertained and held dearer than life. And they were + willing to work, willing to fell the forests, to fight the savages, + willing to go through all the hardships, perils and dangers of a new + country, of a new land; and the consequence was that our country was + settled by brave and adventurous spirits, by men who had opinions of their + own and were willing to live in the wild forests for the sake of + expressing those opinions, even if they expressed them only to trees, + rocks, and savage men. The best blood of the old world came to the new. + </p> + <p> + When they first came over they did not have a great deal of political + philosophy, nor the best ideas of liberty. We might as well tell the + truth. When the Puritans first came, they were narrow. They did not + understand what liberty meant—what religious liberty, what political + liberty, was; but they found out in a few years. There was one feeling + among them that rises to their eternal honor like a white shaft to the + clouds—they were in favor of universal education. Wherever they went + they built schoolhouses, introduced books and ideas of literature. They + believed that every man should know how to read and how to write, and + should find out all that his capacity allowed him to comprehend. That is + the glory of the Puritan fathers. + </p> + <p> + They forgot in a little while what they had suffered, and they forgot to + apply the principle of universal liberty—of toleration. Some of the + colonies did not forget it, and I want to give credit where credit should + be given. The Catholics of Maryland were the first people on the new + continent to declare universal religious toleration. Let this be + remembered to their eternal honor. Let it be remembered to the disgrace of + the Protestant government of England, that it caused this grand law to be + repealed. And to the honor and credit of the Catholics of Maryland let it + be remembered that the moment they got back into power they re-enacted the + old law. The Baptists of Rhode Island also, led by Roger Williams, were in + favor of universal religious liberty. + </p> + <p> + No American should fail to honor Roger Williams. He was the first grand + advocate of the liberty of the soul. He was in favor of the eternal + divorce of church and state. So far as I know, he was the only man at that + time in this country who was in favor of real religious liberty. While the + Catholics of Maryland declared in favor of religious <i>toleration</i>, + they had no idea of religious liberty. They would not allow anyone to call + in question the doctrine of the Trinity, or the inspiration of the + Scriptures. They stood ready with branding-iron and gallows to burn and + choke out of man the idea that he had a right to think and to express his + thoughts. + </p> + <p> + So many religions met in our country—so many theories and dogmas + came in contact—so many follies, mistakes, and stupidities became + acquainted with each other, that religion began to fall somewhat into + disrepute. Besides this, the question of a new nation began to take + precedence of all others. + </p> + <p> + The people were too much interested in this world to quarrel about the + next. The preacher was lost in the patriot. The Bible was read to find + passages against kings. + </p> + <p> + Everybody was discussing the rights of man. Farmers and mechanics suddenly + became statesmen, and in every shop and cabin nearly every question was + asked and answered. + </p> + <p> + During these years of political excitement the interest in religion abated + to that degree that a common purpose animated men of all sects and creeds. + </p> + <p> + At last our fathers became tired of being colonists—tired of writing + and reading and signing petitions, and presenting them on their bended + knees to an idiot king. They began to have an aspiration to form a new + nation, to be citizens of a new republic instead of subjects of an old + monarchy. They had the idea—the Puritans, the Catholics, the + Episcopalians, the Baptists, the Quakers, and a few Freethinkers, all had + the idea—that they would like to form a new nation. + </p> + <p> + Now, do not understand that all of our fathers were in favor of + independence. Do not understand that they were all like Jefferson; that + they were all like Adams or Lee; that they were all like Thomas Paine or + John Hancock. There were thousands and thousands of them who were opposed + to American independence. There were thousands and thousands who said: + "When you say men are created equal, it is a lie; when you say the + political power resides in the great body of the people, it is false." + Thousands and thousands of them said: "We prefer Great Britain." But the + men who were in favor of independence, the men who knew that a new nation + must be born, went on full of hope and courage, and nothing could daunt or + stop or stay the heroic, fearless few. + </p> + <p> + They met in Philadelphia; and the resolution was moved by Lee of Virginia, + that the colonies ought to be independent states, and ought to dissolve + their political connection with Great Britain. + </p> + <p> + They made up their minds that a new nation must be formed. All nations had + been, so to speak, the wards of some church. The religious idea as to the + source of power had been at the foundation of all governments, and had + been the bane and curse of man. + </p> + <p> + Happily for us, there was no church strong enough to dictate to the rest. + Fortunately for us, the colonists not only, but the colonies differed + widely in their religious views. There were the Puritans who hated the + Episcopalians, and Episcopalians who hated the Catholics, and the + Catholics who hated both, while the Quakers held them all in contempt. + There they were, of every sort, and color and kind, and how was it that + they came together? They had a common aspiration. They wanted to form a + new nation. More than that, most of them cordially hated Great Britain; + and they pledged each other to forget these religious prejudices, for a + time at least, and agreed that there should be only one religion until + they got through, and that was the religion of patriotism. They solemnly + agreed that the new nation should not belong to any particular church, but + that it should secure the rights of all. + </p> + <p> + Our fathers founded the first secular government that was ever founded in + this world. Recollect that. The first secular government; the first + government that said every church has exactly the same rights and no more; + every religion has the same rights, and no more. In other words, our + fathers were the first men who had the sense, had the genius, to know that + no church should be allowed to have a sword; that it should be allowed + only to exert its moral influence. + </p> + <p> + You might as well have a government united by force with Art, or with + Poetry, or with Oratory, as with Religion. Religion should have the + influence upon mankind that its goodness, that its morality, its justice, + its charity, its reason, and its argument give it, and no more. Religion + should have the effect upon mankind that it necessarily has, and no more. + The religion that has to be supported by law is without value, not only, + but a fraud and curse. The religious argument that has to be supported by + a musket, is hardly worth making. A prayer that must have a cannon behind + it, better never be uttered. Forgiveness ought not to go in partnership + with shot and shell. Love need not carry knives and revolvers. + </p> + <p> + So our fathers said: "We will form a secular government, and under the + flag with which we are going to enrich the air, we will allow every man to + worship God as he thinks best." They said: "Religion is an individual + thing between each man and his creator, and he can worship as he pleases + and as he desires." And why did they do this? The history of the world + warned them that the liberty of man was not safe in the clutch and grasp + of any church. They had read of and seen the thumbscrews, the racks, and + the dungeons of the Inquisition. They knew all about the hypocrisy of the + olden time. They knew that the church had stood side by side with the + throne; that the high priests were hypocrites, and that the kings were + robbers. They also knew that if they gave power to any church, it would + corrupt the best church in the world. And so they said that power must not + reside in a church, or in a sect, but power must be wherever humanity is—in + the great body of the people. And the officers and servants of the people + must be responsible to them. And so I say again, as I said in the + commencement, this is the wisest, the pro-foundest, the bravest political + document that ever was written and signed by man. + </p> + <p> + They turned, as I tell you, everything squarely about. They derived all + their authority from the people. They did away forever with the + theological idea of government. + </p> + <p> + And what more did they say? They said that whenever the rulers abused this + authority, this power, incapable of destruction, returned to the people. + How did they come to say this? I will tell you. They were pushed into it. + How? They felt that they were oppressed; and whenever a man feels that he + is the subject of injustice, his perception of right and wrong is + wonderfully quickened. + </p> + <p> + Nobody was ever in prison wrongfully who did not believe in the writ of <i>habeas + corpus</i>. Nobody ever suffered wrongfully without instantly having ideas + of justice. + </p> + <p> + And they began to inquire what rights the king of Great Britain had. They + began to search for the charter of his authority. They began to + investigate and dig down to the bed-rock upon which society must be + founded, and when they got down there, forced there, too, by their + oppressors, forced against their own prejudices and education, they found + at' the bottom of things, not lords, not nobles, not pulpits, not thrones, + but humanity and the rights of men. + </p> + <p> + And so they said, We are men; we are men. They found out they were men. + And the next thing they said, was, "We will be free men; we are weary of + being colonists; we are tired of being subjects; we are men; and these + colonies ought to be states; and these states ought to be a nation; and + that nation ought to drive the last British soldier into the sea." And so + they signed that brave Declaration of Independence. + </p> + <p> + I thank every one of them from the bottom of my heart for signing that + sublime declaration. I thank them for their courage—for their + patriotism—for their wisdom—for the splendid confidence in + themselves and in the human race. I thank them for what they were, and for + what we are—for what they did, and for what we have received—for + what they suffered, and for what we enjoy. + </p> + <p> + What would we have been if we had remained colonists and subjects? What + would we have been to-day? Nobodies—ready to get down on our knees + and crawl in the very dust at the sight of somebody that was supposed to + have in him some drop of blood that flowed in the veins of that mailed + marauder—that royal robber, William the Conqueror. + </p> + <p> + They signed that Declaration of Independence, although they knew that it + would produce a long, terrible, and bloody war. They looked forward and + saw poverty, deprivation, gloom, and death. But they also saw, on the + wrecked clouds of war, the beautiful bow of freedom. + </p> + <p> + These grand men were enthusiasts; and the world has been raised only by + enthusiasts. In every country there have been a few who have given a + national aspiration to the people. The enthusiasts of 1776 were the + builders and framers of this great and splendid Government; and they were + the men who saw, although others did not, the golden fringe of the mantle + of glory that will finally cover this world. They knew, they felt, they + believed that they would give a new constellation to the political heavens—that + they would make the Americans a grand people—grand as the continent + upon which they lived. + </p> + <p> + The war commenced. There was little money, and less credit. The new nation + had but few friends. To a great extent each soldier of freedom had to + clothe and feed himself. He was poor and pure, brave and good, and so he + went to the fields of death to fight for the rights of man. + </p> + <p> + What did the soldier leave when he went? + </p> + <p> + He left his wife and children. + </p> + <p> + Did he leave them in a beautiful home, surrounded by civilization, in the + repose of law, in the security of a great and powerful republic? + </p> + <p> + No. He left his wife and children on the edge, on the fringe of the + boundless forest, in which crouched and crept the red savage, who was at + that time the ally of the still more savage Briton. He left his wife to + defend herself, and he left the prattling babes to be defended by their + mother and by nature. The mother made the living; she planted the corn and + the potatoes, and hoed them in the sun, raised the children, and, in the + darkness of night, told them about their brave father and the "sacred + cause." She told them that in a little while the war would be over and + father would come back covered with honor and glory. + </p> + <p> + Think of the women, of the sweet children who listened for the footsteps + of the dead—who waited through the sad and desolate years for the + dear ones who never came. + </p> + <p> + The soldiers of 1776 did not march away with music and banners. They went + in silence, looked at and gazed after by eyes filled with tears. They went + to meet, not an equal, but a superior—to fight five times their + number—to make a desperate stand to stop the advance of the enemy, + and then, when their ammunition gave out, seek the protection of rocks, of + rivers, and of hills. + </p> + <p> + Let me say here: The greatest test of courage on the earth is to bear + defeat without losing heart. That army is the bravest that can be whipped + the greatest number of times and fight again. + </p> + <p> + Over the entire territory, so to speak, then settled by our forefathers, + they were driven again and again. Now and then they would meet the English + with something like equal numbers, and then the eagle of victory would + proudly perch upon the stripes and stars. And so they went on as best they + could, hoping and fighting until they came to the dark and somber gloom of + Valley Forge. + </p> + <p> + There were very few hearts then beneath that flag that did not begin to + think that the struggle was useless; that all the blood and treasure had + been shed and spent in vain. But there were some men gifted with that + wonderful prophecy that fulfills itself, and with that wonderful magnetic + power that makes heroes of everybody they come in contact with. + </p> + <p> + And so our fathers went through the gloom of that terrible time, and still + fought on. Brave men wrote grand words, cheering the despondent; brave men + did brave deeds, the rich man gave his wealth, the poor man gave his life, + until at last, by the victory of Yorktown, the old banner won its place in + the air, and became glorious forever. + </p> + <p> + Seven long years of war—fighting for what? For the principle that + all men are created equal—a truth that nobody ever disputed except a + scoundrel; nobody, nobody in the entire history of this world. No man ever + denied that truth who was not a rascal, and at heart a thief; never, + never, and never will. What else were they fighting for? Simply that in + America every man should have a right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of + happiness. Nobody ever denied that except a villain; never, never. It has + been denied by kings—they were thieves. It has been denied by + statesmen—they were liars. It has been denied by priests, by + clergymen, by cardinals, by bishops, and by popes—they were + hypocrites. + </p> + <p> + What else were they fighting for? For the idea that all political power is + vested in the great body of the people. The great body of the people make + all the money; do all the work. They plow the land, cut down the forests; + they produce everything that is produced. Then who shall say what shall be + done with what is produced except the producer? + </p> + <p> + Is it the non-producing thief, sitting on a throne, surrounded by vermin? + </p> + <p> + Those were the things they were fighting for; and that is all they were + fighting for. They fought to build up a new, a great nation; to establish + an asylum for the oppressed of the world everywhere. They knew the history + of this world. They knew the history of human slavery. + </p> + <p> + The history of civilization is the history of the slow and painful + enfranchisement of the human race. In the olden times the family was a + monarchy, the father being the monarch. The mother and children were the + veriest slaves. The will of the father was the supreme law. He had the + power of life and death. It took thousands of years to civilize this + father, thousands of years to make the condition of wife and mother and + child even tolerable. A few families constituted a tribe; the tribe had a + chief; the chief was a tyrant; a few tribes formed a nation; the nation + was governed by a king, who was also a tyrant. A strong nation robbed, + plundered, and took captive the weaker ones. This was the commencement of + human slavery. + </p> + <p> + It is not possible for the human imagination to conceive of the horrors of + slavery. It has left no possible crime uncommitted, no possible cruelty + unperpetrated. It has been practiced and defended by all nations in some + form. It has been upheld by all religions. It has been defended by nearly + every pulpit. From the profits derived from the slave trade churches have + been built, cathedrals reared and priests paid. Slavery has been blessed + by bishop, by cardinal, and by pope. It has received the sanction of + statesmen, of kings, and of queens. It has been defended by the throne, + the pulpit and the bench. Monarchs have shared in the profits. Clergymen + have taken their part of the spoils, reciting passages of Scripture in its + defence at the same time, and judges have taken their portion in the name + of equity and law. + </p> + <p> + Only a few years ago our ancestors were slaves. Only a few years ago they + passed with and belonged to the soil, like the coal under it and rocks on + it. + </p> + <p> + Only a few years ago they were treated like beasts of burden, worse far + than we treat our animals at the present day. Only a few years ago it was + a crime in England for a man to have a Bible in his house, a crime for + which men were hanged, and their bodies afterward burned. Only a few years + ago fathers could and did sell their children. Only a few years ago our + ancestors were not allowed to speak or write their thoughts—that + being a crime. Only a few years ago to be honest, at least in the + expression of your ideas, was a felony. To do right was a capital offence; + and in those days chains and whips were the incentives to labor, and the + preventives of thought. Honesty was a vagrant, justice a fugitive, and + liberty in chains. Only a few years ago men were denounced because they + doubted the inspiration of the Bible—because they denied miracles, + and laughed at the wonders recounted by the ancient Jews. + </p> + <p> + Only a few years ago a man had to believe in the total depravity of the + human heart in order to be respectable. Only a few years ago, people who + thought God too good to punish in eternal flames an unbaptized child were + considered infamous. + </p> + <p> + As soon as our ancestors began to get free they began to enslave others. + With an inconsistency that defies explanation, they practiced upon others + the same outrages that had been perpetrated upon them. As soon as white + slavery began to be abolished, black slavery commenced. In this infamous + traffic nearly every nation of Europe embarked. Fortunes were quickly + realized; the avarice and cupidity of Europe were excited; all ideas of + justice were discarded; pity fled from the human breast; a few good, brave + men recited the horrors of the trade; avarice was deaf; religion refused + to hear; the trade went on; the governments of Europe upheld it in the + name of commerce—in the name of civilization and religion. + </p> + <p> + Our fathers knew the history of caste. They knew that in the despotisms of + the Old World it was a disgrace to be useful. They knew that a mechanic + was esteemed as hardly the equal of a hound, and far below a blooded + horse. They knew that a nobleman held a son of labor in contempt—that + he had no rights the royal loafers were bound to respect. + </p> + <p> + The world has changed. + </p> + <p> + The other day there came shoemakers, potters, workers in wood and iron, + from Europe, and they were received in the city of New York as though they + had been princes. They had been sent by the great republic of France to + examine into the arts and manufactures of the great republic of America. + They looked a thousand times better to me than the Edward Alberts and + Albert Edwards—the royal vermin, that live on the body politic. And + I would think much more of our Government if it would fete and feast them, + instead of wining and dining the imbeciles of a royal line. + </p> + <p> + Our fathers devoted their lives and fortunes to the grand work of founding + a government for the protection of the rights of man. The theological idea + as to the source of political power had poisoned the web and woof of every + government in the world, and our fathers banished it from this continent + forever. + </p> + <p> + What we want to-day is what our fathers wrote down. They did not attain to + their ideal; we approach it nearer, but have not reached it yet. We want, + not only the independence of a State, not only the independence of a + nation, but something far more glorious—the absolute independence of + the individual. That is what we want. I want it so that I, one of the + children of Nature, can stand on an equality with the rest; that I can say + this is my air, my sunshine, my earth, and I have a right to live, and + hope, and aspire, and labor, and enjoy the fruit of that labor, as much as + any individual or any nation on the face of the globe. + </p> + <p> + We want every American to make to-day, on this hundredth anniversary, a + declaration of individual independence. Let each man enjoy his liberty to + the utmost—enjoy all he can; but be sure it is not at the expense of + another. The French Convention gave the best definition of liberty I have + ever read: "The liberty of one citizen ceases only where the liberty of + another citizen commences." I know of no better definition. I ask you + to-day to make a declaration of individual independence. And if you are + independent be just. Allow everybody else to make his declaration of + individual independence. Allow your wife, allow your husband, allow your + children to make theirs. Let everybody be absolutely free and independent, + knowing only the sacred obligations of honesty and affection. Let us be + independent of party, independent of everybody and everything except our + own consciences and our own brains. Do not belong to any clique. Have the + clear title-deeds in fee simple to yourselves, without any mortgage on the + premises to anybody in the world. + </p> + <p> + It is a grand thing to be the owner of yourself. It is a grand thing to + protect the rights of others. It is a sublime thing to be free and just. + </p> + <p> + Only a few days ago I stood in Independence Hall—in that little room + where was signed the immortal paper. A little room, like any other; and it + did not seem possible that from that room went forth ideas, like cherubim + and seraphim, spreading their wings over a continent, and touching, as + with holy fire, the hearts of men. + </p> + <p> + In a few moments I was in the park, where are gathered the accomplishments + of a century. Our fathers never dreamed of the things I saw. There were + hundreds of locomotives, with their nerves of steel and breath of flame—every + kind of machine, with whirling wheels and curious cogs and cranks, and the + myriad thoughts of men that have been wrought in iron, brass and steel. + And going out from one little building were wires in the air, stretching + to every civilized nation, and they could send a shining messenger in a + moment to any part of the world, and it would go sweeping under the waves + of the sea with thoughts and words within its glowing heart. I saw all + that had been achieved by this nation, and I wished that the signers of + the Declaration—the soldiers of the Revolution—could see what + a century of freedom has produced. I wished they could see the fields we + cultivate—the rivers we navigate—the railroads running over + the Alleghanies, far into what was then the unknown forest—on over + the broad prairies—on over the vast plains—away over the + mountains of the West, to the Golden Gate of the Pacific. All this is the + result of a hundred years of freedom. + </p> + <p> + Are you not more than glad that in 1776 was announced the sublime + principle that political power resides with the people? That our fathers + then made up their minds nevermore to be colonists and subjects, but that + they would be free and independent citizens of America? + </p> + <p> + I will not name any of the grand men who fought for liberty. All should be + named, or none. I feel that the unknown soldier who was shot down without + even his name being remembered—who was included only in a report of + "a hundred killed," or "a hundred missing," nobody knowing even the number + that attached to his august corpse—is entitled to as deep and + heartfelt thanks as the titled leader who fell at the head of the host. + </p> + <p> + Standing here amid the sacred memories of the first, on the golden + threshold of the second, I ask, Will the second century be as grand as the + first? I believe it will, because we are growing more and more humane. I + believe there is more human kindness, more real, sweet human sympathy, a + greater desire to help one another, in the United States, than in all the + world besides. + </p> + <p> + We must progress. We are just at the commencement of invention. The steam + engine—the telegraph—these are but the toys with which science + has been amused. Wait; there will be grander things, there will be wider + and higher culture—a grander standard of character, of literature + and art. + </p> + <p> + We have now half as many millions of people as we have years, and many of + us will live until a hundred millions stand beneath the flag. We are + getting more real solid sense. The schoolhouse is the finest building in + the village. We are writing and reading more books; we are painting and + buying more pictures; we are struggling more and more to get at the + philosophy of life, of things—trying more and more to answer the + questions of the eternal Sphinx. We are looking in every direction—investigating; + in short, we are thinking and working. Besides all this, I believe the + people are nearer honest than ever before. A few years ago we were willing + to live upon the labor of four million slaves. Was that honest? At last, + we have a national conscience. At last, we have carried out the + Declaration of Independence. Our fathers wrote it—we have + accomplished it. The black man was a slave—we made him a citizen. We + found four million human beings in manacles, and now the hands of a race + are held up in the free air without a chain. + </p> + <p> + I have had the supreme pleasure of seeing a man—once a slave—sitting + in the seat of his former master in the Congress of the United States. I + have had that pleasure, and when I saw it my eyes were filled with tears. + I felt that we had carried, out the Declaration of Independence—that + we had given reality to it, and breathed the breath of life into its every + word. I felt that our flag would float over and protect the colored man + and his little children, standing straight in the sun, just the same as + though he were white and worth a million. I would protect him more, + because the rich white man could protect himself. + </p> + <p> + All who stand beneath our banner are free. Ours is the only flag that has + in reality written upon it: Liberty, Fraternity, Equality—the three + grandest words in all the languages of men. + </p> + <p> + Liberty: Give to every man the fruit of his own labor—the labor of + his hands and of his brain. + </p> + <p> + Fraternity: Every man in the right is my brother. + </p> + <p> + Equality: The rights of all are equal: Justice, poised and balanced in + eternal calm, will shake from the golden scales in which are weighed the + acts of men, the very dust of prejudice and caste: No race, no color, no + previous condition, can change the rights of men. + </p> + <p> + The Declaration of Independence has at last been carried out in letter and + in spirit. + </p> + <p> + The second century will be grander than the first. + </p> + <p> + Fifty millions of people are celebrating this day. To-day, the black man + looks upon his child and says: The avenues to distinction are open to you—upon + your brow may fall the civic wreath—this day belongs to you. + </p> + <p> + We are celebrating the courage and wisdom of our fathers, and the glad + shout of a free people the anthem of a grand nation, commencing at the + Atlantic, is following the sun to the Pacific, across a continent of happy + homes. + </p> + <p> + We are a great people. Three millions have increased to fifty—thirteen + States to thirty-eight. We have better homes, better clothes, better food + and more of it, and more of the conveniences of life, than any other + people upon the globe. + </p> + <p> + The farmers of our country live better than did the kings and princes two + hundred years ago—and they have twice as much sense and heart. + Liberty and labor have given us all. I want every person here to believe + in the dignity of labor—to know that the respectable man is the + useful man—the man who produces or helps others to produce something + of value, whether thought of the brain or work of the hand. + </p> + <p> + I want you to go away with an eternal hatred in your breast of injustice, + of aristocracy, of caste, of the idea that one man has more rights than + another because he has better clothes, more land, more money, because he + owns a railroad, or is famous and in high position. Remember that all men + have equal rights. Remember that the man who acts best his part—who + loves his friends the best—is most willing to help others—truest + to the discharge of obligation—who has the best heart—the most + feeling—the deepest sympathies—and who freely gives to others + the rights that he claims for himself is the best man. I am willing to + swear to this. + </p> + <p> + What has made this country? I say again, liberty and labor. What would we + be without labor? I want every farmer when plowing the rustling corn of + June—while mowing in the perfumed fields—to feel that he is + adding to the wealth and glory of the United States. I want every mechanic—every + man of toil, to know and feel that he is keeping the cars running, the + telegraph wires in the air; that he is making the statues and painting the + pictures; that he is writing and printing the books; that he is helping to + fill the world with honor, with happiness, with love and law. + </p> + <p> + Our country is founded upon the dignity of labor—upon the equality + of man. Ours is the first real Republic in the history of the world. + Beneath our flag the people are free. We have retired the gods from + politics. We have found that man is the only source of political power, + and that the governed should govern. We have disfranchised the aristocrats + of the air and have given one country to mankind. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0004" id="link0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + BANGOR SPEECH. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Yesterday was a glorious day for the Republicans of + Bangor. The weather was delightful and all the imposing + exercises of the day were conducted with a gratifying and + even inspiring success. + + The noon train from Waterville brought Gov. Connor, Col. + Ingersoll and Senator Blaine. + + At 3 p. m. the speakers arrived at the grounds and were + received with applause as they ascended the platform, where + a number of the most prominent citizens of Bangor and + vicinity were assembled. At this time the platform was + surrounded by a dense mass of people, numbering thousands. + The meeting was called to order by C. A. Boutelle, in behalf + of the Republican State Committee. As Col. Ingersoll was + introduced by Gov. Connor he was welcomed by tumultuous + cheers, which he gracefully acknowledged. + + As we said before, no report could do justice to such a + masterly effort as that of the great Western Orator, and we + have not attempted to convey any adequate impression of an + address which is conceded on all hands to be the most + remarkable for originality, power and eloquence ever heard + in this section. + + Such a speech by such a man—if there is another—must be + heard; the magnetism of the speaker must be felt; the + indescribable influence must be experienced, in order to + appreciate his wonderful power. The vast audience was + alternately swayed from enthusiasm for the grand principles + advocated, to indignation at the crimes of Democracy, as the + record of that party was scorched with his invective; from + laughter at the ludicrous presentment of Democratic + inconsistencies, to tears brought forth by the pathos and + eloquence of his appeals for justice and humanity. During + portions of his address there was moisture in the eyes of + every person in the audience, and from opening to close he + held the assemblage by a spell more potent than that of any + man we have ever heard speak. It was one of the grandest, + most cogent and thrilling appeals in behalf of the great + principles of liberty, loyalty and justice to all men, ever + delivered, and we wish it might have been heard by every + citizen of our beloved Republic. The Colonel was repeatedly + urged by the audience to go on, and he spoke for about two + hours with undiminished fervor. His hearers would gladly + have given him audience for two hours longer, but with a + splendid tribute to Mr. Blaine as the strongest tie between + New England and the West, he took his seat amid the ringing + cheers and plaudits of the assemblage.—The Whig and + Courier, Bangor, Maine, August 25,1876. +</pre> + <p> + HAYES CAMPAIGN 1876. + </p> + <p> + I HAVE the honor to belong to the Republican party; the grandest, the + sublimest party in the history of the world. This grand party is not only + in favor of the liberty of the body, but also the liberty of the soul. + This sublime party gives to all the labor of their hands and of their + brains. This party allows every person to think for himself and to express + his thoughts. The Republican party forges no chains for the mind, no + fetters for the souls of men. It declares that the intellectual domain + shall be forever free. In the free air there is room for every wing. The + Republican party endeavors to remove all obstructions on the highway of + progress. In this sublime undertaking it asks the assistance of all. Its + platform is Continental. Upon it there is room for the Methodist, the + Baptist, the Catholic, the Universalist, the Presbyterian, and the + Freethinker. There is room for all who are in favor of the preservation of + the sacred rights of men. + </p> + <p> + I am going to give you a few reasons for voting the Republican ticket. The + Republican party depends upon reason, upon argument, upon education, upon + intelligence and upon patriotism. The Republican party makes no appeal to + ignorance and prejudice. It wishes to destroy both. + </p> + <p> + It is the party of humanity, the party that hates caste, that honors + labor, that rewards toil, that believes in justice. It appeals to all that + is elevated and noble in man, to the higher instincts, to the nobler + aspirations. It has accomplished grand things. + </p> + <p> + The horizon of the past is filled with the glory of Republican + achievement. The monuments of its wisdom, its power and patriotism crowd + all the fields of conflict. Upon the Constitution this party wrote equal + rights for all; upon every statute book, humanity; upon the flag, liberty. + The Republican party of the United States is the conscience of the + nineteenth century. It is the justice of this age, the embodiment of + social progress and honor. It has no knee for the past. Its face is toward + the future. It is the party of advancement, of the dawn, of the sunrise. + </p> + <p> + The Republican party commenced its grand career by saying that the + institution of human slavery had cursed enough American soil; that the + territories should not be damned with that most infamous thing; that this + country was sacred to freedom; that slavery had gone far enough. Upon that + issue the great campaign of 1860 was fought and won. The Republican party + was born of wisdom and conscience. + </p> + <p> + The people of the South claimed that slavery should be protected; that the + doors of the territories should be thrown open to them and to their + institutions. They not only claimed this, but they also insisted that the + Constitution of the United States protected slave property, the same as + other property everywhere. The South was defeated, and then appealed to + arms. In a moment all their energies were directed toward the destruction + of this Government. They commenced the war—they fired upon the flag + that had protected them for nearly a century. + </p> + <p> + The North was compelled to decide instantly between the destruction of the + nation and civil war. + </p> + <p> + The division between the friends and enemies of the Union at once took + place. The Government began to defend itself. To carry on the war money + was necessary. The Government borrowed, and finally issued its notes and + bonds. The Democratic party in the North sympathized with the Rebellion. + Everything was done to hinder, embarrass, obstruct and delay. They + endeavored to make a rebel breastwork of the Constitution; to create a + fire in the rear. They denounced the Government; resisted the draft; shot + United States officers; declared the war a failure and an outrage; + rejoiced over our defeats, and wept and cursed at our victories. + </p> + <p> + To crush the Rebellion in the South and keep in subjection the Democratic + party at the North, thousands of millions of money were expended—the + nation burdened with a fearful debt, and the best blood of the country + poured out upon the fields of battle. + </p> + <p> + In order to destroy the Rebellion it became necessary to destroy slavery. + As a matter of fact, slavery was the Rebellion. As soon as this truth + forced itself upon the Government—thrust as it were into the brain + of the North upon the point of a rebel bayonet—the Republican party + resolved to destroy forever the last vestige of that savage and cruel + institution; an institution that made white men devils and black men + beasts. + </p> + <p> + The Republican party put down the Rebellion; saved the nation; destroyed + slavery; made the slave a citizen; put the ballot in the hands of the + black man; forgave the assassins of the Government; restored nearly every + rebel to citizenship, and proclaimed peace to, and for each and all. + </p> + <p> + For sixteen years the country has been in the hands of that great party. + For sixteen years that grand party, in spite of rebels in arms—in + spite of the Democratic party of the North, has preserved the territorial + integrity, and the financial honor of the country. It has endeavored to + enforce the laws; it has tried to protect loyal men at the South; it has + labored to bring murderers and assassins to justice, and it is working now + to preserve the priceless fruits of its great victory. + </p> + <p> + The present question is, whom shall we trust? To whom shall we give the + reins of power? What party will best preserve the rights of the people? + </p> + <p> + What party is most deserving of our confidence? There is but one way to + determine the character of a party, and that is, by ascertaining its + history. + </p> + <p> + Could we have safely trusted the Democratic party in 1860? No. And why + not? Because it was a believer in the right of secession—a believer + in the sacredness of human slavery. The Democratic party then solemnly + declared—speaking through its most honored and trusted leaders—that + each State had the right to secede. This made the Constitution a <i>nudum + pactum</i>, a contract without a consideration, a Democratic promise, a + wall of mist, and left every State free to destroy at will the fabric of + American Government—the fabric reared by our fathers through years + of toil and blood. + </p> + <p> + Could we have safely trusted that party in 1864, when, in convention + assembled, it declared the war a failure, and wished to give up the + contest at a moment when universal victory was within the grasp of the + Republic? Had the people put that party in power then, there would have + been a Southern Confederacy to-day, and upon the limbs of four million + people the chains of slavery would still have clanked. Is there one man + present who, to-day, regrets that the Vallandigham Democracy of 1864 was + spurned and beaten by the American people? Is there one man present who, + to-day, regrets the utter defeat of that mixture of slavery, malice and + meanness, called the Democratic party, in 1864? + </p> + <p> + Could we have safely trusted that party in 1868? + </p> + <p> + At that time the Democracy of the South was trying to humble and frighten + the colored people or exterminate them. These inoffensive colored people + were shot down without provocation, without mercy. The white Democrats + were as relentless as fiends. They killed simply to kill. They murdered + these helpless people, thinking that they were in some blind way getting + their revenge upon the people of the North. No tongue can exaggerate the + cruelties practiced upon the helpless freedmen of the South. These white + Democrats had been reared amid and by slavery. Slavery knows no such thing + as justice, no such thing as mercy. Slavery does not dream of governing by + reason, by argument or persuasion. Slavery depends upon force, upon the + bowie-knife, the revolver, the whip, the chain and the bloodhound. The + white Democrats of the South had been reared amid slavery; they cared + nothing for reason; they knew of but one thing to be used when there was a + difference of opinion or a conflict of interest, and that was brute force. + It never occurred to them to educate, to inform, and to reason. It was + easier to shoot than to reason; it was quicker to stab than to argue; + cheaper to kill than to educate. A grave costs less than a schoolhouse; + bullets were cheaper than books; and one knife could stab more than forty + schools could convert. + </p> + <p> + They could not bear to see the negro free—to see the former slave + trampling on his old chains, holding a ballot in his hand. They could not + endure the sight of a negro in office. It was gall and wormwood to think + of a slave occupying a seat in Congress; to think of a negro giving his + ideas about the political questions of the day. And so these white + Democrats made up their minds that by a reign of terrorism they would + drive the negro from the polls, drive him from all official positions, and + put him back in reality in the old condition. To accomplish this they + commenced a system of murder, of assassination, of robbery, theft, and + plunder, never before equaled in extent and atrocity. All this was in its + height when in 1868 the Democracy asked the control of this Government. + </p> + <p> + Is there a man here who in his heart regrets that the Democrats failed in + 1868? Do you wish that the masked murderers who rode in the darkness of + night to the hut of the freedman and shot him down like a wild beast, + regardless of the prayers and tears of wife and children, were now holding + positions of honor and trust in this Government? Are you sorry that these + assassins were defeated in 1868? + </p> + <p> + In 1872 the Democratic party, bent upon victory, greedy for office, with + itching palms and empty pockets, threw away all principle—if + Democratic doctrines can be called principles—and nominated a + life-long enemy of their party for President. No one doubted or doubts the + loyalty and integrity of Horace Greeley. But all knew that if elected he + would belong to the party electing him; that he would have to use + Democrats as his agents, and all knew, or at least feared, that the agents + would own and use the principal. All believed that in the malicious clutch + of the Democratic party Horace Greeley would be not a President, but a + prisoner—not a ruler, but a victim. Against that grand man I have + nothing to say. I simply congratulate him upon his escape from being used + as a false key by the Democratic party. + </p> + <p> + During all these years the Democratic party prophesied the destruction of + the Government, the destruction of the Constitution, and the banishment of + liberty from American soil. + </p> + <p> + In 1864 that party declared that after four years of failure to restore + the Union by the experiment of war, there should be a cessation of + hostilities. They then declared "that the Constitution had been violated + in every part, and that public liberty and private rights had been trodden + down." + </p> + <p> + And yet the Constitution remained and still remains; public liberty still + exists, and private rights are still respected. + </p> + <p> + In 1868, growing more desperate, and being still filled with the spirit of + prophecy, this same party in its platform said: "Under the repeated + assaults of the Republican party, the pillars of the Government are + rocking on their base, and should it succeed in November next, and + inaugurate its President, we will meet as a subjected and conquered + people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the + Constitution." + </p> + <p> + The Republican party did succeed in November, 1868, and did inaugurate its + President, and we did not meet as a subjected and conquered people amid + the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the Constitution. We + met as a victorious people, amid the proudest achievements of liberty, + protected by a Constitution spotless and stainless—pure as the + Alpine snow thrice sifted by the northern blast. + </p> + <p> + You must not forget the condition of the Government when it came into the + hands of the Republican party. Its treasury was empty, its means + squandered, its navy dispersed, its army unreliable, the offices filled + with rebels and rebel spies; the Democratic party of the North rubbing its + hands in a kind of hellish glee and shouting, "I told you so." + </p> + <p> + When the Republican party came into power in 1861, it found the Southern + States in arms; it came into power when human beings were chained hand to + hand and driven like cattle to market; when white men were engaged in the + ennobling business of raising dogs to pursue and catch men and women; when + the bay of the bloodhound was considered as the music of the Union. It + came into power when, from thousands of pulpits, slavery was declared to + be a divine institution. It took the reins of Government when education + was an offence, when mercy, humanity and justice were political crimes. + </p> + <p> + The Republican party came into power when the Constitution of the United + States upheld the crime of crimes, a Constitution that gave the lie direct + to the Declaration of Independence, and, as I said before, when the + Southern States were in arms. + </p> + <p> + To the fulfillment of its great destiny it gave all its energies. To the + almost superhuman task, it gave its every thought and power. For four long + and terrible years, with vast armies in the field against it; beset by + false friends; in constant peril; betrayed again and again; stabbed by the + Democratic party, in the name of the Constitution; reviled and slandered + beyond conception; attacked in every conceivable manner—the + Republican party never faltered for an instant. Its courage increased with + the difficulties to be overcome. Hopeful in defeat, confident in disaster, + merciful in victory; sustained by high aims and noble aspirations, it + marched forward, through storms of shot and shell—on to the last + fortification of treason and rebellion—forward to the shining goal + of victory, lasting and universal. + </p> + <p> + During these savage and glorious years, the Democratic party of the North, + as a party, assisted the South. Democrats formed secret societies to burn + cities—to release rebel prisoners. They shot down officers who were + enforcing the draft; they declared the war unconstitutional; they left + nothing undone to injure the credit of the Government; they persuaded + soldiers to desert; they went into partnership with rebels for the purpose + of spreading contagious diseases through the North. They were the friends + and allies of persons who regarded yellow fever and smallpox as weapons of + civilized warfare. In spite of all this, the Republicans succeeded. + </p> + <p> + The Democrats declared slavery to be a divine institution; The Republican + party abolished it. The Constitution of the United States was changed from + a sword that stabbed the rights of four million people to a shield for + every human being beneath our flag. + </p> + <p> + The Democrats of New York burned orphan asylums and inaugurated a reign of + terror in order to co-operate with the raid of John Morgan. Remember, my + friends, that all this was done when the fate of our country trembled in + the balance of war; that all this was done when the great heart of the + North was filled with agony and courage; when the question was, "Shall + Liberty or Slavery triumph?" + </p> + <p> + No words have ever passed the human lips strong enough to curse the + Northern allies of the South. + </p> + <p> + The United States wanted money. It wanted money to buy muskets and cannon + and shot and shell, it wanted money to pay soldiers, to buy horses, + wagons, ambulances, clothing and food. Like an individual, it had to + borrow this money; and, like an honest individual, it must pay this money. + Clothed with sovereignty, it had, or at least exercised, the power to make + its notes a legal tender. This quality of being a legal tender was the + only respect in which these notes differ from those signed by an + individual. As a matter of fact, every note issued was a forced loan from + the people, a forced loan from the soldiers in the field—in short, a + forced loan from every person that took a single dollar. Upon every one of + these notes is printed a promise. The belief that this promise will be + made good gives every particle of value to each note that it has. Although + each note, by law, is a legal tender, yet if the Government declared that + it never would redeem these notes, the people would not take them if + revolution could hurl such a Government from power. So that the belief + that these notes will finally be paid, added to the fact that in the + meantime they are a legal tender, gives them all the value they have. And, + although all are substantially satisfied that they will be paid, none know + at what time. This uncertainty as to the time, as to when, affects the + value of these notes. + </p> + <p> + They must be paid, unless a promise can be delayed so long as to amount to + a fulfillment. They must be paid. The question is, "How?" The answer is, + "By the industry and prosperity of the people." They cannot be paid by + law. Law made them; labor must pay them; and they must be paid out of the + profits of the people. We must pay the debt with eggs, not with goose. In + a terrible war we spent thousands of millions; all the bullets thrown; all + the powder burned; all the property destroyed, of every sort, kind, and + character; all the time of the people engaged—all these things were + a dead loss. The debt represents the loss. Paying the debt is simply + repairing the loss. When we, as a people, shall have made a net amount, + equal to the amount thrown, as it were, away in war, or somewhere near + that amount, we will resume specie payment; we will redeem our promises. + We promised on paper, we shall pay in gold and silver. We asked the people + to hold this paper until we got the money, and they are holding the paper + and we are getting the money. + </p> + <p> + As soon as the slaves were free, the Republican party said, "They must be + citizens, not vagrants." The Democratic party opposed this just, this + generous measure. The freedmen were made citizens. The Republican party + then said, "These citizens must vote; they must have the ballot, to keep + what the bullet has won." The Democratic party said "No." The negroes + received the ballot. The Republican party then said, "These voters must be + educated, so that the ballot shall be the weapon of intelligence, not of + ignorance." The Democratic party objected. But schools were founded, and + books were put in the hands of the colored people, instead of whips upon + their backs. We said to the Southern people, "The colored men are + citizens; their rights must be respected; they are voters, they must be + allowed to vote; they were and are our friends, and we are their + protectors." + </p> + <p> + All this was accomplished by the Republican party. + </p> + <p> + It changed the organic law of the land, so that it is now a proper + foundation for a free government; it struck the cruel shackles from four + million human beings; it put down the most gigantic rebellion in the + history of the world; it expunged from the statute books of every State, + and of the Nation, all the cruel and savage laws that Slavery had enacted; + it took whips from the backs, and chains from the limbs, of men; it + dispensed with bloodhounds as the instruments of civilization; it banished + to the memory of barbarism the slave-pen, the auction block, and the + whipping-post; it purified a Nation; it elevated the human race. + </p> + <p> + All this was opposed by the Democratic party; opposed with a bitterness, + compared to which ordinary malice is sweet. I say the Democratic party, + because I consider those who fought against the Government, in the fields + of the South, and those who opposed in the North, as Democrats—one + and all. The Democratic party has been, during all these years, the enemy + of civilization, the hater of liberty, the despiser of justice. + </p> + <p> + When I say the Democratic party sympathized with the Rebellion, I mean a + majority of that party. I know there are in the Democratic party, soldiers + who fought for the Union. I do not know why they are there, but I have + nothing to say against them. I will never utter a word against any man who + bared his breast to a storm of shot and shell, for the preservation of the + Republic. When I use the term Democratic party, I do not mean those + soldiers. + </p> + <p> + There are others in the Democratic party who are there just because their + fathers were Democrats. They do not mean any particular harm. Others are + there because they could not amount to anything in the Republican party. A + man only fit for a corporal in the Republican ranks, will make a leader in + the Democratic party. By the Democratic party, I mean that party that + sided with the South—that believed in secession—that loved + slavery—that hated liberty—that denounced Lincoln as a tyrant—that + burned orphan asylums—that gloried in our disasters—that + denounced every effort to save the nation—they are the gentlemen I + mean, and they constitute a large majority of the Democratic party. + </p> + <p> + The Democrats hate the negro to-day, with a hatred begotten of a + well-grounded fear that the colored people are rapidly becoming their + superiors in industry, intellect and character. + </p> + <p> + The colored people have suffered enough. They were and are our friends. + They are the friends of this country, and cost what it may they must be + protected. The white loyal man must be protected. They have been + ostracized, slandered, mobbed, and murdered. Their very blood cries from + the ground. + </p> + <p> + These two things—payment of the debt and protection of loyal + citizens, are the things to be done. Which party can be trusted? + </p> + <p> + Which will be the more apt to pay the debt? + </p> + <p> + Which will be the more apt to protect the colored and white loyalist at + the South? + </p> + <p> + Who is Samuel J. Tilden? + </p> + <p> + Samuel J. Tilden is an attorney. He never gave birth to an elevated, noble + sentiment in his life. He is a kind of legal spider, watching in a web of + technicalities for victims. He is a compound of cunning and heartlessness—of + beak and claw and fang. He is one of the few men who can grab a railroad + and hide the deep cuts, tunnels and culverts in a single night. He is a + corporation wrecker. He is a demurrer filed by the Confederate congress. + He waits on the shores of bankruptcy to clutch the drowning by the throat. + He was never married. The Democratic party has satisfied the longings of + his heart. He has looked upon love as weakness. He has courted men because + women cannot vote. He has contented himself by adopting a rag-baby, that + really belongs to Mr. Hendricks, and his principal business at present is + explaining how he came to adopt this child. + </p> + <p> + Samuel J. Tilden has been for years without number a New York Democrat. + </p> + <p> + New York has been, and still is, the worst governed city in the world. + Political influence is bought and sold like stocks and bonds. Nearly every + contract is larceny in disguise—nearly every appointment is a reward + for crime, and every election is a fraud. Among such men Samuel J. Tilden + has lived; with such men he has acted; by such men he has been educated; + such men have been his scholars, and such men are his friends. These men + resisted the draft, but Samuel J. Tilden remained their friend. They + burned orphan asylums, but Tilden's friendship never cooled. They + inaugurated riot and murder, but Tilden wavered not. They stole a hundred + millions, and when no more was left to steal—when the people could + not even pay the interest on the amount stolen—then these Democrats, + clapping their hands over their bursting pockets, began shouting for + reform. Mr. Tilden has been a reformer for years, especially of railroads. + The vital issue with him has been the issue of bogus stock. Although a + life-long Democrat, he has been an amalgamationist—of corporations. + While amassing millions, he has occasionally turned his attention to + national affairs. He left his private affairs (and his reputation depends + upon these affairs being kept private) long enough to assist the Democracy + to declare the war for the restoration of the Union a failure; long enough + to denounce Lincoln as a tyrant and usurper. He was generally too busy to + denounce the political murders and assassinations in the South—too + busy to say a word in favor of justice and liberty; but he found time to + declare the war for the preservation of the country an outrage. He managed + to spare time enough to revile the Proclamation of Emancipation—time + enough to shed a few tears over the corpse of slavery; time enough to + oppose the enfranchisement of the colored man; time enough to raise his + voice against the injustice of putting a loyal negro on a political level + with a pardoned rebel; time enough to oppose every forward movement of the + nation. + </p> + <p> + No man should ever be elected President of this country who raised his + hand to dismember and destroy it. No man should be elected President who + sympathized with those who were endeavoring to destroy it. No man should + be elected President of this great nation who, when it was in deadly + peril, did not endeavor to save it by act and word. No man should be + elected President who does not believe that every negro should be free—that + the colored people should be allowed to vote. No man should be placed at + the head of the nation—in command of the army and navy—who + does not believe that the Constitution, with all its amendments, should be + sacredly enforced. No man should be elected President of this nation who + believes in the Democratic doctrine of "States Rights;" who believes that + this Government is only a federation of States. No man should be elected + President of our great country who aided and abetted her enemies in war—who + advised or countenanced resistance to a draft in time of war, who by + slander impaired her credit, sneered at her heroes, and laughed at her + martyrs. Samuel J. Tilden is the possessor of nearly every + disqualification mentioned. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Tilden is the author of an essay on finance, commonly called a letter + of acceptance, in which his ideas upon the great subject are given in the + plainest and most direct manner imaginable. All through this letter or + essay there runs a vein of honest bluntness really refreshing. As a + specimen of bluntness and clearness, take the following extracts: + </p> + <p> + How shall the Government make these notes at all times as good as specie? + It has to provide in reference to the mass which would be kept in use by + the wants of business a central reservoir of coin, adequate to the + adjustment of the temporary fluctuations of the international balance, and + as a guaranty against transient drains, artificially created by panic or + by speculation. It has also to provide for the payment in coin of such + fractional currency as may be presented for redemption, and such + inconsiderable portion of legal tenders as individuals may from time to + time desire to convert for special use, or in order to lay by in coin + their little store of money. To make the coin now in the treasury + available for the objects of this reserve, to gradually strengthen and + enlarge that reserve, and to provide for such other exceptional demands + for coin as may arise, does not seem to me a work of difficulty. If wisely + planned and discreetly pursued, it ought not to cost any sacrifice to the + business of the country. It should tend, on the contrary, to the revival + of hope and confidence. + </p> + <p> + In other words, the way to pay the debt is to get the money, and the way + to get the money is to provide a central reservoir of coin to adjust + fluctuations. As to the resumption he gives us this: + </p> + <p> + The proper time for the resumption is the time when wise preparation shall + have ripened into perfect ability to accomplish the object with a + certainty and ease that will inspire confidence and encourage the reviving + of business. + </p> + <p> + The earliest time in which such a result can be brought about is best. + Even when preparations shall have been matured, the exact date would have + to be chosen with reference to the then existing state of trade and credit + operations in our own country, and the course of foreign commerce and + condition of exchanges with other nations. The specific measure and actual + date are matters of details, having reference to ever-changing conditions. + They belong to the domain of practical, administrative statesmanship. The + captain of a steamer, about starting from New York to Liverpool, does not + assemble a council over his ocean craft, and fix an angle by which to lash + the rudder for the whole voyage. A human intelligence must be at the helm + to discern the shifting forces of water and winds. A human mind must be at + the helm to feel the elements day by day, and guide to a mastery over + them. Such preparations are everything. Without them a legislative command + fixing a day—an official promise fixing a day, are shams. They are + worse. They are a snare and a delusion to all who trust them. They destroy + all confidence among thoughtful men whose judgment will at last sway + public opinion. An attempt to act on such a command, or such a promise + without preparation, would end in a new suspension. It would be a fresh + calamity, prolific of confusion, distrust, and distress. + </p> + <p> + That is to say, Congress has not sufficient intelligence to fix the date + of resumption. They cannot fix the proper time. But a Democratic + convention has human intelligence enough to know that the first day of + January, 1879, is not the proper date. That convention knew what the state + of trade and credit in our country and the course of foreign commerce and + the condition of exchanges with other nations would be on the first day of + January, 1879. Of course they did, or else they never would have had the + impudence to declare that resumption would be impossible at that date. + </p> + <p> + The next extract is more luminous still: + </p> + <p> + The Government of the United States, in my opinion, can advance to a + resumption of specie payments on its legal tender notes by gradual and + safe processes tending to relieve the present business distress. If + charged by the people with the administration of the executive office, I + should deem it a duty so to exercise the powers with which it has or may + be invested by Congress, as the best and soonest to conduct the country to + that beneficent result. + </p> + <p> + Why did not this great statesman tell us of some "gradual and safe + process"? He promises, if elected, to so administer the Government that it + will soon reach a beneficent result. How is this to be done? What is his + plan? Will he rely on "a human intelligence at the helm," or on "the + central reservoir," or on some "gradual and safe process"? + </p> + <p> + I defy any man to read this letter and tell me what Mr. Tilden really + proposes to do. There is nothing definite said. He uses such general + terms, such vague and misty expressions, such unmeaning platitudes, that + the real idea, if he had one, is lost in fog and mist. + </p> + <p> + Suppose I should, in the most solemn and impressive manner, tell you that + the fluctuations caused in the vital stability of shifting financial + operations, not to say speculations of the wildest character, cannot be + rendered instantly accountable to a true financial theory based upon the + great law that the superfluous is not a necessity, except in vague + thoughts of persons unacquainted with the exigencies of the hour, and + cannot, in the absence of a central reservoir of coin with a human + intelligence at the head, hasten by any system of convertible bonds the + expectation of public distrust, no matter how wisely planned and + discreetly pursued, failure is assured whatever the real result may be. + </p> + <p> + Must we wage this war for the right forever? Is there no time when the + soldiers of progress can rest? Will the bugles of the great army of + civilization never sound even a halt? It does seem as though there can be + no stop, no rest. It is in the world of mind as in the physical world. + Every plant of value has to be cultivated. The land must be plowed, the + seeds must be planted and watered. It must be guarded every moment. Its + enemies crawl in the earth and fly in the air. The sun scorches it, the + rain drowns it, the dew rusts it. He who wins it must fight. But the weeds + they grow in spite of all. Nobody plows for them except accident. The + winds sow the seeds, chance covers them, and they flourish and multiply. + The sun cannot burn them—they laugh at rain and frost—they + care not for birds and beasts. In spite of all they grow. It is the same + in politics. A true Republican must continue to grow, must work, must + think, must advance. The Republican party is the party of progress, of + ideas, of work. To make a Republican you must have schools, books, papers. + To make a Democrat, take all these away. Republicans are the useful; + Democrats the noxious—corn and wheat against the dog fennel and + Canada thistles. + </p> + <p> + Republicans of Maine, do not forget that each of you has two votes in this + election—one in Maine and one in Indiana. + </p> + <p> + Remember that we are relying on you. There is no stronger tie between the + prairies of Illinois and the pines of Maine—between the Western + States and New England, than James G. Blaine. + </p> + <p> + We are relying on Maine for from twelve to fifteen thousand on the 12th of + September, and Indiana will answer with from fifteen to twenty thousand, + and hearing these two votes the Nation in November will declare for Hayes + and Wheeler.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * This being a newspaper report, and never revised by the + author, is of necessity incomplete, but the publisher feels + that it should not be lost +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link0005" id="link0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + *Col. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois last night, at Cooper + Union, spoke on the political issues of the day, at unusual + length, to the largest and most enthusiastic audience which, + during the last ten years, any single speaker has attracted. + His address was in his happiest epigrammatic style, and was + interrupted every few moments either by the most uproarious + laughter or enthusiastic cheering. It is no exaggeration to + say that the meeting was the largest Cooper Institute has + seen since the war. Not merely the main hall was filled, but + the wide corridor in Third Avenue, the entrance hall in + Eighth Street, and every Committee-room to which his voice + could reach, though the speaker was unseen, were crowded—in + fact, literally packed. Half an hour before the hour named + for the organization of the meeting, admission to the body + of the hall was almost impossible; and selected officers, + and the speaker of the evening himself had to beg their way + to the platform. The latter was as painfully crowded with + invited guests as the body of the hall; and ingress was + impossible after the speaker began, and egress was almost as + difficult owing to the pressure in the committee-room + through which the platform is approached. + + Not only in numbers alone, but in the prominence of the + persons present, was the meeting impressive. Besides the + usual large quota of active politicians always seen at such + meetings, there were seen numbers of leading merchants, + financiers, and lawyers of New York, prominent officials not + only of the City but the State and National Government. + + The speech was nearly two hours In length, but as the + interruptions were frequent, indeed almost continuous, it + seemed very short, and when Mr. Ingersoll concluded his fire + of epigrams, there were loud calls and appeals to him to go + on. There were suggestions by some of the managers, of other + speakers who might follow him, but the presiding officer + wisely decided to submit no other speaker to the too severe + test of speaking on the same occasion with Mr. Ingersoll. + + Chauncey M. Depew, on leaving the hall, remarked that it was + the greatest speech he ever heard, and numbers of old + campaigners were equally enthusiastic. At its conclusion, + the reception which Mr. Ingersoll held on the platform + lasted over half-an-hour, and when finally Commissioner + Wheeler piloted him through the crowd to his coach, three or + four hundred of the audience followed and gave him lusty + cheers as he drove off.—New York Tribune, September + 11,1876. +</pre> + <p> + HAYES CAMPAIGN. 1876. + </p> + <p> + I AM just on my way home from the grand old State of Maine, and there has + followed me a telegraphic dispatch which I will read to you. If it were + not good, you may swear I would not read it: "Every Congressional + district, every county in Maine, Republican by a large majority. The + victory is overwhelming, and the majority will exceed 15,000." That + dispatch is signed by that knight-errant of political chivalry, James G. + Blaine. + </p> + <p> + I suppose we are all stockholders in the great corporation known as the + United States of America, and as such stockholders we have a right to vote + the way we think will best subserve our own interests. Each one has + certain stock in this Government, whether he is rich, or whether he is + poor, and the poor man has the same interest in the United States of + America that the richest man in it has. It is our duty, conscientiously + and honestly, to hear the argument upon both sides of the political + question, and then go and vote conscientiously for the side that we + believe will best preserve our interest in the United States of America. + Two great parties are before you now asking your support—the + Democratic party and the Republican party. One wishes to be kept in power, + the other wishes to have a chance once more at the Treasury of the United + States. The Democratic party is probably the hungriest organization that + ever wandered over the desert of political disaster in the history of the + world. There never was, in all probability, a political stomach so + thoroughly empty, or an appetite so outrageously keen as the one possessed + by the Democratic party. The Democratic party has been howling like a pack + of wolves looking in with hungry and staring eyes at the windows of the + National Capitol, and scratching at the doors of the White House. They + have been engaged in these elegant pursuits for sixteen long, weary years. + Occasionally they have retired to some convenient eminence and + lugubriously howled about the Constitution. The Democratic party comes and + asks for your vote, not on account of anything it has done, not on account + of anything it has accomplished, but on account of what it promises to do; + the Democratic party can make just as good a promise as any other party in + the world, and it will come farther from fulfilling it than any other + party on this globe. The Republican party having held this Government for + sixteen years, proposes to hold it for four years more. The Republican + party comes to you with its record open, and asks every man, woman and + child in this broad country to read its every word. And I say to you, that + there is not a line, a paragraph, or a page of that record that is not + only an honor to the Republican party, but to the human race. On every + page of that record is written some great and glorious action, done either + for the liberty of man, or the preservation of our common country. We ask + every body to read its every word. The Democratic party comes before you + with its record closed, recording every blot and blur, and stain and + treason, and slander and malignity, and asks you not to read a single + word, but to be kind enough to take its infamous promises for the future. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, I propose to tell you, to-night, something that has been + done by the Democratic party, and then allow you to judge for yourselves. + Now, if a man came to you, you owning a steamboat on the Hudson River, and + he wished to hire out to you as an engineer, and you inquired about him, + and found he had blown up and destroyed and wrecked every steamboat he had + ever been engineer on, and you should tell him: "I can't hire you; you + blew up such an engine, you wrecked such a ship," he would say to you, "My + Lord! Mister, you must let bygones be bygones." If a man came to your + bank, or came to a solitary individual here to borrow a hundred dollars, + and you went and inquired about him and found he never paid a note in his + life, found he was a dead-beat, and you say to him, "I cannot loan you + money." "Why?" "Because, I have ascertained you never pay your debts." + "Ah, yes," he says, "you are no gentleman going prying into a man's + record," I tell you, my good friends, a good character rests upon a + record, and not upon a prospectus, a good record rests upon a deed + accomplished, and not upon a promise, a good character rests upon + something really done, and not upon a good resolution, and you cannot make + a good character in a day. If you could, Tilden would have one to-morrow + night. + </p> + <p> + I propose now to tell you, my friends, a little of the history of the + Republican party, also a little of the history of the Democratic party. + </p> + <p> + And first, the Republican party. The United States of America is a free + country, it is the only free country upon this earth; it is the only + republic that was ever established among men. We have read, we have heard, + of the republics of Greece, of Egypt, of Venice; we have heard of the free + cities of Europe. There never was a republic of Venice; there never was a + republic of Rome; there never was a republic of Athens; there never was a + free city in Europe; there never was a government not cursed with caste; + there never was a government not cursed with slavery; there never was a + country not cursed with almost every infamy, until the Republican party of + the United States made this a free country. It is the first party in the + world that contended that the respectable man was the useful man; it is + the first party in the world that said, without regard to previous + conditions, without regard to race, every human being is entitled to life, + to liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and it is the only party in the + world that has endeavored to carry those sublime principles into actual + effect. Every other party has been allied to some piece of rascality; + every other party has been patched up with some thieving, larcenous, + leprous compromise. The Republican party keeps its forehead in the grand + dawn of perpetual advancement; the Republican party is the party of + reason; it is the party of argument; it is the party of education; it + believes in free schools, it believes in scientific schools; it believes + that the schools are for the public and all the public; it believes that + science never should be interfered with by any sectarian influence + whatever. + </p> + <p> + The Republican party is in favor of science; the Republican party, as I + said before, is the party of reason; it argues; it does not mob; it + reasons; it does not murder; it persuades you, not with the shot gun, not + with tar and feathers, but with good sound reason, and argument. + </p> + <p> + In order for you to ascertain what the Republican party has done for us, + let us refresh ourselves a little; we all know it, but it is well enough + to hear it now and then. Let us then refresh our recollection a little, in + order to understand what the grand and great Republican party has + accomplished in the land. + </p> + <p> + We will consider, in the first place, the condition of the country when + the Republican party was born. When this Republican party was born there + was upon the statute books of the United States of America a law known as + the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, by which every man in the State of New + York was made by law a bloodhound, and could be set and hissed upon a + negro, who was simply attempting to obtain his birthright of freedom, just + as you would set a dog upon a wolf. That was the Fugitive Slave Law of + 1850. Around the neck of every man it put a collar as on a dog, but it had + not the decency to put the man's name on the collar. I said in the State + of Maine, and several other States, and expect to say it again although I + hurt the religious sentiment of the Democratic party, and shocked the + piety of that organization by saying it, but I did say then, and now say, + that the Fugitive Slave Law in 1850 would have disgraced hell in its + palmiest days. + </p> + <p> + I tell you, my friends, you do not know how easy it is to shock the + religious sentiments of the Democratic party; there is a deep and pure + vein of piety running through that organization; it has been for years + spiritually inclined; there is probably no organization in the world that + really will stand by any thing of a spiritual character, at least until it + is gone, as that Democratic party will. Everywhere I have been I have + crushed their religious hopes. You have no idea how sorry I am that I hurt + their feelings so upon the subject of religion. Why, I did not suppose + that they cared anything about Christianity, but I have been deceived. I + now find that they do, and I have done what no other man in the United + States ever did—I have made the Democratic party come to the defence + of Christianity. I have made the Democratic party use what time they could + spare between drinks in quoting Scripture. But notwithstanding the fact + that I have shocked the religious sentiment of that party, I do not want + them to defend Christianity any more; they will bring it into universal + contempt if they do. Yes, yes, they will make the words honesty and reform + a stench in the nostrils of honest men. They made the words of the + Constitution stand almost for treason, during the entire war, and every + decent word that passes the ignorant, leprous, malignant lips of the + Democratic party, becomes dishonored from that day forth. + </p> + <p> + At the same time, in 1850, when the Fugitive Slave Law was passed, in + nearly all of the Western States, there was a law by which the virtues of + pity and hospitality became indictable offences. There was a law by which + the virtue of charity became a crime, and the man who performed a kindness + could be indicted, imprisoned, and fined. It was the law of Illinois—of + my own State—that if one gave a drop of cold water, or a crust of + bread, to a fugitive from slavery, he could be indicted, fined and + imprisoned, under the infamous slave law of 1850, under the infamous black + laws of the Western States. + </p> + <p> + At the time the Republican party was born, (and I have told this many + times) if a woman ninety-nine one-hundredths white had escaped from + slavery, carrying her child on her bosom, having gone through morass and + brush and thorns and thickets, had crossed creeks and rivers, and had + finally got within one step of freedom, with the light of the North star + shining in her tear-filled eyes—with her child upon her withered + breast—it would have been an indictable offence to have given her a + drop of water or a crust of bread; not only that, but under the slave law + of 1850, it was the duty of every Northern citizen claiming to be a free + man, to clutch that woman and hand her back to the dominion of her master + and to the Democratic lash. The Democrats are sorry that those laws have + been repealed. The Republican party with the mailed hand of war tore from + the statute books of the United States, and from the statute books of each + State, every one of those infamous, hellish laws, and trampled them + beneath her glorious feet. + </p> + <p> + Such laws are infamous beyond expression; one would suppose they had been + passed by a Legislature, the lower house of which were hyenas, the upper + house snakes, and the executive a cannibal king. The institution of + slavery had polluted, had corrupted the church, not only in the South, but + a large proportion of the church in the North; so that ministers stood up + in their pulpits here in New York and defended the very infamy that I have + mentioned. Not only that, but the Presbyterians, South, in 1863, met in + General Synod, and passed two resolutions. + </p> + <p> + The first resolution read, "Resolved, that slavery is a divine + institution" (and as the boy said, "so is hell"). + </p> + <p> + <i>Second</i>, "Resolved, that God raised up the Presbyterian Church, + South, to protect and perpetuate that institution." + </p> + <p> + Well, all I have to say is that, if God did this, he never chose a more + infamous instrument to carry out a more diabolical object. What more had + slavery done? At that time it had corrupted the very courts, so that in + nearly every State in this Union if a Democrat had gone to the hut of a + poor negro, and had shot down his wife and children before his very eyes, + had strangled the little dimpled babe in the cradle, there was no court + before which this negro could come to give testimony. He was not allowed + to go before a magistrate and indict the murderer; he was not allowed to + go before a grand jury and swear an indictment against the wretch. Justice + was not only blind, but deaf; and that was the idea of justice in the + South, when the Republican party was born. When the Republican party was + born the bay of the bloodhound was the music of the Union; when this party + was born the dome of our Capitol at Washington cast its shadow upon + slave-pens in which crouched and shuddered women from whose breasts their + babes had been torn by wretches who are now crying for honesty and reform. + When the Republican party was born, a bloodhound was considered as one of + the instrumentalities of republicanism. When the Republican party was + born, the church had made the cross of Christ a whipping-post. When the + Republican party was born, courts of the United States had not the + slightest idea of justice, provided a black man was on the other side. + When this party came into existence, if a negro had a plot of ground and + planted corn in it, and the rain had fallen upon it, and the dew had lain + lovingly upon it, and the arrows of light shot from the exhaustless quiver + of the sun, had quickened the blade, and the leaves waved in the perfumed + air of June, and it finally ripened into the full ear in the golden air of + autumn, the courts of the United States did not know to whom the corn + belonged, and if a Democrat had driven the negro off and shucked the corn, + and that case had been left to the Supreme Court of many of the States in + this Union, they would have read all the authorities, they would have + heard all the arguments, they would have heard all the speeches, then + pushed their spectacles back on their bald and brainless heads and + decided, all things considered, the Democrat was entitled to that corn. We + pretended at that time to be a free country; it was a lie. We pretended at + that time to do justice in our courts; it was a lie, and above all our + pretence and hypocrisy rose the curse of slavery, like Chimborazo above + the clouds. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, what is there about this great Republican party? It is + the party of intellectual freedom. It is one thing to bind the hands of + men; it is one thing to steal the results of physical labor of men, but it + is a greater crime to forge fetters for the souls of men. I am a free man; + I will do my own thinking or die; I give a mortgage on my soul to nobody; + I give a deed of trust on my soul to nobody; no matter whether I think + well or I think ill; whatever thought I have shall be my thought, and + shall be a free thought, and I am going to give cheerfully, gladly, the + same right to thus think to every other human being. + </p> + <p> + I despise any man who does not own himself. I despise any man who does not + possess his own spirit. I would rather die a beggar, covered with rags, + with my soul erect, fearless and free, than to live a king in a palace of + gold, clothed with the purple of power, with my soul slimy with hypocrisy, + crawling in the dust of fear. I will do my own thinking, and when I get it + thought, I will say it. These are the splendid things, my friends, about + the Republican party; intellectual and physical liberty for all. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, I have told you a little about the Republican party. Now, + I will tell you a little more about the Republican party. When that party + came into power it elected Abraham Lincoln President of the United States. + I live in the State that holds within its tender embrace the sacred ashes + of Abraham Lincoln, the best, the purest man that was ever President of + the United States. I except none. When he was elected President of the + United States, the Democratic party said: "We will not stand it;" the + Democratic party South said: "We will not bear it;" and the Democratic + party North said: "You ought not to bear it." + </p> + <p> + James Buchanan was then President. James Buchanan read the Constitution of + the United States, or a part of it, and read several platforms made by the + Democratic party, and gave it as his deliberate opinion that a State had a + right to go out of the Union. He gave it as his deliberate opinion that + this was a Confederacy and not a Nation, and when he said that, there was + another little, dried up, old bachelor sitting over in the amen corner of + the political meeting and he squeaked out: "That is my opinion too," and + the name of that man was Samuel J. Tilden. + </p> + <p> + The Democratic party then and now says that the Union is simply a + Confederacy; but I want this country to be a Nation. I want to live in a + great and splendid country. A great nation makes a great people. Your + surroundings have something to do with it. Great plains, magnificent + rivers, great ranges of mountains, a country washed by two oceans—all + these things make us great and grand as the continent on which we live. + The war commenced, and the moment the war commenced the whole country was + divided into two parties. No matter what they had been before, whether + Democrats, Freesoilers, Republicans, old Whigs, or Abolitionists—the + whole country divided into two parties—the friends and enemies of + the country—patriots and traitors, and they so continued until the + Rebellion was put down. I cheerfully admit that thousands of Democrats + went into the army, and that thousands of Democrats were patriotic men. I + cheerfully admit that thousands of them thought more of their country than + they did of the Democratic party, and they came with us to fight for the + country, and I honor every one of them from the bottom of my heart, and + nineteen out of twenty of them have voted the Republican ticket from that + day to this. Some of them came back and went to the Democratic party again + and are still in that party; I have not a word to say against them, only + this: They are swapping off respectability for disgrace. They give to the + Democratic party all the respectability it has, and the Democratic party + gives to them all the disgrace they have. + </p> + <p> + Democratic soldier, come out of the Democratic party. There was a man in + my State got mad at the railroad and would not ship his hogs on it, so he + drove them to Chicago, and it took him so long to get them there that the + price had fallen; when he came back, they laughed at him, and said to him, + "You didn't make much, did you, driving your hogs to Chicago?" "No," he + said, "I didn't make anything except the company of the hogs on the way." + Soldier of the Republic, I say, with the Democratic party all you can make + is the company of the hogs on the way down. Come out, come out and leave + them alone in their putridity—in their rottenness. Leave them alone. + Do not try to put a new patch on an old garment. Leave them alone. I tell + you the Democratic party must be left alone; it must be left to enjoy the + primal curse, "On thy belly shalt thou crawl and dust shalt thou eat all + the days of thy life," O Democratic party. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, I need not tell you how we put down the Rebellion. You + all know. I need not describe to you the battles you fought. I need not + tell you of the men who sacrificed their lives. I need not tell you of the + old men who are still waiting for footsteps that never will return. I need + not tell you of the women who are waiting for the return of their loved + ones. I need not tell you of all these things. You know we put down the + Rebellion; we fought until the old flag triumphed over every inch of + American soil redeemed from the clutch of treason. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, what was the Democratic party doing when the Republican + party was doing these splendid things? When, the Republican party said + this was a nation; when the Republican party said we shall be free; when + the Republican party said slavery shall be extirpated from American soil; + when the Republican party said the negro shall be a citizen, and the + citizen shall have the ballot, and the citizen shall have the right to + cast that ballot for the government of his choice peaceably—what was + the Democratic party doing? + </p> + <p> + I will tell you a few things that the Democratic party has done within the + last sixteen years. In the first place, they were not willing that this + country should be saved unless slavery could be saved with it. There never + was a Democrat, North or South—and by Democrat I mean the fellows + who stuck to the party all during the war, the ones that stuck to the + party after it was a disgrace; the ones that stuck to the party from + simple, pure cussedness—there never was one who did not think more + of the institution of slavery than he did of the Government of the United + States; not one that I ever saw or read of. And so they said to us for all + those years: "If you can save the Union with slavery, and without any help + from us, we are willing you should do it; but we do not propose that this + shall be an abolition war." So the Democratic party from the first said, + "An effort to preserve this Union is unconstitutional," and they made a + breastwork of the Constitution for rebels to get behind and shoot down + loyal men, so that the first charge I lay at the feet of the Democratic + party, the first charge I make in the indictment, is that they thought + more of slavery than of liberty and of this Union, and in my judgment they + are in the same condition this moment. The next thing they did was to + discourage enlistments in the North. They did all in their power to + prevent any man's going into the army to assist in putting down the + Rebellion. And that grand reformer and statesman, Samuel J. Tilden, gave + it as his opinion that the South could sue, and that every soldier who put + his foot on sacred Southern soil would be a trespasser, and could be sued + before a Justice of the Peace. The Democratic party met in their + conventions in every State North, and denounced the war as an abolition + war, and Abraham Lincoln as a tyrant. What more did they do? They went + into partnership with the rebels. They said to the rebels just as plainly + as though they had spoken it: "Hold on, hold out, hold hard, fight hard, + until we get the political possession of the North, and then you can go in + peace." + </p> + <p> + What more? A man by the name of Jacob Thompson—a nice man and a good + Democrat, who thinks that of all the men to reform the Government Samuel + J. Tilden is the best man—Jacob Thompson had the misfortune to be a + very vigorous Democrat, and I will show you what I mean by that. A + Democrat during the war who had a musket—you understand, a musket—he + was a rebel, and during the war a rebel that did not have a musket was a + Democrat. I call Mr. Thompson a vigorous Democrat, because he had a + musket. Jacob Thompson was the rebel agent in Canada, and when he went + there he took between six and seven hundred thousand dollars for the + purpose of co-operating with the Northern Democracy. He got himself + acquainted with and in connection with the Democratic party in Ohio, in + Indiana, and in Illinois. The vigorous Democrats, the real Democrats, in + these States had organized themselves under the heads of "Sons of + Liberty," "Knights of the Golden Circle," "Order of the Star," and various + other beautiful names, and their object was to release rebel prisoners + from Camp Chase, Camp Douglass in Chicago, and from one camp in + Indianapolis and another camp at Rock Island. Their object was to raise a + fire in the rear, as they called it—in other words, to burn down the + homes of Union soldiers while they were in the front fighting for the + honor of their country. That was their object, and they put themselves in + connection with Jacob Thompson. They were to have an uprising on the 16th + of August, 1864. It was thought best to hold a few public meetings for the + purpose of arousing the public mind. They held the first meeting in the + city of Peoria, where I live. That was August 3rd, 1864. Here they came + from every part of the State, and were addressed by the principal + Democratic politicians in Illinois. + </p> + <p> + To that meeting Fernando Wood addressed a letter, in which he said that + although absent in body he should be present in spirit. George Pendleton + of Ohio, George Pugh of the same State, Seymour of Connecticut, and + various other Democratic gentlemen, sent acknowledgments and expressions + of regret to this Democratic meeting that met at this time for the purpose + of organizing an uprising among the Democratic party. I saw that meeting, + and heard some of their speeches. They denounced the war as an abolition + nigger war. They denounced Abraham Lincoln as a tyrant. They carried + transparencies that said, "Is there money enough in the land to pay this + nigger debt? Arouse, brothers, and hurl the tyrant Lincoln from the + throne." And the men that promulgated that very thing are running for the + most important political offices in the country, on the ground of honesty + and reform. And Jacob Thompson says that he furnished the money to pay the + expenses of that Democratic meeting. They were all paid by rebel gold, by + Jacob Thompson. He has on file the voucher from these Democratic gentlemen + in favor of Tilden and Hendricks. The next meetings were held in + Springfield, Illinois, and Indianapolis, Indiana, the expenses of which + were paid in the same way. They shipped to one town these weapons of our + destruction in boxes labeled Sunday school books! + </p> + <p> + That same rebel agent, Jacob Thompson, hired a Democrat by the name of + Churchill to burn the city of Cincinnati, Ohio, and Thompson coolly + remarked: "I don't think he has had much luck, as I have only heard of a + <i>few</i> fires." + </p> + <p> + In Indianapolis a man named Dodds was arrested—a sound Democrat—so + sound that the Government had to take him by the nape of the neck and put + him in Fort Lafayette. The convention of Democrats then met in the city of + Chicago, and declared the war a failure. There never was a more infamous + lie on this earth than when the Democratic convention declared in 1864 + that the war was a failure. It was but a few days afterward that the roar + of Grants cannon announced that a lie. Rise from your graves, Union + soldiers, one and all, that fell in support of your country—rise + from your graves, and lift your skeleton hands on high, and swear that + when the Democratic party resolved that the war for the preservation of + your country was a failure, that the Democratic party was a vast + aggregated liar. Well, we grew magnanimous, and let Dodds out of Fort + Lafayette; and where do you suppose Dodds is now? He is in Wisconsin. What + do you suppose Dodds is doing? Making speeches. Whom for? Tilden and + Hendricks—"Honesty and reform!" This same Jacob Thompson, Democrat, + hired men to burn New York, and they did set fire in some twenty places, + and they used Greek fire, as he said in his letter, and ingenuously adds: + "I shall never hereafter advise the use of Greek fire." They knew that in + the smoke and ruins would be found the charred remains of mothers and + children, and that the flames leaping like serpents would take the child + from the mothers arms, and they were ready to do it to preserve the + infamous institution of slavery; and the Democratic party has never + objected to it from that day to this. They burned steamboats, and many men + with them, and the hounds that did it are skulking in the woods of + Missouri. While these things were going on, Democrats in the highest + positions said: "Not one cent to prosecute the war." + </p> + <p> + The next question we have to consider is about paying the debt. This is + the first question. The second question is the protection of the citizen, + whether he is white or black. We owe a large debt. Two-thirds of that debt + was incurred in consequence of the action and the meanness of the + Democrats. There are some people who think that you can defer the payment + of a promise so long that the postponement of the debt will serve in lieu + of its liquidation—that you pay your debts by putting off your + creditors. + </p> + <p> + The people have to support the Government; the Government cannot support + the people. The Government has no money but what it received from the + people. It had therefore to borrow money to carry on the war. Every + greenback that it issued was a forced loan. My notes are not a legal + tender, though if I had the power I might possibly make them so. We + borrowed money and we have to pay the debt. That debt represents the + expenses of war. The horses and the gunpowder and the rifles and the + artillery are represented in that debt—it represents all the + munitions of war. Until we pay that debt we can never be a solvent nation. + Until our net profits amount to as much as we lost during the war we can + never be a solvent people. If a man cannot understand that, there is no + use in talking to him on the subject. The alchemists in olden times who + fancied that they could make gold out of nothing were not more absurd than + the American advocates of soft money. They resemble the early explorers of + our continent who lost years in searching for the fountain of eternal + youth, but the ear of age never caught the gurgle of that spring. We all + have heard of men who spent years of labor in endeavoring to produce + perpetual motion. They produced machines of the most ingenious character + with cogs and wheels, and pulleys without number, but these ingenious + machines had one fault, they would not go. You will never find a way to + make money out of nothing. It is as great nonsense as the fountain of + perpetual youth. You cannot do it. + </p> + <p> + Gold is the best material which labor has yet found as a measure of value. + That measure of value must be as valuable as the object it measures. + </p> + <p> + The value of gold arises from the amount of labor expended in producing + it. A gold dollar will buy as much labor as produced that dollar. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [Here the speaker opened a telegram from Maine, which he + read to the audience amid a perfect tempest of applause. It + contained the following words:] "We have triumphed by an + immense majority, something we have not achieved since + 1868." [The speaker resumed.] And this despatch is signed by + the man who clutched the throats of the Democrats and held + them until they grew black in the face, James G. Blaine. *** +</pre> + <p> + Now, gentlemen, to pass from the financial part of this, and I will say + one word before I do it. The Republican party intends to pay its debts in + coin on the 1st of January, 1879. Paper money means probably the payment + of the Confederate debt; a metallic currency, the discharge of honest + obligations. We have touched hard-pan prices in this country, and we want + to do a hard-pan business with hard money. + </p> + <p> + We now come to the protection of our citizens. A government that cannot + protect its citizens, at home and abroad, ought to be swept from the map + of the world. The Democrats tell you that they will protect any citizen if + he is only away from home, but if he is in Louisiana or any other State in + the Union, the Government is powerless to protect him. I say a government + has a right to protect every citizen at home as well as abroad, and the + Government has the right to take its soldiers across the State line, to + take its soldiers into any State, for the purpose of protecting even one + man. That is my doctrine with regard to the power of the Government. But + here comes a Democrat to-day and tells me, (and it is the old doctrine of + secession in disguise), that the State of Louisiana must protect its own + citizens, and that if it does not, the General Government has nothing to + do unless the Governor of that State asks assistance, no matter whether + anarchy prevails or not. That is infamous. The United States has the right + to draft you and me into the army and compel us to serve there, if its + powers are being usurped. It is the duty of this Government to see to it + that every citizen has all his rights in every State in this Union, and to + protect him in the enjoyment of those rights, peaceably if it can, + forcibly if it must. + </p> + <p> + Democrats tell us that they treat the colored man very well. I have + frequently read stories relating how two white men were passing along the + road when suddenly they were set upon by ten or twelve negroes, who sought + their lives; but in the fight which ensued, the ten or twelve negroes were + killed, and not a white man hurt. I tell you it is infamous, and the + Democratic press of the North laughs at it, and Mr. Samuel J. Tilden does + not care. He knows that many of the Southern States are to be carried by + assassination and murder, and he knows that if he is elected it will be by + assassination and murder. It is infamous beyond the expression of + language. Now, I ask you which party will be the most likely to preserve + the liberty of the negro—the party who fought for slavery, or the + men who gave them freedom? These are the two great questions—the + payment of the debt, and the protection of our citizens. My friends, we + have to pay the debt, as I told you, but it is of greater importance to + make sacred American citizenship. + </p> + <p> + Now, these two parties have a couple of candidates. The Democratic party + has put forward Mr. Samuel J. Tilden. Mr. Tilden is a Democrat who belongs + to the Democratic party of the city of New York; the worst party ever + organized in any civilized country. I wish you could see it. The + pugilists, the prizefighters, the plug-uglies, the fellows that run with + the "masheen;" nearly every nose is mashed, about half the ears have been + chawed off; and of whatever complexion they are, their eyes are nearly + always black. They have fists like tea-kettles and heads like bullets. I + wish you could see them. I have been in New York every few weeks for + fifteen years; and whenever I am here I see the old banner of Tammany + Hall, "Tammany Hall and Reform;" "John Morrissey and Reform;" "John Kelley + and Reform;" "William M. Tweed and Reform;" and the other day I saw the + same old flag; "Samuel J. Tilden and Reform." The Democratic party of the + city of New York never had but two objects—grand and petit larceny. + Tammany Hall bears the same relation to the penitentiary that the Sunday + school does to the church. + </p> + <p> + I have heard that the Democratic party got control of the city when it did + not owe a dollar, and have stolen and stolen until it owes a hundred and + sixty millions, and I understand that every election they have had was a + fraud, every one. I understand that they stole everything they could lay + their hands on; and what hands! Grasped and grasped and clutched, until + they stole all it was possible for the people to pay, and now they are all + yelling for "Honesty and Reform." + </p> + <p> + I understand that Samuel J. Tilden was a pupil in that school, and that + now he is the head teacher. I understand that when the war commenced he + said he would never aid in the prosecution of that old outrage. I + understand that he said in 1860 and in 1861 that the Southern States could + snap the tie of confederation as a nation would break a treaty, and that + they could repel coercion as a nation would repel invasion. I understand + that during the entire war he was opposed to its prosecution, and that he + was opposed to the Proclamation of Emancipation, and demanded that the + document be taken back. I understand that he regretted to see the chains + fall from the limbs of the colored man. I understand that he regretted + when the Constitution of the United States was elevated and purified, pure + as the driven snow. I understand that he regretted when the stain was + wiped from our flag and we stood before the world the only pure Republic + that ever existed. This is enough for me to say about him, and since the + news from Maine you need not waste your time in talking about him. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [A voice: "How about free schools?"] +</pre> + <p> + I want every schoolhouse to be a temple of science in which shall be + taught the laws of nature, in which the children shall be taught actual + facts, and I do not want that schoolhouse touched, or that institution of + science touched, by any superstition whatever. Leave religion with the + church, with the family, and more than all, leave religion with each + individual heart and man. + </p> + <p> + Let every man be his own bishop, let every man be his own pope, let every + man do his own thinking, let every man have a brain of his own. Let every + man have a heart and conscience of his own. + </p> + <p> + We are growing better, and truer, and grander. And let me say, Mr. + Democrat, we are keeping the country for your children. We are keeping + education for your children. We are keeping the old flag floating for your + children; and let me say, as a prediction, there is only air enough on + this continent to float that one flag. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Note.—This address was not revised by the author for + publication. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link0006" id="link0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Col. Ingersoll was introduced by Gen'l Noyes, who said: "I + have now the exquisite pleasure of introducing to you that + dashing cavalry officer, that thunderbolt of war, that + silver tongued orator, Col. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois." + The Journal, Indianapolis, Indiana. September 2lst, 1876. +</pre> + <p> + HAYES CAMPAIGN. 1876 + </p> + <p> + Delivered to the Veteran Soldiers of the Rebellion. + </p> + <p> + LADIES and Gentlemen, Fellow Citizens and Citizen Soldiers:—I am + opposed to the Democratic party, and I will tell you why. Every State that + seceded from the United States was a Democratic State. Every ordinance of + secession that was drawn was drawn by a Democrat. Every man that + endeavored to tear the old flag from the heaven that it enriches was a + Democrat. Every man that tried to destroy this nation was a Democrat. + Every enemy this great Republic has had for twenty years has been a + Democrat. Every man that shot Union soldiers was a Democrat. Every man + that denied to the Union prisoners even the worm-eaten crust of famine, + and when some poor, emaciated Union patriot, driven to insanity by famine, + saw in an insane dream the face of his mother, and she beckoned him and he + followed, hoping to press her lips once again against his fevered face, + and when he stepped one step beyond the dead line the wretch that put the + bullet through his loving, throbbing heart was and is a Democrat. + </p> + <p> + Every man that loved slavery better than liberty was a Democrat. The man + that assassinated Abraham Lincoln was a Democrat. Every man that + sympathized with the assassin—every man glad that the noblest + President ever elected was assassinated, was a Democrat. Every man that + wanted the privilege of whipping another man to make him work for him for + nothing and pay him with lashes on his naked back, was a Democrat. Every + man that raised bloodhounds to pursue human beings was a Democrat. Every + man that clutched from shrieking, shuddering, crouching mothers, babes + from their breasts, and sold them into slavery, was a Democrat. Every man + that impaired the credit of the United States, every man that swore we + would never pay the bonds, every man that swore we would never redeem the + greenbacks, every maligner of his country's credit, every calumniator of + his country's honor, was a Democrat. Every man that resisted the draft, + every man that hid in the bushes and shot at Union men simply because they + were endeavoring to enforce the laws of their country, was a Democrat. + Every man that wept over the corpse of slavery was a Democrat. Every man + that cursed Abraham Lincoln because he issued the Proclamation of + Emancipation—the grandest paper since the Declaration of + Independence—every one of them was a Democrat. Every man that + denounced the soldiers that bared their breasts to the storms of shot and + shell for the honor of America and for the sacred rights of man; was a + Democrat. Every man that wanted an uprising in the North, that wanted to + release the rebel prisoners that they might burn down the homes of Union + soldiers above the heads of their wives and children, while the brave + husbands, the heroic fathers, were in the front fighting for the honor of + the old flag, every one of them was a Democrat. I am not through yet. + Every man that believed this glorious nation of ours is a confederacy, + every man that believed the old banner carried by our fathers over the + fields of the Revolution; the old flag carried by our fathers over the + fields of 1812; the glorious old banner carried by our brothers over the + plains of Mexico; the sacred banner carried by our brothers over the cruel + fields of the South, simply stood for a contract, simply stood for an + agreement, was a Democrat. Every man who believed that any State could go + out of the Union at its pleasure, every man that believed the grand fabric + of the American Government could be made to crumble instantly into dust at + the touch of treason, was a Democrat. Every man that helped to burn orphan + asylums in New York, was a Democrat; every man that tried to fire the city + of New York, although he knew that thousands would perish, and knew that + the great serpent of flame leaping from buildings would clutch children + from their mothers' arms—every wretch that did it was a Democrat. + Recollect it! Every man that tried to spread smallpox and yellow fever in + the North, as the instrumentalities of civilized war, was a Democrat. + Soldiers, every scar you have on your heroic bodies was given you by a + Democrat. Every scar, every arm that is lacking, every limb that is gone, + is a souvenir of a Democrat. I want you to recollect it. Every man that + was the enemy of human liberty in this country was a Democrat. Every man + that wanted the fruit of all the heroism of all the ages to turn to ashes + upon the lips—every one was a Democrat. + </p> + <p> + I am a Republican. I will tell you why: This is the only free Government + in the world. The Republican party made it so. The Republican party took + the chains from four millions of people. The Republican party, with the + wand of progress, touched the auction-block and it became a schoolhouse. + The Republican party put down the Rebellion, saved the nation, kept the + old banner afloat in the air, and declared that slavery of every kind + should be extirpated from the face of this continent. What more? I am a + Republican because it is the only free party that ever existed. It is a + party that has a platform as broad as humanity, a platform as broad as the + human race, a party that says you shall have all the fruit of the labor of + your hands, a party that says you may think for yourself, a party that + says, no chains for the hands, no fetters for the soul.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * At this point the rain began to descend, and it looked as + if a heavy shower was impending. Several umbrellas were put + up. Gov. Noyes—"God bless you! What is rain to soldiers" + Voice—"Go ahead; we don't mind the rain." It was proposed + to adjourn the meeting to Masonic Hall, but the motion was + voted down by an overwhelming majority, and Mr. Ingersoll + proceeded. +</pre> + <p> + I am a Republican because the Republican party says this country is a + Nation, and not a confederacy. I am here in Indiana to speak, and I have + as good a right to speak here as though I had been born on this stand—not + because the State flag of Indiana waves over me—I would not know it + if I should see it. You have the same right to speak in Illinois, not + because the State flag of Illinois waves over you, but because that + banner, rendered sacred by the blood of all the heroes, waves over you and + me. I am in favor of this being a Nation. Think of a man gratifying his + entire ambition in the State of Rhode Island. We want this to be a Nation, + and you cannot have a great, grand, splendid people without a great, + grand, splendid country. The great plains, the sublime mountains, the + great rushing, roaring rivers, shores lashed by two oceans, and the grand + anthem of Niagara, mingle and enter, into the character of every American + citizen, and make him or tend to make him a great and grand character. I + am for the Republican party because it says the Government has as much + right, as much power, to protect its citizens at home as abroad. The + Republican party does not say that you have to go away from home to get + the protection of the Government. The Democratic party says the Government + cannot march its troops into the South to protect the rights of the + citizens. It is a lie. The Government claims the right, and it is conceded + that the Government has the right, to go to your house, while you are + sitting by your fireside with your wife and children about you, and the + old lady knitting, and the cat playing with the yarn, and everybody happy + and serene—the Government claims the right to go to your fireside + and take you by force and put you into the army; take you down to the + valley of the shadow of hell, put you by the ruddy, roaring guns, and make + you fight for your flag. Now, that being so, when the war is over and your + country is victorious, and you go back to your home, and a lot of + Democrats want to trample upon your rights, I want to know if the + Government that took you from your fireside and made you fight for it, I + want to know if it is not bound to fight for you. The flag that will not + protect its protectors is a dirty rag that contaminates the air in which + it waves. The government that will not defend its defenders is a disgrace + to the nations of the world. I am a Republican because the Republican + party says, "We will protect the rights of American citizens at home, and + if necessary we will march an army into any State to protect the rights of + the humblest American citizen in that State." I am a Republican because + that party allows me to be free—allows me to do my own thinking in + my own way. I am a Republican because it is a party grand enough and + splendid enough and sublime enough to invite every human being in favor of + liberty and progress to fight shoulder to shoulder for the advancement of + mankind. It invites the Methodist, it invites the Catholic, it invites the + Presbyterian and every kind of sectarian; it invites the Freethinker; it + invites the infidel, provided he is in favor of giving to every other + human being every chance and every right that he claims for himself. I am + a Republican, I tell you. There is room in the Republican air for every + wing; there is room on the Republican sea for every sail. Republicanism + says to every man: "Let your soul be like an eagle; fly out in the great + dome of thought, and question the stars for yourself." But the Democratic + party says; "Be blind owls, sit on the dry limb of a dead tree, and hoot + only when that party says hoot." + </p> + <p> + In the Republican party there are no followers. We are all leaders. There + is not a party chain. There is not a party lash. Any man that does not + love this country, any man that does not love liberty, any man that is not + in favor of human progress, that is not in favor of giving to others all + he claims for himself; we do not ask him to vote the Republican ticket. + You can vote it if you please, and if there is any Democrat within hearing + who expects to die before another election, we are willing that he should + vote one Republican ticket, simply as a consolation upon his death-bed. + What more? I am a Republican because that party believes in free labor. It + believes that free labor will give us wealth. It believes in free thought, + because it believes that free thought will give us truth. You do not know + what a grand party you belong to. I never want any holier or grander title + of nobility than that I belong to the Republican party, and have fought + for the liberty of man. The Republican party, I say, believes in free + labor. The Republican party also believes in slavery. What kind of + slavery? In enslaving the forces of nature. + </p> + <p> + We believe that free labor, that free thought, have enslaved the forces of + nature, and made them work for man. We make old attraction of gravitation + work for us; we make the lightning do our errands; we make steam hammer + and fashion what we need. The forces of nature are the slaves of the + Republican party. They have no backs to be whipped, they have no hearts to + be torn—no hearts to be broken; they cannot be separated from their + wives; they cannot be dragged from the bosoms of their husbands; they work + night and day and they never tire. You cannot whip them, you cannot starve + them, and a Democrat even can be trusted with one of them. I tell you I am + a Republican. I believe, as I told you, that free labor will give us these + slaves. Free labor will produce all these things, and everything you have + to-day has been produced by free labor, nothing by slave labor. + </p> + <p> + Slavery never invented but one machine, and that was a threshing machine + in the shape of a whip. Free labor has invented all the machines. We want + to come down to the philosophy of these things. The problem of free labor, + when a man works for the wife he loves, when he works for the little + children he adores—the problem is to do the most work in the + shortest space of time. The problem of slavery is to do the least work in + the longest space of time. That is the difference. Free labor, love, + affection—they have invented everything of use in this world. I am a + Republican. + </p> + <p> + I tell you, my friends, this world is getting better every day, and the + Democratic party is getting smaller every day. See the advancement we have + made in a few years, see what we have done. We have covered this nation + with wealth, with glory and with liberty. This is the first free + Government in the world. The Republican party is the first party that was + not founded on some compromise with the devil. It is the first party of + pure, square, honest principle; the first one. And we have the first free + country that ever existed. + </p> + <p> + And right here I want to thank every soldier that fought to make it free, + every one living and dead. I thank you again and again and again. You made + the first free Government in the world, and we must not forget the dead + heroes. If they were here they would vote the Republican ticket, every one + of them. I tell you we must not forget them. + </p> + <p> + * The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great + struggle for national life. We hear the sounds of preparation—the + music of boisterous drums—the silver voices of heroic bugles. We see + thousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators. We see the pale + cheeks of women, and the flushed faces of men; and in those assemblages we + see all the dead whose dust we have covered with flowers. We lose sight of + them no more. We are with them when they enlist in the great army of + freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are walking for the + last time in quiet, woody places, with the maidens they adore. We hear the + whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love as they lingeringly part + forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing babes that are asleep. + Some are receiving the blessings of old men. Some are parting with mothers + who hold them and press them to their hearts again and again, and say + nothing. Kisses and tears, tears and kisses—divine mingling of agony + and love! And some are talking with wives, and endeavoring with brave + words, spoken in the old tones, to drive from their hearts the awful fear. + We see them part. We see the wife standing in the door with the babe in + her arms—standing in the sunlight sobbing. At the turn of the road a + hand waves—she answers by holding high in her loving arms the child. + He is gone, and forever. + </p> + <p> + We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting flags, + keeping time to the grand, wild music of war—marching down the + streets of the great cities—through the towns and across the + prairies—down to the fields of glory, to do and to die for the + eternal right. + </p> + <p> + We go with them, one and all. We are by their side on all the gory fields—in + all the hospitals of pain—on all the weary marches. We stand guard + with them in the wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are with them in + ravines running with blood—in the furrows of old fields. We are with + them between contending hosts, unable to move, wild with thirst, the life + ebbing slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them pierced by balls + and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and in the whirlwind of + the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of steel. + </p> + <p> + We are with them in the prisons of hatred and famine; but human speech can + never tell what they endured. + </p> + <p> + We are at home when the news comes that they are dead. We see the maiden + in the shadow of her first sorrow. We see the silvered head of the old man + bowed with the last grief. + </p> + <p> + The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human beings + governed by the lash—we see them bound hand and foot—we hear + the strokes of cruel whips—we see the hounds tracking women through + tangled swamps. We see babes sold from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty + unspeakable! Outrage infinite! + </p> + <p> + Four million bodies in chains—four million souls in fetters. All the + sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child trampled beneath the + brutal feet of might. And all this was done under our own beautiful banner + of the free. + </p> + <p> + The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the bursting + shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We look. Instead of + slaves we see men and women and children. The wand of progress touches the + auction-block, the slave-pen, the whipping-post, and we see homes and + firesides and schoolhouses and books, and where all was want and crime and + cruelty and fear, we see the faces of the free. + </p> + <p> + These heroes are dead. They died for liberty—they died for us. They + are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under the flag they + rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, the tearful + willows, and the embracing vines. They, sleep beneath the shadows of the + clouds, careless alike of sunshine or of storm, each in the windowless + Palace of Rest. Earth may run red with other wars—they are at peace. + In the midst of battle, in the roar of conflict, they found the serenity + of death. I have one sentiment for soldiers living and dead: cheers for + the living; tears for the dead. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * This poetic flight of oratory has since become universally + known as "A. Vision of War." +</pre> + <p> + Now, my friends, I have given you a few reasons why I am a Republican. I + have given you a few reasons why I am not a Democrat. Let me say another + thing. The Democratic party opposed every forward movement of the army of + the Republic, every one. Do not be fooled. Imagine the meanest resolution + that you can think of—that is the resolution the Democratic party + passed. Imagine the meanest thing you can think of—that is what they + did; and I want you to recollect that the Democratic party did these + devilish things when the fate of this nation was trembling in the balance + of war. I want you to recollect another thing; when they tell you about + hard times, that the Democratic party made the hard times; that every + dollar we owe to-day was made by the Southern and Northern Democracy. + </p> + <p> + When we commenced to put down the Rebellion we had to borrow money, and + the Democratic party went into the markets of the world and impaired the + credit of the United States. They slandered, they lied, they maligned the + credit of the United States, and to such an extent did they do this, that + at one time during the war paper was only worth about thirty-four cents on + the dollar. Gold went up to $2.90. What did that mean? It meant that + greenbacks were worth thirty-four cents on the dollar. What became of the + other sixty-six cents? They were lied out of the greenback, they were + slandered out of the greenback, they were maligned out of the greenback, + they were calumniated out of the greenback, by the Democratic party of the + North. Two-thirds of the debt, two-thirds of the burden now upon the + shoulders of American industry, were placed there by the slanders of the + Democratic party of the North, and the other third by the Democratic party + of the South. And when you pay your taxes keep an account and charge + two-thirds to the Northern Democracy and one-third to the Southern + Democracy, and whenever you have to earn the money to pay the taxes, when + you have to blister your hands to earn that money, pull off the blisters, + and under each one, as the foundation, you will find a Democratic lie. + </p> + <p> + Recollect that the Democratic party did all the things of which I have + told you, when the fate of our nation was submitted to the arbitrament of + the sword. Recollect that the Democratic party did these things when your + brothers, your fathers, and your chivalric sons were fighting, bleeding, + suffering, and dying upon the battle-fields of the South; when shot and + shell were crashing through their sacred flesh. Recollect that this + Democratic party was false to the Union when your husbands, your fathers, + and your brothers, and your chivalric sons were lying in the hospitals of + pain, dreaming broken dreams of home, and seeing fever pictures of the + ones they loved; recollect that the Democratic party was false to the + nation when your husbands, your fathers, and your brothers were lying + alone upon the field of battle at night, the life-blood slowly oozing from + the mangled and pallid lips of death; recollect that the Democratic party + was false to your country when your husbands, your brothers, your fathers, + and your sons were lying in the prison pens of the South, with no covering + but the clouds, with no bed but the frozen earth, with no food except such + as worms had re-p fused to eat, and with no friends except Insanity and + Death. Recollect it, and spurn that party forever. + </p> + <p> + I have sometimes wished that there were words of pure hatred out of which + I might construct sentences like snakes; out of which I might construct + sentences that had fanged mouths, and that had forked tongues; out of + which I might construct sentences that would writhe and hiss; and then I + could give my opinion of the Northern allies of the Southern rebels during + the great struggle for the preservation of the country. + </p> + <p> + There are three questions now submitted to the American people. The first + is, Shall the people that saved this country rule it? Shall the men who + saved the old flag hold it? Shall the men who saved the ship of State sail + it, or shall the rebels walk her quarter-deck, give the orders and sink + it? That is the question. Shall a solid South, a united South, united by + assassination and murder, a South solidified by the shot-gun; shall a + united South, with the aid of a divided North, shall they control this + great and splendid country? We are right back where we were in 1861. This + is simply a prolongation of the war. This is the war of the idea, the + other was the war of the musket. The other was the war of cannon, this is + the war of thought; and we have to beat them in this war of thought, + recollect that. The question is, Shall the men who endeavored to destroy + this country rule it? Shall the men that said, This is not a Nation, have + charge of the Nation? + </p> + <p> + The next question is, Shall we pay our debts? We had to borrow some money + to pay for shot and shell to shoot Democrats with. We found that we could + get along with a few less Democrats, but not with any less country, and so + we borrowed the money, and the question now is, will we pay it? And which + party is the more apt to pay it, the Republican party that made the debt—the + party that swore it was constitutional, or the party that said it was + unconstitutional? + </p> + <p> + Every time a Democrat sees a greenback, it says to him, "I vanquished + you." Every time a Republican sees a greenback, it says, "You and I put + down the Rebellion and saved the country." + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, you have heard a great deal about finance. Nearly + everybody that talks about it gets as dry—as dry as if they had been + in the final home of the Democratic party for forty years. + </p> + <p> + I will now give you my ideas about finance. In the first place the + Government does not support the people, the people support the Government. + </p> + <p> + The Government is a perpetual pauper. It passes round the hat, and + solicits contributions; but then you must remember that the Government has + a musket behind the hat. The Government produces nothing. It does not plow + the land, it does not sow corn, it does not grow trees. The Government is + a perpetual consumer. We support the Government. Now, the idea that the + Government can make money for you and me to live on—why, it is the + same as though my hired man should issue certificates of my indebtedness + to him for me to live on. + </p> + <p> + Some people tell me that the Government can impress its sovereignty on a + piece of paper, and that is money. Well, if it is, what's the use of + wasting it making one dollar bills? It takes no more ink and no more paper—why + not make one thousand dollar bills? Why not make a hundred million dollar + bills and all be billionaires? + </p> + <p> + If the Government can make money, what on earth does it collect taxes from + you and me for? Why does it not make what money it wants, take the taxes + out, and give the balance to us? Mr. Greenbacker, suppose the Government + issued a billion dollars to-morrow, how would you get any of it? [A voice, + "Steal it."] I was not speaking to the Democrats. You would not get any of + it unless you had something to exchange for it. The Government would not + go around and give you your aver-: age. You have to have some corn, or + wheat, or pork to give for it. + </p> + <p> + How do you get your money? By work. Where from? You have to dig it out of + the ground. That is where it comes from. Men have always had a kind of + hope that something could be made out of nothing. The old alchemists + sought, with dim eyes, for something that could change the baser metals to + gold. With tottering steps, they searched for the spring of Eternal Youth. + Holding in trembling hands retort and crucible, they dreamed of the Elixir + of Life. The baser metals are not gold. No human ear has ever heard the + silver gurgle of the spring of Immortal Youth. The wrinkles upon the brow + of Age are still waiting for the Elixir of Life. + </p> + <p> + Inspired by the same idea, mechanics have endeavored, by curious + combinations of levers and inclined planes, of wheels and cranks and + shifting weights, to produce perpetual motion; but the wheels and levers + wait for force. And, in the financial world, there are thousands now + trying to find some way for promises to take the place of performance; for + some way to make the word dollar as good as the dollar itself; for some + way to make the promise to pay a dollar take the dollar's place. This + financial alchemy, this pecuniary perpetual motion, this fountain of + eternal wealth, are the same old failures with new names. Something cannot + be made out of nothing. Nothing is a poor capital to, carry on business + with, and makes a very unsatisfactory balance at your bankers. + </p> + <p> + Let me tell you another thing. The Democrats seem to think that you can + fail to keep a promise so long that it is as good as though you had kept + it. They say you can stamp the sovereignty of the Government upon paper. + </p> + <p> + I saw not long ago a piece of gold bearing the stamp of the Roman Empire. + That Empire is dust, and over it has been thrown the mantle of oblivion, + but that piece of gold is as good as though Julius Cæsar were still + riding at the head of the Roman Legions. + </p> + <p> + Was it his sovereignty that made it valuable? Suppose he had put it upon a + piece of paper—it would have been of no more value than a Democratic + promise. + </p> + <p> + Another thing, my friends: this debt will be paid; you need not worry + about that. The Democrats ought to pay it. They lost the suit, and they + ought to pay the costs. But we in our patriotism are willing to pay our + share. + </p> + <p> + Every man that has a bond, every man that has a greenback dollar has a + mortgage upon the best continent of land on earth. Every one has a + mortgage on the honor of the Republican party, and it is on record. Every + spear of grass; every bearded head of golden wheat that grows upon this + continent is a guarantee that the debt will be paid; every field of + bannered corn in the great, glorious West is a guarantee that the debt + will be paid; every particle of coal laid away by that old miser the sun, + millions-of years ago, is a guarantee that every dollar will be paid; all + the iron ore, all the gold and silver under the snow-capped Sierra + Nevadas, waiting for the miners pick to give back the flash of the sun, + every ounce is a guarantee that this debt will be paid; and all the cattle + on the prairies, pastures and plains which adorn our broad land are + guarantees that this debt will be paid; every pine standing in the sombre + forests of the North, waiting for the woodman's axe, is a guarantee that + this debt will be paid; every locomotive with its muscles of iron and + breath of flame, and all the boys and girls bending over their books at + school, every dimpled babe in the cradle, every honest man, every noble + woman, and every man that votes the Republican ticket is a guarantee that + the debt will be paid—these, all these, each and all, are the + guarantees that every promise of the United States will be sacredly + fulfilled. + </p> + <p> + What is the next question? The next question is, will we protect the Union + men in the South? I tell you the white Union men have suffered enough. It + is a crime in the Southern States to be a Republican. It is a crime in + every Southern State to love this country, to believe in the sacred rights + of men. + </p> + <p> + The colored people have suffered enough. For more than two hundred years + they have suffered the fabled torments of the damned; for more than two + hundred years they worked and toiled without reward, bending, in the + burning sun, their bleeding backs; for more than two hundred years, babes + were torn from the breasts of mothers, wives from husbands, and every + human tie broken by the cruel hand of greed; for more than two hundred + years they were pursued by hounds, beaten with clubs, burned with fire, + bound with chains; two hundred years of toil, of agony, of tears; two + hundred years of hope deferred; two hundred years of gloom and shadow and + darkness and blackness; two hundred years of supplication, of entreaty; + two hundred years of infinite outrage, without a moment of revenge. + </p> + <p> + The colored people have suffered enough. They were and are our friends. + They are the friends of this country, and, cost what it may, they must be + protected. + </p> + <p> + There was not during the whole Rebellion a single negro that was not our + friend. We are willing to be reconciled to our Southern brethren when they + will treat our friends as men. When they will be just to the friends of + this country; when they are in favor of allowing every American citizen to + have his rights—then we are their friends. We are willing to trust + them with the Nation when they are the friends of the Nation. We are + willing to trust them with liberty when they believe in liberty. We are + willing to trust them with the black man when they cease riding in the + darkness of night, (those masked wretches,) to the hut of the freedman, + and notwithstanding the prayers and supplications of his family, shoot him + down; when they cease to consider the massacre of Hamburg as a Democratic + triumph, then, I say, we will be their friends, and not before. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, thousands of the Southern people and thousands of the + Northern Democrats are afraid that the negroes are going to pass them in + the race of life. And, Mr. Democrat, he will do it unless you attend to + your business. The simple fact that you are white cannot save you always. + You have to be industrious, honest, to cultivate a sense of justice. If + you do not the colored race will pass you, as sure as you live. I am for + giving every man a chance. Anybody that can pass me is welcome. + </p> + <p> + I believe, my friends, that the intellectual domain of the future, as the + land used to be in the State of Illinois, is open to pre-emption. The + fellow that gets a fact first, that is his; that gets an idea first, that + is his. Every round in the ladder of fame, from the one that touches the + ground to the last one that leans against the shining summit of human + ambition, belongs to the foot that gets upon it first. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Democrat, (I point down because they are nearly all on the first round + of the ladder) if you can not climb, stand one side and let the deserving + negro pass. + </p> + <p> + I must tell you one thing. I have told it so much, and you have all heard + it fifty times, but I am going to tell it again because I like it. Suppose + there was a great horse race here to-day, free to every horse in the + world, and to all the mules, and all the scrubs* and all the donkeys. + </p> + <p> + At the tap of the drum they come to the line, and the judges say "it is a + go." Let me ask you, what does the blooded horse, rushing ahead, with + nostrils distended, drinking in the breath of his own swiftness, with his + mane flying like a banner of victory, with his veins standing out all over + him, as if a network of life had been cast upon him—with his thin + neck, his high withers, his tremulous flanks—what does he care how + many mules and donkeys run on that track? But the Democratic scrub, with + his chuckle-head and lop-ears, with his tail full of cockle-burrs, jumping + high and short, and digging in the ground when he feels the breath of the + coming mule on his cockle-burr tail, he is the chap that jumps the track + and says, "I am down on mule equality." + </p> + <p> + I stood, a little while ago, in the city of Paris, where stood the + Bastile, where now stands the Column of July, surmounted by a figure of + liberty. In its right hand is a broken chain, in its left hand a banner; + upon its glorious forehead the glittering and shining star of progress—and + as I looked upon it I said: "Such is the Republican party of my country." + </p> + <p> + The other day going along the road I came to a place where the road had + been changed, but the guide-board did not know it. It had stood there for + twenty years pointing deliberately and solemnly in the direction of a + desolate field; nobody ever went that way, but the guide-board thought the + next man would. Thousands passed, but nobody heeded the hand on the + guide-post, and through sunshine and storm it pointed diligently into the + old field and swore to it the road went that way; and I said to myself: + "Such is the Democratic party of the United States." + </p> + <p> + The other day I came to a river where there had been a mill; a part of it + was there still. An old sign said: "Cash for wheat." The old water-wheel + was broken; it had been warped by the sun, cracked and split by many winds + and storms. There had not been a grain of wheat ground there for twenty + years. + </p> + <p> + The door was gone, nobody had built a new dam, the mill was not worth a + dam; and I said to myself: "Such is the Democratic party." + </p> + <p> + I saw a little while ago a place on the road where there had once been an + hotel. But the hotel and barn had burned down and there was nothing + standing but two desolate chimneys, up the flues of which the fires of + hospitality had not roared for thirty years. The fence was gone, and the + post-holes even were obliterated, but in the road there was an old sign + upon which were these words: "Entertainment for man and beast." The old + sign swung and creaked in the winter wind, the snow fell upon it, the + sleet clung to it, and in the summer the birds sang and twittered and made + love upon it. Nobody ever stopped there, but the sign swore to it, the + sign certified to it! "Entertainment for man and beast," and I said to + myself: "Such is the Democratic party of the United States," and I further + said, "one chimney ought to be called Tilden and the other Hendricks." + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, I want you to vote the Republican ticket. I want you to + swear you will not vote for a man who opposed putting down the Rebellion. + I want you to swear that you will not vote for a man opposed to the + Proclamation of Emancipation. I want you to swear that you will not vote + for a man opposed to the utter abolition of slavery. + </p> + <p> + I want you to swear that you will not vote for a man who called the + soldiers in the field, Lincoln hirelings. I want you to swear that you + will not vote for a man who denounced Lincoln as a tyrant. I want you to + swear that you will not vote for any enemy of human progress. Go and talk + to every Democrat that you can see; get him by the coatcollar, talk to + him, and hold him like Coleridge's Ancient Mariner, with your glittering + eye; hold him, tell him all the mean things his party ever did; tell him + kindly; tell him in a Christian spirit, as I do, but tell him. Recollect, + there never was a more important election than the one you are going to + hold in Indiana. I tell you we must stand by the country. It is a glorious + country. It permits you and me to be free. It is the only country in the + world where labor is respected. Let us support it. It is the only country + in the world where the useful man is the only aristocrat. The man that + works for a dollar a day, goes home at night to his little ones, takes his + little boy on his knee, and he thinks that boy can achieve anything that + the sons of the wealthy man can achieve. The free schools are open to him; + he may be the richest, the greatest, and the grandest, and that thought + sweetens every drop of sweat that rolls down the honest face of toil. Vote + to save that country. + </p> + <p> + My friends, this country is getting better every day. Samuel J. Tilden + says we are a nation of thieves and rascals. If that is so he ought to be + the President. But I denounce him as a calumniator of my country; a + maligner of this nation. It is not so. This country is covered with + asylums for the aged, the helpless, the insane, the orphans and wounded + soldiers. Thieves and rascals do not build such things. In the cities of + the Atlantic coast this summer, they built floating hospitals, great + ships, and took the little children from the sub-cellars and narrow, dirty + streets of New York City, where the Democratic party is the strongest—took + these poor waifs and put them in these great hospitals out at sea, and let + the breezes of ocean kiss the roses of health back to their pallid cheeks. + Rascals and thieves do not so. When Chicago burned, railroads were blocked + with the charity of the American people. Thieves and rascals do not so. + </p> + <p> + I am a Republican. The world is getting better. Husbands are treating + their wives better than they used to; wives are treating their husbands + better. Children are better treated than they used to be; the old whips + and clubs are out of the schools, and they are governing children by love + and by sense. The world is getting better; it is getting better in Maine, + in Vermont. It is getting better in every State of the North, and I tell + you we are going to elect Hayes and Wheeler and the world will then be + better still. I have a dream that this world is growing better and better + every day and every year; that there is more charity, more justice, more + love every day. I have a dream that prisons will not always curse the + land; that the shadow of the gallows will not always fall upon the earth; + that the withered hand of want will not always be stretched out for + charity; that finally wisdom will sit in the legislatures, justice in the + courts, charity will occupy all the pulpits, and that finally the world + will be governed by justice and charity, and by the splendid light of + liberty. That is my dream, and if it does not come true, it shall not be + my fault. I am going to do my level best to give others the same chance I + ask for myself. Free thought will give us truth; Free labor will give us + wealth. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0007" id="link0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHICAGO SPEECH. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Col. Robert G. Ingersoll spoke last night at the + Exposition Building to the largest audience ever drawn by + one man In Chicago. From 6.30 o'clock the sidewalks fronting + along the building were jammed. At every entrance there were + hundreds, and half-an-hour later thousands were clamoring + for admittance. So great was the pressure the doors were + finally closed, and the entrances at either end cautiously + opened to admit the select who knew enough to apply In those + directions. Occasionally a rush was made for the main door, + and as the crowd came up against the huge barricade they + were swept back only for another effort. Wabash Avenue, + Monroe, Adams, Jackson, and Van Buren Streets were jammed + with ladies and gentlemen who swept into Michigan Avenue and + swelled the sea that surged around the building. + + At 7.30 the doors were flung open and the people rushed in. + Seating accommodations supposed to be adequate to all + demands, had been provided, but in an Instant they were + filled, the aisles were jammed and around the sides of the + building poured a steady stream of humanity, Intent only + upon some coign of vantage, some place, where they could see + and where they could hear. Prom the fountain, beyond which + the building lay in shadow to the northern end, was a + swaying, surging mass of people. + + Such another attendance of ladies has never been known at a + political meeting in Chicago. They came by the hundreds, and + the speaker looked down from his perch upon thousands of + fair upturned faces, stamped with the most intense interest + in his remarks. + + The galleries were packed. The frame of the huge elevator + creaked, groaned, and swayed with the crowd roosting upon + it. The trusses bore their living weight. The gallery + railings bent and cracked. The roof was crowded, and the sky + lights teemed with heads. Here and there an adventurous + youth crept out on the girders and braces. Towards the + northern end of the building, on the west side, is a smaller + gallery, dark, and not particularly strong-looking. It was + fairly packed—packed like a sardine-box—with men and boys. + Up in the organ-loft around the sides of the organ, + everywhere that a human being could sit, stand or hang, was + pre-empted and filled. + + It was a magnificent, outpouring, at east 50,000 In number, + a compliment alike to the principle it represented, and the + orator.—Chicago Tribune., October 21st, 1876. +</pre> + <p> + HAYES CAMPAIGN. 1876. + </p> + <p> + LADIES and Gentlemen:—Democrats and Republicans have a common + interest in the United States. We have a common interest in the + preservation of good order. We have a common interest in the preservation + of a common country. And I appeal to all, Democrats and Republicans, to + endeavor to make a conscientious choice; to endeavor to select as + President and Vice-President of the United States the men and the parties, + which, in your judgment, will best preserve this nation, and preserve all + that is dear to us either as Republicans or Democrats. + </p> + <p> + The Democratic party comes before you and asks that you will give this + Government into its hands; and you have a right to investigate as to the + reputation and character of the Democratic organization. The Democratic + party says, "Let bygones be bygones." I never knew a man who did a decent + action that wanted it forgotten. I never knew a man who did some great and + shining act of self-sacrifice and heroic devotion who did not wish that + act remembered. Not only so, but he expected his loving children would + chisel the remembrance of it upon the marble that marked his last resting + place. But whenever a man does an infamous thing; whenever a man commits + some crime; whenever a man does that which mantles the cheeks of his + children with shame; he is the man that says, "Let bygones be bygones." + The Democratic party admits that it has a record, but it says that any man + that will look into it, any man that will tell it, is not a gentleman. I + do not know whether, according to the Democratic standard, I am a + gentleman or not; but I do say that in a certain sense I am one of the + historians of the Democratic party. + </p> + <p> + I do not know that it is true that a man cannot give this record and be a + gentleman, but I admit that a gentleman hates to read this record; a + gentleman hates to give this record to the world; but I do it, not because + I like to do it, but because I believe the best interests of this country + demand that there shall be a history given of the Democratic party. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, I claim that the Democratic party embraces within its + filthy arms the worst elements in American society. I claim that every + enemy that this Government has had for twenty years has been and is a + Democrat; every man in the Dominion of Canada that hates the great + Republic, would like to see Tilden and Hendricks successful. Every titled + thief in Great Britain would like to see Tilden and Hendricks the next + President and Vice-President of the United States. + </p> + <p> + I say more; every State that seceded from this Union was a Democratic + State. Every man who hated to see bloodhounds cease to be the + instrumentalities of a free government—every one was a Democrat. In + short, every enemy that this Government has had for twenty years, every + enemy that liberty and progress has had in the United States for twenty + years, every hater of our flag, every despiser of our Nation, every man + who has been a disgrace to the great Republic for twenty years, has been a + Democrat. I do not say that they are all that way; but nearly all who are + that way are Democrats. + </p> + <p> + The Democratic party is a political tramp with a yellow passport. This + political tramp begs food and he carries in his pocket old dirty scraps of + paper as a kind of certificate of character. On one of these papers he + will show you the ordinance of 1789; on another one of those papers he + will have a part of the Fugitive Slave Law; on another one some of the + black laws that used to disgrace Illinois; on another Governor Tilden's + Letter to Kent; on another a certificate signed by Lyman Trumbull that the + Republican party is not fit to associate with—that certificate will + be endorsed by Governor John M. Palmer and my friend Judge Doolittle. He + will also have in his pocket an old wood-cut, somewhat torn, representing + Abraham Lincoln falling upon the neck of S. Corning Judd, and thanking him + for saving the Union as Commander-in-Chief of the Sons of Liberty. This + political tramp will also have a letter dated Boston, Mass., saying: "I + hereby certify that for fifty years I have regarded the bearer as a thief + and robber, but I now look upon him as a reformer. Signed, Charles Francis + Adams." Following this tramp will be a bloodhound; and when he asks for + food, the bloodhound will crouch for employment on his haunches, and the + drool of anticipation will run from his loose and hanging lips. Study the + expression of that dog. + </p> + <p> + Translate it into English and it means "Oh! I want to bite a nigger!" And + when the dog has that expression he bears a striking likeness to his + master. The question is, Shall that tramp and that dog gain possession of + the White House? + </p> + <p> + The Democratic party learns nothing; the Democratic party forgets nothing. + The Democratic party does not know that the world has advanced a solitary + inch since 1860. Time is a Democratic dumb watch. It has not given a tick + for sixteen years. The Democratic party does not know that we, upon the + great glittering highway of progress, have passed a single mile-stone for + twenty years. The Democratic party is incapable of learning. The + Democratic party is incapable of anything but prejudice and hatred. Every + man that is a Democrat is a Democrat because he hates something; every man + that is a Republican is a Republican because he loves something. + </p> + <p> + The Democratic party is incapable of advancement; the only stock that it + has in trade to-day is the old infamous doctrine of Democratic State + Rights. There never was a more infamous doctrine advanced on this earth, + than the Democratic idea of State Rights. What is it? It has its + foundation in the idea that this is not a Nation; it has its foundation in + the idea that this is simply a confederacy, that this great Government is + simply a bargain, that this great splendid people have simply made a + trade, that the people of any one of the States are sovereign to the + extent that they have the right to trample upon the rights of their + fellow-citizens, and that the General Government cannot interfere. The + great Democratic heart is fired to-day, the Democratic bosom is bloated + with indignation because of an order made by General Grant sending troops + into the Southern States to defend the rights of American citizens! Who + objects to a soldier going? Nobody except a man who wants to carry an + election by fraud, by violence, by intimidation, by assassination, and by + murder. + </p> + <p> + The Democratic party is willing to-day that Tilden and Hendricks should be + elected by violence; they are willing to-day to go into partnership with + assassination and murder; they are willing to-day that every man in the + Southern States, who is a friend of this Union, and who fought for our + flag—that the rights of every one of these men should be trampled in + the dust, provided that Tilden and Hendricks be elected President and + Vice-President of this country. They tell us that a State line is sacred; + that you never can cross it unless you want to do a mean thing; that if + you want to catch a fugitive slave you have the right to cross it; but if + you wish to defend the rights of men, then it is a sacred line, and you + cannot cross it. Such is the infamous doctrine of the Democratic party. + Who, I say, will be injured by sending soldiers into the Southern States? + No one in the world except the man who wants to prevent an honest citizen + from casting a legal vote for the Government of his choice. For my part, I + think more of the colored Union men of the South than I do of the white + disunion men of the South. For my part, I think more of a black friend + than I do of a white enemy. For my part, I think more of a friend black + outside, and white in, than I do of a man who is white outside and black + inside. For my part, I think more of black justice, of black charity, and + of black patriotism, than I do of white cruelty, than I do of white + treachery and treason. As a matter of fact, all that is done in the South + to-day, of use, is done by the colored man. The colored man raises + everything that is raised in the South, except hell. And I say here + to-night that I think one hundred times more of the good, honest, + industrious black man of the South than I do of all the white men together + that do not love this Government, and I think more of the black man of the + South than I do of the white man of the North who sympathizes with the + white wretch that wishes to trample upon the rights of that black man. + </p> + <p> + I believe that this is a Government, first, not only of power, but that it + is the right of this Government to march all the soldiers in the United + States into any sovereign State of this Union to defend the rights of + every American citizen in that State. If it is the duty of the Government + to defend you in time of war, when you were compelled to go into the army, + how much more is it the duty of the Government to defend in time of peace + the man who, in time of war, voluntarily and gladly rushed to the rescue + and defence of his country; and yet the Democratic doctrine is that you + are to answer the call of the Nation, but the Nation will be deaf to your + cry, unless the Governor of your State makes request of your Government. + Suppose the Governors and every man trample upon your rights, is the + Nation then to let you be trampled upon? Will the Nation hear only the cry + of the oppressor, or will it heed the cry of the oppressed? I believe we + should have a Government that can hear the faintest wail, the faintest cry + for justice from the lips of the humblest citizen beneath the flag. But + the Democratic doctrine is that this Government can protect its citizens + only when they are away from home. This may account for so many Democrats + going to Canada during the war. I believe that the Government must protect + you, not only abroad but must protect you at home; and that is the + greatest question before the American people to-day. + </p> + <p> + I had thought that human impudence had reached its limit ages and ages + ago. I had believed that some time in the history of the world impudence + had reached its height, and so believed until I read the congratulatory + address of Abram S. Hewitt, Chairman of the National Executive Democratic + Committee, wherein he congratulates the negroes of the South on what he + calls a Democratic victory in the State of Indiana. If human impudence can + go beyond this, all I have to say is, it never has. What does he say to + the Southern people, to the colored people? He says to them in substance: + "The reason the white people trample upon you is because the white people + are weak. Give the white people more strength, put the white people in + authority, and, although they murder you now when they are weak, when they + are strong they will let you alone. Yes; the only trouble with our + Southern white brethren is that they are in the minority, and they kill + you now, and the only way to save your lives is to put your enemy in the + majority." That is the doctrine of Abram S. Hewitt, and he congratulates + the colored people of the South upon the Democratic victory in Indiana. + There is going to be a great crop of hawks next season—let us + congratulate the doves. That is it. The burglars have whipped the police—let + us congratulate the bank. That is it. The wolves have killed off almost + all the shepherds—let us congratulate the sheep. + </p> + <p> + In my judgment, the black people have suffered enough. They have been + slaves for two hundred years, and more than all, they have been compelled + to keep the company of the men that owned them. Think of that! Think of + being compelled to keep the society of the man who is stealing from you! + Think of being compelled to live with the man that sold your wife! Think + of being compelled to live with the man that stole your child from the + cradle before your very eyes! Think of being compelled to live with the + thief of your life, and spend your days with the white robber, and be + under his control! The black people have suffered enough. For two hundred + years they were owned and bought and sold and branded like cattle. For two + hundred years every human tie was rent and torn asunder by the bloody, + brutal hands of avarice and might. They have suffered enough. During the + war the black people were our friends not only, but whenever they were + entrusted with the family, with the wives and children of their masters, + they were true to them. They stayed at home and protected the wife and + child of the master while he went into the field and fought for the right + to sell the wife and the right to whip and steal the child of the very + black man that was protecting him. The black people, I say, have suffered + enough, and for that reason I am in favor of the Government protecting + them in every Southern State, if it takes another war to do it. We can + never compromise with the South at the expense of our friends. We never + can be friends with the men that starved and shot our brothers. We can + never be friends with the men that waged the most cruel war in the world; + not for liberty, but for the right to deprive other men of their liberty. + We never can be their friends until they are the friends of our friends, + until they treat the black man justly; until they treat the white Union + man respectfully; until Republicanism ceases to be a crime; until to vote + the Republican ticket ceases to make you a political and social outcast. + We want no friendship with the enemies of our country. The next question + is, who shall have possession of this country—the men that saved it,—or + the men that sought to destroy it? The Southern people lit the fires of + civil war. They who set the conflagration must be satisfied with the ashes + left. The men that saved this country must rule it. The men that saved the + flag must carry it. This Government is not far from destruction when it + crowns with its highest honor in time of peace, the man that was false to + it in time of war. This Nation is not far from the precipice of + annihilation and destruction when it gives its highest honor to a man + false, false to the country when everything we held dear trembled in the + balance of war, when everything was left to the arbitrament of the sword. + </p> + <p> + The next question prominently before the people—though I think the + great question is, whether citizens shall be protected at home—the + next question I say, is the financial question. With that there is no + trouble. We had to borrow money, and we have to pay it. That is all there + is of that, and we are going to pay it just as soon as we make the money + to pay it with, and we are going to make the money out of prosperity. + </p> + <p> + We have to dig it out of the earth. You cannot make a dollar by law. You + cannot redeem a cent by statute. You cannot pay one solitary farthing by + all the resolutions, by all the speeches ever made beneath the sun. + </p> + <p> + If the greenback doctrine is right, that evidence of national indebtedness + is wealth, if that is their idea, why not go another step and make every + individual note a legal tender? Why not pass a law that every man shall + take every other man's note? Then I swear we would have money in plenty. + No, my friends, a promise to pay a dollar is not a dollar, no matter if + that promise is made by the greatest and most powerful nation on the + globe. A promise is not a performance. An agreement is not an + accomplishment and there never will come a time when a promise to pay a + dollar is as good as the dollar, unless everybody knows that you have the + dollar and will pay it whenever they ask for it. We want no more + inflation. We want simply to pay our debts as fast as the prosperity of + the country allows it and no faster. Every speculator that was caught with + property on his hands upon which he owed more than the property was worth, + wanted the game to go on a little longer. Whoever heard of a man playing + poker that wanted to quit when he was a loser? He wants to have a fresh + deal. He wants another hand, and he don't want any man that is ahead to + jump the game. It is so with the speculators in this country. They bought + land, they bought houses, they bought goods, and when the crisis and crash + came, they were caught with the property on their hands, and they want + another inflation, they want another tide to rise that will again sweep + this driftwood into the middle of the great financial stream. That is all. + Every lot in this city that was worth five thousand and that is now worth + two thousand—do you know what is the matter with that lot? It has + been redeeming. It has been resuming. That is what is the matter with that + lot. Every man that owned property that has now fallen fifty per cent., + that property has been resuming; and if you could have another inflation + to-morrow, the day that the bubble burst would find thousands of + speculators who paid as much for property as property was worth, and they + would ask for another tide of affairs in men. They would ask for another + inflation. What for? To let them out and put somebody else in. + </p> + <p> + We want no more inflation. We want the simple honest payment of the debt, + and to pay out of the prosperity of this country. But, says the greenback + man, "We never had as good times as when we had plenty of greenbacks." + </p> + <p> + Suppose a farmer would buy a farm for ten thousand dollars and give his + note. He would buy carriages, horses, wagons and agricultural implements, + and give his note. He would send Mary, Jane and Lucy to school. He would + buy them pianos, and send them to college, and would give his note, and + the next year he would again give his note for the interest, and the next + year again his note, and finally they would come to him and say, "We must + settle up; we have taken your notes as long as we can; we want money." + "Why," he would say to the gentleman, "I never had as good a time in my + life as while I have been giving those notes. I never had a farm until the + man gave it to me for my note. My children have been clothed as well as + anybody's. We have had carriages; we have had fine horses; and our house + has been filled with music, and laughter, and dancing; and why not keep on + taking those notes?" So it is with the greenback man; he says, "When we + were running in debt we had a jolly time—let us keep it up." But, my + friends, there must come a time when inflation would reach that point when + all the Goverment notes in the world would not buy a pin; when all the + Government notes in the world would not be worth as much as the last + year's Democratic platform. I have no fear that these debts will not be + paid. I have no fear that every solitary greenback dollar will not be + redeemed; but, my friends, we shall have some trouble doing it. Why? + Because the debt is a great deal larger than it should have been. In the + first place, there should have been po debt. If it had not been for the + Southern Democracy there would have been no war. If it had not been for + the Northern Democracy the war would not have lasted one year. + </p> + <p> + There was a man tried in court for having murdered his father and mother. + He was found guilty, and the judge asked him, "What have you to say that + sentence of death shall not be pronounced on you?" "Nothing in the world + Judge," said he, "only I hope your Honor will take pity on me and remember + that I am a poor orphan." + </p> + <p> + I have no doubt that this debt will be paid. We have the honor to pay it, + and we do not pay it on account of the avarice or greed of the bondholder. + An honest man does not pay money to a creditor simply because the creditor + wants it. The honest man pays at the command of his honor and not at the + demand of the creditor. + </p> + <p> + The United States will pay its debts, not because the creditor demands, + but because we owe it. + </p> + <p> + The United States will liquidate every debt at the command of its honor, + and every cent will be paid. War is destruction, war is loss, and all the + property destroyed, and the time that is lost, put together, amount to + what we call a national debt. When in peace we shall have made as much net + profit as there was wealth lost in the war, then we shall be a solvent + people. The greenback will be redeemed, we expect to redeem it on the + first day of January, 1879. We may fail; we will fail if the prosperity of + the country fails; but we intend to try to do it, and if we fail, we will + fail as a soldier fails to take a fort, high upon the rampart, with the + flag of resumption in our hands. We will not say that we cannot pay the + debt because there is a date fixed when the debt is to be paid. I have had + to borrow money myself; I have had to give my note, and I recollect + distinctly that every man I ever did give my note to insisted that + somewhere in that note there should be some vague hint as to the cycle, as + to the geological period, as to the time, as to the century and date when + I expected to pay those little notes. I never understood that having a + time fixed would prevent my being industrious; that it would interfere + with my honesty; or with my activity, or with my desire to discharge that + debt. And if any man in this great country owed you one thousand dollars, + due you the first day of next January, and he should come to you and say: + "I want to pay you that debt, but you must take that date out of that + note." "Why?" you would say. "Why," he would reply in the language of + Tilden, "I have to make wise preparation." "Well," you would say, "why + don't you do it?" "Oh," he says, "I cannot do it while you have that date + in that note." "Another thing," he says, "I have to get me a central + reservoir of coin." And do you know I have always thought I would like to + see the Democratic party around a central reservoir of coin. + </p> + <p> + Suppose this debtor would also tell you, "I want the date out of that + note, because I have to come at it by a very slow and gradual process." + "Well," you would say, "I do not care how slow or how gradual you are, + provided that you get around by the time the note is due." + </p> + <p> + What would you think of a man that wanted the date out of the note? You + would think he was a mixture of rascal and Democrat. That is what you + would think. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, the Democratic party (if you may call it a party) brings + forward as its candidate Samuel J. Tilden, of New York. I am opposed to + him, first, because he is an old bachelor. In a country like ours, + depending for its prosperity and glory upon an increase of the population, + to elect an old bachelor is a suicidal policy. Any man that will live in + this country for sixty years, surrounded by beautiful women with rosy lips + and dimpled cheeks, in every dimple lurking a Cupid, with pearly teeth and + sparkling eyes—any man that will push them all aside and be + satisfied with the embraces of the Democratic party, does not even know + the value of time. I am opposed to Samuel J. Tilden, because he is a + Democrat; because he belongs to the Democratic party of the city of New + York; the worst party ever organized in any civilized country. + </p> + <p> + No man should be President of this Nation who denies that it is a Nation. + Samuel J. Tilden denounced the war as an outrage. No man should be + President of this country that denounced a war waged in its defence as an + outrage. To elect such a man would be an outrage. + </p> + <p> + Samuel J. Tilden said that the flag stands for a contract; that it stands + for a confederation; that it stands for a bargain. But the great, splendid + Republican party says, "No! That flag stands for a great, hoping, + aspiring, sublime Nation, not for a confederacy." + </p> + <p> + I am opposed, I say, to the election of Samuel J. Tilden for another + reason. If he is elected he will be controlled by his party, and his party + will be controlled by the Southern stockholders in that party. They own + nineteen-twentieths of the stock, and they will dictate the policy of the + Democratic Corporation. + </p> + <p> + No Northern Democrat has the manliness to stand up before a Southern + Democrat. Every Democrat, nearly, has a face of dough, and the Southern + Democrat will swap his ears, change his nose, cut his mouth the other way + of the leather, so that his own mother would not know him, in fifteen + minutes. If Samuel J. Tilden is elected President of the United States, he + will be controlled by the Democratic party, and the Democratic party will + be controlled by the Southern Democracy—that is to say, the late + rebels; that is to say, the men that tried to destroy the Government; that + is to say, the men who are sorry they did not destroy the Government; that + is to say, the enemies of every friend of this Union; that is to say, the + murderers and the assassins of Union men living in the Southern country. + </p> + <p> + Let me say another thing. If Mr. Tilden does not act in accordance with + the Southern Democratic command, the Southern Democracy will not allow a + single life to stand between them and the absolute control of this + country. Hendricks will then be their man. I say that it would be an + outrage to give this country into the control of men who endeavored to + destroy it, to give this country into the control of the Southern rebels + and haters of Union men. + </p> + <p> + And on the other hand, the Republican party has put forward Rutherford B. + Hayes. He is an honest man. The Democrats will say, "That is nothing." + Well, let them try it. Rutherford B. Hayes has a good character. + </p> + <p> + Rutherford B. Hayes, when this war commenced, did not say with Tilden, "It + is an outrage." He did not say with Tilden, "I never will contribute to + the prosecution of this war." But he did say this, "I would go into this + war if I knew I would be killed in the course of it, rather than to live + through it and take no part in it." During the war Rutherford B. Hayes + received many wounds in his flesh, but not one scratch upon his honor. + Samuel J. Tilden received many wounds upon his honor, but not one scratch + on his flesh. Rutherford B. Hayes is a firm man; not an obstinate man, but + a firm man; and I draw this distinction: A firm man will do what he + believes to be right, because he wants to do right. He will stand firm + because he believes it to be right; but an obstinate man wants his own + way, whether it is right or whether it is wrong. Rutherford B. Hayes is + firm in the right, and obstinate only when he knows he is in the right. If + you want to vote for a man who fought for you, vote for Rutherford B. + Hayes. If you want to vote for a man that carried our flag through the + storm of shot and shell, vote for Rutherford B. Hayes. If you believe + patriotism to be a virtue, vote for Rutherford B. Hayes. If you believe + this country wants heroes, vote for Rutherford B. Hayes. If you want a man + who turned against his country in time of war, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. + If you believe the war waged for the salvation of our Nation was an + outrage, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. If you believe it is better to stay at + home and curse the brave men in the field, fighting for the sacred rights + of man, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. If you want to pay a premium upon + treason, if you want to pay a premium upon hypocrisy, if you want to pay a + premium upon chicanery, if you want to pay a premium upon sympathizing + with the enemies of your country, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. + </p> + <p> + If you believe that patriotism is right, if you believe the brave defender + of liberty is better than the assassin of freedom, vote for Rutherford B. + Hayes. + </p> + <p> + I am proud that I belong to the Republican party. It is the only party + that has not begged pardon for doing right. It is the only party that has + said: "There shall be no distinction on account of race, on account of + color, on account of previous condition." It is the only party that ever + had a platform broad enough for all humanity to stand upon. + </p> + <p> + It is the first decent party that ever lived. The Republican party made + the first free government that was ever made. The Republican party made + the first decent constitution that any nation ever had. The Republican + party gave to the sky the first pure flag that was ever kissed by the + waves of air. The Republican party is the first party that ever said: + "Every man is entitled to liberty," not because he is white, not because + he is black, not because he is rich, not because he is poor, but because + he is a man. + </p> + <p> + The Republican party is the first party that knew enough to know that + humanity is more than skin deep. It is the first party that said, + "Government should be for all, as the light, as the air, is for all." + </p> + <p> + And it is the first party that had the sense to say, "What air is to the + lungs, what light is to the eyes, what love is to the heart, liberty is to + the soul of man." The Republican party is the first party that ever was in + favor of absolute free labor, the first party in favor of giving to every + man, without distinction of race or color, the fruits of the labor of his + hands. The Republican party said, "Free labor will give us wealth, free + thought will give us truth." The Republican party is the first party that + said to every man, "Think for yourself, and express that thought." I am a + free man. I belong to the Republican party. This is a free country. I will + think my thought. I will speak my thought or die. I say the Republican + party is for free labor. + </p> + <p> + Free labor has invented all the machines that ever added to the power, + added to the wealth, added to the leisure, added to the civilization of + mankind. Every convenience, everything of use, everything of beauty in the + world, we owe to free labor and to free thought. Free labor, free thought! + </p> + <p> + Science took the thunderbolt from the gods, and in the electric spark, + freedom, with thought, with intelligence and with love, sweeps under all + the waves of the sea; science, free thought, took a tear from the cheek of + unpaid labor, converted it into steam, and created the giant that turns, + with tireless arms, the countless wheels of toil. + </p> + <p> + The Republican party, I say, believes in free labor. Every solitary thing, + every solitary improvement made in the United States has been made by the + Republican party. Every reform accomplished was inaugurated, and was + accomplished by the great, grand, glorious Republican party. + </p> + <p> + The Republican party does not say: "Let bygones be bygones." The + Republican party is proud of the past and confident of the future. The + Republican party brings its record before you and implores you to read + every page, every paragraph, every line and every shining word. On the + first page you will find it written: "Slavery has cursed American soil + long enough;" on the same page you will find it written: "Slavery shall go + no farther." On the same page you will find it written: "The bloodhounds + shall not drip their gore upon another inch of American soil." On the + second page you will find it written: "This is a Nation, not a + Confederacy; every State belongs to every citizen, and no State has a + right to take territory belonging to any citizens in the United States and + set up a separate Government." On the third page you will find the + grandest declaration ever made in this country: "Slavery shall be + extirpated from the American soil." On the next page: "The Rebellion shall + be put down." On the next page: "The Rebellion has been put down." On the + next page: "Slavery has been extirpated from the American soil." On the + next page: "The freedmen shall not be vagrants; they shall be citizens." + On the next page: "They are citizens." On the next page: "The ballot shall + be put in their hands;" and now we will write on the next page: "Every + citizen that has a ballot in his hand, by the gods! shall have a right to + cast that ballot." That in short, that in brief, is the history of the + Republican party. The Republican party says, and it means what it says: + "This shall be a free country forever; every man in it twenty-one years of + age shall have the right to vote for the Government of his choice, and if + any man endeavors to interfere with that right, the Government of the + United States will see to it that the right of every American citizen is + protected at the polls." + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, there is one thing that troubles the average Democrat, + and that is the idea that somehow, in some way, the negro will get to be + the better man. It is the trouble in the South to-day. And I say to my + Southern friends (and I admit that there are a great many good men in the + South, but the bad men are in an overwhelming majority; the great mass of + the population is vicious, violent, virulent and malignant; the great mass + of the population is cruel, revengeful, idle, hateful,) and I tell that + population: "If you do not go to work, the negro, by his patient industry, + will pass you." In the long run, the nation that is honest, the people who + are industrious, will pass the people who are dishonest, and the people + who are idle, no matter how grand an ancestry they may have had, and so I + say, Mr. Northern Democrat, look out! + </p> + <p> + The superior man is the man that loves his fellow-man; the superior man is + the useful man; the superior man is the kind man, the man who lifts up his + down-trodden brothers; and the greater the load of human sorrow and human + want you can get in your arms, the easier you can climb the great hill of + fame. The superior man is the man who loves his fellow-man. And let me say + right here, the good men, the superior men, the grand men are brothers the + world over, no matter what their complexion may be; centuries may separate + them, yet they are hand in hand; and all the good, and all the grand, and + all the superior men, shoulder to shoulder, heart to heart, are fighting + the great battle for the progress of mankind. + </p> + <p> + I pity the man, I execrate and hate the man who has only to boast that he + is white. Whenever I am reduced to that necessity, I believe shame will + make me red instead of white. I believe another thing. If I cannot hoe my + row, I will not steal corn from the fellow that hoes his row. If I belong + to the superior race, I will be so superior that I can make my living + without stealing from the inferior. I am perfectly willing that any + Democrat in the world that can, shall pass me. I have never seen one yet, + except when I looked over my shoulder. But if they can pass I shall be + delighted. + </p> + <p> + Whenever we stand in the presence of genius, we take off our hats. + Whenever we stand in the presence of the great, we do involuntary homage + in spite of ourselves. Any one who can go by is welcome, any one in the + world; but until somebody does go by, of the Democratic persuasion, I + shall not trouble myself about the fact that may be, in some future time, + they may get by. The Democrats are afraid of being passed, because they + are being passed. + </p> + <p> + No man ever was, no man ever will be, the superior of the man whom he + robs. No man ever was, no man ever will be, the superior of the man he + steals from. I had rather be a slave than a slave-master. I had rather be + stolen from than be a thief. I had rather be the wronged than the + wrong-doer. And allow me to say again to impress it forever upon every man + that hears me, you will always be the inferior of the man you wrong. Every + race is inferior to the race it tramples upon and robs. There never was a + man that could trample upon human rights and be superior to the man upon + whom he trampled. And let me say another thing: No government can stand + upon the crushed rights of one single human being; and any compromise that + we make with the South, if we make it at the expense of our friends, will + carry in its own bosom the seeds of its own death and destruction, and + cannot stand. A government founded upon anything except liberty and + justice cannot and ought not to stand. All the wrecks on either side of + the stream of time, all the wrecks of the great cities and nations that + have passed away—all are a warning that no nation founded upon + injustice can stand. From sand-enshrouded Egypt, from the marble + wilderness of Athens, from every fallen, crumbling stone of the once + mighty Rome, comes as it were a wail, comes as it were the cry, "No nation + founded upon injustice can permanently stand." We must found this Nation + anew. We must fight our fight. We must cling to our old party until there + is freedom of speech in every part of the United States. We must cling to + the old party until I can speak in every State of the South as every + Southerner can speak in every State of the North. We must vote the grand + old Republican ticket until there is the same liberty in every Southern + State that there is in every Northern, Eastern and Western State. We must + stand by the party until every Southern man will admit that this country + belongs to every citizen of the United States as much as to the man that + is born in that country. One more thing. I do not want any man that ever + fought for this country to vote the Democratic ticket. You will swap your + respectability for disgrace. There are thousands of you—great, + grand, splendid men—that have fought grandly for this Union, and now + I beseech of you, I beg of you, do not give respectability to the enemies + and haters of your country. Do not do it. Do not vote with the Democratic + party, of the North. Sometimes I think a rebel sympathizer in the North + worse than a rebel, and I will tell you why. The rebel was carried into + the rebellion by public opinion at home,—his father, his mother, his + sweetheart, his brother, and everybody he knew; and there was a kind of + wind, a kind of tornado, a kind of whirlwind that took him into the army. + He went on the rebel side with his State. The Northern Democrat went + against his own State; went against his own Government; and went against + public opinion at home. The Northern Democrat rowed up stream against wind + and tide. The Southern rebel went with the current; the Northern rebel + rowed against the current from pure, simple cussedness. + </p> + <p> + And I beg every man that ever fought for the Union, every man that ever + bared his breast to a storm of shot and shell, that the old flag might + float over every inch of American soil redeemed from the clutch of + treason; I beg him, I implore him, do not go with the Democratic party. + And to every young man within the sound of my voice I say, do not tie your + bright and shining prospects to that old corpse of Democracy. You will get + tired of dragging it around. Do not cast your first vote with the enemies + of your country. Do not cast your first vote with the Democratic party + that was glad when the Union army was defeated. Do not cast your vote with + that party whose cheeks flushed with the roses of joy when the old flag + was trailed in disaster upon the field of battle. Remember, my friends, + that that party did every mean thing it could, every dishonest and + treasonable thing it could. Recollect that that party did all it could to + divide this Nation, and destroy this country. + </p> + <p> + For myself I have no fear; Hayes and Wheeler will be the next President + and Vice-President of the United States of America. Let me beg of you—let + me implore you—let me beseech you, every man, to come out on + election day. Every man, do your duty; every man do his duty with regard + to the State ticket of the great and glorious State of Illinois. + </p> + <p> + This year we need Republicans; this year we need men that will vote for + the party; and I tell you that a Republican this year, no matter what you + have against him, no matter whether you like him or do not like him, is + better for the country, no matter how much you hate him, he is better for + the country than any Democrat Nature can make, or ever has made. + </p> + <p> + We must, in this supreme election, we must at this supreme moment, vote + only for the men who are in favor of keeping this Government in the power, + in the custody, in the control of the great, the sublime Republican party. + </p> + <p> + Ladies and gentlemen, if I were insensible to the honor you have done me + by this magnificent meeting—the most magnificent I ever saw on earth—a + meeting such as only the marvelous City of Pluck could produce; if I were + insensible of the honor, I would be made of stone. I shall remember it + with delight; I shall remember it with thankfulness all the days of my + life. And I ask in return of every Republican here to remember all the + days of his life, every sacrifice made by this nation for liberty; every + sacrifice made by every private soldier, every sacrifice made by every + patriotic man and patriotic woman. + </p> + <p> + I do not ask you to remember in revenge, but I ask you never, never to + forget. As the world swings through the constellations year after year, I + want the memory, I want the patriotic memory of this country to sit by the + grave of every Union soldier, and, while her eyes are filled with tears, + to crown him again and again with the crown of everlasting honor. I thank + you, I thank you, ladies and gentlemen, a thousand times. Good-night. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Note:—There was no full report made of this speech, the + above are simply extracts. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link0008" id="link0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + (On the Electoral Commission.) + </h3> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The reputation of Col. Robert G. Ingersoll had taken + possession of the Boston mind to such an extent that his + expected address was spoken of as "The Lecture." People + talked about going to it, as If on that night all other + places were to be closed, and the whole population of the + City turned into Tremont Temple. Long before the appointed + hour a rare audience, for even lecture loving Boston, had + assembled. Col. Ingersoll stepped upon the platform preceded + by Governor Rice, and followed by William Lloyd Garrison, + James T. Fields and others. After the presentation of two + large and exquisite bouquets Governor Rice introduced + Colonel Ingersoll, and the audience, the most acute and + determined looking I ever saw In Boston, poured out their + welcome! It seemed as if all the cheers that had been + suppressed between the first of November and the decision of + the Electoral Commission, found vent at that moment and the + vigorous clapping was renewed and prolonged until it became + an unmistakable salute to the recent brilliant campaigning + of the great Western orator. It is hardly possible to speak + in too high terms of the lecture which, under the title of + "8 to 7," contained a witty, philosophical and intensely + patriotic review of the political contest preceding and + following the recent election, with wise and timely + suggestions for preventing similar perils in the future.— + Boston, October 22nd,1877. +</pre> + <p> + 1877. + </p> + <p> + I HAVE sometimes wondered whether our country was to be forever governed + by parties full of hatred, full of malice, full of slander. I have + sometimes wondered whether or not in the future there would not be + discovered such a science as the science of government. I do not know what + you think, but what little I do know, and what little experience has been + mine, is, I must admit, against it. We have passed through the most + remarkable campaign of our history—a campaign remarkable in every + respect. + </p> + <p> + It was bitter, passionate, relentless and desperate, and I admit, for one, + that I added to its bitterness and relentlessness. I told, and frankly + told, my real, honest opinion of the Democratic party of the North. I + told, and cheerfully told, my opinion of the Democratic party of the + South. And I have nothing to take back. But, to show you that my heart is + not altogether wicked; I am willing to forgive and do forgive with all my + heart, every person and every party that I ever said anything against. I + believe that the campaign of 1876 was the turning-point, the midnight in + the history of the American Republic. + </p> + <p> + I believe, and firmly believe, that if the Democratic party had swept into + power, it would have been the end of progress, and the end of what I + consider human liberty, beneath our flag. I felt so, and I went into the + campaign simply because the rights of American citizens in at least + sixteen States of the Union were trampled under foot. I did what little I + could. I am glad I did it. We had, as I say, a wonderful campaign, and + each party said and did about all that could be said and done. Everybody + attended to politics. Business was suspended. Everything was given over to + processions and torches, and flags and transparencies; and resolutions and + conventions and speeches and songs. Old arguments were revamped. Old + stories were pressed into service. The old story of the Rebellion was told + again and again. The memories of the war were revived. The North was + arrayed against the South as though upon the field of battle. Party cries + were heard on every hand. Each party leaped like a tiger upon the + reputation of the other, and tore with tooth and claw, with might and + main, to the very end of the campaign. + </p> + <p> + I felt that it was necessary to arouse the North. I felt that it was + necessary to tell again the story of the Rebellion, from Bull Run to + Appomattox. I felt that it was necessary to describe what the Southern + people were doing with Union men, and with colored men; and I felt it + necessary so to describe it that the people of the North could hear the + whips, and could hear the drops of blood as they fell upon the withered + leaves. I did all I could to arouse the people of the North. I did all I + could to prevent the Democratic party from getting into power. The first + morning after the election, the Democracy had a banquet of joy, but all + through the feast they saw sitting at the head of the table the dim + outline of the skeleton of defeat. And, when the tide turned, Republicans + rejoiced with a face ready at any moment to express the profoundest grief. + Then came despatches and rumors, and estimated majorities, and vague talk + about Returning Boards, and intimidating voters, and stuffed ballot boxes, + and fraudulent returns, and bribed clerks, and injunctions, and contempts + of courts, and telegrams in cipher, and outrages, and octoroon balls in + which reverend Senators were whirled in love's voluptuous waltz. Everybody + discussed the qualifications of Electors and the value of Governors' + certificates, and how to get behind returns, and how to buy an Elector, + and who had the right to count; and persons expecting offices of trust, + honor and profit began to threaten war and extermination, calls were made + for a hundred thousand men, and there were no end of meetings, and + resolutions and denunciations, and the downfall of the country was + prophesied; and yet, notwithstanding all this, the name of the person who + really was elected remained unknown. The last scene of this strange, + eventful history, so far as the election by the people was concerned, was + Cronin. I see him now as he leaves the land "where rolls the Oregon and + hears no sound save his own dashings." Cronin, the last surviving veteran + of the grand army of "honesty and reform." Cronin, a quorum of one. + Cronin, who elected the two others by a plurality of his own vote. + </p> + <p> + I see him now, armed with Hoadley's opinion and Grover's certificate, + trudging wearily and drearily over the wide and wasted saleratus deserts + of the West, with a little card marked "S. J. T. i5 G. P." + </p> + <p> + Then came the great question of who shall count the electoral vote. The + Vice-President being a Republican, it was generally contended, at least by + me, that he had a right to count that vote. My doctrine was, if the + Vice-President would count the vote right, he had the right to count it. + </p> + <p> + The Vice-President not being a Democrat, the members of that party claimed + that the House could prevent the Vice-President from counting it, and this + was simply because the House was not Republican. Nearly all decided + according to their politics. The Constitution is a little blind on this + point, and where anything is blind I always see it my way. It was about + this time that some of the Democrats began to talk about bringing one + hundred thousand unarmed men to Washington to superintend the count. + Others, however, got up a scheme to create, a court in the United States + where politics should have no earthly influence. Nothing could be easier, + they thought, after we had gone through such a hot and exciting campaign, + than to pick out men who have no prejudices whatever on the subject. + Finally a bill was passed creating a tribunal to count the vote, if any, + and hear testimony, if any, and declare what man had been elected + President, if any. This tribunal consisted of fifteen men, ten being + chosen on account of their politics—five from the Senate and five + from the House,—and they chose four judges from purely geographical + considerations. I was there, and I know exactly how it was. Those four men + were picked with a map of the United States in front of the pickers. The + Democrats chose Justice Field, not because he was a Democrat, but because + he lived on the Pacific slope. They chose Justice Clifford, not because he + was a Democrat, but because he lived on the Eastern slope; that was fair. + Thereupon the Republicans chose Justice Strong, not because he was a + Republican, but because he lived on the Eastern slope. You can see the + point. The Republicans chose Justice Miller, not because he was a + Republican, but because he represented the great West. They then allowed + these four to select a fifth man. + </p> + <p> + Well, it was impossible to select the fifth man from geographical + considerations, you can see that yourselves. There was nothing left to + choose between, you know, as far as geography was concerned. They then + agreed that they would not take a Justice from any State in which the + candidate for President lived. They left out Justice Hunt, from New York, + and Justice Swayne, from Ohio. They knew of course that that would not + influence them, but they did that simply—well, they did not want + them there; that was all, and it would be unhandy to pick one man out of + four. So they left Swayne and Hunt out. And then they would pick one man + as between Justice Bradley and Justice Davis. Just at that time the people + of the State of Illinois happened to be out of a Senator, and Judge Davis + was there and expressed a willingness to go to the Senate. And the people + of the State of Illinois elected him, and therefore there was nobody to + choose from except Justice Bradley, and he was a Republican. + </p> + <p> + Now, you know this runs in families. His record was good—by + marriage. He married a daughter of Chief Justice Hornblower, of New + Jersey. Now, Hornblower was what you might call a partisan. Do you know + they went to him—it was in the old times, and he was a kind of Whig,—they + went to him with a petition, in the State of New Jersey, a petition + addressed to the Legislature for the abolition of capital punishment, and + Hornblower said, "I'll be damned if I sign it while there is a Democrat in + the State of New Jersey." + </p> + <p> + As a matter of fact, however, I believe that Justice Bradley and all the + other Justices, and all other persons on that tribunal decided as they + honestly thought was right. + </p> + <p> + Judge Davis is as broad mentally as he is physically; he has an immensity + of common sense, and as much judgment as any one man ever needs to use, + and, in my judgment, he would have come to the same conclusion as Judge + Bradley, precisely. These men were appointed—it was a Democratic + scheme, and I am glad they got it up—and during that entire + investigation, so much were the members of that party controlled by old + associations and habits, and by partisan feeling that there was not a + solitary one of the seven Democrats that ever once voted on the Republican + side. And, as a necessity, the Republicans had to stand together. And so, + notwithstanding the seven Democrats voted constantly together, the eight + Republicans kept having a majority of one, until the last disputed State + was given against the great party of "honesty and reform." And, finally, + when they found they were defeated, they made up their minds to prevent + the counting of the vote. They made up their minds to wear out the session + and prevent the election of a President. Just at that point, for a wonder, + (nothing ever astonished me more), the members from the South said: "We do + not want any more war; we have had war enough and we say that a President + shall be peacefully elected, and that he shall be peacefully inaugurated!" + As soon as I heard that I felt under a little obligation to the Democracy + of the South, and when they stood in the gap and prevented the Democracy + of the North from plunging this Government into the hell of civil war, I + felt like taking them by the hand and saying, "We have beaten the enemy + once, let us keep on. Let us join hands." I felt like saying to the + Democracy of the South, "You never will have a day's prosperity in the + South until you join the great, free, progressive party of the North—never!" + And they never will. + </p> + <p> + Now, I say, I felt as though I were under a certain obligation to these + people. They prevented this thing, and they made it possible for the + Vice-President to declare Rutherford B. Hayes President of the United + States. Now, right here, I want you to observe that this shows the real + defects in our system of government. In the first place, our Government is + being governed by fraud. If the very fountain of power is poisoned by + fraud, then the whole Government is impure. We must find out some way to + prevent fraudulent voting in the United States or our Government is a + failure. Great cities were the mothers of election frauds. They + inaugurated violence and intimidation. They produced the repeaters and the + false boxes. They invented fan-tail tickets and pasters, and gradually + these delightful and patriotic arts and practices have spread over almost + the entire country. + </p> + <p> + Unless something is done to preserve the purity of the ballot-box our form + of government must cease. The fountain of power is poisoned. The + sovereignty of the people is stolen and destroyed. The Government becomes + organized fraud, and all respect will soon be lost for the laws and + decisions of the courts. The legislators are elected in many instances by + fraud. The judges are in many instances chosen by fraud. Every department + of the Government becomes tainted and corrupt. It is no longer a Republic, + unless something can be devised to ascertain with certainty the really + honest will of the sovereign people. + </p> + <p> + For the accomplishment of this object the good and patriotic men of all + parties should most heartily unite. To cast an illegal vote should be + considered by all as a crime. We must if possible get rid of the mob—the + vagrants, the vagabonds who have no home and who take no interest in the + cities where they vote. We must get rid of the rich mob too; and by the + rich mob I mean the men who buy up these vagabonds. Various States have + passed laws for the registration of voters; but they all leave wide open + all the doors of fraud. Men are allowed to vote if they have been for one + year in the State, and thirty or sixty days in the ward or precinct; and + when they have failed to have their names registered before the day of + election, they can avoid the effect of this neglect by making a few + affidavits, certified to by reputable householders. Of course all + necessary affidavits are made, with hundreds and thousands to spare. My + idea is that the period of registration, in the first place, is too short, + and, in the second place, no way should be given by which they can vote + unless they have been properly registered, affidavit or no affidavit. + Every man, when he goes into a ward or precinct, should be registered. It + should be his duty to see that he is registered. Officers should be kept + for that purpose, and he should never be allowed to cast a vote until he + has been registered at least one year. Sixty days, say, or thirty days—sixty + would be better—sixty days before the election the registry lists + should be corrected, and every citizen should have the right to enter a + complaint or objection as against any name found upon that list. Thirty + days, or twenty days before the election, that list should be published + and should be exposed in several public places in each ward and each + precinct, and upon the day of election no man should be allowed to vote + whose name was not upon the registry list. Our wards and precincts should + be made smaller, so that people can vote without violence, without wasting + an entire day, so that the honest business man that wishes to cast his + ballot for the Government of his choice can walk to the polls like a + gentleman and deposit his vote and go about his affairs. Allow me to say + that unless some such plan is adopted in the United States, there never + will be another fair election in this country. During the last campaign + all the arts and artifices of the city, all the arts and artifices of the + lowest wards were spread over this entire country, and unless something is + done to preserve the purity of the ballot-box, and guard the sovereign + will of the people, we will cease to be a Republican Government. + </p> + <p> + Another thing—and I cannot say it too often—fraud at the + ballot-box undermines all respect in the minds of the people for the + Government. When they are satisfied that the election is a fraud they + despise the officers elected. When they are satisfied it is a fraud, they + despise the law made by the legislators. When they are satisfied it is a + fraud, they hold in utter contempt the decisions of our highest and most + august tribunals. + </p> + <p> + Another trouble in this country is that our terms of office are too short. + Our elections are too frequent. They interfere with the business of our + country. When elections are so frequent, men make a business of politics. + If they fail to get one office they immediately run for another, and they + keep running until the people elect them for the simple purpose of getting + rid of the annoyance. Lengthen the terms, purify the ballot, and the + present scramble for office will become contests for principles. A man who + cannot get a living—unless he has been disabled in the service of + his country or from some other cause—without holding office, is not + fit for an office. + </p> + <p> + A professional office-seeker is one of the meanest, and lowest, and basest + of human beings—a little higher than the lower animals and a little + lower than man. He has no earthly or heavenly independence; not a + particle; not a particle. A successful office-seeker is like the center of + the earth; he weighs nothing himself, and draws all things towards the + office he wants. He has not even a temper. You cannot insult him. Shut the + door in his face, and, so far as he is concerned, it is left wide open, + and you are standing on the threshold with a smile, extending the hand of + welcome. He crawls and cringes and flatters and lies and swaggers and + brags and tells of the influence he has in the ward he lives in. We cannot + too often repeat that splendid saying, "The office should seek the man, + not man the office." If you will lengthen the term of office it will be so + long between meals that he will have to do something else or starve. Adopt + the system of registration, as I have suggested; have small and convenient + election districts, so that, as I said before, the honest, law-abiding, + and peaceable citizen can attend the polls; so that he will not be + compelled to risk his life to deposit his ballot that will be stolen or + thrown out, or forced to keep the company of ballots caused by fraudulent + violence. Lengthen the term of office, drive the professional hunter and + seeker of office from the field, and you will go far toward strengthening + and vivifying and preserving the fabric of the Constitution. That is the + kind of civil service reform I am in favor of, and as I am on that + subject, I will say a word about it. There is but one vital question—but + one question of real importance—in fact I might say in the whole + world, and that is the great question of Civil Service Reform. There may + be some others indirectly affecting the human race, and in which some + people take a languid kind of interest, but the only question worth + discussing and comprehending in all its phases is the one I have + mentioned. This great question is in its infancy still. The doctrine as + yet has been applied only to politics.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Colonel Ingersoll then read the following letter, of which + he was the author. +</pre> + <p> + My Dear Sir:—In the olden times, during the purer days of the + Republic, the motto was, "To the victors belong the spoils." The great + object of civil service reform is to reverse this motto. Our people are + thoroughly disgusted with machine politics, and demand politics without + any machine. + </p> + <p> + In every precinct and ward there are persons going about lauding one party + and crying down the other. They make it their business to attend to the + affairs of the Nation. They call conventions, pass resolutions; they put + notices in papers of the times and places of meetings; they select + candidates for office, and then insist upon having them elected; they + distribute papers and political documents; they crowd the mails with + newspapers, platforms, resolutions, facts and figures, and with everything + calculated to help their party and hurt the other. In short, they are the + disturbers of the public peace. + </p> + <p> + They keep the community in a perpetual excitement. In the last campaign, + wherever they were was turmoil. They fired cannon, carried flags, torches + and transparencies; they subsidized brass bands, and shouted and hurrahed + as though the world had gone insane. They were induced to do these things + by the hope of success and office. Take away this hope and there will be + peace once more. This thing is unendurable. The staid, the quiet and + respectable people, the moderate and conservative men who always have an + idea of joining the other side just to show their candor, are heartily + tired of the entire performance. These gentlemen demand a rest. They are + not adventurers; they have incomes; they belong to families; they have + monograms and liveries. They have succeeded, and they want quiet. Growth + makes a noise; development, as they call it, is nothing but disturbance. + We want stability, we want political petrifaction, and we therefore demand + that these meetings shall be dismissed, that these processions shall halt, + that these flags shall be furled. But these things never will be stopped + until we stop paying men with office for making these disturbances. You + know that it has been the habit for men elected to bestow political favors + upon the men who elected them. This is a crying shame. It is a kind of + bribery and corruption. Men should not work with the expectation of reward + and success. The frightful consequences of rewarding one's friends cannot + be contemplated by a true patriot without a shudder. Exactly the opposite + course is demanded by the great principle of civil service reform. There + is no patriotism in working for place, for power and success. The true + lover of his country is stimulated to action by the hope of defeat, and + the prospect of office for his opponent. To such an extent has the + pernicious system of rewarding friends for political services gone in this + country, that until very lately it was difficult for a member of the + defeated party to obtain a respectable office. + </p> + <p> + The result of all this is, that the country is divided, that these + divisions are kept alive by these speakers, writers and convention + callers. The great mission of civil service reform is not to do away with + parties, but with conflicting opinion, by taking from all politicians the + hope of reward. There is no other hope for peace. What do the people know + about the wants of the nation? There are in every community a few quiet + and respectable men, who know all about the wants of the people—gentlemen + who have retired from business, who take no part in discussion and who are + therefore free from prejudice. Let these men attend to our politics. They + will not call conventions, except in the parlors of hotels. They will not + put out our eyes with flaring torches. They will not deafen us with + speeches. They will carry on a campaign without producing opposition. They + will have elections but no contests. All the offices will be given to the + defeated party. This of itself will insure tranquillity at the polls. No + one will be deprived of the privilege of casting a ballot. When campaigns + are conducted in this manner a gentleman can engage in politics with a + feeling that he is protected by the great principle of civil service + reform. But just so long as men persist in rewarding their friends, as + they call them, just so long will our country be cursed with political + parties. Nothing can be better calculated to preserve the peace than the + great principle of rewarding those who have confidence enough in our + institutions to keep silent while peace will sit with folded wings upon + the moss-covered political stump of a ruder age. I am satisfied that to + civil service reform the Republican party is indebted for the last great + victory. Upon this question the enthusiasm of the people was simply + unbounded. In the harvest field, the shop, the counting-room, in the + church, in the saloon, in, the palace and in the hut, nothing was heard + and nothing discussed except the great principle of civil service reform. + </p> + <p> + Among the most touching incidents of the campaign was to see a few old + soldiers, sacred with scars, sit down, and while battles and hair-breadth + escapes, and prisons of want, were utterly forgotten, discuss with + tremulous lips and tearful eyes the great question of civil service + reform. + </p> + <p> + During the great political contest I addressed several quite large and + intelligent audiences, and no one who did not has or can have the + slightest idea of the hold that civil service reform had upon the very + souls of our people. Upon all other subjects the indifference was marked. + I dwelt upon the glittering achievements of my party, but they were + indifferent. I pictured outrages perpetrated upon our citizens, but they + did not care. All this went idly by, but when I touched upon civil service + reform, old men, gray-haired and strong, broke down utterly—tears + fell like rain. The faces of women grew ashen with the intensity of + anguish, and even little children sobbed as though their hearts would + break. To one who has witnessed these affecting scenes, civil service + reform is almost a sacred thing. Even the speeches delivered upon this + subject in German affected to tears thousands of persons wholly + unacquainted with that language. In some instances those who did not + understand a word were affected even more than those who did. Surely there + must be something in the subject itself, apart from the words used to + explain it, that can under such circumstances lead captive the hearts of + men. During the entire campaign the cry of civil service reform was heard + from one end of our land to the other. The sailor nailed those words to + the mast. The miner repeated them between the strokes of the pick. Mothers + explained them to their children. Emigrants painted them upon their + wagons. They were mingled with the reaper's song and the shout of the + pioneer. Adopt this great principle and we can have quiet and lady-like + campaigns, a few articles in monthly magazines, a leader or two in the + "Nation," in the pictorial papers wood-cuts of the residences of the + respective candidates and now and then a letter from an old Whig would + constitute all the aggressive agencies of the contest. I am satisfied that + this great principle secured us our victories in Florida and Louisiana, + and its effect on the High Joint Commission was greater than is generally + supposed. It was this that finally decided the action of the returning + boards. + </p> + <p> + Cronin is the only man upon whom this great principle was an utter + failure. Let it be understood that friends are not to be rewarded. Let it + be settled that political services are a barrier to political preferment, + and my word for it, machine politics will never be heard of again. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly,—— + </p> + <p> + I do not believe in carrying civil service reform to the extent that you + will not allow an officer to resign. I do not believe that that principle + should be insisted upon to that degree that there would only be two ways + left to get out of office—death or suicide. I believe, other things + being equal, any party having any office within its gift will give that + office to the man that really believes in the principles of that party, + and who has worked to give those principles ultimate victory. That is + human nature. The man that plows, the man that sows, and the man that + cultivates, ought to be the man that reaps. But we have in this country a + multitude of little places, a multitude of clerkships in Washington; and + the question is whether on the incoming of a new administration, these men + shall all be turned out. In the first place, they are on starvation + salaries, just barely enough to keep soul and body together, and + respectability on the outside; and if there is a young man in this + audience, I beg of him: + </p> + <p> + Never accept a clerkship from this Government. Do not live on a little + salary; do not let your mind be narrowed; do not sell all the splendid + possibilities of the future; do not learn to cringe and fawn and crawl. + </p> + <p> + I would rather have forty acres of land, with a log cabin on it and the + woman I love in the cabin—with a little grassy winding path leading + down to the spring where the water gurgles from the lips of earth + whispering day and night to the white pebbles a perpetual poem—with + holly-hocks growing at the corner of the house, and morning-glories + blooming over the low latched door—with lattice work over the window + so that the sunlight would fall checkered on the dimpled babe in the + cradle, and birds—like songs with wings hovering in the summer air—than + be the clerk of any government on earth. + </p> + <p> + Now, I say, let us lengthen the term of office—I do not care much + how long—send a man to Congress at least for five years. And it + would be a great blessing if there were not half as many of them sent. + </p> + <p> + We have too many legislators and too much legislation; too little about + important matters, and too much about unimportant matters. Lengthen the + term of office so that the man can turn his attention to something else + when he gets in besides looking after his re-election. There is another + defect we must remedy in our Constitution, in my judgment, and that is as + to the mode of electing a President. I believe it of the greatest + importance that the Executive should be entirely independent of the + legislative and judicial departments of the country. I do not believe that + Congress should have the right to create a vacancy which it can fill. I do + not believe that the Senate of the United States, or the lower house of + Congress, by a simple objection, should have the right to deprive any + State of its electoral vote. Our Constitution now provides that the + electors chosen in each State shall meet in their respective States upon a + certain day and there cast their votes for President and Vice-President of + the United States. They shall properly certify to the votes which are + cast, and shall transmit lists of them, together with the proper + certificates, to the Vice-President of the United States. And it is then + declared that upon a certain day in the presence of both houses of + Congress, the Vice-President shall open the certificates and the votes + shall then be counted. It does not exactly say who shall count these + votes. It does not in so many words say the Vice-President shall do it, or + may do it, or that both houses of Congress shall do it, or may do it, or + that either house can prevent a count of the votes. It leaves us in the + dark, and, to a certain degree, in blindness. I believe there is a way, + and a very easy way, out of the entire trouble, and it is this: I do not + care whether the electors first meet in their respective States or not, + but I want the Constitution so amended that the electors of all the States + shall meet on a certain day in the city of Washington, and count the votes + themselves; to allow that body to be the judge of who are electors, to + allow it to choose a chairman, and to allow the person so chosen to + declare who is the President, and who is the Vice-President of the United + States. The Executive is then entirely free and independent of the + legislative department of Government. The Executive is then entirely free + from the judicial department, and I tell you, it is a public calamity to + have the ermine of the Supreme Court of the United States touched or + stained by a political suspicion. In my judgment, this country can never + stand such a strain again as it has now. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, all these questions are upon us and they have to be + settled. We cannot go on as we have been going. We cannot afford to live + as we have lived—one section running against the other. We cannot go + along that way. It must be settled, either peaceably or there must again + be a resort to the boisterous sword of civil war. + </p> + <p> + The people of the South must stop trampling on the rights of the colored + men. It must not be a crime in any State of this Union to be a lover of + this country. I have seen it stated in several papers lately that it is + the duty of each State to protect its own citizens. Well, I know that. + Suppose that the State does not do it; what then I say? Well, then, say + these people, the Governor of the State has the right to call on the + General Government for assistance. But suppose the Governor will not call + for assistance, what then? Then, they tell us, the Legislature can do so + by a joint resolution. But suppose the Legislature will not do it, what + then? Then, say these people, it is a defect in the Constitution. In my + judgment, that is the absurdest kind of secession. If the State of + Illinois must protect me, if I have no right to call for the protection of + the General Government, all I have to say is that my allegiance must + belong to the Government that protects me. If Illinois protects me, and + the General Government has not the power, then my first allegiance is due + to Illinois; and should Illinois unsheathe the sword of civil war, I must + stand by my State, if that doctrine is true. I say, my first allegiance is + due to the General Government, and not to the State of Illinois, and if + the State of Illinois goes out of the Union, I swear to you that I will + not. What does the General Government propose to give me in exchange for + my allegiance? The General Government has a right to take my property. The + General Government has a right to take my body in its necessary defence. + What does that Government propose to give in exchange for that right? + Protection, or else our Government is a fraud. Who has a right to call for + the protection of the United States? I say, the citizen who needs it. Can + our Government obtain information only through the official sources? Must + our Government wait until the Government asks the proofs, while the State + tramples upon the rights of the citizens? Must it wait until the + Legislature calls for assistance to help it stop robbing and plundering + citizens of the United States? Is that the doctrine and the idea of the + Northern Democratic party? It is not mine. A Government that will not + protect its citizens is a disgrace to humanity. A Government that waits + until a Governor calls—a Government that cannot hear the cry of the + meanest citizen under its flag when his rights are being trampled upon, + even by citizens of a Southern State—has no right to exist. + </p> + <p> + It is the duty of the American citizen to see to it that every State has a + Government, not only republican in form, but it is the duty of the United + States to see to it that life, liberty and property are protected in each + State. If they are not protected, it is the duty of the United States to + protect them, if it takes all her military force both upon land and upon + the sea. The people whose Government cannot always hear the faintest wail + of the meanest man beneath its flag have no right to call themselves a + nation. The flag that will not protect its protectors and defend its + defenders is a rag that is not worth the air in which it waves. + </p> + <p> + How are we going to do it? Do it by kindness if you can; by conciliation + if you can, but the Government is bound to try every way until it + succeeds. Now, Rutherford B. Hayes was elected President. The Democracy + will say, of course, that he never was elected, but that does not make any + difference. He is President to-day, and all these things are about him to + be settled. + </p> + <p> + What shall we do? What can we do? There are two Governors in South + Carolina and two Legislatures and not one cent of taxes has been collected + by either. A dual government would seem to be the most economical in the + world. Now, the question for us to decide, the question to be decided by + this administration is, how are we to ascertain which is the legal + Government of the State, and what department of the Government has a right + to ascertain that fact? Must it be left to Congress? Has the Senate alone + the right to determine it? Can it be left in any way to the Supreme Court, + or shall the Executive decide it himself? I do not say that the Executive + has the power to decide that question for himself. I do not say he has + not, but I do not say he has. The question, so far as Louisiana and South + Carolina are concerned—that question is now in the Senate of the + United States. Governor Kellogg is asking for admission as a Senator from + the State of Louisiana, and the question is to be decided by the Senate + first, whether he is entitled to his seat, and that question of course, + rests upon the one fact—was the Legislature that elected him the + legal Legislature of the State of Louisiana? It seems to me that when that + question is pending in the Senate of the United States the President has + not the right, or at least it would be improper for him to decide it on + his own motion, and say this or that Government is the real and legal + Government of the State of Louisiana. But some mode must be adopted, some + way must be discovered to settle this question, and to settle it + peacefully. We are an enlightened people. Force is the last thing that + civilized men should resort to. As long as courts can be created, as long + as courts of arbitration can be selected, as long as we can reason and + think, and urge all the considerations of humanity upon each other, there + should be no appeal to arms in the United States upon any question + whatever. What should the President do? He could only spare twenty-five + hundred men from the Indian war—that is the same army that has so + long been trampling on the rights of the South, the same army that the + Democratic Congress wished to reduce, and that army of twenty-five hundred + men is all he has to spare to protect American citizens in the Southern + States. Is there any sentiment in the North that would uphold the + Executive in calling for volunteers? Is there any sentiment here that + would respond to a call for twenty, fifty, or a hundred thousand men? Is + there any Congress to pass the necessary act to pay them if there was? + </p> + <p> + And so the President of the United States appreciated the situation, and + the people of the South came to him and said, "We have had war enough, we + have had trouble enough, our country languishes, we have no trade, our + pockets are empty, something must be done for us, we are utterly and + perfectly disgusted with the leadership of the Democratic party of the + North. Now, will you let us be your friends?" And he had the sense to say, + "Yes." The President took the right hand of the North, and put it into the + right hand of the South and said "Let us be friends. We parted at the + cannon's mouth; we were divided by the edge of the glittering sword; we + must become acquainted again. We are equals. We are all fellow-citizens. + In a Government of the people, by the people and for the people, there + shall not be an outcast class, whether white or black. To this feast, + every child of the Republic shall be invited and welcomed." It was a grand + thing grandly done. If the President succeeds in his policy, it will be an + immense compliment to his brain. If he fails, it will be an equal + compliment to his heart. He has opened the door; he has advanced; he has + extended his hand, he has broken the silence of hatred with the words of + welcome. Actuated by this broad and catholic spirit he has selected his + constitutional advisors, and allow me to say right here, the President has + the right to select his constitutional advisors to suit himself, and the + idea of men endeavoring to force themselves or others into the Cabinet of + the President, against, as it were, his will, why I would as soon think of + circulating a petition to compel some woman to marry me. + </p> + <p> + He has gathered around him the men he considers the wisest and the best, + and I say, let us give them a fair chance. I say, let us be honest with + the President of the United States and his Cabinet, and give his policy a + fair and honest chance. In order to show his good faith with the South he + chose as a member of his Cabinet an ex-rebel from Tennessee. I confess, + when I heard of it I did not like it. It did not seem to be exactly what I + had been making all this fuss about. But I thought I would be honest about + it, and I went and called on Mr. Key, and really he begins already to look + a good deal like a Republican. A real honest looking man. And then I said + to myself that he had not done much more harm than as though he had been a + Democrat at the North during those four years, and had cursed and swore + instead of fought about it. And so I told him "I am glad you are + appointed." + </p> + <p> + And I am. Give him a chance, and so far as the whole Cabinet is concerned—I + have not the time to go over them one by one now, it is perfectly + satisfactory to me. The President made up his mind that to appoint that + man would be to say to the South: "I do not look upon you as pariahs in + this Government. I look upon you as fellow-citizens; I want you to wipe + forever the color line, or the Union line, from the records of this + Government on account of what has been done heretofore." What are you now? + is the only question that should be asked. It was a strange thing for the + President to appoint that man. It was an experiment. It is an experiment. + It has not yet been decided, but I believe it will simply be a proof of + the President's wisdom. I can stand that experiment taken in connection + with the appointment of Frederick Douglass as Marshal of the District of + Columbia. I was glad to see that man's appointment. He is a good, patient, + stern man. He has been fighting for the liberty of his race, and at the + same time for our liberty. This man has done something for the freedom of + my race as well as his own. This is no time for war. War settles nothing + except the mere question of strength. That is all war ever did settle. You + cannot shoot ideas into a man with a musket, or with cannon into one of + those old Bourbon Democrats of the North. You cannot let prejudices out of + a man with a sword. + </p> + <p> + This is the time for reason, for discussion, for compromise. This is the + time to repair, to rebuild, to preserve. War destroys. Peace creates. War + is decay and death. Peace is growth and life,—sunlight and air. War + kills men. Peace maintains them. Artillery does not reason; it asserts. A + bayonet has point enough, but no logic. When the sword is drawn, reason + remains in the scabbard. It is not enough to win upon the field of battle, + you must be victor within the realm of thought. There must be peace + between the North and South some time; not a conquered peace, but a peace + that conquers. The question is, can you and I forget the past? Can we + forget everything except the heroic sacrifices of the men who saved this + Government? Can we say to the South, "Let us be brothers"? Can we? I am + willing to do it because, in the first place, it is right, and in the + second place, it will pay if it can be carried out. We have fought and + hated long enough. Our country is prostrate. Labor is in rags. Energy has + empty hands. Industry has empty pockets. The wheels of the factory are + still. In the safe of prudence money lies idle, locked by the key of fear. + Confidence is what we need—confidence in each other; confidence in + our institutions; confidence in our form of government; in the great + future; confidence in law, confidence in liberty, confidence in progress, + and in the grand destiny of the Great Republic. Now, do not imagine that I + think this policy will please every body. Of course there are men South + and North who can never be conciliated. They are the Implacables in the + South—the Bourbons in the North. + </p> + <p> + Nothing will ever satisfy them. The Implacables want to own negroes and + whip them; the Bourbons never will be satisfied until they can help catch + one. The Implacables with violent hands drive emigration from their + shores. They are poisoning the springs and sources of prosperity. They + dine on hatred and sup on regret. They mourn over the lost cause and + partake of the communion of revenge. They strike down the liberties of + their fellow-citizens and refuse to enjoy their own. They remember nothing + but wrongs, and they forget nothing but benefits. Their bosoms are filled + with the serpents of hate. No one can compromise with them. Nothing can + change them. They must be left to the softening influence of time and + death. The Bourbons are the allies of the Implacables. A Bourbon in the + majority is an Implacable in the minority. An Implacable in the minority + is a Bourbon. We do not appeal to, but from these men. But there are in + the South thousands of men who have accepted in good faith the results of + the war; men who love and wish to preserve this nation, men tired of + strife—men longing for a real Union based upon mutual respect and + confidence. These men are willing that the colored man shall be free—willing + that he shall vote, and vote for the Government of his choice—willing + that his children shall be educated—willing that he shall have all + the rights of an American citizen. These men are tired of the Implacables + and disgusted with the Bourbons. These men wish to unite with the + patriotic men of the North in the great work of reestablishing a + government of law. For my part, call me of what party you please, I am + willing to join hands with these men, without regard to race, color or + previous condition. + </p> + <p> + With a knowledge of our wants—with a clear perception of our + difficulties, Rutherford B. Hayes became President. + </p> + <p> + Nations have been saved by the grandeur of one man. Above all things a + President should be a patriot. Party at best is only a means—the + good of the country, the happiness of the people, the only end. + </p> + <p> + Now, I appeal to you Democrats here—not a great many, I suppose—do + not oppose this policy because you think it is going to increase the + Republican strength. If it strengthens the Government, no matter whether + it is Republican or Democratic, it is for the common good. + </p> + <p> + And you Republicans, you who have had all these feelings of patriotism and + glory, I ask you to wait and let this experiment be tried. Do not prophesy + failure for it and then work to fulfill the prophecy. Give the President a + chance. I tell you to-night that he is as good a Republican as there is in + the United States; and I tell you that if this policy is not responded to + by the South, Rutherford B. Hayes will change it, just as soon and as + often as is necessary to accomplish the end. The President has offered the + Southern people the olive branch of peace, and so far as I am concerned, I + implore both the Southern people and the Northern people to accept it. I + extend to you each and all the olive branch of peace. Fellow-citizens of + the South, I beseech you to take it. By the memory of those who died for + naught; by the charred remains of your remembered homes; by the ashes of + your statesman dead; for the sake of your sons and your daughters and + their fair children yet to be, I implore you to take it with loving and + with loyal hands. It will cultivate your wasted fields. It will rebuild + your towns and cities. It will fill your coffers with gold. It will + educate your children. It will swell the sails of your commerce. It will + cause the roses of joy to clamber and climb over the broken cannon of war. + It will flood the cabins of the freedman with light, and clothe the weak + in more than coat of mail, and wrap the poor and lowly in "measureless + content." Take it. The North will forgive if the South will forget. Take + it! The negro will wipe from the tablet of memory the strokes and scars of + two hundred years, and blur with happy tears the record of his wrongs. + Take it! It will unite our nation. It will make us brothers once again. + Take it! And justice will sit in your courts under the outspread wings of + Peace. Take it! And the brain and lips of the future will be free. Take + it! It will bud and blossom in your hands and fill your land with + fragrance and with joy. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0009" id="link0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + HARD TIMES AND THE WAY OUT. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Boston, October 20, 1878. +</pre> + <p> + LADIES and Gentlemen:—The lovers of the human race, the + philanthropists, the dreamers of grand dreams, all predicted and all + believed that when man should have the right to govern himself, when every + human being should be equal before the law, pauperism, crime, and want + would exist only in the history of the past. They accounted for misery in + their time by the rapacity of kings and the cruelty of priests. Here, in + the United States, man at last is free. Here, man makes the laws, and all + have an equal voice. The rich cannot oppress the poor, because the poor + are in a majority. The laboring men, those who in some way work for their + living, can elect every Congressman and every judge; they can make and + interpret the laws, and if labor is oppressed in the United States by + capital, labor has simply itself to blame. The cry is now raised that + capital in some mysterious way oppresses industry; that the capitalist is + the enemy of the man who labors. What is a capitalist? Every man who has + good health; every man with good sense; every one who has had his dinner, + and has enough left for supper, is, to that extent, a capitalist. Every + man with a good character, who has the credit to borrow a dollar or to buy + a meal, is a capitalist; and nine out of ten of the great capitalists in + the United States are simply successful workingmen. There is no conflict, + and can be no conflict, in the United States between capital and labor; + and the men who endeavor to excite the envy of the unfortunate and the + malice of the poor are the enemies of law and order. + </p> + <p> + As a rule, wealth is the result of industry, economy, attention to + business; and as a rule, poverty is the result of idleness, extravagance, + and inattention to business, though to these rules there are thousands of + exceptions. The man who has wasted his time, who has thrown away his + opportunities, is apt to envy the man who has not. For instance, there are + six shoemakers working in one shop. One of them attends to his business. + You can hear the music of his hammer late and early. He is in love with + some girl on the next street. He has made up his mind to be a man; to + succeed; to make somebody else happy; to have a home; and while he is + working, in his imagination he can see his own fireside, with the + firelight falling upon the faces of wife and child. The other five + gentlemen work as little as they can, spend Sunday in dissipation, have + the headache Monday, and, as a result, never advance. The industrious one, + the one in love, gains the confidence of his employer, and in a little + while he cuts out work for the others. The first thing you know he has a + shop of his own, the next a store; because the man of reputation, the man + of character, the man of known integrity, can buy all he wishes in the + United States upon a credit. The next thing you know he is married, and he + has built him a house, and he is happy, and his dream has been realized. + After awhile the same five shoemakers, having pursued the old course, + stand on the corner some Sunday when he rides by. He has a carriage, his + wife sits by his side, her face covered with smiles, and they have two + children, their eyes beaming with joy, and the blue ribbons are fluttering + in the wind. And thereupon, these five shoemakers adjourn to some + neighboring saloon and pass a resolution that there is an irrepressible + conflict between capital and labor. + </p> + <p> + There is, in fact, no such conflict, and the laboring men of the United + States have the power to protect themselves. In the ballot-box the vote of + Lazarus is on an equality with the vote of Dives; the vote of a wandering + pauper counts the same as that of a millionaire. In a land where the poor, + where the laboring men have the right and have the power to make the laws, + and do, in fact, make the laws, certainly there should be no complaint. In + our country the people hold the power, and if any corporation in any State + is devouring the substance of the people, every State has retained the + power of eminent domain, under which it can confiscate the property and + franchise of any corporation by simply paying to that corporation what + such property is worth. And yet thousands of people are talking as though + the rich combined for the express purpose of destroying the poor, are + talking as though there existed a widespread conspiracy against industry, + against honest toil; and thousands and thousands of speeches have been + made and numberless articles have been written to fill the breasts of the + unfortunate with hatred. + </p> + <p> + We have passed through a period of wonderful and unprecedented inflation. + For years we enjoyed the luxury of going into debt, the felicity of living + upon credit. We have in the United States about eighty thousand miles of + railway, more than enough to make a treble track around the globe. Most of + these miles were built in a period of twenty-five years, and at a cost of + at least five thousand millions of dollars. Think of the ore that had to + be dug, of the iron that was melted; think of the thousands employed in + cutting bridge timber and ties, and giving to the wintry air the music of + the axe; think of the thousands and thousands employed in making cars, in + making locomotives, those horses of progress with nerves of steel and + breath of flame; think of the thousands and thousands of workers in brass + and steel and iron; think of the numberless industries that thrived in the + construction of eighty thousand miles of railway, of the streams bridged, + of the mountains tunneled, of the plains crossed; and think of the towns + and cities that sprang up, as if by magic, along these highways of iron. + </p> + <p> + During the same time we had a war in which we expended thousands of + millions of dollars, not to create, not to construct, but to destroy. All + this money was spent in the work of demolition, and every shot and every + shell and every musket and every cannon was used to destroy. All the time + of every soldier was lost. An amount of property inconceivable was + destroyed, and some of the best and bravest were sacrificed. During these + years the productive power of the North was strained to the utmost; every + wheel was in motion; there was employment for every kind and description + of labor, and for every mechanic. There was a constantly rising market—speculation + was rife, and it seemed almost impossible to lose. As a consequence, the + men who had been toiling upon the farm became tired. It was too slow a way + to get rich. They heard of their neighbor, of their brother, who had gone + to the city and had suddenly become a millionaire. They became tired with + the slow methods of agriculture. The young men of intelligence, of vim, of + nerve became disgusted with the farms. On every hand fortunes were being + made. A wave of wealth swept over the United States; huts became houses; + houses became palaces with carpeted floors and pictured walls; tatters + became garments; rags became robes; and for the first time in the history + of the world, the poor tasted of the luxuries of wealth. We wondered how + our fathers could have endured their poor and barren lives. + </p> + <p> + Every business was pressed to the snow line. Old life insurance + associations had been successful; new ones sprang up on every hand. The + agents filled every town. These agents were given a portion of the + premium. You could hardly go out of your house without being told of the + uncertainty of life and the certainty of death. You were shown pictures of + life insurance agents emptying vast bags of gold at the feet of a + disconsolate widow. You saw in imagination your own fatherless children + wiping away the tears of grief and smiling with joy. + </p> + <p> + These agents insured everybody and everything. They would have insured a + hospital or consumption in its last hemorrhage. + </p> + <p> + Fire insurance was managed in precisely the same way. The agents received + a part of the premium, and they insured anything and everything, no matter + what its danger might be. They would have insured powder in perdition, or + icebergs under the torrid zone with the same alacrity. And then there were + accident companies, and you could not go to the station to buy your ticket + without being shown a picture of disaster. You would see there four horses + running away with a stage, and old ladies and children being thrown out; + you would see a steamer being blown up on the Mississippi, legs one way + and arms the other, heads one side and hats the other; locomotives going + through bridges, good Samaritans carrying off the wounded on stretchers. + </p> + <p> + The merchants, too, were not satisfied to do business in the old way. It + was too slow; they could not wait for customers. They filled the country + with drummers, and these drummers convinced all the country merchants that + they needed about twice as many goods as they could possibly sell, and + they took their notes on sixty and ninety days, and renewed them whenever + desired, provided the parties renewing the notes would take more goods. + And these country merchants pressed the goods upon their customers in the + same manner. Everybody was selling, everybody was buying, and nearly all + was done upon a credit. No one believed the day of settlement ever would + or ever could come. Towns must continue to grow, and in the imagination of + speculators there were hundreds of cities numbering their millions of + inhabitants. Land, miles and miles from the city, was laid out in blocks + and squares and parks; land that will not be occupied for residences + probably for hundreds of years to come, and these lots were sold, not by + the acre, not by the square mile, but by so much per foot. They were sold + on credit, with a partial payment down and the balance secured by a + mortgage. + </p> + <p> + These values, of course, existed simply in the imagination; and a deed of + trust upon a cloud or a mortgage upon a last year's fog would have been + just as valuable. Everybody advertised, and those who were not selling + goods and real estate were in the medicine line, and every rock beneath + our flag was covered with advice to the unfortunate; and I have often + thought that if some sincere Christian had made a pilgrimage to Sinai and + climbed its venerable crags, and in a moment of devotion dropped upon his + knees and raised his eyes toward heaven, the first thing that would have + met his astonished gaze would in all probability have been: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "St. 1860 X Plantation Bitters." +</pre> + <p> + Suddenly there came a crash. Jay Cooke failed, and I have heard thousands + of men account for the subsequent hard times from the fact that Cooke did + fail. As well might you account for the smallpox by saying that the first + pustule was the cause of the disease. The failure of Jay Cooke & Co. + was simply a symptom of a disease universal. + </p> + <p> + No language can describe the agonies that have been endured since 1873. No + language can tell the sufferings of the men that have wandered over the + dreary and desolate desert of bankruptcy. Thousands and thousands supposed + that they had enough, enough for their declining years, enough for wife + and children, and suddenly found themselves paupers and vagrants. + </p> + <p> + During all these years the bankruptcy law was in force, and whoever failed + to keep his promise had simply to take the benefit of this law. As a + consequence, there could be no real, solid foundation for business. + Property commenced to decline; that is to say, it commenced to resume; + that is to say, it began to be rated at its real instead of at its + speculative value. + </p> + <p> + Land is worth what it will produce, and no more. It may have speculative + value, and, if the prophecy is fulfilled, the man who buys it may become + rich, and if the prophecy is not fulfilled, then the land is simply worth + what it will produce. Lots worth from five to ten thousand dollars apiece + suddenly vanished into farms worth twenty-five dollars per acre. These + lots resumed. The farms that before that time had been considered worth + one hundred dollars per acre, and are now worth twenty or thirty, have + simply resumed. Magnificent residences supposed to be worth one hundred + thousand dollars, that can now be purchased for twenty-five thousand, they + have simply resumed. The property in the United States has not fallen in + value, but its real value has been ascertained. The land will produce as + much as it ever would, and is as valuable to-day as it ever was; and every + improvement, every invention that adds to the productiveness of the soil + or to the facilities for getting that product to market, adds to the + wealth of the nation. + </p> + <p> + As a matter of fact, the property kept pace with what we were pleased to + call our money. As the money depreciated, property appreciated; as the + money appreciated, property depreciated. The moment property began to fall + speculation ceased. There is but little speculation upon a falling market. + The stocks and bonds, based simply upon ideas, became worthless, the + collaterals became dust and ashes. + </p> + <p> + At the close of the war, when the Government ceased to be such a vast + purchaser and consumer, many of the factories had to stop. When the crash + came the men stopped digging ore; they stopped felling the forest; the + fires died out in the furnaces; the men who had stood in the glare of the + forge were in the gloom of want. There was no employment for them. The + employer could not sell his product; business stood still, and then came + what we call the hard times. Our wealth was a delusion and illusion, and + we simply came back to reality. Too many men were doing nothing, too many + men were traders, brokers, speculators. There were not enough producers of + the things needed; there were too many producers of the things no one + wished. There needed to be a re-distribution of men. + </p> + <p> + Many remedies have been proposed, and chief among these is the remedy of + fiat money. Probably no subject in the world is less generally understood + than that of money. So many false definitions have been given, so many + strange, conflicting theories have been advanced, that it is not at all + surprising that men have come to imagine that money is something that can + be created by law. The definitions given by the hard-money men themselves + have been used as arguments by those who believe in the power of Congress + to create wealth. We are told that gold is an instrumentality or a device + to facilitate exchanges. We are told that gold is a measure of value. Let + us examine these definitions. + </p> + <p> + "<i>Gold is an instrumentality or device to facilitate exchanges.</i>" + </p> + <p> + That sounds well, but I do not believe it. Gold and silver are + commodities. They are the products of labor. They are not + instrumentalities; they are not devices to facilitate exchanges; they are + the things exchanged for something else; and other things are exchanged + for them. The only device about it to facilitate exchanges is the coining + of these metals. Whenever the Government or any government certifies that + in a certain piece of gold or silver there are a certain number of grains + of a certain fineness, then he who gives it knows that he is not giving + too much, and he who receives, that he is receiving enough, so that I will + change the definition to this: + </p> + <p> + The <i>coining</i> of the precious metals is a device to facilitate + exchanges. + </p> + <p> + The precious metals themselves are property; they are merchandise; they + are commodities, and whenever one commodity is exchanged for another it is + barter, and gold is the last refinement of barter. + </p> + <p> + The second definition is: + </p> + <p> + "<i>Gold is the measure of value</i>." + </p> + <p> + We are told by those who believe in fiat money that gold is a measure of + value just the same as a half bushel or a yardstick. + </p> + <p> + I deny that gold is a measure of value. The yardstick is not a measure of + value; it is simply a measure of quantity. It measures cloth worth fifty + dollars a yard precisely as it does calico worth four cents. It is, + therefore, not a measure of value, but of quantities. The same with the + half bushel. The half bushel measures wheat precisely the same, whether + that wheat is worth three dollars or one dollar. It simply measures + quantity; not quality, or value. The yardstick, the half bushel, and the + coining of money are all devices to facilitate exchanges. The yardstick + assures the man who sells that he has not sold too much; it assures the + man who buys that he has received enough; and in that way it facilitates + exchanges. The coining of money facilitates exchange, for the reason that + were it not coined, each man who did any business would have to carry a + pair of scales and be a chemist. + </p> + <p> + It matters not whether the yardstick or half bushel are of gold, silver, + or wood, for the reason that the yardstick and half bushel are not the + things bought. We buy not them, but the things they measure. + </p> + <p> + If gold and silver are not the measure of value, what is? I answer—intelligent + labor. Gold gets its value from labor. Of course, I cannot account for the + fact that mankind have a certain fancy for gold or for diamonds, neither + can I account for the fact that we like certain things better than others + to eat. These are simply facts in nature, and they are facts, whether they + can be explained or not. The dollar in gold represents, on the average, + the labor that it took to dig and mint it, together with all the time of + the men who looked for it without finding it. That dollar in gold, on the + average, will buy the product of the same amount of labor in any other + direction. + </p> + <p> + Nothing ever has been money, from the most barbarous to the most civilized + times, unless it was a product of nature, and a something to which the + people among whom it passed as money attached a certain value, a value not + dependent upon law, not dependent upon "fiat" in any degree. + </p> + <p> + Nothing has ever been considered money that man could produce. + </p> + <p> + A bank bill is not money, neither is a check nor a draft. These are all + devices simply to facilitate business, but in or of themselves they have + no value. + </p> + <p> + We are told, however, that the Government can create money. This I deny. + The Government produces nothing; it raises no wheat, no corn; it digs no + gold, no silver. It is not a producer, it is a consumer. + </p> + <p> + The Government cannot by law create wealth. And right here I wish to ask + one question, and I would like to have it answered some time. If the + Government can make money, if it can create money, if by putting its + sovereignty upon a piece of paper it can create absolute money, why should + the Government collect taxes? We have in every district assessors and + collectors; we have at every port customhouses, and we are collecting + taxes day and night for the support of this Government. Now, if the + Government can make money itself, why should it collect taxes from the + poor? Here is a man cultivating a farm—he is working among the + stones and roots, and digging day and night; why should the Government go + to that man and make him pay twenty or thirty or forty dollars taxes when + the Government, according to the theory of these gentlemen, could make a + thousand-dollar fiat bill quicker than that man could wink? Why impose + upon industry in that manner? Why should the sun borrow a candle? + </p> + <p> + And if the Government can create money, how much should it create, and if + it should create it who will get it? Money has a great liking for money. A + single dollar in the pocket of a poor man is lonesome; it never is + satisfied until it has found its companions. Money gravitates towards + money, and issue as much as you may, as much as you will, the time will + come when that money will be in the hands of the industrious, in the hands + of the economical, in the hands of the shrewd, in the hands of the + cunning; in other words, in the hands of the successful. + </p> + <p> + The other day I had a conversation with one of the principal gentlemen + upon that side, and I told him, "Whenever you can successfully palm off on + a man a bill of fare for a dinner, I shall believe in your doctrine; and + when I can satisfy the pangs of hunger by reading a cook-book, I shall + join your party." Only that is money which stands for labor. Only that is + money which will buy, on the average, in all other directions the result + of the same labor expended in its production. As a matter of fact, there + is money enough in the country to transact the business. Never before in + the history of our Government was money so cheap; that is to say, was + interest so low; never. There is plenty of money, and we could borrow all + we wished had we the collaterals. We could borrow all we wish if there was + some business in which we could embark that promised a sure and reasonable + return. If we should come to a man who kept a ferry, and find his boat on + a sandbar and the river dry, what would he think of us should we tell him + he had not enough boat? He would probably reply that he had plenty of + boat, but not enough water. We have plenty of money, but not enough + business. The reason we have not enough business is, we have not enough + confidence, and the reason we have not confidence is because the market is + slowly falling, and the reason it is slowly falling is that things have + not yet quite resumed; that we have not quite touched the absolute bedrock + of valuation. Another reason is because those that left the cultivation of + the soil have not yet all returned, and they are living, some upon their + wits, some upon their relatives, some upon charity, and some upon crime. + </p> + <p> + The next question is: Suppose the Government should issue a thousand + millions of fiat money, how would it regulate the value thereof? Every + creditor could be forced to take it, but nobody else. If a man was in debt + one dollar for a bushel of wheat, he could compel the creditor to take the + fiat money; but if he wished to buy the wheat, then the owner could say, + "I will take one dollar in gold or fifty dollars in fiat money, or I will + not sell it for fiat money at any price." What will Congress do then? In + order to make this fiat money good it will have to fix the price of every + conceivable commodity; the price of painting a picture, of trying a + lawsuit, of chiseling a statue, the price of a day's work; in short, the + price of every conceivable thing. This even will not be sufficient. It + will be necessary, then, to provide by law that the prices fixed shall be + received, and that no man shall be allowed to give more for anything than + the price fixed by Congress. Now, I do not believe that any Congress has + sufficient wisdom to tell beforehand what will be the relative value of + all the products of labor. + </p> + <p> + When the volume of currency is inflated it is at the expense of the + creditor class; when it is contracted it is contracted at the expense of + the debtor class. In other words, inflation means going into debt; + contraction means the payment of the debt. + </p> + <p> + A gold dollar is a dollar's worth of gold. + </p> + <p> + A real paper dollar is a dollar's worth of paper. + </p> + <p> + Another remedy has been suggested by the same persons who advocate fiat + money. With a consistency perfectly charming, they say it would have been + much better had we allowed the Treasury notes to fade out. Why allow fiat + money to fade out when a simple act of Congress can make it as good as + gold? When greenbacks fade out the loss falls upon the chance holder, upon + the poor, the industrious, and the unfortunate. The rich, the cunning, the + well-informed manage to get rid of what they happen to hold. When, + however, the bills are redeemed, they are paid by the wealth and property + of the whole country. To allow them to fade out is universal robbery; to + pay them is universal justice. The greenback should not be allowed to fade + away in the pocket of the soldier or in the hands of his widow and + children. It is said that; the Continental money faded away. It was and is + a disgrace to our forefathers. When the greenback fades away there will + fade with it honor from the American heart, brain from the American head, + and our flag from the air of heaven. + </p> + <p> + A great cry has been raised against the holders of bonds. They have been + denounced by every epithet that malignity can coin. During the war our + bonds were offered for sale and they brought all that they then appeared + to be worth. They had to be sold or the Rebellion would have been a + success. To the bond we are indebted as much as to the greenback. The fact + is, however, we are indebted to neither; we are indebted to the soldiers. + But every man who took a greenback at less than gold committed the same + crime, and no other, as he who bought the bonds at less than par in gold. + These bonds have changed hands thousands of times. They have been paid for + in gold again and again. They have been bought at prices far above par; + they have been laid away by loving husbands for wives, by toiling fathers + for children; and the man who seeks to repudiate them now, or to pay them + in fiat rags, is unspeakably cruel and dishonest. If the Government has + made a bad bargain it must live up to it. If it has made a foolish promise + the only way is to fulfill it. + </p> + <p> + A dishonest government can exist only among dishonest people. + </p> + <p> + When our money is below par we feel below par. + </p> + <p> + We cannot bring prosperity by cheapening money; we cannot increase our + wealth by adding to the volume of a depreciated currency. If the + prosperity of a country depends upon the volume of its currency, and if + anything is money that people can be made to think is money, then the + successful counterfeiter is a public benefactor. The counterfeiter + increases the volume of currency; he stimulates business, and the money + issued by him will not be hoarded and taken from the channels of trade. + </p> + <p> + During the war, during the inflation—that is to say, during the + years that we were going into debt—fortunes were made so easily that + people left the farms, crowded to the towns and cities. Thousands became + speculators, traders, and merchants; thousands embarked in every possible + and conceivable scheme. They produced nothing; they simply preyed upon + labor and dealt with imaginary values. These men must go back; they must + become producers, and every producer is a paying consumer. Thousands and + thousands of them are unable to go back. To a man who begs of you a + breakfast you cannot say, "Why don't you get a farm?" You might as well + say, "Why don't you start a line of steamships?" To him both are + impossibilities. They must be helped. + </p> + <p> + We should all remember that society must support all of its members, all + of its robbers, thieves, and paupers. Every vagabond and vagrant has to be + fed and clothed, and society must support in some way all of its members. + It can support them in jails, in asylums, in hospitals, in penitentiaries; + but it is a very costly way. We have to employ judges to try them, juries + to sit upon their cases, sheriffs, marshals, and constables to arrest + them, policemen to watch them, and it may be, at last, a standing army to + put them down. It would be far cheaper, probably, to support them all at + some first-class hotel. We must either support them or help them support + themselves. They let us go upon the one hand simply to take us by the + other, and we can take care of them as paupers and criminals, or, by wise + statesmanship, help them to be honest and useful men. Of all the criminals + transported by England to Australia and Tasmania, the records show that a + very large per cent.—something over ninety—became useful and + decent people. In Australia they found homes; hope again spread its wings + in their breasts. They had different ambitions; they were removed from + vile and vicious associations. They had new surroundings; and, as a rule, + man does not morally improve without a corresponding improvement in his + physical condition. One biscuit, with plenty of butter, is worth all the + tracts ever distributed. + </p> + <p> + Thousands must be taken from the crowded streets and stifling dens, away + from the influences of filth and want, to the fields and forests of the + West and South. They must be helped to help themselves. + </p> + <p> + While the Government cannot create gold and silver, while it cannot by its + fiat make money, it can furnish facilities for the creation of wealth. It + can aid in the distribution of products, and in the distribution of men; + it can aid in the opening of new territories; it can aid great and vast + enterprises that cannot be accomplished by individual effort. The + Government should see to it that every facility is offered to honorable + adventure, enterprise and industry. Our ships ought to be upon every sea; + our flag ought to be flying in every port. Our rivers and harbors ought to + be improved. The usefulness of the Mississippi should be increased, its + banks strengthened, and its channel deepened. At no distant day it will + bear the commerce of a hundred millions of people. That grand river is the + great guaranty of territorial integrity; it is the protest of nature + against disunion, and from its source to the sea it will forever flow + beneath one flag. + </p> + <p> + The Northern Pacific Railway should be pushed to completion. In this way + labor would be immediately given to many thousands of men. Along the line + of that thoroughfare would spring up towns and cities; new communities + with new surroundings; and where now is the wilderness there would be + thousands and thousands of happy homes. + </p> + <p> + The Texas Pacific should also be completed. A vast agricultural and + mineral region would be opened to the enterprise and adventure of the + American people. Probably Arizona holds within the miserly clutches of her + rocks greater wealth than any other State or territory of the world. The + construction of that road would put life and activity into a hundred + industries. It would give employment to many thousands of people, and + homes at last to many millions. It would cause the building of thousands + of miles of branches to open, not only new territory, but to connect with + roads already built. It would double the products of gold and silver, open + new fields to trade, create new industries, and make it possible for us to + supply eight millions of people in the Republic of Mexico with our + products. The construction of this great highway will enable the + Government to dispense with from ten to fifteen regiments of infantry and + cavalry now stationed along the border. People enough will settle along + this line to protect themselves. It will permanently settle the Indian + question, saving the people millions each year. It will effectually + destroy the present monopoly, and in this way greatly increase production + and consumption. It will double our trade with China and Japan, and with + the Pacific States as well. It will settle the Southern question by + filling the Southern States with immigrants, diversifying the industries + of that section, changing and rebuilding the commercial and social fabric; + it will do away with the conservatism of regret and the prejudice born of + isolation. It will transmute to wealth the unemployed muscle of the + country. It will rescue California from the control of a single + corporation, from the government of an oligarchy united, watchful, + despotic, and vindictive. It will liberate the farmers, the merchants, and + even the politicians of the Pacific coast. Besides, it must not be + forgotten so to frame the laws and charters that Congress shall forever + have the control of fares and freights. In this way the public will be + perfectly protected and the Government perfectly secured. + </p> + <p> + Look at the map, and you will see the immense advantages its construction + will give to the entire country, not only to the South, but to the East + and West as well. It is one hundred and fifty miles nearer from Chicago to + San Diego than to San Francisco. You will see that the whole of Texas, a + State containing two hundred and ten thousand square miles; a State four + times as large as Illinois, five times as large as New York, capable of + supporting a population of twenty millions of people, is put in direct and + immediate communication with the whole country. Territory to the extent of + nearly a million square miles will be given to agriculture, trade, + commerce, and mining, by the construction of this line. + </p> + <p> + Let this road be built, and we shall feel again the enthusiasm born of + enterprise. In the vast stagnation there will be at last a current. + Something besides waiting is necessary to secure, or to even hasten, the + return of prosperity. Secure the completion of this line and extend the + time for building the Northern Pacific, and confidence and employment will + return together. + </p> + <p> + More men must cultivate the soil. In the older States lands are too high. + It requires too much capital to commence. There are so many failures in + business; so many merchants, traders, and manufacturers have been wrecked + and stranded upon the barren shores of bankruptcy, that the people are + beginning to prefer the small but certain profits of agriculture to the + false and splendid promises of speculation. We must open new territories; + we must give the mechanics now out of employment an opportunity to + cultivate the soil—not as day-laborers but as owners; not as + tenants, but as farmers. Something must be done to develop the resources + of this country. With the best lands of the world; with a population + intellectual, energetic, and ingenious far beyond the average of mankind; + with the richest mines of the globe; with plenty of capital; with a + surplus of labor; with thousands of arms folded in enforced idleness; with + billions of gold asking to be dug; with millions of acres waiting for the + plow, thousands upon thousands are in absolute want. + </p> + <p> + New avenues must be opened. All our territory must be given to + immigration. Greater facilities must be offered. Obstacles that cannot be + overcome by individual enterprise must be conquered by the Government for + the good of all. Every man out of employment is impoverishing the country. + Labor transmutes muscle into wealth. Idleness is a rust that devours even + gold. For five years we have been wasting the labor of millions—wasting + it for lack of something to do. Prosperity has been changed to want and + discontent. On every hand the poor are asking for work. That is a wretched + government where the honest and industrious beg, unsuccessfully, for the + right to toil; where those who are willing, anxious, and able to work, + cannot get bread. If everything is to be left to the blind and heartless + working of the laws of supply and demand, why have governments? If the + nation leaves the poor to starve, and the weak and unfortunate to perish, + it is hard to see for what purpose the nation should be preserved. If our + statesmen are not wise enough to foster great enterprises, and to adopt a + policy that will give us prosperity, it may be that the laboring classes, + driven to frenzy by hunger, the bitterness of which will be increased by + seeing others in the midst of plenty, will seek a remedy in destruction. + </p> + <p> + The transcontinental commerce of this country should not be in the clutch + and grasp of one corporation. All sections of the Union should, as far as + possible, be benefited. Cheap rates will come, and can be maintained only + by competition. We should cultivate commercial relations with China and + Japan. Six hundred millions of people are slowly awaking from a lethargy + of six thousand years. In a little while they will have the wants of + civilized men, and America will furnish a large proportion of the articles + demanded by these people. In a few years there will be as many ships upon + the Pacific as upon the Atlantic. In a few years our trade with China will + be far greater than with Europe. In a few years we will sustain the same + relation to the far East that Europe once sustained to us. America for + centuries to come will supply six hundred millions of people with the + luxuries of life. A country that expects to control the trade of other + countries must develop its own resources to the utmost. We have pursued a + small, a mean, and a penurious course. Demagogues have ridden into office + and power upon the cry of economy, by opposing every measure looking to + the improvement of the country, by endeavoring to see how cheaply nothing + could be done. A government, like an individual, should live up to its + privileges; it should husband its resources, simply that it may use them. + A nation that expects to control the commerce of half a world must have + its money equal with gold and silver. It must have the money of the world. + </p> + <p> + Whenever the laboring men are out of employment they begin to hate the + rich. They feel that the dwellers in palaces, the riders in carriages, the + wearers of broadcloth, silk, and velvet have in some way been robbing + them. As a matter of fact, the palace builders are the friends of labor. + The best form of charity is extravagance. When you give a man money, when + you toss him a dollar, although you get nothing, the man loses his + manhood. To help others help themselves is the only real charity. There is + no use in boosting a man who is not climbing. Whenever I see a splendid + home, a palace, a magnificent block, I think of the thousands who were fed—of + the women and children clothed, of the firesides made happy. + </p> + <p> + A rich man living up to his privileges, having the best house, the best + furniture, the best horses, the finest grounds, the most beautiful + flowers, the best clothes, the best food, the best pictures, and all the + books that he can afford, is a perpetual blessing. + </p> + <p> + The prodigality of the rich is the providence of the poor. + </p> + <p> + The extravagance of wealth makes it possible for the poor to save. + </p> + <p> + The rich man who lives according to his means, who is extravagant in the + best and highest sense, is not the enemy of labor. The miser, who lives in + a hovel, wears rags, and hoards his gold, is a perpetual curse. He is like + one who dams a river at its source. + </p> + <p> + The moment hard times come the cry of economy is raised. The press, the + platform, and the pulpit unite in recommending economy to the rich. In + consequence of this cry, the man of wealth discharges servants, sells + horses, allows his carriage to become a hen-roost, and after taking + employment and food from as many as he can, congratulates himself that he + has done his part toward restoring prosperity to the country. + </p> + <p> + In that country where the poor are extravagant and the rich economical + will be found pauperism and crime; but where the poor are economical and + the rich are extravagant, that country is filled with prosperity. + </p> + <p> + The man who wants others to work to such an extent that their lives are + burdens, is utterly heartless. The toil of the world should continually + decrease. Of what use are your inventions if no burdens are lifted from + industry—if no additional comforts find their way to the home of + labor; why should labor fill the world with wealth and live in want? + </p> + <p> + Every labor-saving machine should help the whole world. Every one should + tend to shorten the hours of labor. + </p> + <p> + Reasonable labor is a source of joy. To work for wife and child, to toil + for those you love, is happiness; provided you can make them happy. But to + work like a slave, to see your wife and children in rags, to sit at a + table where food is coarse and scarce, to rise at four in the morning, to + work all day and throw your tired bones upon a miserable bed at night, to + live without leisure, without rest, without making those you love + comfortable and happy—this is not living—it is dying—a + slow, lingering crucifixion. + </p> + <p> + The hours of labor should be shortened. With the vast and wonderful + improvements of the nineteenth century there should be not only the + necessaries of life for those who toil, but comforts and luxuries as well. + </p> + <p> + What is a reasonable price for labor? I answer: Such a price as will + enable the man to live; to have the comforts of life; to lay by a little + something for his declining years, so that he can have his own home, his + own fireside; so that he can preserve the feelings of a man. + </p> + <p> + Every man ought to be willing to pay for what he gets. He ought to desire + to give full value received. The man who wants two dollars' worth of work + for one is not an honest man. + </p> + <p> + I sympathize with every honest effort made by the children of labor to + improve their condition. That is a poorly governed country in which those + who do the most have the least. There is something wrong when men are + obliged to beg for leave to toil. We are not yet a civilized people; when + we are, pauperism and crime will vanish from our land. + </p> + <p> + There is one thing, however, of which I am glad and proud, and that is, + that society is not, in our country, petrified; that the poor are not + always poor. + </p> + <p> + The children of the poor of this generation may, and probably will, be the + rich of the next. The sons of the rich of this generation may be the poor + of the next; so that after all, the rich fear and the poor hope. + </p> + <p> + I sympathize with the wanderers, with the vagrants out of employment; with + the sad and weary men who are seeking for work. When I see one of these + men, poor and friendless—no matter how bad he is—I think that + somebody loved him once; that he was once held in the arms of a mother; + that he slept beneath her loving eyes, and wakened in the light of her + smile. I see him in the cradle, listening to lullabies sung soft and low, + and his little face is dimpled as though touched by the rosy fingers of + Joy. + </p> + <p> + And then I think of the strange and winding paths, the weary roads he has + traveled from that mother's arms to vagrancy and want. + </p> + <p> + There should be labor and food for all. We invent; we take advantage of + the forces of nature; we enslave the winds and waves; we put shackles upon + the unseen powers and chain the energy that wheels the world. These slaves + should release from bondage all the children of men. + </p> + <p> + By invention, by labor—that is to say, by working and thinking—we + shall compel prosperity to dwell with us. + </p> + <p> + Do not imagine that wealth can be created by law; do not for a moment + believe that paper can be changed to gold by the fiat of Congress. + </p> + <p> + Do not preach the heresy that you can keep a promise by making another in + its place that is never to be kept. Do not teach the poor that the rich + have conspired to trample them into the dust. + </p> + <p> + Tell the workingmen that they are in the majority; that they can make and + execute the laws. + </p> + <p> + Tell them that since 1873 the employers have suffered about as much as the + employed. + </p> + <p> + Tell them that the people who have the power to make the laws should never + resort to violence. Tell them never to envy the successful. Tell the rich + to be extravagant and the poor to be economical. + </p> + <p> + Tell every man to use his best efforts to get him a home. Without a home, + without some one to love, life and country are meaningless words. Upon the + face of the patriot must have fallen the firelight of home. + </p> + <p> + Tell the people that they must have honest money, so that when a man has a + little laid by for wife and child, it will comfort him even in death; so + that he will feel that he leaves something for bread, something that, in + some faint degree, will take his place; that he has left the coined toil + of his hands to work for the loved when he is dust. + </p> + <p> + Tell your representatives in Congress to improve our rivers and harbors; + to release our transcontinental commerce from the grasp of monopoly; to + open all our territories, and to build up our trade with the whole world. + </p> + <p> + Tell them not to issue a dollar of fiat paper, but to redeem every promise + the nation has made. + </p> + <p> + If fiat money is ever issued it will be worthless, for the folly that + would issue has not the honor to pay when the experiment fails. + </p> + <p> + Tell them to put their trust in work. Debts can be created by law, but + they must be paid by labor. + </p> + <p> + Tell them that "fiat money" is madness and repudiation is death. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0010" id="link0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + SUFFRAGE ADDRESS. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * This address was delivered at a Suffrage Meeting in + Washington, D. C., January 24,1880 +</pre> + <p> + 1880. + </p> + <p> + LADIES and Gentlemen: I believe the people to be the only rightful source + of political power, and that any community, no matter where, in which any + citizen is not allowed to have his voice in the making of the laws he must + obey, that community is a tyranny. It is a matter of astonishment to me + that a meeting like this is necessary in the Capital of the United States. + If the citizens of the District of Columbia are not permitted to vote, if + they are not allowed to govern themselves, and if there is no sound reason + why they are not allowed to govern themselves, then the American idea of + government is a failure. I do not believe that only the rich should vote, + or that only the whites should vote, or that only the blacks should vote. + I do not believe that right depends upon wealth, upon education, or upon + color. It depends absolutely upon humanity. I have the right to vote + because I am a man, because I am an American citizen, and that right I + should and am willing to share equally with every human being. There has + been a great deal said in this country of late in regard to giving the + right of suffrage to women. So far as I am concerned I am willing that + every woman in the nation who desires that privilege and honor shall vote. + If any woman wants to vote I am too much of a gentleman to say she shall + not. She gets her right, if she has it, from precisely the same source + that I get mine, and there are many questions upon which I would deem it + desirable that women should vote, especially upon the question of peace or + war. If a woman has a child to be offered upon the altar of that Moloch, a + husband liable to be drafted, and who loves a heart that can be entered by + the iron arrow of death, she surely has as much right to vote for peace as + some thrice-besotted sot who reels to the ballot-box and deposits a vote + for war. I believe, and always have, that there is only one objection to a + woman voting, and that is, the men are not sufficiently civilized for her + to associate with them, and for several years I have been doing what + little I can to civilize them. The only question before this meeting, as I + understand it, is, Shall the people of this District manage their own + affairs—whether they shall vote their own taxes and select their own + officers who are to execute the laws they make? and for one, I say there + is no human being with ingenuity enough to frame an argument against this + question. It is all very well to say that Congress will do this, but + Congress has a great deal to do besides. There is enough before that body + coming from all the States and Territories of the Union, and the + numberless questions arising in the conduct of the General Government. I + am opposed to a government where the few govern the many. I am opposed to + a government that depends upon suppers, and upon flattery; upon crooking + the hinges of the knee; upon favors, upon subterfuges. We want to be manly + men in this District. We must direct and control our own affairs, and if + we are not capable of doing it, there is no part of the Union where they + are capable. It is said there is a vast amount of ignorance here. That is + true; but that is also true of every section of the United States. There + is too much ignorance and there will continue to be until the people + become great enough, generous enough, and splendid enough to see that no + child shall grow up in their midst without a good, common-school + education. The people of this District are capable of managing their + educational affairs if they are allowed to do so. The fact is, a man now + living in the District lives under a perpetual flag of truce. He is + nobody. He counts for nothing. He is not noticed except as a suppliant. + Nothing as a citizen. That day should pass away. It will be a perpetual + education for this people to govern themselves, and until they do they + cannot be manly men. They say, though, that there is a vast rabble here. + Very well. Make your election laws so as to exclude the vast rabble. Let + it be understood that no man shall vote who has not lived here at least + one year. + </p> + <p> + Let your registration laws prohibit any man from voting unless he has been + registered at least six months. We do not want to be governed by people + who have no abode here—who are political Bedouins of the desert. We + want to be governed by people who live with us—who live somewhere + among us, and whom somebody knows, and if a law is properly framed there + will be no trouble about self-government in the District of Columbia. Let + the experiment be tried here of a perfect, complete and honest + registration; let every man, no matter who he is or where he comes from, + vote only by strict compliance with a good registry law. We can have a + fair election, and wherever there is a fair election there will be good + government. Our Government depends for its stability upon honest + elections. The great principle underlying our system of government is that + the people have the virtue and the patriotism to govern themselves. That + is the foundation stone, the corner and the base of our edifice, and upon + it our Government is on trial to-day. And until a man is considered + infamous who casts an illegal vote, our Government will not be safe. + Whoever casts an illegal vote knowingly is a traitor to the principle upon + which our Government is founded. And whoever deprives a citizen of his + right to vote is also a traitor to our Government. When these things are + understood; when the finger of public scorn shall be pointed at every man + who votes illegally, or unlawfully prevents an honest vote, then you will + have a splendid Government. It is humiliating for one hundred and + seventy-five thousand people to depend simply upon the right of petition. + The few will disregard the petition of the many. + </p> + <p> + I have not one word to say against the officers of the District. Not a + word. But let them do as well as they can; that is no justification. It is + no justification of a monarchy that the king is a good man; it is no + justification of a tyranny that the despot does justice. There may come + another who will do injustice; and a free people like ours should not be + satisfied to be governed by strangers. They would better have bad men of + their own choosing than to have good men forced upon them. You have + property here, and you have a right to protect it, and a right to improve + it. You have life and liberty and the right to protect it. You have a + right to say what money shall be assessed and collected and paid for that + protection. You have laws and you have a right to have them executed by + officers of your own selection, and by nobody else. In my judgment, all + that is necessary to have these things done is to have the subject + properly laid before Congress, and let that body thoroughly and perfectly + understand the situation. There is no member there, who rightly + understanding our wishes, will dare continue this disfranchisement of the + people. We have the same right to vote that their constituents have, + precisely—no more and no less. + </p> + <p> + This District ought to have one representative in Congress, a + representative with a right to speak—not a tongueless dummy. The + idea of electing a delegate who has simply the privilege of standing + around! We ought to have a representative who has not only the right to + talk, but who will talk. This District has the right to a vote in the + committees of Congress, and not simply the privilege of receiving a little + advice. And more than that, this District ought to have at least one + electoral vote in a selection of a President of the United States. A + smaller population than yours is represented not only in Congress, but in + the Electoral College. If it is necessary to amend the Constitution to + secure these rights let us try and have it amended; and when that question + is put to the people of the whole country they will be precisely as + willing that the people of the District of Columbia shall have an equal + voice as that they themselves should have a voice. + </p> + <p> + Let us stop at no half-way ground, but claim, and keep claiming all our + rights until somebody says we shall have them. And let me tell you another + thing: Once have the right of self-government recognized here, have a + delegate in Congress, and an electoral vote for President, and thousands + will be willing to come here and become citizens of the District. As it + is, the moment a man settles here his American citizenship falls from him + like dead leaves from a tree. From that moment he is nobody. Every + American citizen wants a little political power—wants to cast his + vote for the rulers of the nation. He wants to have something to say about + the laws he has to obey, and they are not willing to come here and + disfranchise themselves. The moment it is known that a man is from the + District he has no influence, and no one cares what his political opinions + may be. Now, let us have it so that we can vote and be on an equality with + the rest of the voters of the United States. This Government was founded + upon the idea that the only source of power is the people. Let us show at + the Capital that we have confidence in that principle; that every man + should have a vote and voice in the South, in the North, everywhere, no + matter how low his condition, no matter that he was a slave, no matter + what his color is, or whether he can read or write, he is clothed with the + right to name those who make the laws he is to obey. While the lowest and + most degraded in every State in this Union have that right, the best and + most intelligent in the District have not that right. It will not do. + There is no sense in it—there is no justice in it—nothing + American in it. If this were the case in some of the capitals of Europe we + would not be surprised; but here in the United States, where we have so + much to say about the right of self-government, that two hundred thousand + people should not have the right to say who shall make, and who shall + execute the laws is at least an anomaly and a contradiction of our theory + of government, and for one, I propose to do what little I can to correct + it. It has been said that you had once here the right of self-government. + If I understand it, the right you had was to elect somebody to some + office, and all the other officers were appointed. You had no control over + your Legislature; you had very little control over your other officers, + and the people of the District were held responsible for what was actually + done by the appointing power. We want no appointing power. If it is + necessary to have a police magistrate, I say the people are competent to + elect that magistrate; and if he is not a good man they are qualified to + select another in his place. You ought to elect your judges. I do not want + the office of the Judiciary so far from the people that it may feel + entirely independent. I want every officer in this District + held-accountable to the people, and, unless he discharges his duties + faithfully, the people will put him out, and select another in his stead. + </p> + <p> + I want it understood that no American citizen can be forced to pay a + dollar in a State or in the district where he lives who is not + represented, and where he has not the right to vote. It is all tyranny, + and all infamous. The people of the United States wonder to-day that you + have submitted to this outrage as long as you have. + </p> + <p> + Neither do I believe that only the rich should have the right to vote; + that only they should govern; or that only the educated should govern. I + have noticed among educated men many who did not know enough to govern + themselves. I have known many wealthy men who did not believe in liberty, + in giving the people the same rights they claimed for themselves. I + believe in that government where the ballot of Lazarus counts as much as + the vote of Dives. Let the rich, let the educated, govern the people by + moral suasion and by example and by kindness, and not by brute force. And + in a community like this, where the avenues to distinction are open alike + to all, there will be many more reasons for acting like men. When you can + hold any position, when every citizen can have conferred upon him honor + and responsibility, there is some stimulus to be a man. But in a community + where but the few are clothed with power by appointment, no incentive + exists among the people. If the avenues to distinction and honor are open + to all, such a government is beneficial on every hand, and the poorest man + in the community may say to himself, "If I pursue the right course the + very highest place is open to me." And the poorest man, with his little + tow-headed boy on his knee, can say, "John, all the avenues are open to + you; although I am poor, you may be rich, and while I am obscure, you may + become distinguished." + </p> + <p> + That idea sweetens every hour of toil and renders holy every drop of sweat + that rolls down the face of labor. I hate tyranny in every form. I despise + it, and I execrate a tyrant wherever he may be, and in every country where + the people are struggling for the right of self-government I sympathize + with them in their struggle. Wherever the sword of rebellion is drawn in + favor of human rights I am a rebel. I sympathize with all the people in + Europe who are endeavoring to push kings from thrones and struggling for + the right to govern themselves. America ought to send greeting to every + part of the world where such a struggle is pending, and we of the District + of Columbia ought to be able to join in the greeting, but we never shall + be until we have the right of self-government ourselves. No man who is a + good citizen can have any objection to self-government here. No man can be + opposed to it who believes that our people have enough wisdom, enough + virtue, enough patriotism to govern themselves. The man who doubts the + right of the people to govern themselves casts a little doubt upon the + question, simply because he is not man enough himself to believe in + liberty. I would trust the poor of this country with our liberties as soon + as I would the rich. I will trust the huts and hovels, just as soon as I + will the mansions and palaces. I will trust those who work by the day in + the street as soon as I will the bankers of the United States. I will + trust the ignorant—even the ignorant. Why? Because they want + education, and no people in this country are so anxious to have their + children educated as those who are not educated themselves. I will trust + the ignorant with the liberties of this country quicker than I would some + of the educated who doubt the principles upon which our Government is + founded. But let the intelligent do what they can to instruct the + ignorant. Let the wealthy do what they can to give the blessings of + liberty to the poor, and then this Government will remain forever. The + time is passing away when any man of genius can be respected who will not + use that genius in elevating his fellow-man. The time is passing away when + men, however wealthy, can be respected unless they use their millions for + the elevation of mankind. The time is coming when no man will be called an + honest man who is not willing to give to every other man, be he white or + black, every right that he asks for himself. + </p> + <p> + For my part, I am willing to live under a government where all govern, and + am not willing to live under any other. I am willing to live where I am on + an equality with other men, where they have precisely my rights, and no + more; and I despise any government that is not based upon this principle + of human equality. Now, let us go just for that one thing, that we have + the same right as any other people in the United States—that is, to + govern this District ourselves. Let us be represented in the lawmaking + power, and let us advocate a change in the fundamental law so that the + people of this District shall be entitled to one vote as to who shall be + President of the United States. And when that is done and our people are + clothed with the panoply of citizenship, you will find this District + growing not to two hundred thousand, but in a little while one million of + people will live here. Now, for one, I have not the slightest feeling + against members of Congress for what has been done. I believe when this + matter is laid before them fully and properly you will find few men in + that august body who will vote against the proposition. They have had + trouble enough. They do not understand our affairs. They never did, never + will, never can. No one who does not live here will. The public interests + are so many and so conflicting, and touch the sides of so many, that the + people must attend to this matter themselves. They know when they want a + market, a judge, or a collector of taxes, and nobody else does and nobody + else has a right to. + </p> + <p> + And instead of going up to Congress and standing around some + committee-room with a long petition in your hands, begging somebody to + wait just one moment, it will be far better that you should go to the + polls and elect your representative, who can attend to your interests in + Congress. But above all things, I want to warn you, charge you, beseech + you, that in any legislation upon this subject you must secure a + registration law that will prevent the casting of an illegal vote. Do this + before it is known whether the District is Republican or Democratic. I do + not care. No matter how much of a Republican I am, absolutely, I would + rather be governed by Democrats who live here than by Republicans who do + not. And now, while it is not known whether this is a Democratic or + Republican community, let us get up a registration that no one can + violate; because the moment you have an election, and it is ascertained to + be either Democratic or Republican, the victorious party may be opposed to + any registration or any legislation that will put in jeopardy their power. + I have lived long enough to be satisfied that any State in this Union, no + matter whether Democratic or Republican, will be safe as long as the + people have the right to vote, and to see that the ballots will be + counted. This country is now upon trial. In nearly every State in this + Union there is liable to happen just the same thing that only the other + day happened in Maine. + </p> + <p> + In every State there can be two legislatures, one in the State-house and + the other on the fence. Let us in this District so guard the right to vote + and the counting of the ballots, that we shall know after the election who + has been elected and know with certainty the men who have been elected by + the legal voters of the District. + </p> + <p> + It becomes us all, whether Republicans or Democrats, to unite in securing + such a law. Let us act together, Democrats and Republicans, black and + white, rich and poor, educated and ignorant—let us all unite upon + the principle that we have the right to govern ourselves. Then it will + make no difference whether the District of Columbia shall be Democratic or + Republican, provided it is the will of a legal majority of her people. + </p> + <p> + Ladies and gentlemen, I thank you. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0011" id="link0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + WALL STREET SPEECH. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * A political demonstration was made in Wall Street + yesterday afternoon that stands without a rival among the + many out-door meetings in that place, which for years have + been memorable features of Presidential campaigns. + + Bankers and brokers, members of the Produce Exchange, and + dry goods merchants assembled at their respective rendezvous + and marched in Imposing processions to the open space in + front of the Sub-Treasury building, from the steps of which + Col. Ingersoll delivered an address. Written words are + entirely inadequate to describe this demonstration of Wall + Street business men. It never was equaled in point of + numbers, respectability or enthusiasm, even during the + excitement caused by the outbreak of the Rebellion. + Throughout the day the business houses, banking offices and + public buildings down town were gay with flags and bunting. + Business was practically suspended all day, and the + principal topic of conversation on the Exchanges and m + offices and stores was the coming meeting. Long before the + hour set, well-dressed people began to gather near the Sub- + Treasury Building and by two o'clock Wall Street, from Broad + and Nassau half way down to William, was passable only with + difficulty. While the crowd was fast gathering on every + hand, Graiulla's band, stationed upon the corner buttress + near the Sub-Treasury, struck up a patriotic air, and in a + few minutes the throngs had swelled to such proportions that + the police had all they could do to maintain a thoroughfare. + A few minutes more ana the distant strains of another band + attracted all eyes toward Broadway, where the head of the + procession was seen turning into Wall Street. Ten abreast + and every man a gentleman, they marched by. At this time + Wall street from half way to William Street to half way to + Broadway, Nassau Street half way to Pine, and Broad Street + as far as the eye could reach, were densely packed with + people from side to side. Everything else, except the + telegraph-poles and the tops of the lamp-posts, was hidden + from view. Every window, roof, stoop, and projecting point + was covered. The Produce Exchange men finding Broad Street + impassable made a detour to the east and marched up Wall + Street, filling that thoroughfare to William. It was a + tremendous crowd In point of numbers, and its composition + was entirely of gentlemen—men with refined, intelligent + faces—bankers, brokers, merchants of all kinds—real + business men. Thousands of millions of dollars were + represented in It. On the left of the Sub-Treasury steps a + platform had been erected, with a sounding board covering + the rear and top. A national flag floated from its roof, and + its railing was draped with other flags. After the arrival + of the several organizations the banners they bore were hung + at the sides by way of further ornamentation. Mr. Jackson S. + Schultz then introduced Col. Ingersoll, the speaker of the + day. The cheering was terrific for several minutes. Raising + his hand for silence, Col. Ingersoll then delivered his + address.—New York Times, October 29th, 1880. +</pre> + <p> + N.Y. CITY. + </p> + <p> + (Garfield Campaign.) + </p> + <p> + 1880. + </p> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS of the Great City of New York: This is the grandest + audience I ever saw. This audience certifies that General James A. + Garfield is to be the next President of the United States. This audience + certifies that a Republican is to be the next mayor of the city of New + York. This audience certifies that the business men of New York understand + their interests, and that the business men of New York are not going to + let this country be controlled by the rebel South and the rebel North. In + 1860 the Democratic party appealed to force; now it appeals to fraud. In + 1860 the Democratic party appealed to the sword; now it appeals to the + pen. It was treason then, it is forgery now. The Democratic party cannot + be trusted with the property or with the honor of the people of the United + States. + </p> + <p> + The city of New York owes a great debt to the country. Every man that has + cleared a farm has helped to build New York; every man that helped to + build a railway helped to build up the palaces of this city. Where I am + now speaking are the termini of all the railways in the United States. + They all come here. New York has been built up by the labor of the + country, and New York owes it to the country to protect the best interests + of the country. + </p> + <p> + The farmers of Illinois depend upon the merchants, the brokers and the + bankers, upon the gentlemen of New York, to beat the rabble of New York. + You owe to yourselves; you owe to the great Re public; and this city that + does the business of a hemisphere—this city that will in ten years + be the financial centre of this world—owes it to itself, to be true + to the great principles that have allowed it to exist and flourish. + </p> + <p> + The Republicans of New York ought to say that this shall forever be a free + country. The Republicans of New York ought to say that free speech shall + forever be held sacred in the United States. The Republicans of New York + ought to see that the party that defended the Nation shall still remain in + power. The Republicans of New York should see that the flag is safely held + by the hands that defended it in war. The Republicans of New York know + that the prosperity of the country depends upon good government, and they + also know that good government means protection to the people—rich + and poor, black and white. The Republicans of New York know that a black + friend is better than a white enemy. They know that a negro while fighting + for the Government, is better than any white man who will fight against + it. + </p> + <p> + The Republicans of New York know that the colored party in the South which + allows every man to vote as he pleases, is better than any white man who + is opposed to allowing a negro to cast his honest vote. A black man in + favor of liberty is better than a white man in favor of slavery. The + Republicans of New York must be true to their friends. This Government + means to protect all its citizens, at home and abroad, or it becomes a + byword in the mouths of the nations of the world. + </p> + <p> + Now, what do we want to do? We are going to have an election next Tuesday, + and every Republican knows why he is going to vote the Republican ticket; + while every Democrat votes his without knowing why. A Republican is a + Republican because he loves something; a Democrat is a Democrat because he + hates something. A Republican believes in progress; a Democrat in + retrogression. A Democrat is a "has been." He is a "used to be." The + Republican party lives on hope; the Democratic on memory. The Democrat + keeps his back to the sun and imagines himself a great man because he + casts a great shadow. Now, there are certain things we want to preserve—that + the business men of New York want to preserve—and, in the first + place, we want an honest ballot. And where the Democratic party has power + there never has been an honest ballot. You take the worst ward in this + city, and there is where you will find the greatest Democratic majority. + You know it, and so do I. + </p> + <p> + There is not a university in the North, East or West that has not in it a + Republican majority. There is not a penitentiary in the United States that + has not in it a Democratic majority—and they know it. Two years ago, + about two hundred and eighty-three convicts were in the penitentiary of + Maine. Out of that whole number there was one Republican, and only one. [A + voice—"Who was the man?"] Well, I do not know, but he broke out. He + said that he did not mind being in the penitentiary, but the company was a + little more than he could stand. + </p> + <p> + You cannot rely upon that party for an honest ballot. Every law that has + been passed in this country in the last twenty years, to throw a safeguard + around the ballot-box, has been passed by the Republican party. Every law + that has been defeated has been defeated by the Democratic party. And you + know it. Unless we have an honest ballot the days of the Republic are + numbered; and the only way to get an honest ballot is to beat the + Democratic party forever. And that is what we are going to do. That party + can never carry its record; that party is loaded down with the infamies of + twenty years; yes, that party is loaded down with the infamies of fifty + years. It will never elect a President in this world. I give notice to the + Democratic party to-day that it will have to change its name before the + people of the United States will change the administration. You will have + to change your natures; you will have to change your personnel, and you + will have to get enough Republicans to join you and tell you how to run a + campaign. If you want an honest ballot—and every honest man does—then + you will vote to keep the Republican party in power. What else do you + want? You want honest money, and I say to the merchants and to the bankers + and to the brokers, the only party that will give you honest money is the + party that resumed specie payments. The only party that will give you + honest money is the party that said a greenback is a broken promise until + it is redeemed with gold. You can only trust the party that has been + honest in disaster. From 1863 to 1879—sixteen long years—the + Republican party was the party of honor and principle, and the Republican + party saved the honor of the United States. And you know it. + </p> + <p> + During that time the Democratic party did what it could to destroy our + credit at home and abroad. + </p> + <p> + We are not only in favor of free speech, and an honest ballot and honest + money, but we are for law and order. What part of this country believes in + free speech—the South or the North? The South would never give free + speech to the country; there was no free speech in the city of New York + until the Republican party came into power. The Democratic party has not + intelligence enough to know that free speech is the germ of this Republic. + The Democratic party cares little for free speech because it has no + argument to make—no reasons to offer. Its entire argument is summed + up and ended in three words—"Hurrah for Hancock!" The Republican + party believes in free speech because it has something to say; because it + believes in argument; because it believes in moral suasion; because it + believes in education. Any man that does not believe in free speech is a + barbarian. Any State that does not support it is not a civilized State. + </p> + <p> + I have a right to express my opinion, in common with every other human + being, and I am willing to give to every other human being the right that + I claim for myself. Republicanism means justice in politics. Republicanism + means progress in civilization. Republicanism means that every man shall + be an educated patriot and a gentleman. I want to say to you to-day that + it is an honor to belong to the Republican party. It is an honor to have + belonged to it for twenty years; it is an honor to belong to the party + that elected Abraham Lincoln President. And let me say to you that Lincoln + was the greatest, the best, the purest, the kindest man that has ever sat + in the presidential chair. It is an honor to belong to the Republican + party that gave four millions of men the rights of freemen; it is an honor + to belong to the party that broke the shackles from four millions of men, + women and children. It is an honor to belong to the party that declared + that bloodhounds were not the missionaries of civilization. It is an honor + to belong to the party that said it was a crime to steal a babe from its + mother's breast. It is an honor to belong to the party that swore that + this is a Nation forever, one and indivisible. It is an honor to belong to + the party that elected U. S. Grant President of the United States. It is + an honor to belong to the party that issued thousands and thousands of + millions of dollars in promises—that issued promises until they + became as thick as the withered leaves of winter; an honor to belong to + the party that issued them to put down a rebellion; an honor to belong to + the party that put it down; an honor to belong to the party that had the + moral courage and honesty to make every one of the promises made in war, + as good as shining, glittering gold in peace. And I tell you that if there + is another life, and if there is a day of judgment, all you need say upon + that solemn occasion is, "I was in life and in my death a good square + Republican." + </p> + <p> + I hate the doctrine of State Sovereignty because it fostered State pride; + because it fostered the idea that it is more to be a citizen of a State + than a citizen of this glorious country. I love the whole country. I like + New York because it is a part of the country, and I like the country + because it has New York in it. I am not standing here to-day because the + flag of New York floats over my head, but because that flag for which more + heroic blood has been shed than for any other flag that is kissed by the + air of heaven, waves forever over my head. That is the reason I am here. + </p> + <p> + The doctrine of State Sovereignty was appealed to in defence of the + slave-trade; the next time in defence of the slave trade as between the + States; the next time in defence of the Fugitive Slave Law; and if there + is a Democrat in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law he should be ashamed—if + not of himself—of the ignorance of the time in which he lived. + </p> + <p> + That Fugitive Slave Law was a compromise so that we might be friends of + the South. They said in 1850-52: "If you catch the slave we will be your + friend;" and they tell us now: "If you let us trample upon the rights of + the black man in the South, we will be your friend." I do not want their + friendship upon such terms. I am a friend of my friend, and an enemy of my + enemy. That is my doctrine. We might as well be honest about it. Under + that doctrine of State Rights, such men as I see before me—bankers, + brokers, merchants, gentlemen—were expected to turn themselves into + hounds and chase a poor fugitive that had been lured by the love of + liberty and guided by the glittering North Star. + </p> + <p> + The Democratic party wanted you to keep your trade with the South, no + matter to what depths of degradation you had to sink, and the Democratic + party to-day says if you want to sell your goods to the Southern people, + you must throw your honor and manhood into the streets. The patronage of + the splendid North is enough to support the city of New York. + </p> + <p> + There is another thing: Why is this city filled with palaces, covered with + wealth? Because American labor has been protected. I am in favor of + protection to American labor, everywhere. I am in favor of protecting + American brain and muscle; I am in favor of giving scope to American + ingenuity and American skill. We want a market at home, and the only way + to have it is to have mechanics at home; and the only way to have + mechanics is to have protection; and the only way to have protection is to + vote the Republican ticket. You, business men of New York, know that + General Garfield understands the best interests not only of New York, but + of the entire country. And you want to stand by the men who will stand by + you. What does a simple soldier know about the wants of the city of New + York? What does he know about the wants of this great and splendid + country? If he does not know more about it than he knows about the tariff + he does not know much. I do not like to hit the dead. My hatred stops with + the grave, and I tell you we are going to bury the Democratic party next + Tuesday. The pulse is feeble now, and if that party proposes to take + advantage of the last hour, it is time it should go into the repenting + business. Nothing pleases me better than to see the condition of that + party to-day. What do the Democrats know on the subject of the tariff? + They are frightened; they are rattled. + </p> + <p> + They swear their plank and platform meant nothing. They say in effect: + "When we put that in we lied; and now having made that confession we hope + you will have perfect confidence in us from this out." Hancock says that + the object of the party is to get the tariff out of politics. That is the + reason, I suppose, why they put that plank in the platform. I presume he + regards the tariff as a little local issue, but I tell you to-day that the + great question of protecting American labor never will be taken out of + politics. As long as men work, as long as the laboring man has a wife and + family to support, just so long will he vote for the man that will protect + his wages. + </p> + <p> + And you can no more take it out of politics than you can take the question + of Government out of politics. I do not want any question taken out of + politics. I want the people to settle these questions for themselves, and + the people of this country are capable of doing it. If you do not believe + it, read the returns from Ohio and Indiana. There are other persons who + would take the question of office out of politics. Well, when we get the + tariff and office both out of politics, then, I presume, we will see two + parties on the same side. It will not do. + </p> + <p> + David A. Wells has come to the rescue of the Democratic party on the + tariff, and shed a few pathetic tears over scrap iron. But it will not do. + You cannot run this country on scraps. + </p> + <p> + We believe in the tariff because it gives skilled labor good pay. We + believe in the tariff because it allows the laboring man to have something + to eat. We believe in the tariff because it keeps the hands of the + producer close to the mouth of the devourer. We believe in the tariff + because it developed American brain; because it builds up our towns and + cities; because it makes Americans self-supporting; because it makes us an + independent Nation. And we believe in the tariff because the Democratic + party does not. + </p> + <p> + That plank in the Democratic party was intended for a dagger to + assassinate the prosperity of the North. The Northern people have become + aroused and that is the plank that is broken in the Democratic platform; + and that plank was wide enough when it broke to let even Hancock through. + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen, they are gone. They are gone—honor bright. Look at the + desperate means that have been resorted to by the Democratic party, driven + to the madness of desperation. Not satisfied with having worn the tongue + of slander to the very tonsils, not satisfied with attacking the private + reputation of a splendid man, not satisfied with that, they have appealed + to a crime; a deliberate and infamous forgery has been committed. That + forgery has been upheld by some of the leaders of the Democratic party; + that forgery has been defended by men calling themselves respectable. + Leaders of the Democratic party have stood by and said that they were + acquainted with the handwriting of James A. Garfield; and that the + handwriting in the forged letter was his, when they knew that it was + absolutely unlike his. They knew it, and no man has certified that that + was the writing of James A. Garfield who did not know that in his throat + of throats he told a falsehood. + </p> + <p> + Every honest man in the city of New York ought to leave such a party if he + belongs to it. Every honest man ought to refuse to belong to the party + that did such an infamous crime. + </p> + <p> + Senator Barnum, chairman of the Democratic Committee, has lost control. He + is gone, and I will tell you what he puts me in mind of. There was an old + fellow used to come into town every Saturday and get drunk. He had a + little yoke of oxen, and the boys out of pity used to throw him into the + wagon and start the oxen for home. Just before he got home they had to go + down a long hill, and the oxen, when they got to the brow of it, commenced + to run. Now and then the wagon struck a stone and gave the old fellow an + awful jolt, and that would wake him up. After he had looked up and had one + glance at the cattle he would fall helplessly back to the bottom, and + always say, "Gee a little, if anything." And that is the only order Barnum + has been able to give for the last two weeks—"Gee a little, if + anything." I tell you now that forgery makes doubly sure the election of + James A. Garfield. The people of the North believe in honest dealing; the + people of the North believe in free speech and an honest ballot. The + people of the North believe that this is a Nation; the people of the North + hate treason; the people of the North hate forgery; the people of the + North hate slander. The people of the North have made up their minds to + give to General Garfield a vindication of which any American may be + forever proud. + </p> + <p> + James A. Garfield is to-day a poor man, and you know that there is not + money enough in this magnificent street to buy the honor and manhood of + James A. Garfield. Money cannot make such a man, and I will swear to you + that money cannot buy him. James A. Garfield to-day wears the glorious + robe of honest poverty. He is a poor man; I like to say it here in Wall + Street; I like to say it surrounded by the millions of America; I like to + say it in the midst of banks and bonds and stocks; I love to say it where + gold is piled—that although a poor man, he is rich in honor; in + integrity he is wealthy, and in brain he is a millionaire. I know him, and + I like him. So do you all, gentlemen. Garfield was a poor boy, he is a + certificate of the splendid form of our Government. Most of these + magnificent buildings have been built by poor boys; most of the success of + New York began almost in poverty. You know it. The kings of this street + were once poor, and they may be poor again; and if they are fools enough + to vote for Hancock they ought to be. Garfield is a certificate of the + splendor of our Government, that says to every poor boy, "All the avenues + of honor are open to you." I know him, and I like him. He is a scholar; he + is a statesman; he is a soldier; he is a patriot; and above all, he is a + magnificent man; and if every man in New York knew him as well as I do, + Garfield would not lose a hundred votes in this city. + </p> + <p> + Compare him with Hancock, and then compare General Arthur with William H. + English. If there ever was a pure Republican in this world, General Arthur + is one. + </p> + <p> + You know in Wall Street, there are some men always prophesying disaster, + there are some men always selling "short." That is what the Democratic + party is doing to-day. You know as well as I do that if the Democratic + party succeeds, every kind of property in the United States will + depreciate. You know it. There is not a man on the street, who if he knew + Hancock was to be elected would not sell the stocks and bonds of every + railroad in the United States "short." I dare any broker here to deny it. + There is not a man in Wall or Broad Street, or in New York, but what knows + the election of Hancock will depreciate every share of railroad stock, + every railroad bond, every Government bond, in the United States of + America. And if you know that, I say it is a crime to vote for Hancock and + English. + </p> + <p> + I belong to the party that is prosperous when the country is prosperous. I + belong to the party that believes in good crops; that is glad when a + fellow finds a gold mine; that rejoices when there are forty bushels of + wheat to the acre; that laughs when every railroad declares dividends, + that claps both its hands when every investment pays; when the rain falls + for the farmer, when the dew lies lovingly on the grass. I belong to the + party that is happy when the people are happy; when the laboring man gets + three dollars a day; when he has roast beef on his table; when he has a + carpet on the floor; when he has a picture of Garfield on the wall. I + belong to the party that is happy when everybody smiles, when we have + plenty of money, good horses, good carriages; when our wives are happy and + our children feel glad. I belong to the party whose banner floats side by + side with the great flag of the country; that does not grow fat on defeat. + </p> + <p> + The Democratic party is a party of famine; it is a good friend of an early + frost, it believes in the Colorado beetle and the weevil. When the crops + are bad the Democratic mouth opens from ear to ear with smiles of joy; it + is in partnership with bad luck; a friend of empty pockets; rags help it. + I am on the other side. The Democratic party is the party of darkness. I + believe in the party of sunshine; and in the party that even in darkness + believes that the stars are shining and waiting for us. + </p> + <p> + Now, gentlemen, I have endeavored to give you a few reasons for voting the + Republican ticket; and I have given enough to satisfy any reasonable man. + And you know it. Do not go with the Democratic party, young man. You have + a character to make. + </p> + <p> + You cannot make it, as the Democratic party does, by passing a resolution. + </p> + <p> + If your father voted the Democratic ticket, that is disgrace enough for + one family. Tell the old man you can stand it no longer. Tell the old + gentleman that you have made up your mind to stand with the party of human + progress; and if he asks you why you cannot vote the Democratic ticket you + tell him: "Every man that tried to destroy the Government, every man that + shot at the holy flag in heaven, every man that starved our soldiers, + every keeper of Libby, Andersonville and Salisbury, every man that wanted + to burn the negro, every one that wanted to scatter yellow fever in the + North, every man that opposed human liberty, that regarded the + auction-block as an altar and the howling of the bloodhound as the music + of the Union, every man who wept over the corpse of slavery, that thought + lashes on the naked back were a legal tender for labor performed, every + one willing to rob a mother of her child—every solitary one was a + Democrat." + </p> + <p> + Tell him you cannot stand that party. Tell him you have to go with the + Republican party, and if he asks you why, tell him it destroyed slavery, + it preserved the Union, it paid the national debt; it made our credit as + good as that of any nation on the earth. + </p> + <p> + Tell him it makes every dollar in a four per cent, bond worth a dollar and + ten cents; that it satisfies the demands of the highest civilization. Tell + the old man that the Republican party preserved the honor of the Nation; + that it believes in education; that it looks upon the schoolhouse as a + cathedral. Tell him that the Republican party believes in absolute + intellectual liberty; in absolute religious freedom; in human rights, and + that human rights rise above States. Tell him that the Republican party + believes in humanity, justice, human equality, and that the Republican + party believes this is a Nation and will be forever and ever; that an + honest ballot is the breath of the Republic's life; that honest money is + the blood of the Republic; and that nationality is the great throbbing + beat of the heart of the Republic. Tell him that. And tell him that you + are going to stand by the flag that the patriots of the North carried upon + the battle-field of death. Tell him you are going to be true to the + martyred dead; that you are going to vote exactly as Lincoln would have + voted were he living. Tell him that if every traitor dead were living now, + there would issue from his lips of dust, "Hurrah for Hancock!" that could + every patriot rise, he would cry for Garfield and liberty; for union and + for human progress everywhere. Tell him that the South seeks to secure by + the ballot what it lost by the bayonet; to whip by the ballot those who + fought it in the field. But we saved the country; and we have the heart + and brains to take care of it. I will tell you what we are going to do. We + are going to treat them in the South just as well as we treat the people + in the North. Victors cannot afford to have malice. The North is too + magnanimous to have hatred. We will treat the South precisely as we treat + the North. There are thousands of good people there. Let us give them + money to improve their rivers and harbors; I want to see the sails of + their commerce filled with the breezes of prosperity; their fences + rebuilt; their houses painted. I want to see their towns prosperous; I + want to see schoolhouses in every town; I want to see books in the hands + of every child, and papers and magazines in every house; I want to see all + the rays of light, of civilization of the nineteenth century, enter every + home of the South; and in a little while you will see that country full of + good Republicans. We can afford to be kind; we cannot afford to be unkind. + </p> + <p> + I will shake hands cordially with every believer in human liberty; I will + shake hands with every believer in Nationality; I will shake hands with + every man who is the friend of the human race. That is my doctrine. I + believe in the great Republic; in this magnificent country of ours. I + believe in the great people of the United States. I believe in the muscle + and brain of America, in the prairies and forests. I believe in New York. + I believe in the brains of your city. I believe that you know enough to + vote the Republican ticket. I believe that you are grand enough to stand + by the country that has stood by you. But whatever you do, I never shall + cease to thank you for the great honor you have conferred upon me this + day. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Note.—This being a newspaper report it is necessarily + incomplete. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link0012" id="link0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + BROOKLYN SPEECH. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and Colonel Robert G. + Ingersoll spoke from the same platform last night, and the + great preacher introduced the great orator and free-thinker + to the grandest political audience that was ever assembled + in Brooklyn. The reverend gentleman presided over the + Republican mass meeting held in the Academy of Music. When + he introduced Ingersoll he did it with a warmth and + earnestness of compliment that brought the six thousand + lookers-on to their feet to applaud. When the expounder of + the Gospel of Christ took the famous atheist by the hand, + and shook it fervently, saying that while he respected and + honored him for the honesty of his convictions and his + splendid labors for patriotism and the country, the + enthusiasm knew no bounds, and the great building trembled + and vibrated with the storm of applause. With such a scene + to harmonize the multitude at the outstart it is not strange + that the meeting continued to the end such a one as has no + parallel even in these days of feverish political excitement + and turmoil. The orator spoke in his best vein and his + audience was responsive to the wonderful magical spell of + his eloquence. And when his last glowing utterance had lost + its echo in the wild storm of applause that rewarded him at + the close, Mr. Beecher again stepped forward and, as if to + emphasize the earnestness of his previous compliments, + proposed a vote of thanks to the distinguished speaker. The + vote was a roar of affirmation, whose voice was not stronger + when Mr. Ingersoll in turn called upon the audience to give + three cheers for the great preacher. They were given, and + repeated three times over. Men waved their ats and + umbrellas, ladies, of whom there were many hundreds present, + waved their handkerchiefs, and men, strangers to each other, + shook hands with the fervency of brotherhood. It was indeed + a strange scene, and the principal actors in it seemed not + less than the most wildly excited man there to appreciate + its peculiar import and significance. Standing at the front + of the stage, underneath a canopy of nags, at either side + great baskets of flowers, they clasped each other's hands, + and stood thus for several minutes, while the excited + thousands cheered themselves hoarse and applauded wildly. + + As Mr. Beecher began to speak, however, the applause that + broke out was deafening. + + In substance Mr. Beecher spoke as follows:—"I am not + accustomed to preside at meetings like this; only the + exigency of the times could induce me to do It. I am not + here either to make a speech, but more especially to + introduce the eminent orator of the evening. * * * I stand + not as a minister, but as a man among men, pleading the + cause of fellowship and equal rights. We are not here as + mechanics, as artists, merchants, or professional men, but + as fellow-citizens. The gentleman who will speak to-night is + in no Conventicle or Church. He is to speak to a great body + of citizens, and I take the liberty of saying that I respect + him as the man that for a full score and more of years has + worked for the right in the great, broad field of humanity, + and for the cause of human rights. I consider it an honor to + extend to him, as I do now, the warm, earnest, right hand of + fellowship." (As Mr. Beecher said this he turned to Mr. + Ingersoll and extended his hand. The palms of the two men + met with a clasp that was heard all over the house, and was + the signal for tumultuous cheering and applause, which + continued for several minutes.) + + "I now introduce to you," continued Mr. Beecher, leading Mr. + Ingersoll forward, "a man who—and I say it not + flatteringly—is the most brilliant speaker of the English + tongue of all men on this globe. But as under the brilliancy + of the blaze or light we find the living coals of fire, + under the lambent flow of his wit and magnificent antithesis + we find the glorious flame of genius and honest thought. + Ladies and gentlemen, Mr. Ingersoll."—New York Herald, + October 81st, 1880. +</pre> + <p> + (Garfield Campaign.) + </p> + <p> + 1880. + </p> + <p> + LADIES and Gentlemen: Years ago I made up my mind that there was no + particular argument in slander. I made up my mind that for parties, as + well as for individuals, honesty in the long-run is the best policy. I + made up my mind that the people were entitled to know a man's honest + thoughts, and I propose to-night to tell you exactly what I think. And it + may be well enough, in the first place, for me to say that no party has a + mortgage on me. I am the sole proprietor of myself. No party, no + organization, has any deed of trust on what little brains I have, and as + long as I can get my part of the common air I am going to tell my honest + thoughts. One man in the right will finally get to be a majority. I am not + going to say a word to-night that every Democrat here will not know is + true, and, whatever he may say, I will compel him in his heart to give + three cheers. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, I wish to admit that during the war there were + hundreds of thousands of patriotic Democrats. I wish to admit that if it + had not been for the War Democrats of the North, we never would have put + down the Rebellion. Let us be honest. I further admit that had it not been + for other than War Democrats there never would have been a rebellion to + put down. War Democrats! + </p> + <p> + Why did we call them War Democrats? Did you ever hear anybody talk about a + War Republican? We spoke of War Democrats to distinguish them from those + Democrats who were in favor of peace upon any terms. + </p> + <p> + I also wish to admit that the Republican party is not absolutely perfect. + While I believe that it is the best party that ever existed, while I + believe it has, within its organization, more heart, more brain, more + patriotism than any other organization that ever existed beneath the sun, + I still admit that it is not entirely perfect. I admit, in its great + things, in its splendid efforts to preserve this nation, in its grand + effort to keep our flag in heaven, in its magnificent effort to free four + millions of slaves, in its great and sublime effort to save the financial + honor of this Nation, I admit that it has made some mistakes. In its great + effort to do right it has sometimes by mistake done wrong. And I also wish + to admit that the great Democratic party, in its effort to get office has + sometimes by mistake done right. You see that I am inclined to be + perfectly fair. + </p> + <p> + I am going with the Republican party because it is going my way; but if it + ever turns to the right or left, I intend to go straight ahead. + </p> + <p> + In every government there is something that ought to be preserved, in + every government there are many things that ought to be destroyed. Every + good man, every patriot, every lover of the human race, wishes to preserve + the good and destroy the bad; and every one in this audience who wishes to + preserve the good will go with that section of our common country—with + that party in our country that he honestly believes will preserve the good + and destroy the bad. It takes a great deal of trouble to raise a good + Republican. It is a vast deal of labor. The Republican party is the fruit + of all ages—of self-sacrifice and devotion. The Republican party is + born of every good thing that was ever done in this world. The Republican + party is the result of all martyrdom, of all heroic blood shed for the + right. It is the blossom and fruit of the great world's best endeavor. In + order to make a Republican you have to have schoolhouses. You have to have + newspapers and magazines. A good Republican is the best fruit of + civilization, of all there is of intelligence, of art, of music and of + song. If you want to make Democrats, let them alone. The Democratic party + is the settlings of this country. Nobody hoes weeds. Nobody takes especial + pains to raise dog-fennel, and yet it grows under the very hoof of travel, + The seeds are sown by accident and gathered by chance. But if you want to + raise wheat and corn you must plough the ground. You must defend and you + must harvest the crop with infinite patience and toil. It is precisely + that way—if you want to raise a good Republican you must work. If + you wish to raise a Democrat give him wholesome neglect. The Democratic + party flatters the vices of mankind. That party says to the ignorant man, + "You know enough." It says to the vicious man, "You are good enough." + </p> + <p> + The Republican party says, "You must be better next year than you are + this." A Republican takes a man by the collar and says, "You must do your + best, you must climb the infinite hill of human progress as long as you + live." Now and then one gets tired. He says, "I have climbed enough and so + much better than I expected to do that I do not wish to travel any + farther." Now and then one gets tired and lets go all hold, and he rolls + down to the very bottom, and as he strikes the mud he springs upon his + feet transfigured, and says: "Hurrah for Hancock!" + </p> + <p> + There are things in this Government that I wish to preserve, and there are + things that I wish to destroy; and in order to convince you that you ought + to go the way that I am going: it is only fair that I give to you my + reasons. This is a Republic founded upon intelligence and the patriotism + of the people, and in every Republic it is absolutely necessary that there + should be free speech. Free speech is the gem of the human soul. Words are + the bodies of thought, and liberty gives to those words wings, and the + whole intellectual heavens are filled with light. In a Republic every + individual tongue has a right to the general ear. In a Republic every man + has the right to give his reasons for the course he pursues to all his + fellow-citizens, and when you say that a man shall not speak, you also say + that others shall not hear. When you say a man shall not express his + honest thought you say his fellow-citizens shall be deprived of honest + thoughts; for of what use is it to allow the attorney for the defendant to + address the jury if the jury has been bought? Of what use is it to allow + the jury to bring in a verdict of "not guilty," if the defendant is to be + hung by a mob? I ask you to-night, is not every solitary man here in favor + of free speech? Is there a solitary Democrat here who dares say he is not + in favor of free speech? In which part of this country are the lips of + thought free—in the South or in the North? Which section of our + country can you trust the inestimable gem of free speech with? Can you + trust it to the gentlemen of Mississippi or to the gentlemen of + Massachusetts? Can you trust it to Alabama or to New York? Can you trust + it to the South or can you trust it to the great and splendid North? Honor + bright—honor bright, is there any freedom of speech in the South? + There never was and there is none to-night—and let me tell you why. + </p> + <p> + They had the institution of human slavery in the South, which could not be + defended at the bar of public reason. It was an institution that could not + be defended in the high forum of human conscience. No man could stand + there and defend the right to rob the cradle—none to defend the + right to sell the babe from the breast of the agonized mother—none + to defend the claim that lashes on a bare back are a legal tender for + labor performed. Every man that lived upon the unpaid labor of another + knew in his heart that he was a thief. And for that reason he did not wish + to discuss that question. Thereupon the institution of slavery said, "You + shall not speak; you shall not reason," and the lips of free thought were + manacled. You know it. Every one of you. Every Democrat knows it as well + as every Republican. There never was free speech in the South. + </p> + <p> + And what has been the result? And allow me to admit right here, because I + want to be fair, there are thousands and thousands of most excellent + people in the South—thousands of them. There are hundreds and + hundreds of thousands there who would like to vote the Republican ticket. + And whenever there is free speech there and whenever there is a free + ballot there, they will vote the Republican ticket. I say again, there are + hundreds of thousands of good people in the South; but the institution of + human slavery prevented free speech, and it is a splendid fact in nature + that you cannot put chains upon the limbs of others without putting + corresponding manacles upon your own brain. When the South enslaved the + negro, it also enslaved itself, and the result was an intellectual desert. + No book has been produced, with one exception, that has added to the + knowledge of mankind; no paper, no magazine, no poet, no philosopher, no + philanthropist, was ever raised in that desert. Now and then some one + protested against that infamous institution, and he came as near being a + philosopher as the society in which he lived permitted. Why is it that New + England, a rock-clad land, blossoms like a rose? Why is it that New York + is the Empire State of the great Union? I will tell you. Because you have + been permitted to trade in ideas. Because the lips of speech have been + absolutely free for twenty years. + </p> + <p> + We never had free speech in any State in this Union until the Republican + party was born. That party was rocked in the cradle of intellectual + liberty, and that is the reason I say it is the best party that ever + existed in the wide, wide world. I want to preserve free speech, and, as + an honest man, I look about me and I say, "How can I best preserve it?" By + giving it to the South or North; to the Democracy or to the Republican + party? And I am bound, as an honest man, to say free speech is safest with + its earliest defenders. Where is there such a thing as a Republican mob to + prevent the expression of an honest thought? Where? The people of the + South are allowed to come to the North; they are allowed to express their + sentiments upon every stump in the great East, the great West, and in the + great Middle States; they go to Maine, to Vermont, and to all our States, + and they are allowed to speak, and we give them a respectful hearing, and + the meanest thing we do is to answer their arguments. + </p> + <p> + I say to-night that we ought to have the same liberty to discuss these + questions in the South that Southerners have in the North. And I say more + than that, the Democrats of the North ought to compel the Democrats of the + South to treat the Republicans of the South as well as the Republicans of + the North treat them. We treat the Democrats well in the North; we treat + them like gentlemen in the North; and yet they go into partnership with + the Democracy of the South, knowing that the Democracy of the South will + not treat Republicans in that section with fairness. A Democrat ought to + be ashamed of that. + </p> + <p> + If my friends will not treat other people as well as the friends of the + other people treat me, I'll swap friends. + </p> + <p> + First, then, I am in favor of free speech, and I am going with that + section of my country that believes in free speech; I am going with that + party that has always upheld that sacred right. When you stop free speech, + when you say that a thought shall die in the womb of the brain,—why, + it would have the same effect upon the intellectual world that to stop + springs at their sources would have upon the physical world. Stop the + springs at their sources and they cease to gurgle, the streams cease to + murmur, and the great rivers cease rushing to the embrace of the sea. So + you stop thought. Stop thought in the brain in which it is born, and + theory dies; and the great ocean of knowledge to which all should be + permitted to contribute, and from which all should be allowed to draw, + becomes a vast desert of ignorance. + </p> + <p> + I have always said, and I say again, that the more liberty there is given + away, the more you have. I endeavor to be consistent in my life and + action. I am a believer in intellectual liberty, and wherever the torch of + knowledge burns the whole horizon is filled with a glorious halo. I am a + free man. I would be less than a man if I did not wish to hand this flame + to my child with the flame increased rather than diminished. + </p> + <p> + Whom will we trust to take care of free speech? Let us consider and be + honest with one another. The gem of the brain is the innocence of the + soul. + </p> + <p> + I am not only in favor of free speech, but I am also in favor of an + absolutely honest ballot. There is only one emperor in this country; there + is one czar; only one supreme crown and king, and that is the will, the + legally expressed will of the majority. Every American citizen is a + sovereign. The poorest and humblest may wear that crown, the beggar holds + in his hand that sceptre equally with the proudest and richest, and so far + as his sovereignty is concerned, the poorest American, he who earns but + one dollar a day, has the same voice in controlling the destiny of the + United States as the millionaire. The man who casts an illegal vote, the + man who refuses to count a legal vote, poisons the fountain of power, + poisons the springs of justice, and is a traitor to the only king in this + land. The Government is upon the edge of Mexicanization through fraudulent + voting. The ballot-box is the throne of America; the ballot-box is the ark + of the covenant. Unless we see to it that every man who has a right to + vote, votes, and unless we see to it that every honest vote is counted, + the days of this Republic are numbered. + </p> + <p> + When you suspect that a Congressman is not elected; when you suspect that + a judge upon the bench holds his place by fraud, then the people will hold + the law in contempt and will laugh at the decisions of courts, and then + come revolution and chaos. + </p> + <p> + It is the duty of every good man to see to it that the ballot-box is kept + absolutely pure. It is the duty of every patriot, whether he is a Democrat + or Republican—and I want further to admit that I believe a large + majority of Democrats are honest in their opinions, and I know that all + Republicans <i>must</i> be honest in their opinions. It is the duty, then, + of all honest men of both parties to see to it that only honest votes are + cast and counted. Now, honor bright, which section of this Union can you + trust the ballot-box with? + </p> + <p> + Do you wish to trust Louisiana, or do you wish to trust Alabama that gave, + in 1872, thirty-four thousand eight hundred and eighty-eight Republican + majority and now gives ninety-two thousand Democratic majority? And of + that ninety-two thousand majority, every one is a lie! A contemptible, + infamous lie! Because if every voter had been allowed to vote, there would + have been forty thousand Republican majority. Honor bright, can you trust + it with the masked murderers who rode in the darkness of night to the hut + of the freedman and shot him down, notwithstanding the supplication of his + wife and the tears of his babe? Can you trust it to the men who since the + close of our war have killed more men, simply because those men wished to + vote, simply because they wished to exercise a right with which they had + been clothed by the sublime heroism of the North—who have killed + more men than were killed on both sides in the Revolutionary war; than + were killed on both sides during the War of 1812; than were killed on both + sides in both wars? Can you trust them? Can you trust the gentlemen who + invented the tissue ballot? Do you wish to put the ballot-box in the + keeping of the shot-gun, of the White-Liners, of the Ku Klux? Do you wish + to put the ballot-box in the keeping of men who openly swear that they + will not be ruled by a majority of American citizens if a portion of that + majority is made of black men? And I want to tell you right here, I like a + black man who loves this country better than I do a white man who hates + it. I think more of a black man who fought for our flag than for any white + man who endeavored to tear it out of heaven! + </p> + <p> + I say, can you trust the ballot-box to the Democratic party? Read the + history of the State of New York. Read the history of this great and + magnificent city—the Queen of the Atlantic—read her history + and tell us whether you can implicitly trust Democratic returns? Honor + bright! + </p> + <p> + I am not only, then, for free speech, but I am for an honest ballot; and + in order that you may have no doubt left upon your minds as to which party + is in favor of an honest vote, I will call your attention to this striking + fact. Every law that has been passed in every State of this Union for + twenty long years, the object of which was to guard the American + ballot-box, has been passed by the Republican party, and in every State + where the Republican party has introduced such a bill for the purpose of + making it a law; in every State where such a bill has been defeated, it + has been defeated by the Democratic party. That ought to satisfy any + reasonable man to satiety. + </p> + <p> + I am not only in favor of free speech and an honest ballot, but I am in + favor of collecting and disbursing the revenues of the United States. I + want plenty of money to collect and pay the interest on our debt. I want + plenty of money to pay our debt and to preserve the financial honor of the + United States. I want money enough to be collected to pay pensions to + widows and orphans and to wounded soldiers. And the question is, which + section in this country can you trust to collect and disburse that + revenue? Let us be honest about it. Which section can you trust? In the + last four years we have collected four hundred and sixty-eight million + dollars of the internal revenue taxes. We have collected principally from + taxes upon high wines and tobacco, four hundred and sixty-eight million + dollars, and in those four years we have seized, libeled and destroyed in + the Southern States three thousand eight hundred and seventy-four illicit + distilleries. And during the same time the Southern people have shot to + death twenty-five revenue officers and wounded fifty-five others, and the + only offence that the wounded and dead committed was an honest effort to + collect the revenues of this country. Recollect it—don't you forget + it. And in several Southern States to-day every revenue collector or + officer connected with the revenue is furnished by the Internal Revenue + Department with a breech-loading rifle and a pair of revolvers, simply for + the purpose of collecting the revenue. + </p> + <p> + I don't feel like trusting such people to collect the revenue of my + Government. + </p> + <p> + During the same four years we have arrested and have indicted seven + thousand and eighty-four Southern Democrats for endeavoring to defraud the + revenue of the United States. Recollect—three thousand eight hundred + and seventy-four distilleries seized. Twenty-five revenue officers killed, + fifty-five wounded, and seven thousand and eighty-four Democrats arrested. + Can we trust them? + </p> + <p> + The State of Alabama in its last Democratic convention passed a resolution + that no man should be tried in a Federal Court for a violation of the + revenue laws—that he should be tried in a State Court. Think of it—he + should be tried in a State Court! Let me tell you how it will come out if + we trust the Southern States to collect this revenue. A couple of + Methodist ministers had been holding a revival for a week, and at the end + of the week one said to the other that he thought it time to take up a + collection. When the hat was returned he found in it pieces of + slate-pencils and nails and buttons, but not a single solitary cent—not + one—and his brother minister got up and looked at the contribution, + and said, "Let us thank God!" And the owner of the hat said, "What for?" + And the brother replied, "Because you got your hat back." If we trust the + South we shan't get our hats back. + </p> + <p> + I am next in favor of honest money. I am in favor of gold and silver, and + paper with gold and silver behind it. I believe in silver, because it is + one of the greatest of American products, and I am in favor of anything + that will add to the value of an American product. But I want a silver + dollar worth a gold dollar, even if you make it or have to make it four + feet in diameter. No government can afford to be a clipper of coin. A + great Republic cannot afford to stamp a lie upon silver or gold. Honest + money, an honest people, an honest Nation. When our money is only worth + eighty cents on the dollar, we feel twenty per cent, below par. When our + money is good we feel good. When our money is at par, that is where we + are. I am a profound believer in the doctrine that for nations as well as + men, honesty is the best policy, always, everywhere, and forever. + </p> + <p> + What section of this country, what party, will give us honest money—honor + bright—honor bright? I have been told that during the war, we had + plenty of money. I never saw it. I lived years without seeing a dollar. I + saw promises for dollars, but not dollars. And the greenback, unless you + have the gold behind it, is no more a dollar than a bill of fare is a + dinner. You cannot make a paper dollar without taking a dollar's worth of + paper. We must have paper that represents money. I want it issued by the + Government, and I want behind every one of these dollars either a gold or + silver dollar, so that every greenback under the flag can lift up its hand + and swear, "I know that my redeemer liveth." + </p> + <p> + When we were running into debt, thousands of people mistook that for + prosperity, and when we began paying they regarded it as adversity. Of + course we had plenty when we bought on credit. No man has ever starved + when his credit was good, if there were no famine in that country. As long + as we buy on credit we shall have enough. The trouble commences when the + pay-day arrives. And I do not wonder that after the war thousands of + people said, "Let us have another inflation." Which party said, "No, we + must pay the promise made in war"? Honor bright! The Democratic party had + once been a hard money party, but it drifted from its metallic moorings + and floated off in the ocean of inflation, and you know it. They said, + "Give us more money;" and every man that had bought on credit and owed a + little something on what he had purchased, when the property went down + commenced crying, or many of them did, for inflation. I understand it. + </p> + <p> + A man, say, bought a piece of land for six thousand dollars; paid five + thousand dollars on it; gave a mortgage for one thousand dollars, and + suddenly, in 1873, found that the land would not pay the other thousand. + The land had resumed, and then he said, looking lugubriously at his note + and mortgage, "I want another inflation." And I never heard a man call for + it that did not also say, "If it ever comes, and I don't unload, you may + shoot me." + </p> + <p> + It was very much as it is sometimes in playing poker, and I make this + comparison knowing that hardly a person here will understand it. I have + been told that along toward morning the man that is ahead suddenly says, + "I have got to go home. The fact is, my wife is not well." And the fellow + who is behind says, "Let us have another deal; I have my opinion of the + fellow that will jump a game." And so it was in the hard times of 1873. + They said: "Give us another deal; let us get our driftwood back into the + centre of the stream." And they cried out for more money. But the + Republican party said: "We do want more money, but not more promises. We + have got to pay this first, and if we start out again upon that wide sea + of promise we may never touch the shore." A thousand theories were born of + want; a thousand theories were born of the fertile brain of trouble; and + these people said, "After all, what is money? Why, it is nothing but a + measure of value, just the same as a half bushel or yardstick." True; and + consequently it makes no difference whether your half bushel is of wood or + gold or silver or paper; and it makes no difference whether your yardstick + is gold or paper. But the trouble about that statement is this: A half + bushel is not a measure of value; it is a measure of quantity, and it + measures rubies, diamonds and pearls precisely the same as corn and wheat. + The yardstick is not a measure of value; it is a measure of length, and it + measures lace worth one hundred dollars a yard precisely as it does cent + tape. And another reason why it makes no difference to the purchaser + whether the half bushel is gold or silver, or whether the yardstick is + gold or paper, you do not buy the yardstick; you do not get the half + bushel in the trade. And if it were so with money—if the people that + had the money at the start of the trade, kept it after the consummation of + the bargain—then it would not make any difference what you made your + money of. But the trouble is the money changes hands. And let me say + to-night, money is a thing—it is a product of nature—and you + can no more make a "fiat" dollar than you can make a fiat star. I am in + favor of honest money. Free speech is the brain of the Republic; an honest + ballot is the breath of its life, and honest money is the blood that + courses through its veins. + </p> + <p> + If I am fortunate enough to leave a dollar when I die, I want it to be a + good one. I do not wish to have it turn to ashes in the hands of + widowhood, or become a Democratic broken promise in the pocket of the + orphan; I want it money. I want money that will outlive the Democratic + party. They told us—and they were honest about it—they said, + "When we have plenty of money, we are prosperous." And I said, "When we + are prosperous, we have plenty of money." When we are prosperous, then we + have credit, and credit inflates the currency. Whenever a man buys a pound + of sugar and says, "Charge it," he inflates the currency; whenever he + gives his note, he inflates the currency; whenever his word takes the + place of money, he inflates the currency. The consequence is that when we + are prosperous, credit takes the place of money, and we have what we call + "plenty." + </p> + <p> + But you cannot increase prosperity simply by using promises to pay. + Suppose you should come to a river that was about dry, so dry that the + turtle had to help the catfish over the shoals, and there you would see + the ferryboat, and the gentleman who kept the ferry, up on the sand, high + and dry, and the cracks all opening in the sun, filled with loose oakum, + looking like an average Democratic mouth listening to a constitutional + argument, and you should say to him, "How is business?" And he would say, + "Dull." And then you would say to him, "Now, what you want is more boat." + He would probably answer, "If I had a little more water I could get along + with this one." + </p> + <p> + Suppose I next came to a man running a railroad, complaining of hard + times. "Why," said he, "I did a million dollars' worth of business the + first year and used five hundred thousand dollars' worth of grease. The + second year I did five hundred thousand dollars' worth of business and + used four hundred thousand dollars' worth of grease." "Well," said I, "the + reason your road fell off was because you did not use enough grease." + </p> + <p> + But I want to be fair, and I wish to-night to return my thanks to the + Democratic party. You did a great and splendid work. You went all over the + United States and you said upon every stump that a greenback was better + than gold. You said, "We have at last found the money of the poor man. + Gold loves the rich; gold haunts banks and safes and vaults; but we have + money that will go around inquiring for a man that is dead broke. We have + finally found money that will stay in a pocket with holes in it." But, + after all, do you know that money is the most social thing in this world? + If a fellow has one dollar in his pocket, and he meets another with two, + do you know that dollar is absolutely homesick until it gets where the + other two are? And yet the Greenbackers told us that they had finally + invented money that would be the poor mans friend. They said, "It is + better than gold, better than silver," and they got so many men to believe + it that when we resumed and said, "Here is your gold for your greenback," + the fellows who had the greenback said, "We don't want it. The greenbacks + are good enough for us." Do you know, if they had wanted it we could not + have given it to them? And so I return my thanks to the Greenback party. + But allow me to say in this connection, the days of their usefulness have + passed forever. + </p> + <p> + Now, I am not foolish enough to claim that the Republican party resumed. I + am not silly enough to say that John Sherman resumed. But I will tell you + what I do say. I say that every man who raised a bushel of corn or a + bushel of wheat or a pound of beef or pork for sale helped to resume. I + say that the gentle rain and the loving dew helped to resume. The soil of + the United States impregnated by the loving sun helped to resume. The men + that dug the coal and the iron and the silver and the copper and the gold + helped to resume. And the men upon whose foreheads fell the light of + furnaces helped to resume. And the sailors who fought with the waves of + the seas helped to resume. + </p> + <p> + I admit to-night that the Democrats earned their share of the money to + resume with. All I claim is that the Republican party furnished the + honesty to pay it over. That is what I claim; and the Republican party set + the day, and the Republican party worked to the promise. That is what I + say. And had it not been for the Republican party this Nation would have + been financially dishonored. I am for honest money, and I am for the + payment of every dollar of our debt, and so is every Democrat now, I take + it. But what did you say a little while ago? Did you say we could resume? + No; you swore we could not, and you swore our bonds would be worthless as + the withered leaves of winter. And now when a Democrat goes to England and + sees an American four per cent, quoted at one hundred and ten he kind of + swells up, and says: "That's the kind of man I am." In that country he + pretends he was a Republican in this. And I do not blame him. I do not + begrudge him enjoying respectability when away from home. The Republican + party is entitled to the credit for keeping this Nation grandly and + splendidly honest. I say, the Republican party is entitled to the credit + of preserving the honor of this Nation. + </p> + <p> + In 1873 came the crash, and all the languages of the world cannot describe + the agonies suffered by the American people from 1873 to 1879. A man who + thought he was a millionaire came to poverty; he found his stocks and + bonds ashes in the paralytic hand of old age. Men who expected to live all + their lives in the sunshine of joy found themselves beggars and paupers. + The great factories were closed, the workmen were demoralized, and the + roads of the United States were filled with tramps. In the hovel of the + poor and the palace of the rich came the serpent of temptation and + whispered in the American ear the terrible word "Repudiation." But the + Republican party said, "No; we will pay every dollar. No; we have started + toward the shining goal of resumption and we never will turn back." And + the Republican party struggled until it had the happiness of seeing upon + the broad shining forehead of American labor the words "Financial Honor." + </p> + <p> + The Republican party struggled until every paper promise was as good as + gold. And the moment we got back to gold then we commenced to rise again. + We could not jump until our feet touched something that they could be + pressed against. And from that moment to this we have been going, going, + going higher and higher, more prosperous every hour. And now they say, + "Let us have a change." When I am sick I want a change; when I am poor I + want a change; and if I were a Democrat I would have a personal change. We + are prosperous to-day, and must keep so. We are back to gold and silver. + Let us stay there; and let us stay with the party that brought us there. + </p> + <p> + Now, I am not only in favor of free speech and an honest ballot-box and an + honest collection of the revenue of the United States, and an honest + money, but I am in favor of the idea, of the great and splendid truth, + that this is a Nation one and indivisible. I deny that we are a + confederacy bound together with ropes of cloud and chains of mist. This is + a Nation, and every man in it owes his first allegiance to the grand old + flag for which more brave blood was shed than for any other flag that + waves in the sight of heaven. There is another thing; we all want to live + in a land where the law is supreme. We desire to live beneath a flag that + will protect every citizen beneath its folds. We desire to be citizens of + a Government so great and so grand that it will command the respect of the + civilized world. Most of us are convinced that our Government is the best + upon this earth. It is the only Government where manhood, and manhood + alone, is not made simply a condition of citizenship, but where manhood, + and manhood alone, permits its possessor to have his equal share in + control of the Government. It is the only Government in the world where + poverty is upon an exact equality with wealth, so far as controlling the + destiny of the Republic is concerned. It is the only Nation where the man + clothed in rags stands upon an equality with the one wearing purple. It is + the only country in the world where, politically, the hut is upon an + equality with the palace. + </p> + <p> + For that reason every poor man should stand by this Government, and every + poor man who does not is a traitor to the best interests of his children; + every poor man who does not is willing his children should bear the badge + of political inferiority; and the only way to make this Government a + complete and perfect success is for the poorest man to think as much of + his manhood as the millionaire does of his wealth. A man does not vote in + this country simply because he is rich; he does not vote in this country + simply because he has an education; he does not vote simply because he has + talent or genius; we say that he votes because he is a man, and that he + has his manhood to support; and we admit in this country that nothing can + be more valuable to any human being than his manhood, and for that reason + we put poverty on an equality with wealth. We say in this country manhood + is worth more than gold. We say in this country that without Liberty the + Nation is not worth preserving. Now, I appeal to-day to every poor man; I + appeal to-day to every laboring man, and I ask him, is there another + country on this globe where you can have equal rights with others? There + is another thing; do you want a Government of law or of brute force? In + which part of this country do you find law supreme? In which part of this + country can a man find justice in the courts; in the North or in the + South? Where is crime punished? Where is innocence protected, in the North + or in the South? Which section of this country will you trust? + </p> + <p> + You can tell what a man is by the way he treats persons in his power, and + the man that will sneak and crawl in the presence of greatness, will + trample the weak when he gets them in his power. What class of people does + the State have in its power? Criminals and creditors; and you can judge of + a State by the way it treats its criminals and creditors. Georgia is the + best State in the South. They have a penitentiary system by which they + hire out their convict labor. Only two years ago the whole thing was + examined by a friend of mine, Col. Allston. He had been in the rebel army + and was my good friend. He used to come to my house day after day to see + me. He got converted and had the grit to say so. Being a member of the + Legislature, he had a committee of investigation appointed. Now, in order + that you may understand the difference, you must know that in the Northern + penitentiaries the average annual death rate is one per cent.; that is, of + one thousand convicts, ten will die in a year, on the average. That low + death rate is because we are civilized, because we do not kill; but in the + Georgia penitentiary it was as high as fifteen, twenty-seven and + forty-seven per cent., at a time when there was no typhoid or yellow + fever, or epidemic of any kind. They died for four months at a rate of ten + per cent, per month. They crowded the convicts in together, regardless of + sex. They treated them precisely as wild beasts, and many of them were + shot down. Persons high in authority, Senators of the United States, held + interests in those contracts, and Robert Allston denounced them. When on a + visit he said, "I believe when I get home I shall be killed." I told him + not to go back to Georgia, but to stay in the civilized North; but no, he + would go back, and on the very day of his arrival he was murdered in cold + blood. Do you want to trust such men? * * * + </p> + <p> + The Southern people say this is a Confederacy and they are honest in it. + They fought for it, they believed it. They believe in the doctrine of + State Sovereignty, and many Democrats of the North believe in the same + doctrine. No less a man than Horatio Seymour—standing it may be at + the head of Democratic statesmen—said, if he has been correctly + reported, only the other day, that he despised the word "Nation." I bless + that word. I owe my first allegiance to this Nation, and it owes its first + protection to me. I am talking here to-night, not because I am protected + by the flag of New York. I would not know that flag if I should see it. I + am talking here, and have the right to talk here, because the flag of my + country is above us. I have the same right as though I had been born upon + this very platform. I am proud of New York because it is a part of my + country. I am proud of my country because it has such a State as New York + in it, and I will be prouder of New York on a week from next Tuesday than + ever before in my life. I despise the doctrine of State Sovereignty. I + believe in the rights of the States, but not in the sovereignty of the + States. States are political conveniences. Rising above States, as the + Alps above valleys, are the rights of man. Rising above the rights of the + Government, even in this Nation, are the sublime rights of the people. + Governments are good only so long as they protect human rights. But the + rights of a man never should be sacrificed upon the altar of the State, or + upon the altar of the Nation. + </p> + <p> + Let me tell you a few objections that I have to State Sovereignty. That + doctrine has never been appealed to for any good. The first time it was + appealed to was when our Constitution was made. And the object then was to + keep the slave-trade open until the year 1808. The object then was to make + the sea the highway of piracy—the object then was to allow American + citizens to go into the business of selling men and women and children, + and feed their cargo to the sharks of the sea, and the sharks of the sea + were as merciful as they. That was the first time that the appeal to the + doctrine of State Sovereignty was made, and the next time was for the + purpose of keeping alive the interstate slave-trade, so that a gentleman + in Virginia could sell the slave who had nursed him, and rob the cradles + of their babes. Think of it! It was made so they could rob the cradle in + the name of law. Think of it! Think of it! And the next time they appealed + to the doctrine of State Sovereignty was in favor of the Fugitive Slave + Law—a law that made a bloodhound of every Northern man; that made + charity a crime; a law that made love a state-prison offence; that branded + the forehead of charity as if it were a felon. Think of it! + </p> + <p> + It is a part of my honor to hate such principles. I have no respect for + any man who is so mean, cruel and wicked, as to allow himself to be + transformed into a bloodhound to bay upon the tracks of innocent human + prey. I will follow my logic, no matter where it goes, after it has + consulted with my heart. If you ever come to a conclusion without calling + the heart in, you will come to a bad conclusion. + </p> + <p> + A good man is pretty apt to be right; a perfectly honest man is like the + surface of the stainless mirror, that gives back by simply looking at him, + the image of the one who looks. + </p> + <p> + The next time they appealed to the doctrine of State Sovereignty was to + increase the area of human slavery, so that the bloodhound, with clots of + blood dropping from his loose and hanging jaws, might traverse the billowy + plains of Kansas. Think of it! + </p> + <p> + The Democratic party then said the Federal Government had a right to cross + the State line. And the next time they appealed to that infamous doctrine + was in defence of secession and treason; a doctrine that cost us six + thousand millions of dollars; a doctrine that cost four hundred thousand + lives; a doctrine that filled our country with widows, our homes with + orphans. And I tell you, the doctrine of State Sovereignty is the viper in + the bosom of this Republic, and if we do not kill that viper it will kill + us. + </p> + <p> + The Democrats tell us that in the olden time the Federal Government had a + right to cross a State line to put shackles upon the limbs of men. It had + the right to cross a State line to trample upon the rights of human + beings, but now it has no right to cross those lines upon an errand of + mercy or justice. We are told that now, when the Federal Government wishes + to protect a citizen, a State line rises like a Chinese wall, and the + sword of Federal power turns to air the moment it touches one of those + lines. I deny it and I despise, abhor and execrate the doctrine of State + Sovereignty. The Democrats tell us if we wish to be protected by the + Federal Government we must leave home. I wish they would try it for about + ten days. They say the Federal Government can defend a citizen in England, + France, Spain or Germany, but cannot defend a child of the Republic + sitting around the family hearth. I deny it. A Government that cannot + protect its citizens at home is unfit to be called a Government. I want a + Government with an ear so good that it can hear the faintest cry of the + oppressed wherever its flag floats. I want a Government with an arm long + enough and a sword sharp enough to cut down treason wherever it may raise + its serpent head. I want a Government that will protect a freedman, + standing by his little log hut, with the same alacrity and with the same + efficiency that it would protect Vanderbilt, living in a palace of marble + and gold. Humanity is a sacred thing, and manhood is a thing to be + preserved. Let us look at it. For instance, here is a war, and the Federal + Government says to a man, "We want you," and he says, "No, I don't want to + go," and then they put a lot of pieces of paper in a wheel and on one of + those pieces is his name, and another man turns the crank, and then they + pull it out and there is his name, and they say, "Come," and so he goes. + And they stand him in front of the brazen-throated guns; they make him + fight for his native land, and when the war is over he goes home and he + finds the war has been unpopular in his neighborhood, and they trample on + his rights, and he says to the Federal Government, "Protect me." And he + says to the Government, "I owe my allegiance to you. You must protect me." + What will you say of that Government if it says to him, "You must look to + your State for protection"? "Ah, but," he says, "my State is the very + power trampling upon me," and, of course, the robber is not going to send + for the police, It is the duty of the Government to defend even its + drafted men; and if that is the duty of the Government, what shall I say + of the volunteer, who for one moment holds his wife in a tremulous and + agonized embrace, kisses his children, shoulders his musket, goes to the + field and says, "Here I am, ready to die for my native land"? A Nation + that will not defend its volunteer defenders is a disgrace to the map of + this world. This is a Nation. Free speech is the brain of the Republic; an + honest ballot is the breath of its life; honest money is the blood of its + veins; and the idea of nationality is its great, beating, throbbing heart. + I am for a Nation. And yet the Democrats tell me that it is dangerous to + have centralized power. How would you have it? I believe in the + localization of power; I believe in having enough of it localized in one + place to be effectively used; I believe in a localization of brain. I + suppose Democrats would like to have it spread all over your body, and + they act as though theirs was. + </p> + <p> + There is another thing in which I believe: I believe in the protection of + American labor. The hand that holds Aladdin's lamp must be the hand of + toil. This Nation rests upon the shoulders of its workers, and I want the + American laboring man to have enough to wear; I want him to have enough to + eat: + </p> + <p> + I want him to have something for the ordinary misfortunes of life; I want + him to have the pleasure of seeing his wife well-dressed; I want him to + see a few blue ribbons fluttering about his children; I want him to see + the flags of health flying in their beautiful cheeks; I want him to feel + that this is his country, and the shield of protection is above his labor. + </p> + <p> + And I will tell you why I am for protection, too. If we were all farmers + we would be stupid. If we were all shoemakers we would be stupid. If we + all followed one business, no matter what it was, we would become stupid. + Protection to American labor diversifies American industry, and to have it + diversified touches and develops every part of the human brain. Protection + protects ingenuity; it protects intelligence; and protection raises sense; + and by protection we have greater men, better looking women and healthier + children. Free trade means that our laborer is upon an equality with the + poorest paid labor of this world. And allow me to tell you that for an + empty stomach, "Hurrah for Hancock!" is a poor consolation. I do not think + much of a Government where the people do not have enough to eat. I am a + materialist to that extent; I want something to eat. I have been in + countries where the laboring man had meat once a year; sometimes twice—Christmas + and Easter. And I have seen women carrying upon their heads a burden that + no man in this audience could carry, and at the same time knitting busily + with both hands, and those women lived without meat; and when I thought of + the American laborer, I said to myself, "After all, my country is the best + in the world." And when I came back to the sea and saw the old flag + flying, it seemed to me as though the air from pure joy had burst into + blossom. + </p> + <p> + Labor has more to eat and more to wear in the United States than in any + other land of this earth. I want America to produce everything that + Americans need. I want it so that if the whole world should declare war + against us, if we were surrounded by walls of cannon and bayonets and + swords, we could supply all our material wants in and of ourselves. I want + to live to see the American woman dressed in American silk; the American + man in everything, from hat to boots, produced in America by the cunning + hand of American toil. I want to see the workingman have a good house, + painted white, grass in the front yard, carpets on the floor, pictures on + the wall. I want to see him a man, feeling that he is a king by the divine + right of living in the Republic. And every man here is just a little bit a + king, you know. Every man here is a part of the sovereign power. Every man + wears a little of purple; every man has a little of crown and a little of + sceptre; and every man that will sell his vote for money or be ruled by + prejudice is unfit to be an American citizen. + </p> + <p> + I believe in American labor, and I will tell you why. The other day a man + told me that we had produced in the United States of America one million + tons of steel rails. How much are they worth? Sixty dollars a ton. In + other words, the million tons are worth sixty million dollars. How much is + a ton of iron worth in the ground? Twenty-five cents. American labor takes + twenty-five cents worth of iron in the ground and adds to it fifty-nine + dollars and seventy-five cents. One million tons of rails, and the raw + material not worth twenty-four thousand dollars! We build a ship in the + United States worth five hundred thousand dollars, and the value of the + ore in the earth, of the trees in the great forest, of all that enters + into the composition of that ship bringing five hundred thousand dollars + in gold is only twenty thousand dollars; four hundred and eighty thousand + dollars by American labor, American muscle, coined into gold; American + brains made a legal tender the world round. + </p> + <p> + I propose to stand by the Nation. I want the furnaces kept hot. I want the + sky to be filled with the smoke of American industry, and upon that cloud + of smoke will rest forever the bow of perpetual promise. That is what I am + for. Where did this doctrine of a tariff for revenue only come from? From + the South. The South would like to stab the prosperity of the North. They + would rather trade with Old England than with New England. They would + rather trade with the people who were willing to help them in war than + with those who conquered the Rebellion. They knew what gave us our + strength in war. They knew that all the brooks and creeks and rivers of + New England were putting down the Rebellion. They knew that every wheel + that turned, every spindle that revolved, was a soldier in the army of + human progress. It won't do! They were so lured by the greed of office + that they were willing to trade upon the misfortunes of a Nation. It won't + do! I do not wish to belong to a party that succeeds only when my country + fails. I do not wish to belong to a party whose banner went up with the + banner of rebellion. I do not wish to belong to a party that was in + partnership with defeat and disaster. I do not. And there is not a + Democrat here who does not know that a failure of the crops this year + would have helped his party. You know that an early frost would have been + a godsend to them. You know that the potato-bug could have done them more + good than all their speakers. + </p> + <p> + I wish to belong to that party which is prosperous when the country is + prosperous. I belong to that party which is not poor when the golden + billows are running over the seas of wheat. I belong to that party which + is prosperous when there are oceans of corn, and when the cattle are upon + the thousand hills. I belong to that party which is prosperous when the + furnaces are aflame, and when you dig coal and iron and silver; when + everybody has enough to eat; when everybody is happy; when the children + are all going to school, and when joy covers my Nation as with a garment. + That party which is prosperous then, is my party. + </p> + <p> + Now, then, I have been telling you what I am for. I am for free speech, + and so ought you to be. I am for an honest ballot, and if you are not you + ought to be. I am for the collection of the revenue. I am for honest + money. I am for the idea that this is a Nation forever. I believe in + protecting American labor. I want the shield of my country above every + anvil, above every furnace, above every cunning head and above every deft + hand of American labor. + </p> + <p> + Now, then, which section of this country will be the more apt to carry + these ideas into execution? Which party will be the more apt to achieve + these grand and splendid things? Honor bright? Now we have not only to + choose between sections of the country; we have to choose between parties. + Here is the Democratic party, and I admit there are thousands of good + Democrats who went to the war, and some of those that stayed at home were + good men; and I want to ask you, and I want you to tell me in reply what + that party did during the war when the War Democrats were away from home. + What did they do? That is the question. I say to you, that every man who + tried to tear our flag out of heaven was a Democrat. The men who wrote the + ordinances of secession, who fired upon Fort Sumter; the men who starved + our soldiers, who fed them with the crumbs that the worms had devoured + before, they were Democrats. The keepers of Libby, the keepers of + Andersonville, were Democrats—Libby and Andersonville, the two + mighty wings that will bear the memory of the Confederacy to eternal + infamy! The men who wished to scatter yellow fever in the North and who + tried to fire the great cities of the North—they were all Democrats. + He who said that the greenback would never be paid and he who slandered + sixty cents out of every dollar of the Nation's promises were Democrats. + Who were joyful when your brothers and your sons and your fathers lay dead + on a field of battle that the country had lost? They were Democrats. The + men who wept when the old banner floated in triumph above the ramparts of + rebellion—they were Democrats. You know it. The men who wept when + slavery was destroyed, who believed slavery to be a divine institution, + who regarded bloodhounds as apostles and missionaries, and who wept at the + funeral of that infernal institution—they were Democrats. Bad + company—bad company! + </p> + <p> + And let me implore all the young men here not to join that party. Do not + give new blood to that institution. The Democratic party has a yellow + passport. On one side it says "dangerous." They imagine they have not + changed, and that is because they have not intellectual growth. That party + was once the enemy of my country, was once the enemy of our flag, and more + than that, it was once the enemy of human liberty, and that party to-night + is not willing that the citizens of the Republic should exercise all their + rights irrespective of their color. And allow me to say right here that I + am opposed to that party. + </p> + <p> + We have not only to choose between parties, but to choose between + candidates. The Democracy have put forward as the bearers of their + standard General Hancock and William H. English. The Democrats have at + last nominated a Union soldier. They nominated George B. McClellan once, + because he failed to whip the South; they nominated Mr. Greeley, when they + despised him, and now they have nominated General Hancock. Do they think + the South loves him? At Gettysburg they say he fought against them, and + that is one great reason why he should be President—that he shot + rebels. Do the men that fought at Gettysburg still believe in State + Sovereignty? Wade Hampton says, "We must vote as Lee and Jackson fought." + They fought for State Sovereignty. Has the South changed? Hancock went to + kill them then; they want to vote for him now. Who has changed? [A voice: + "Hancock."] I think so. They are using him as a figure-head. They have + dressed him in the noble blue, with the patriotic coat and Union buttons, + and they do not like him any better than they did at Gettysburg. It would + be just as consistent for the Republicans to have nominated Wade Hampton. + Did General Hancock believe in State Sovereignty when he was at + Gettysburg? If he did, he was a murderer, and not a Union soldier—he + was killing men he believed to be in the right, and a man cannot fight + unless his conscience approves of what his sword does, and if he was + honest at that time, he did not believe in State Sovereignty, and it seems + to me he would hate to have the men who tried to destroy this Government + cheering him. All the glory he ever got was in the service of the + Republican party, and if he does not look out he will lose it all in the + service of the Democratic party. He had a conversation with General Grant. + It was a time when he had been appointed at the head of the Department of + the Gulf. In that conversation he stated to General Grant that he was + opposed to "nigger domination." Grant said to him, "We must obey the laws + of Congress. We are soldiers." And that meant, the military is not above + the civil authority. And I tell you to-night, that the army and the navy + are the right and left hands of the civil power. Grant said to him: "Three + or four million ex-slaves, without property and without education, cannot + dominate over thirty or forty millions of white people, with education and + property." General Hancock replied to that: "I am opposed to 'nigger + domination.'" Allow me to say that I do not believe any man fit for the + presidency of the great Republic, who is capable of insulting a + down-trodden race. I never meet a negro that I do not feel like asking his + forgiveness for the wrongs that my race has inflicted on his. I remember + that from the white man he received for two hundred years agony and tears; + I remember that my race sold a child from the agonized breast of a mother; + I remember that my race trampled with the feet of greed upon all the holy + relations of life; and I do not feel like insulting the colored man; I + feel rather like asking the forgiveness of his race for the crimes that my + race have put upon him. "Nigger domination!" What a fine scabbard that + makes for the sword of Gettysburg! It won't do! + </p> + <p> + What is General Hancock for, besides the presidency? How does he stand + upon the great questions affecting American prosperity? He told us the + other day that the tariff is a local question. The tariff affects every + man and woman, live they in hut, hovel or palace; it affects every man + that has a back to be covered or a stomach to be filled, and yet he says + it is a local question. So is death. He also told us that he heard that + question discussed once, in Pennsylvania. He must have been eavesdropping. + And he tells us that his doctrine of the tariff will continue as long as + Nature lasts. Then Senator Randolph wrote him a letter. I do not know + whether Senator Randolph answered it or not; but that answer was worse + than the first interview; and I understand now that another letter is + going through a period of incubation at Governor's Island, upon the great + subject of the tariff. It won't do! + </p> + <p> + They say one thing they are sure of, he is opposed to paying Southern + pensions and Southern claims. He says that a man that fought against this + Government has no right to a pension. Good! I say a man that fought + against this Government has no right to office. If a man cannot earn a + pension by tearing our flag out of the sky, he cannot earn power. [A Voice—"How + about Longstreet?"] Longstreet has repented of what he did. Longstreet + admits that he was wrong. And there was no braver officer in the Southern + Confederacy. Every man of the South who will say, "I made a mistake"—I + do not want him to say that he knew he was wrong—all I ask him to + say is that he now thinks he was wrong; and every man of the South to-day + who says he was wrong, and who says from this day forward, henceforth and + forever, he is for this being a Nation. + </p> + <p> + I will take him by the hand. But while he is attempting to do at the + ballot-box what he failed to accomplish upon the field of battle, I am + against him; while he uses a Northern general to bait a Southern trap, I + won't bite. I will forgive men when they deserve to be forgiven; but while + they insist that they were right, while they insist that State Sovereignty + is the proper doctrine, I am opposed to their climbing into power. + </p> + <p> + Hancock says that he will not pay these claims; he agrees to veto a bill + that his party may pass; he agrees in advance that he will defeat a party + that he expects will elect him; he, in effect, says to the people, "You + can not trust that party, but you can trust me." He says, "Look at them; I + admit they are a hungry lot; I admit that they haven't had a bite in + twenty years; I admit that an ordinary famine is satiety compared to the + hunger they feel. But between that vast appetite known as the Democratic + party, and the public treasury, I will throw the shield of my veto." No + man has a right to say in advance what he will veto, any more than a judge + has a right to say in advance how he will decide a case. The veto power is + a distinction with which the Constitution has clothed the Executive, and + no President has a right to say that he will veto until he has heard both + sides of the question. But he agrees in advance. + </p> + <p> + I would rather trust a party than a man. Death may veto Hancock, and Death + has not been a successful politician in the United States. Tyler, + Fillmore, Andy Johnson—I do not wish Death to elect any more + Presidents; and if he does, and if Hancock is elected, William H. English + becomes President of the United States. No, no, no! All I need to say + about him is simply to pronounce his name; that is all. You do not want + him. Whether the many stories that have been told about him are true or + not I do not know, and I will not give currency to a solitary word against + the reputation of an American citizen unless I know it to be true. What I + have against him is what he has done in public life. When Charles Sumner, + that great and splendid publicist—Charles Sumner, the + philanthropist, one who spoke to the conscience of his time and to the + history of the future—when he stood up in the United States Senate + and made a great and glorious plea for human liberty, there crept into the + Senate a villain and struck him down as though he had been a wild beast. + That man was a member of Congress, and when a resolution was introduced in + the House, to expel that man, William H. English voted "No." All the + stories in the world could not add to the infamy of that public act. That + is enough for me, and whatever his private life may be, let it be that of + an angel, never, never, never would I vote for a man that would defend the + assassin of free speech. General Hancock, they tell me, is a statesman; + that what little time he has had to spare from war he has given to the + tariff, and what little time he could spare from the tariff he has given + to the Constitution of his country; showing under what circumstances a + Major-General can put at defiance the Congress of the United States. It + won't do! + </p> + <p> + But while I am upon that subject it may be well for me to state that he + never will be President of the United States. Now, I say that a man who in + time of peace prefers peace, and prefers the avocations of peace; a man + who in the time of peace would rather look at the corn in the air of June, + rather listen to the hum of bees, rather sit by his door with his wife and + children; the man who in time of peace loves peace, and yet when the blast + of war blows in his ears, shoulders a musket and goes to the field of war + to defend his country, and when the war is over goes home and again + pursues the avocations of peace—that man is just as good, to say the + least of it, as a man who in a time of profound peace makes up his mind + that he would like to make his living killing other folks. To say the + least of it, he is as good. + </p> + <p> + The Republicans have named as their standard bearers James A. Garfield and + Chester A. Arthur. James A. Garfield was a volunteer soldier, and he took + away from the field of Chickamauga as much glory as any one man could + carry. He is not only a soldier—7-he is a statesman. He has studied + and discussed all the great questions that affect the prosperity and + well-being of the American people. His opinions are well known, and I say + to you tonight that there is not in this Nation, there is not in this + Republic a man with greater brain and greater heart than James A. + Garfield. I know him and I like him. I know him as well as any other + public man, and I like him. The Democratic party say that he is not + honest. I have been reading some Democratic papers to-day, and you would + say that every one of their editors had a private sewer of his own into + which has been emptied for a hundred years the slops of hell. They tell me + that James A. Garfield is not honest. Are you a Democrat? Your party tried + to steal nearly half of this country. Your party stole the armament of a + nation. Your party was willing to live upon the unpaid labor of four + millions of people. You have no right to the floor for the purpose of + making a motion of honesty. James A. Garfield has been at the head of the + most important committees of Congress; he is a member of the most + important one of the whole House. He has no peer in the Congress of the + United States. And you know it. He is the leader of the House. With one + wave of his hand he can take millions from the pocket of one industry and + put it into the pocket of another; with a motion of his hand he could have + made himself a man of wealth, but he is to-night a poor man. I know him + and I like him. He is as genial as May and he is as generous as Autumn. + And the men for whom he has done unnumbered favors, the men whom he had + pity enough not to destroy with an argument, the men who, with his great + generosity, he has allowed, intellectually, to live, are now throwing + filth at the reputation of that great and splendid man. + </p> + <p> + Several ladies and gentlemen were passing a muddy place around which were + gathered ragged and wretched urchins. And these little wretches began to + throw mud at them; and one gentleman said, "If you don't stop I will throw + it back at you." And a little fellow said, "You can't do it without + dirtying your hands, and it doesn't hurt us anyway." + </p> + <p> + I never was more profoundly happy than on the night of that 12th day of + October when I found that between an honest and a kingly man and his + maligners, two great States had thrown their shining shields. When Ohio + said, "Garfield is my greatest son, and there never has been raised in the + cabins of Ohio a grander man"—and when Indiana held up her hands and + said, "Allow me to indorse that verdict," I was profoundly happy, because + that said to me, "Garfield will carry every Northern State;" that said to + me, "The Solid South will be confronted by a great and splendid North." + </p> + <p> + I know Garfield—I like him. Some people have said, "How is it that + you support Garfield, when he was a minister?" "How is it that you support + Garfield when he is a Christian?" I will tell you. There are two reasons. + The first is I am not a bigot; and secondly, James A. Garfield is not a + bigot. He believes in giving to every other human being every right he + claims for himself. He believes in freedom of speech and freedom of + thought; untrammeled conscience and upright manhood. He believes in an + absolute divorce between church and state. He believes that every religion + should rest upon its morality, upon its reason, upon its persuasion, upon + its goodness, upon its charity, and that love should never appeal to the + sword of civil power. He disagrees with me in many things; but in the one + thing, that the air is free for all, we do agree. I want to do equal and + exact justice everywhere. + </p> + <p> + I want the world of thought to be without a chain, without a wall, and I + wish to say to you, [turning toward Mr. Beecher and directly addressing + him] that I thank you for what you have said to-night, and to congratulate + the people of this city and country that you have intellectual horizon + enough, intellectual sky enough to take the hand of a man, howsoever much + he may disagree in some things with you, on the grand platform and broad + principle of citizenship. James A. Garfield, believing with me as he does, + disagreeing with me as he does, is perfectly satisfactory to me. I know + him, and I like him. + </p> + <p> + Men are to-day blackening his reputation, who are not fit to blacken his + shoes. He is a man of brain. Since his nomination he must have made forty + or fifty speeches, and every one has been full of manhood and genius. He + has not said a word that has not strengthened him with the American + people. He is the first candidate who has been free to express himself and + who has never made a mistake. I will tell you why he does not make a + mistake; because he spoke from the inside out. Because he was guided by + the glittering Northern Star of principle. Lie after lie has been told + about him. Slander after slander has been hatched and put in the air, with + its little short wings, to fly its day, and the last lie is a forgery. + </p> + <p> + I saw to-day the fac-simile of a letter that they pretend he wrote upon + the Chinese question. I know his writing; I know his signature; I am well + acquainted with his writing. I know handwriting, and I tell you to-night, + that letter and that signature are forgeries. A forgery for the benefit of + the Pacific States; a forgery for the purpose of convincing the American + workingman that Garfield is without heart. I tell you, my fellow-citizens, + that cannot take from him a vote. But Ohio pierced their centre and + Indiana rolled up both flanks and the rebel line cannot re-form with a + forgery for a standard. They are gone! + </p> + <p> + Now, some people say to me, "How long are you going to preach the doctrine + of hate?" I never did preach it. In many States of this Union it is a + crime to be a Republican. I am going to preach my doctrine until every + American citizen is permitted to express his opinion and vote as he may + desire in every State of this Union. I am going to preach my doctrine + until this is a civilized country. That is all. + </p> + <p> + I will treat the gentlemen of the South precisely as we do the gentlemen + of the North. I want to treat every section of the country precisely as we + do ours-. I want to improve their rivers and their harbors; I want to fill + their land with commerce; I want them to prosper; I want them to build + schoolhouses; I want them to open the lands to immigration to all people + who desire to settle upon their soil. I want to be friends with them; I + want to let the past be buried forever; I want to let bygones be bygones, + but only upon the basis that we are now in favor of absolute liberty and + eternal justice. I am not willing to bury nationality or free speech in + the grave for the purpose of being friends. Let us stand by our colors; + let the old Republican party that has made this a Nation—the old + Republican party that has saved the financial honor of this country—let + that party stand by its colors. + </p> + <p> + Let that party say, "Free speech forever!" Let that party say, "An honest + ballot forever!" Let that party say, "Honest money forever! the Nation and + the flag forever!" And let that party stand by the great men carrying her + banner, James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur. I would rather trust a + party than a man. If General Garfield dies, the Republican party lives; if + General Garfield dies, General Arthur will take his place—a brave, + honest, and intelligent gentleman, upon whom every Republican can rely. + And if he dies, the Republican party lives, and as long as the Republican + party does not die, the great Republic will live. As long as the + Republican party lives, this will be the asylum of the world. Let me tell + you, Mr. Irishman, this is the only country on the earth where Irishmen + have had enough to eat. Let me tell you, Mr. German, that you have more + liberty here than you had in the Fatherland. Let me tell you, all men, + that this is the land of humanity. + </p> + <p> + Oh! I love the old Republic, bounded by the seas, walled by the wide air, + domed by heaven's blue, and lit with the eternal stars. I love the + Republic; I love it because I love liberty. Liberty is my religion, and at + its altar I worship, and will worship. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0013" id="link0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE 86TH ILLINOIS REGIMENT. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * This is only a fragment of a speech made by Col. Ingersoll + at Peoria, 111., in 1866, to the 86th Illinois Regiment, at + their anniversary meeting. +</pre> + <p> + PEORIA, ILLS. 1865. + </p> + <p> + THE history of the past four years seems to me like a terrible dream. It + seems almost impossible that the events that have now passed into history + ever happened. That hundreds of thousands of men, born and reared under + one flag, with the same history, the same future, and, in truth, the same + interests, should have met upon the terrible field of death, and for four + long years should have fought with a bitterness and determination never + excelled; that they should have filled our land with orphans and widows, + and made our country hollow with graves, is indeed wonderful; but that the + people of the South should have thus fought—thus attempted to + destroy and overthrow the Government founded by the heroes of the + Revolution—merely for the sake of perpetuating the infamous + institution of slavery, is wonderful almost beyond belief. + </p> + <p> + Strange that people should be found in this, the nineteenth century, to + fight against freedom and to die for slavery! It is most wonderful that + the terrible war ceased as suddenly as it did, and that the soldiers of + the Republic, the moment that the angel of peace spread her white wings + over our country, dropped from their hands the instruments of war and + eagerly went back to the plough, the shop and the office, and are to-day, + with the same determination that characterized them in battle, engaged in + effacing every vestige of the desolation and destruction of war. But the + progress we have made as a people is if possible still more astonishing. + We pretended to be the lovers of freedom, yet we defended slavery. We + quoted the Declaration of Independence and voted for the compromise of + 1850. + </p> + <p> + From servility and slavishness we have marched to heroism. We were + tyrants. We are liberators. We were slave-catchers. We are now the + chivalrous breakers of chains. + </p> + <p> + From slavery, over a bloody and terrible path, we have marched to freedom. + Hirelings of oppression, we have become the champions of justice—the + defenders of the right—the pillar upon which rests the hope of the + world. To whom are we indebted for this wonderful change? Most of all to + you, the soldiers of the great Republic. We thank you that the hands of + time were not turned back a thousand years—that the Dark Ages did + not again come upon the world—that Prometheus was not again chained—that + the river of progress was not stopped or stayed—that the dear blood + shed during all the past was not rendered vain—that the sublime + faith of all the grand and good did not become a bitter dream, but a + reality more glorious than ever entered into the imagination of the rapt + heroes of the past. Soldiers of the Eighty-sixth Illinois, we thank you, + and through you all the defenders of the Republic, living and dead. We + thank you that the deluge of blood has subsided, that the ark of our + national safety is at rest, that the dove has returned with the olive + branch of peace, and that the dark clouds of war are in the far distance, + covered with the beautiful bow. + </p> + <p> + In the name of humanity, in the name of progress, in the name of freedom, + in the name of America, in the name of the oppressed of the whole world, + we thank you again and again. We thank you, that in the darkest hour you + never despaired of the Republic, that you were not dismayed, that through + disaster and defeat, through cruelty and famine, through the serried ranks + of the enemy, in spite of false friends, you marched resolutely, + unflinchingly and bravely forward. Forward through shot and shell! Forward + through fire and sword! Forward past the corpses of your brave comrades, + buried in shallow graves by the hurried hands of heroes! Forward past the + scattered bones of starved captives! Forward through the glittering + bayonet lines, and past the brazen throats of the guns! Forward through + the din and roar and smoke and hell of war! Onward through blood and fire + to the shining, glittering mount of perfect and complete victory, and from + the top your august hands unfurled to the winds the old banner of the + stars, and it waves in triumph now, and shall forever, from the St. + Lawrence to the Rio Grande, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific! + </p> + <p> + We thank you that our waving fields of golden wheat and rustling corn are + not trodden down beneath the bloody feet of invasion—that our homes + are not ashes—that our hearthstones are not desolate—that our + towns and cities still stand, that our temples and institutions of + learning are secure, that prosperity covers us as with a mantle, and, more + than all, we thank you that the Republic still lives; that law and order + reign supreme; that the Constitution is still sacred; that a republican + government has ceased to be only an experiment, and has become a certainty + for all time; that we have by your heroism established the sublime and + shining truth that a government by the people, for the people, can and + will stand until governments cease among men; that you have given the lie + to the impudent and infamous prophecy of tyranny, and that you have firmly + established the Republic upon the great ideas of National Unity and Human + Liberty. + </p> + <p> + We thank you for our commerce on the high seas, upon our lakes and + beautiful rivers, for the credit of our nation, for the value of our + money, and for the grand position that we now occupy among the nations of + the earth. We thank you for every State redeemed, for every star brought + back to glitter again upon the old flag, and we thank you for the grand + future that you have opened for us and for our children through all the + ages yet to come; and, not only for us and our children, but for mankind. + </p> + <p> + Thanks to your efforts our country is still an asylum for the oppressed of + the Old World; the arms of our charity are still open, we still beckon + them across the sea, and they come in multitudes,'leaving home, the graves + of their sires, and the dear memories of the heart, and with their wives + and little ones come to this, the only free land upon which the sun shines—and + with their countless hands of labor add to the wealth, the permanence and + the glory of our country. And let them come from the land of Luther, of + Hampden and Emmett. Whoever is for freedom and the sacred rights of man is + a true American, and as such, we welcome them all. We thank you to-day in + the name of four millions of people, whose shackles you have so nobly and + generously broken, and who, from the condition of beasts of burden, have + by your efforts become men. We thank you in the name of this poor and + hitherto despised and insulted race, and say that their emancipation was, + and is, the crowning glory of this most terrible war. Peace without + liberty could have been only a bloody delusion and a snare. Freedom is + peace; Slavery is war. + </p> + <p> + We must act justly and honorably with these emancipated men, knowing that + the eyes of the civilized world are upon us. We must do what is best for + both races. We must not be controlled merely by party. + </p> + <p> + If the Government is founded upon principle, it will stand against the + shock of revolution and foreign war as long as liberty is sacred, the + rights of man respected, and honor dwells in the hearts of men. + </p> + <p> + We thank you for the lesson that has been taught the Old World by your + patriotism and valor; believing that when the people shall have learned + that sublime and divine lesson, thrones will become kingless, kings + crownless, royalty an epitaph, the purple of power the shroud of death, + the chains of tyranny will fall from the bodies of men, the shackles of + superstition from the souls of the people, the spirit of persecution will + fly from the earth, and the banner of Universal Freedom, with the words + "Civil and Religious Liberty for the World" written upon every fold, + blazing from every star, will float over every land and sea under the + whole heavens. + </p> + <p> + We thank you for the glorious past, for the still more glorious future, + and will continue to thank you while our hearts are warm with life. We + will gather around you in the hour of your death and soothe your last + moments with our gratitude. We will follow you tearfully to the narrow + house of the dead, and over your sacred remains erect the whitest and + purest marble. The hands of love will adorn your last abode, and the + chisel will record that beneath rests the sacred dust of the Heroic + Saviors of the Great Republic. Such ground will be holy, and future + generations will draw inspiration from your tombs, courage from your + heroic examples, patience and fortitude from your sufferings, and strength + eternal from your success. + </p> + <p> + I cannot stop without speaking of the heroic dead. It seems to me as + though their spirits ought to hover over you to-day—that they might + join with us in giving thanks for the great victory,—that their + faces might grow radiant to think that their blood was not shed in vain,—that + the living are worthy to reap the benefits of their sacrifices, their + sufferings and death, and it almost seems as if their sightless eyes are + suffused with tears. Then we think of the dear mothers waiting for their + sons, of the devoted wives waiting for their husbands, of the orphans + asking for fathers whose returning footsteps they can never hear; that + while they can say "my country," they cannot say "my son," "my husband," + or "my father." + </p> + <p> + My heart goes out to all the slain, to those heroic corpses sleeping far + away from home and kindred in unknown and lonely graves, to those poor + pieces of dear, bleeding earth that won for me the blessings I enjoy + to-day. + </p> + <p> + Shall I recount their sufferings? They were starved day by day with a + systematic and calculating cruelty never equaled by the most savage + tribes. They were confined in dens as though they had been beasts, and + then they slowly faded and wasted from life. Some were released from their + sufferings by blessed insanity, until their parched and fevered lips, + their hollow and glittering eyes, were forever closed by the angel of + death. And thus they died, with the voices of loved ones in their ears; + the faces of the dear absent hovering over them; around them their dying + comrades, and the fiendish slaves of slavery. + </p> + <p> + And what shall I say more of the regiment before me? It is enough that you + were a part of the great army that accomplished so much for America and + mankind. + </p> + <p> + It is but just, however, to say that you were at the bloody field of + Perryville, that you stood with Thomas at Chickamauga and kept at bay the + rebel host, that you marched to the relief of Knoxville through bitter + cold, hunger and privations, and had the honor of relieving that heroic + garrison. + </p> + <p> + It is but just to say that you were with Sherman in his wonderful march + through the heart of the Confederacy; that you were in the terrible charge + at Kenesaw Mountain, and held your ground for days within a few steps of + the rebel fortifications; that you were at Atlanta and took part in the + terrible conflict before that city and marched victoriously through her + streets; that you were at Savannah; that you had the honor of being + present when Johnson surrendered, and his ragged rebel horde laid down + their arms; that from there you marched to Washington and beneath the + shadow of the glorious dome of our Capitol, that lifts from the earth as + though jealous of the stars, received the grandest national ovation + recorded in the annals of the world. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0014" id="link0014"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + DECORATION DAY ORATION. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * At the Memorial Celebration of the Grand Army of the + Republic last evening the Academy of Music was filled to + overflowing, within a few minutes after the opening of the + doors. + + Gen. Hancock was the first arrival of importance. The + Governor's Island band accepted this as a signal for the + overture. The Academy was tastefully decorated. The three + balconies were covered, the first with blue cloth, the + second with white and national bunting, studded with the + insignia of the original thirteen States, and the family + circle with red. Over the centre of the stage the national + flag and device hung suspended, and was held In its place by + flying streamers extending to the boxes. The latter were + draped with flags, relieved by antique armor and weapons— + shields, casques and battle axes and crossed swords and + pikes. + + At 8.05 the curtain slowly rose, and discovered to the view + of the audience, a second audience reaching back to the + farthest depths of the scenes. These were the fortunate + holders of stage tickets, and comprised a great number of + distinguished men. + + Among them were noticed Gen. Horace Porter, Gen. Lloyd + Aspinwall, Gen. Daniel Butterfield, Gen. D. D. Wylie, Gen. + Charles Roome, Gen. W. Palmer, Gen. John Cochrane, Gen. H. + G. Tremaine, the Hon. Edward Pierrepont, Dep't. Commander + James M. Fraser, the Hon. Carl Schurz, August Belmont, Henry + Clews, Dr. Lewis A. Sayre, Charles Scribner, Jesse Seligman, + William Dowa, Henry Bergh and George William Curtis. Gen. + Bamum came upon the stage followed by President Arthur, + Gen's. Grant and Hancock, Secretaries Folger and Brewster, + ex-Senator Roscoe Conkling, Mayor Grace and the Rev. J. P. + Newman. Gen. Hancock's brilliant uniform made him a very + conspicuous figure, and he served as a foil to the plain + evening dress of Gen. Grant, who was separated from him by + the portly form of the President. + + Gen. James McQuade, the President of the day, rose and + uncovering a flag which draped a sort of patriotic altar in + front of him, announced that It was the genuine flag upon + which was written the famous order, "If any man pull down + the American flag, shoot him on the spot.' * This was the + signal for round after round of applause, while Gen. McQuade + waved this precious relic of the past. The time had now come + for the introduction of the orator of the evening, Col. + Robert G. Ingersoll. Col. Ingersoll stepped across the stage + to the reading desk, and was received with an ovation of + cheering and waving of handkerchiefs. + + After the enthusiasm had somewhat abated, a gentleman in one + of the boxes shouted: "Three-cheers for Ingersoll." + These were given with a will, the excitement quieted down + and the orator spoke as follows '.—The New York Times. May + 31st, 1883. +</pre> + <p> + New York City. + </p> + <p> + 1882. + </p> + <p> + THIS day is sacred to our heroes dead. Upon their tombs we have lovingly + laid the wealth of Spring. + </p> + <p> + This is a day for memory and tears. A mighty Nation bends above its + honored graves, and pays to noble dust the tribute of its love. + </p> + <p> + Gratitude is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume in the heart. + </p> + <p> + To-day we tell the history of our country's life—recount the lofty + deeds of vanished years—the toil and suffering, the defeats and + victories of heroic men,—of men who made our Nation great and free. + </p> + <p> + We see the first ships whose prows were gilded by the western sun. We feel + the thrill of discovery when the New World was found. We see the + oppressed, the serf, the peasant and the slave, men whose flesh had known + the chill of chains—the adventurous, the proud, the brave, sailing + an unknown sea, seeking homes in unknown lands. We see the settlements, + the little clearings, the blockhouse and the fort, the rude and lonely + huts. Brave men, true women, builders of homes, fellers of forests, + founders of States. + </p> + <p> + Separated from the Old World,—away from the heartless distinctions + of caste,—away from sceptres and titles and crowns, they governed + themselves. They defended their homes; they earned their bread. Each + citizen had a voice, and the little villages became republics. Slowly the + savage was driven back. The days and nights were filled with fear, and the + slow years with massacre and war, and cabins' earthen floors were wet with + blood of mothers and their babes. + </p> + <p> + But the savages of the New World were kinder than the kings and nobles of + the Old; and so the human tide kept coming, and the places of the dead + were filled. Amid common dangers and common hopes, the prejudiced and + feuds of Europe faded slowly from their hearts. From every land, of every + speech, driven by want and lured by hope, exiles and emigrants sought the + mysterious Continent of the West. + </p> + <p> + Year after year the colonists fought and toiled and suffered and + increased. They began to talk about liberty—to reason of the rights + of man. They * t asked no help from distant kings, and they began to doubt + the use of paying tribute to the useless. They lost respect for dukes and + lords, and held in high esteem all honest men. There was the dawn of a new + day. They began to dream of independence. They found that they could make + and execute the laws. They had tried the experiment of self-government. + They had succeeded. The Old World wished to dominate the New. In the care + and keeping of the colonists was the destiny of this Continent—of + half the world. + </p> + <p> + On this day the story of the great struggle between colonists and kings + should be told. We should tell our children of the contest—first for + justice, then for freedom. We should tell them the history of the + Declaration of Independence—the chart and compass of all human + rights:—All men are equal, and have the right to life, to liberty + and joy. + </p> + <p> + This Declaration uncrowned kings, and wrested from the hands of titled + tyranny the sceptre of usurped and arbitrary power. It superseded royal + grants, and repealed the cruel statutes of a thousand years. It gave the + peasant a career; it knighted all the sons of toil; it opened all the + paths to fame, and put the star of hope above the cradle of the poor man's + babe. + </p> + <p> + England was then the mightiest of nations—mistress of every sea—and + yet our fathers, poor and few, defied her power. + </p> + <p> + To-day we remember the defeats, the victories, the disasters, the weary + marches, the poverty, the hunger, the sufferings, the agonies, and above + all, the glories of the Revolution. We remember all—from Lexington + to Valley Forge, and from that midnight of despair to Yorktown's cloudless + day. We remember the soldiers and thinkers—the heroes of the sword + and pen. They had the brain and heart, the wisdom and courage to utter and + defend these words: "Governments derive their just powers from the consent + of the governed." In defence of this sublime and self-evident truth the + war was waged and won. + </p> + <p> + To-day we remember all the heroes, all the generous and chivalric men who + came from other lands to make ours free. Of the many thousands who shared + the gloom and glory of the seven sacred years, not one remains. The last + has mingled with the earth, and nearly all are sleeping now in unmarked + graves, and some beneath the leaning, crumbling stones from which their + names have been effaced by Time's irreverent and relentless hands. But the + Nation they founded remains. The United States are still free and + independent. The "government derives its just power from the consent of + the governed," and fifty millions of free people remember with gratitude + the heroes of the Revolution. + </p> + <p> + Let us be truthful; let us be kind. When peace came, when the independence + of a new Nation was acknowledged, the great truth for which our fathers + fought was half denied, and the Constitution was inconsistent with the + Declaration. The war was waged for liberty, and yet the victors forged new + fetters for their fellow-men. The chains our fathers broke were put by + them upon the limbs of others. "Freedom for All" was the cloud by day and + the pillar of fire by night, through seven years of want and war. In peace + the cloud was forgotten and the pillar blazed unseen. + </p> + <p> + Let us be truthful; all our fathers were not true to themselves. In war + they had been generous, noble and self-sacrificing; with peace came + selfishness and greed. They were not great enough to appreciate the + grandeur of the principles for which they fought. They ceased to regard + the great truths as having universal application. "Liberty for All" + included only themselves. They qualified the Declaration. They + interpolated the word "white." They obliterated the word "All." + </p> + <p> + Let us be kind. We will remember the age in which they lived. We will + compare them with the citizens of other nations. They made merchandise of + men. They legalized a crime. They sowed the seeds of war. But they founded + this Nation. + </p> + <p> + Let us gratefully remember. + </p> + <p> + Let us gratefully forget. + </p> + <p> + To-day we remember the heroes of the second war with England, in which our + fathers fought for the freedom of the seas—for the rights of the + American sailor. We remember with pride the splendid victories of Erie and + Champlain and the wondrous achievements upon the sea—achievements + that covered our navy with a glory that neither the victories nor defeats + of the future can dim. We remember the heroic services and sufferings of + those who fought the merciless savage of the frontier. We see the midnight + massacre, and hear the war-cries of the allies of England. We see the + flames climb around the happy homes, and in the charred and blackened + ruins the mutilated bodies of wives and children. Peace came at last, + crowned with the victory of New Orleans—a victory that "did redeem + all sorrows" and all defeats. + </p> + <p> + The Revolution gave our fathers a free land—the War of 1812 a free + sea. + </p> + <p> + To-day we remember the gallant men who bore our flag in triumph from the + Rio Grande to the heights of Chapultepec. + </p> + <p> + Leaving out of question the justice of our cause—the necessity for + war—we are yet compelled to applaud the marvelous courage of our + troops. A handful of men, brave, impetuous, determined, irresistible, + conquered a nation. Our history has no record of more daring deeds. + </p> + <p> + Again peace came, and the Nation hoped and thought that strife was at an + end. We had grown too powerful to be attacked. Our resources were + boundless, and the future seemed secure. The hardy pioneers moved to the + great West. Beneath their ringing strokes the forests disappeared, and on + the prairies waved the billowed seas of wheat and corn. The great plains + were crossed, the mountains were conquered, and the foot of victorious + adventure pressed the shore of the Pacific. In the great North all the + streams went singing to the sea, turning wheels and spindles, and casting + shuttles back and forth. Inventions were springing like magic from a + thousand brains. From Labor's holy altars rose and leaped the smoke and + flame, and from the countless forges ran the chant of rhythmic stroke. + </p> + <p> + But in the South, the negro toiled unpaid, and mothers wept while babes + were sold, and at the auction-block husbands and wives speechlessly looked + the last good-bye. Fugitives, lighted by the Northern Star, sought liberty + on English soil, and were, by Northern men, thrust back to whip and chain. + The great statesmen, the successful politicians, announced that law had + compromised with crime, that justice had been bribed, and that time had + barred appeal. A race was left without a right, without a hope. The future + had no dawn, no star—nothing but ignorance and fear, nothing but + work and want. This, was the conclusion of the statesmen, the philosophy + of the politicians—of constitutional expounders:—this was + decided by courts and ratified by the Nation. + </p> + <p> + We had been successful in three wars. We had wrested thirteen colonies + from Great Britain. We had conquered our place upon the high seas. We had + added more than two millions of square miles to the national domain. We + had increased in population from three to thirty-one millions. We were in + the midst of plenty. We were rich and free. Ours appeared to be the most + prosperous of Nations. But it was only appearance. The statesmen and the + politicians were deceived. Real victories can be won only for the Right. + The triumph of Justice is the only Peace. Such is the nature of things. He + who enslaves another cannot be free. He who attacks the right, assaults + himself. The mistake our fathers made had not been corrected. The + foundations of the Republic were insecure. The great dome of the temple + was clad in the light of prosperity, but the corner-stones were crumbling. + Four millions of human beings were enslaved. Party cries had been mistaken + for principles—partisanship for patriotism—success for + justice. + </p> + <p> + But Pity pointed to the scarred and bleeding backs of slaves; Mercy heard + the sobs of mothers reft of babes, and Justice held aloft the scales, in + which one drop of blood shed by a master's lash, outweighed a Nation's + gold. There were a few men, a few women, who had the courage to attack + this monstrous crime. They found it entrenched in constitutions, statutes, + and decisions—barricaded and bastioned by every department and by + every party. Politicians were its servants, statesmen its attorneys, + judges its menials, presidents its puppets, and upon its cruel altar had + been sacrificed our country's honor. It was the crime of the Nation—of + the whole country—North and South responsible alike. + </p> + <p> + To-day we reverently thank the abolitionists. Earth has no grander men—no + nobler women. They were the real philanthropists, the true patriots. When + the will defies fear, when the heart applauds the brain, when duty throws + the gauntlet down to fate, when honor scorns to compromise with death,—this + is heroism. The abolitionists were heroes. He loves his country best who + strives to make it best. The bravest men are those who have the greatest + fear of doing wrong. Mere politicians wish the country to do something for + them. True patriots desire to do something for their country. Courage + without conscience is a wild beast. Patriotism without principle is the + prejudice of birth, the animal attachment to place. These men, these + women, had courage and conscience, patriotism and principle, heart and + brain. + </p> + <p> + The South relied upon the bond,—upon a barbarous clause that + stained, disfigured and defiled the Federal pact, and made the monstrous + claim that slavery was the Nation's ward. The spot of shame grew red in + Northern cheeks, and Northern men declared that slavery had poisoned, + cursed and blighted soul and soil enough, and that the Territories must be + free. The radicals of the South cried: "No Union without Slavery!" The + radicals of the North replied: "No Union without Liberty!" The Northern + radicals were right. Upon the great issue of free homes for free men, a + President was elected by the free States. The South appealed to the sword, + and raised the standard of revolt. For the first time in history the + oppressors rebelled. + </p> + <p> + But let us to-day be great enough to forget individuals,—great + enough to know that slavery was treason, that slavery was rebellion, that + slavery fired upon our flag and sought to wreck and strand the mighty ship + that bears the hope and fortune of this world. The first shot liberated + the North. Constitution, statutes and decisions, compromises, platforms, + and resolutions made, passed, and ratified in the interest of slavery + became mere legal lies, base and baseless. Parchment and paper could no + longer stop or stay the onward march of man. The North was free. Millions + instantly resolved that the Nation should not die—that Freedom + should not perish, and that Slavery should not live. + </p> + <p> + Millions of our brothers, our sons, our fathers, our husbands, answered to + the Nation's call. + </p> + <p> + The great armies have desolated the earth. The greatest soldiers have been + ambition's dupes. They waged war for the sake of place and pillage, pomp + and power,—for the ignorant applause of vulgar millions,—for + the flattery of parasites, and the adulation of sycophants and slaves. + </p> + <p> + Let us proudly remember that in our time the greatest, the grandest, the + noblest army of the world fought, not to enslave, but to free; not to + destroy, but to save; not for conquest, but for conscience; not only for + us, but for every land and every race. + </p> + <p> + With courage, with enthusiasm, with a devotion' never excelled, with an + exaltation and purity of purpose never equaled, this grand army fought the + battles of the Republic. For the preservation of this Nation, for the + destruction of slavery, these soldiers, these sailors, on land and sea, + disheartened by no defeat, discouraged by no obstacle, appalled by no + danger, neither paused nor swerved until a stainless flag, without a + rival, floated over all our wide domain, and until every human being + beneath its folds was absolutely free. + </p> + <p> + The great victory for human rights—the greatest of all the years—had + been won; won by the Union men of the North, by the Union men of the + South, and by those who had been slaves. Liberty was national, Slavery was + dead. + </p> + <p> + The flag for which the heroes fought, for which they died, is the symbol + of all we are, of all we hope to be. + </p> + <p> + It is the emblem of equal rights. + </p> + <p> + It means free hands, free lips, self-government and the sovereignty of the + individual. + </p> + <p> + It means that this continent has been dedicated to freedom. + </p> + <p> + It means universal education,—light for every mind, knowledge for + every child. + </p> + <p> + It means that the schoolhouse is the fortress of Liberty. + </p> + <p> + It means that "Governments derive their just powers from the consent of + the governed;" that each man is accountable to and for the Government; + that responsibility goes hand in hand with liberty. + </p> + <p> + It means that it is the duty of every citizen to bear his share of the + public burden,—to take part in the affairs of his town, his county, + his State and his country. + </p> + <p> + It means that the ballot-box is the Ark of the Covenant; that the source + of authority must not be poisoned. + </p> + <p> + It means the perpetual right of peaceful revolution. It means that every + citizen of the Republic—native or naturalized—must be + protected; at home, in every State,—abroad, in every land, on every + sea. + </p> + <p> + It means that all distinctions based on birth or blood, have perished from + our laws; that our Government shall stand between labor and capital, + between the weak and the strong, between the individual and the + corporation, between want and wealth, and give the guarantee of simple + justice to each and all. + </p> + <p> + It means that there shall be a legal remedy for every wrong. + </p> + <p> + It means national hospitality,—that we must welcome to our shores + the exiles of the world, and that we may not drive them back. Some may be + deformed by labor, dwarfed by hunger, broken in spirit, victims of tyranny + and caste,—in whose sad faces may be read the touching record of a + weary life; and yet their children, born of liberty and love, will be + symmetrical and fair, intelligent and free. + </p> + <p> + That flag is the emblem of a supreme will—of a Nation's power. + Beneath its folds the weakest must be protected and the strongest must + obey. It shields and canopies alike the loftiest mansion and the rudest + hut. That flag was given to the air in the Revolution's darkest days. It + represents the sufferings of the past, the glories yet to be; and like the + bow of heaven, it is the child of storm and sun. + </p> + <p> + This day is sacred to the great heroic host who kept this flag above our + heads,—sacred to the living and the dead—sacred to the scarred + and maimed,—sacred to the wives who gave their husbands, to the + mothers who gave their sons. + </p> + <p> + Here in this peaceful land of ours,—here where the sun shines, where + flowers grow, where children play, millions of armed men battled for the + right and breasted on a thousand fields the iron storms of war. + </p> + <p> + These brave, these incomparable men, founded the first Republic. They + fulfilled the prophecies; they brought to pass the dreams; they realized + the hopes, that all the great and good and wise and just have made and had + since man was man. + </p> + <p> + But what of those who fell? There is no language to express the debt we + owe, the love we bear, to all the dead who died for us. Words are but + barren sounds. We can but stand beside their graves and in the hush and + silence feel what speech has never told. + </p> + <p> + They fought, they died; and for the first time since man has kept a record + of events, the heavens bent above and domed a land without a serf, a + servant or a slave. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0015" id="link0015"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + DECORATION DAY ADDRESS. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Empty sleeves worn by veterans with scanty locks and + grizzled mustaches graced the Metropolitan Opera House last + night. On the breasts of their faded uniforms glittered the + badges of the legions in which they had fought and suffered, + and beside them sat the wives and daughters, whose hearts + had ached at home while they served their country at the + front. + + Every seat in the great Opera House was filled, and hundreds + stood, glad to And any place where they could see and hear. + And the gathering and the proceedings were worthy of the + occasion. + + Mr. Depew upon taking the chair said that he had the chief + treat of the evening to present to the audience, and that + was Robert G. Ingersoll, the greatest living orator, and one + of the great controversialists of the age. + + Then came the orator of the occasion Col. Ingersoll, whose + speech is printed herewith. + + Enthusiastic cheers greeted all his points, and his audience + simply went wild at the end. It was a grand oration, and it + was listened to by enthusiastic and appreciative hearers, + upon whom not a single word was lost, and in whose hearts + every word awoke a responsive echo. + + Nor did the enthusiasm which Col. Ingersoll created end + until the very last, when the whole assemblage arose and + sang "America" in a way which will never be forgotten by any + one present. It was a great ending of a great evening.—The + New York Times, May 31st, 1888. +</pre> + <p> + New York City. + </p> + <p> + 1888. + </p> + <p> + THIS is a sacred day—a day for gratitude and love. + </p> + <p> + To-day we commemorate more than independence, more than the birth of a + nation, more than the fruits of the Revolution, more than physical + progress, more than the accumulation of wealth, more than national + prestige and power. + </p> + <p> + We commemorate the great and blessed victory over ourselves—the + triumph of civilization, the reformation of a people, the establishment of + a government consecrated to the preservation of liberty and the equal + rights of man. + </p> + <p> + Nations can win success, can be rich and powerful, can cover the earth + with their armies, the seas with their fleets, and yet be selfish, small + and mean. Physical progress means opportunity for doing good. It means + responsibility. Wealth is the end of the despicable, victory the purpose + of brutality. + </p> + <p> + But there is something nobler than all these—something that rises + above wealth and power—something above lands and palaces—something + above raiment and gold—it is the love of right, the cultivation of + the moral nature, the desire to do justice, the inextinguishable love of + human liberty. + </p> + <p> + Nothing can be nobler than a nation governed by conscience, nothing more + infamous than power without pity, wealth without honor and without the + sense of justice. + </p> + <p> + Only by the soldiers of the right can the laurel be won or worn. + </p> + <p> + On this day we honor the heroes who fought to make our Nation just and + free—who broke the shackles of the slave, who freed the masters of + the South and their allies of the North. We honor chivalric men who made + America the hope and beacon of the human race—the foremost Nation of + the world. + </p> + <p> + These heroes established the first republic, and demonstrated that a + government in which the legally expressed will of the people is sovereign + and supreme is the safest, strongest, securest, noblest and the best. + </p> + <p> + They demonstrated the human right of the people, and of all the people, to + make and execute the laws—that authority does not come from the + clouds, or from ancestry, or from the crowned and titled, or from + constitutions and compacts, laws and customs—not from the admissions + of the great, or the concessions of the powerful and victorious—not + from graves, or consecrated dust—not from treaties made between + successful robbers—not from the decisions of corrupt and menial + courts—not from the dead, but from the living—not from the + past but from the present, from the people of to-day—from the brain, + from the heart and from the conscience of those who live and love and + labor. + </p> + <p> + The history of this world for the most part is the history of conflict and + war, of invasion, of conquest, of victorious wrong, of the many enslaved + by the few. + </p> + <p> + Millions have fought for kings, for the destruction and enslavement of + their fellow-men. Millions have battled for empire, and great armies have + been inspired by the hope of pillage; but for the first time in the + history of this world millions of men battled for the right, fought to + free not themselves, but others, not for prejudice, but for principle, not + for conquest, but for conscience. + </p> + <p> + The men whom we honor were the liberators of a Nation, of a whole country, + North and South—of two races. They freed the body and the brain, + gave liberty to master and to slave. They opened all the highways of + thought, and gave to fifty millions of people the inestimable legacy of + free speech. + </p> + <p> + They established the free exchange of thought. They gave to the air a flag + without a stain, and they gave to their country a Constitution that honest + men can reverently obey. They destroyed the hateful, the egotistic and + provincial—they established a Nation, a national spirit, a national + pride and a patriotism as broad as the great Republic. + </p> + <p> + They did away with that ignorant and cruel prejudice that human rights + depend on race or color, and that the superior race has the right to + oppress the inferior. They established the sublime truth that the superior + are the just, the kind, the generous, and merciful—that the really + superior are the protectors, the defenders, and the saviors of the + oppressed, of the fallen, the unfortunate, the weak and helpless. They + established that greatest of all truths that nothing is nobler than to + labor and suffer for others. + </p> + <p> + If we wish to know the extent of our debt to these heroes, these soldiers + of the right, we must know what we were and what we are. A few years ago + we talked about liberty, about the freedom of the world, and while so + talking we enslaved our fellow-men. We were the stealers of babes and the + whippers of women. We were in partnership with bloodhounds. We lived on + unpaid labor. We held manhood in contempt. Honest toil was disgraceful—sympathy + was a crime—pity was unconstitutional—humanity contrary to + law, and charity was treason. Men were imprisoned for pointing out in + heaven's dome the Northern Star—for giving food to the hungry, water + to the parched lips of thirst, shelter to the hunted, succor to the + oppressed. In those days criminals and courts, pirates and pulpits were in + partnership—liberty was only a word standing for the equal rights of + robbers. + </p> + <p> + For many years we insisted that our fathers had founded a free Government, + that they were the lovers of liberty, believers in equal rights. We were + mistaken. The colonists did not believe in the freedom of to-day. Their + laws were filled with intolerance, with slavery and the infamous spirit of + caste. They persecuted and enslaved. Most of them were narrow, ignorant + and cruel. For the most part, their laws were more brutal than those of + the nations from which they came. They branded the forehead of + intelligence, bored with hot irons the tongue of truth. They persecuted + the good and enslaved the helpless. They were believers in pillories and + whipping-posts for honest, thoughtful men. + </p> + <p> + When their independence was secured they adopted a Constitution that + legalized slavery, and they passed laws making it the duty of free men to + prevent others from becoming free. They followed the example of kings and + nobles. They knew that monarchs had been interested in the slave trade, + and that the first English commander of a slave-ship divided his profits + with a queen. + </p> + <p> + They forgot all the splendid things they had said—the great + principles they had so proudly and eloquently announced. The sublime + truths faded from their hearts. The spirit of trade, the greed for office, + took possession of their souls. The lessons of history were forgotten. The + voices coming from all the wrecks of kingdoms, empires and republics on + the shores of the great river were unheeded and unheard. + </p> + <p> + If the foundation is not justice, the dome cannot be high enough, or + splendid enough, to save the temple. + </p> + <p> + But above everything in the minds of our fathers was the desire for union—to + create a Nation, to become a Power. + </p> + <p> + Our fathers compromised. + </p> + <p> + A compromise is a bargain in which each party defrauds the other, and + himself. + </p> + <p> + The compromise our fathers made was the coffin of honor and the cradle of + war. + </p> + <p> + A brazen falsehood and a timid truth are the parents of compromise. + </p> + <p> + But some—the greatest and the best—believed in liberty for + all. They repeated the splendid sayings of the Roman: "By the law of + nature all men are free;"—of the French King: "Men are born free and + equal;"—of the sublime Zeno: "All men are by nature equal, and + virtue alone establishes a difference between them." + </p> + <p> + In the year preceding the Declaration of Independence, a society for the + abolition of slavery was formed in Pennsylvania and its first President + was one of the wisest and greatest of men—Benjamin Franklin. A + society of the same character was established in New York in 1785; its + first President was John Jay—the second, Alexander Hamilton. + </p> + <p> + But in a few years these great men were forgotten. Parties rivaled each + other in the defence of wrong. Politicians cared only for place and power. + In the clamor of the heartless, the voice of the generous was lost. + Slavery became supreme. It dominated legislatures, courts and parties; it + rewarded the faithless and little; it degraded the honest and great. + </p> + <p> + And yet, through all these hateful years, thousands and thousands of noble + men and women denounced the degradation and the crime. Most of their names + are unknown. They have given a glory to obscurity. They have filled + oblivion with honor. + </p> + <p> + In the presence of death it has been the custom to speak of the + worthlessness, and the vanity, of life. I prefer to speak of its value, of + its importance, of its nobility and glory. + </p> + <p> + Life is not merely a floating shadow, a momentary spark, a dream that + vanishes. Nothing can be grander than a life filled with great and noble + thoughts—with brave and honest deeds. Such a life sheds light, and + the seeds of truth sown by great and loyal men bear fruit through all the + years to be. To have lived and labored and died for the right—nothing + can be sublimer. + </p> + <p> + History is but the merest outline of the exceptional—of a few great + crimes, calamities, wars, mistakes and dramatic virtues. A few mountain + peaks are touched, while all the valleys of human life, where countless + victories are won, where labor wrought with love—are left in the + eternal shadow. + </p> + <p> + But these peaks are not the foundation of nations. The forgotten words, + the unrecorded deeds, the unknown sacrifices, the heroism, the industry, + the patience, the love and labor of the nameless good and great have for + the most part founded, guided and defended States. The world has been + civilized by the unregarded poor, by the untitled nobles, by the uncrowned + kings who sleep in unknown graves mingled with the common dust. + </p> + <p> + They have thought and wrought, have borne the burdens of the world. The + pain and labor have been theirs—the glory has been given to the few. + </p> + <p> + The conflict came. The South unsheathed the sword. Then rose the embattled + North, and these men who sleep to-night beneath the flowers of half the + world, gave all for us. + </p> + <p> + They gave us a Nation—a republic without a slave—a republic + that is sovereign, and to whose will every citizen and every State must + bow. They gave us a Constitution for all—one that can be read + without shame and defended without dishonor. They freed the brain, the + lips and hands of men. + </p> + <p> + All that could be done by force was done. All that could be accomplished + by the adoption of constitutions was done. The rest is left to education—the + innumerable influences of civilization—to the development of the + intellect, to the cultivation of the heart and the imagination. + </p> + <p> + The past is now a hideous dream. + </p> + <p> + The present is filled with pride, with gratitude, and hope. + </p> + <p> + Liberty is the condition of real progress. The free man works for wife and + child—the slave toils from fear. Liberty gives leisure and leisure + refines, beautifies and ennobles. Slavery gives idleness and idleness + degrades, deforms and brutalizes. + </p> + <p> + Liberty and slavery—the right and wrong—the joy and grief—the + day and night—the glory and the gloom of all the years. + </p> + <p> + Liberty is the word that all the good have spoken. + </p> + <p> + It is the hope of every loving heart—the spark and flame in every + noble breast—the gem in every splendid soul—the many-colored + dream in every honest brain. + </p> + <p> + This word has filled the dungeon with its holy light,—has put the + halo round the martyr's head,—has raised the convict far above the + king, and clad even the scaffold with a glory that dimmed and darkened + every throne. + </p> + <p> + To the wise man, to the wise nation, the mistakes of the past are the + torches of the present. The war is over. The institution that caused it + has perished. The prejudices that fanned the flames are only ashes now. We + are one people. We will stand or fall together. At last, with clear eyes + we see that the triumph of right was a triumph for all. Together we reap + the fruits of the great victory. We are all conquerors. Around the graves + of the heroes—North and South, white and colored—together we + stand and with uncovered heads reverently thank the saviors of our native + land. + </p> + <p> + We are now far enough away from the conflict—from its hatreds, its + passions, its follies and its glories, to fairly and philosophically + examine the causes and in some measure at least to appreciate the results. + </p> + <p> + States and nations, like individuals, do as they must. Back of revolution, + of rebellion, of slavery and freedom, are the efficient causes. Knowing + this, we occupy that serene height from which it is possible to calmly + pronounce a judgment upon the past. + </p> + <p> + We know now that the seeds of our war were sown hundreds and thousands of + years ago—sown by the vicious and the just, by prince and peasant, + by king and slave, by all the virtues and by all the vices, by all the + victories and all the defeats, by all the labor and the love, the loss and + gain, by all the evil and the good, and by all the heroes of the world. + </p> + <p> + Of the great conflict we remember only its glory and its lessons. We + remember only the heroes who made the Republic the first of nations, and + who laid the foundation for the freedom of mankind. + </p> + <p> + This will be known as the century of freedom. Slowly the hosts of darkness + have been driven back. + </p> + <p> + In 1808 England and the United States united for the suppression of the + slave-trade. The Netherlands joined in this holy work in 1818. France lent + her aid in 1819 and Spain in 1820. In the same year the United States + declared the traffic to be piracy, and in 1825 the same law was enacted by + Great Britain. In 1826 Brazil agreed to suppress the traffic in human + flesh. In 1833 England abolished slavery in the West Indies, and in 1843 + in her East Indian possessions, giving liberty to more than twelve + millions of slaves. In 1846 Sweden abolished slavery, and in 1848 it was + abolished in the colonies of Denmark and France. In 1861 Alexander II., + Czar of all the Russias, emancipated the serfs, and on the first day of + January, 1863, the shackles fell from millions of the citizens of this + Republic. This was accomplished by the heroes we remember to-day—this, + in accordance with the Proclamation of Emancipation signed by Lincoln,—greatest + of our mighty dead—Lincoln the gentle and the just—and whose + name will be known and honored to "the last syllable of recorded time." + And this year, 1888, has been made blessed and memorable forever—in + the vast empire of Brazil there stands no slave. + </p> + <p> + Let us hope that when the next century looks from the sacred portals of + the East, its light will only fall upon the faces of the free. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * By request, Col. Ingersoll closed this address with his + "Vision of War," to which he added "A Vision of the + Future." This accounts for its repetition in this volume. +</pre> + <p> + The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great struggle + for national life. We hear the sounds of preparation—the music of + boisterous drums—the silver voices of heroic bugles. We see + thousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators. We see the pale + cheeks of women, and the flushed faces of men; and in those assemblages we + see all the dead whose dust we have covered with flowers. We lose sight of + them no more. We are with them when they enlist in the great army of + freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are walking for the + last time in quiet, woody places, with the maidens they adore. We hear the + whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love as they lingeringly part + forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing babes that are asleep. + Some are receiving the blessings of old men. Some are parting with mothers + who hold them and press them to their hearts again and again, and say + nothing. Kisses and tears, tears and kisses—divine mingling of agony + and love! And some are talking with wives, and endeavoring with brave + words, spoken in the old tones, to drive from their hearts the awful fear. + We see them part. We see the wife standing in the door with the babe in + her arms—standing in the sunlight sobbing. At the turn of the road a + hand waves—she answers by holding high in her loving arms the child. + He is gone, and forever. + </p> + <p> + We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting flags, + keeping time to the grand, wild music of war—marching-down the + streets of the great cities—through the towns and across the + prairies—down to the fields of glory, to do and to die for the + eternal right. + </p> + <p> + We go with them, one and all. We are by their side on all the gory fields—in + all the hospitals of pain—on all the weary marches. We stand guard + with them in the wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are with them in + ravines running with blood—in the furrows of old fields. We are with + them between contending hosts, unable to move, wild with thirst, the life + ebbing slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them pierced by balls + and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and in the whirlwind of + the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of steel. + </p> + <p> + We are with them in the prisons of hatred and famine; but human speech can + never tell what they endured. + </p> + <p> + We are at home when the news comes that they are dead. We see the maiden + in the shadow of her first sorrow. We see the silvered head of the old man + bowed with the last grief. + </p> + <p> + The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human beings + governed by the lash—we see them bound hand and foot—we hear + the strokes of cruel whips—we see the hounds tracking women through + tangled swamps. We see babes sold from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty + unspeakable! Outrage infinite! + </p> + <p> + Four million bodies in chains—four million souls in fetters. All the + sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child trampled beneath the + brutal feet of might. And all this was done under our own beautiful banner + of the free. + </p> + <p> + The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the bursting + shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We look. Instead of + slaves we see men and women and children. The wand of progress touches the + auction block, the slave pen, the whipping post, and we see homes and + firesides and school-houses and books, and where all was want and crime + and cruelty and fear, we see the faces of the free. + </p> + <p> + These heroes are dead. They died for liberty—they died for us. They + are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under the flag they + rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, the tearful + willows, and the embracing vines. + </p> + <p> + They sleep beneath the shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine + or of storm, each in the windowless Palace of Rest. Earth may run red with + other wars—they are at peace. In the midst of battle, in the roar of + conflict, they found the serenity of death. I have one sentiment for + soldiers living and dead: Cheers for the living; tears for the dead. + </p> + <p> + A vision of the future rises: + </p> + <p> + I see our country filled with happy homes, with firesides of content,—the + foremost land of all the earth. + </p> + <p> + I see a world where thrones have crumbled and where kings are dust. The + aristocracy of idleness has perished from the earth. + </p> + <p> + I see a world without a slave. Man at last is free. Nature's forces have + by Science been enslaved. Lightning and light, wind and wave, frost and + flame, and all the secret, subtle powers of earth and air are the tireless + toilers for the human race. + </p> + <p> + I see a world at peace, adorned with every form of art, with music's + myriad voices thrilled, while lips are rich with words of love and truth; + a world in which no exile sighs, no prisoner mourns; a world on which the + gibbet's shadow does not fall; a world where labor reaps its full reward, + where work and worth go hand in hand, where the poor girl trying to win + bread with the needle—the needle that has been called "the asp for + the breast of the poor,"—is not driven to the desperate choice of + crime or death, of suicide or shame. + </p> + <p> + I see a world without the beggar's outstretched palm, the miser's + heartless, stony stare, the piteous wail of want, the livid lips of lies, + the cruel eyes of scorn. + </p> + <p> + I see a race without disease of flesh or brain,—shapely and fair,—the + married harmony of form and function,—and, as I look, life + lengthens, joy deepens, love canopies the earth; and over all, in the + great dome, shines the eternal star of human hope. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0016" id="link0016"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + RATIFICATION SPEECH. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Delivered at the Metropolitan Opera House, New York, June + 29,1688. +</pre> + <p> + Harrison and Morton. + </p> + <p> + 1888. + </p> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS, Ladies and Gentlemen—The speaker who is perfectly + candid, who tells his honest thought, not only honors himself, but + compliments his audience. It is only to the candid that man can afford to + absolutely open his heart. Most people, whenever a man is nominated for + the presidency, claim that they were for him from the very start—as + a rule, claim that they discovered him. They are so anxious to be with the + procession, so afraid of being left, that they insist that they got + exactly the man they wanted. + </p> + <p> + I will be frank enough with you to say that the convention did not + nominate my choice. I was for the nomination of General Gresham, believing + that, all things considered, he was the best and most available man—a + just judge, a soldier, a statesman. But there is something in the American + blood that bows to the will of the majority. There is that splendid fealty + and loyalty to the great principle upon which our Government rests; so + that when the convention reached its conclusion, every Republican was for + the nominee. There were good men from which to select this ticket. I made + my selection, and did the best I could to induce the convention to make + the same. Some people think, or say they think, that I made a mistake in + telling the name of the man whom I was for. But I always know whom I am + for, I always know what I am for, and I know the reasons why I am for the + thing or for the man. + </p> + <p> + And it never once occurred to me that we could get a man nominated, or + elected, and keep his name a secret. When I am for a man I like to stand + by him, even while others leave, no matter if at last I stand alone. I + believe in doing things above board, in the light, in the wide air. No + snake ever yet had a skin brilliant enough, no snake ever crawled through + the grass secretly enough, silently or cunningly enough, to excite my + admiration. My admiration is for the eagle, the monarch of the empyrean, + who, poised on outstretched pinions, challenges the gaze of all the world. + Take your position in the sunlight; tell your neighbors and your friends + what you are for, and give your reasons for your position; and if that is + a mistake, I expect to live making only mistakes. I do not like the secret + way, but the plain, open way; and I was for one man, not because I had + anything against the others, who were all noble, splendid men, worthy to + be Presidents of the United States. + </p> + <p> + Now, then, leaving that subject, two parties again confront each other. + With parties as with persons goes what we call character. They have built + up in the nation in which they live reputation, and the reputation of a + party should be taken into consideration as well as the reputation of a + man. What is this party? What has it done? What has it endeavored to do? + What are the ideas in its brain? What are the hopes, the emotions and the + loves in its heart? Does it wish to make the world grander and better and + freer? Has it a high ideal? Does it believe in sunrise, or does it keep + its back to the sacred east of eternal progress? These are the questions + that every American should ask. Every man should take pride in this great + Nation—America, with a star of glory in her forehead!—and + every man should say, "I hope when I lie down in death I shall leave a + greater and grander country than when I was born." + </p> + <p> + This is the country of humanity. This is the Government of the poor. This + is where man has an even chance with his fellow-man. In this country the + poorest man holds in his hand at the day of election the same unit, the + same amount, of political power as the owner of a hundred millions. That + is the glory of the United States. + </p> + <p> + A few days ago our party met in convention. Now, let us see who we are. + Let us see what the Republican party is. Let us see what is the spirit + that animates this great and splendid organization. + </p> + <p> + And I want you to think one moment, just one moment: What was this country + when the first Republican President was elected? Under the law then, every + Northern man was a bloodhound, pledged to catch human beings, who, led by + the light of the Northern Star, were escaping to free soil. Remember that. + And remember, too, that when our first President was elected we found a + treasury empty, the United States without credit, the great Republic + unable to borrow money from day to day to pay its current expenses. + Remember that. Think of the glory and grandeur of the Republican party + that took the country with an empty exchequer, and then think of what the + Democratic party says to-day of the pain and anguish it has suffered + administering the Government with a surplus! + </p> + <p> + We must remember what the Republican party has done—what it has + accomplished for nationality, for liberty, for education and for the + civilization of our race. We must remember its courage in war, its honesty + in peace. Civil war tests to a certain degree the strength, the stability + and the patriotism of a country. After the war comes a greater strain. It + is a great thing to die for a cause, but it is a greater thing to live for + it. We must remember that the Republican party not only put down a + rebellion, not only created a debt of thousands and thousands of millions, + but that it had the industry and the intelligence to pay that debt, and to + give to the United States the best financial standing of any nation. + </p> + <p> + When this great party came together in Chicago what was the first thing + the convention did? What was the first idea in its mind? It was to honor + the memory of the greatest and grandest men the Republic has produced. The + first name that trembled upon the lips of the convention was that of + Abraham Lincoln—Abraham Lincoln, one of the greatest and grandest + men who ever lived, and, in my judgment, the greatest man that ever sat in + the presidential chair. And why the greatest? Because the kindest, because + he had more mercy and love in his heart than were in the heart of any + other President. And so the convention paid its tribute to the great + soldier, to the man who led, in company with others, the great army of + freedom to victory, until the old flag floated over every inch of American + soil and every foot of that territory was dedicated to the eternal freedom + of mankind. + </p> + <p> + And what next did this convention do? The next thing was to send fraternal + greetings to the Americans of Brazil. Why? Because Brazil had freed every + slave, and because that act left the New World, this hemisphere, without a + slave—left two continents dedicated to the freedom of man—so + that with that act of Brazil the New World, discovered only a few years + ago, takes the lead in the great march of human progress and liberty. That + is the second thing the convention did. Only a little while ago the + minister to this country from Brazil, acting under instructions from his + government, notified the President of the United States that this sublime + act had been accomplished—notified him that from the bodies of + millions of men the chains of slavery had fallen—an act great enough + to make the dull sky of half the world glow as though another morning had + risen upon another day. + </p> + <p> + And what did our President say? Was he filled with enthusiasm? Did his + heart beat quicker? Did the blood rush to his cheek? He simply said, as it + is reported, "that he hoped time would justify the wisdom of the measure." + It is precisely the same as though a man should quit a life of crime, as + though some gentleman in the burglar business should finally announce to + his friends: "I have made up my mind never to break into another house," + and the friend should reply: "I hope that time will justify the propriety + of that resolution." + </p> + <p> + That was the first thing, with regard to the condition of the world, that + came into the mind of the Republican convention. And why was that? Because + the Republican party has fought for liberty from the day of its birth to + the present moment. + </p> + <p> + And what was the next? The next resolution passed by the convention was, + "that we earnestly hope, we shall soon congratulate our fellow-citizens of + Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of home rule in Ireland." + </p> + <p> + Wherever a human being wears a chain, there you will find the sympathy of + the Republican party. Wherever one languishes in a dungeon for having + raised the standard of revolt in favor of human freedom, there you will + find the sympathy of the Republican party. I believe in liberty for + Ireland, not because it is Ireland, but because they are human beings, and + I am for liberty, not as a prejudice, but as a principle. + </p> + <p> + The man rightfully in jail who wants to get out is a believer in liberty + as a prejudice; but when a man out of jail sees a man wrongfully in jail + and is willing to risk his life to give liberty to the man who ought to + have it, that is being in favor of liberty as a principle. So I am in + favor of liberty everywhere, all over the world, and wherever one man + tries to govern another simply because he has been born a lord or a duke + or a king, or wherever one governs another simply by brute force, I say + that that is oppression, and it is the business of Americans to do all + they can to give liberty to the oppressed everywhere. + </p> + <p> + Ireland should govern herself. Those who till the soil should own the + soil, or have an opportunity at least of becoming the owners. A few + landlords should not live in extravagance and luxury while those who toil + live on the leavings, on parings, on crumbs and crusts. The treatment of + Ireland by England has been one continuous crime. There is no meaner page + in history. + </p> + <p> + What is the next thing in this platform? And if there is anything in it + that anybody can object to, we will find it out to-night. The next thing + is the supremacy of the Nation.-Why, even the Democrats now believe in + that, and in their own platform are willing to commence that word with a + capital N. They tell us that they are in favor of an indissoluble Union—just + as I presume they always have been. But they now believe in a Union. So + does the Republican party. What else? The Republican party believes, not + in State Sovereignty, but in the preservation of all the rights reserved + to the States by the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + Let me show you the difference: For instance, you make a contract with + your neighbor who lives next door—equal partners—and at the + bottom of the contract you put the following addition: "If there is any + dispute as to the meaning of this contract, my neighbor shall settle it, + and any settlement he shall make shall be final." Is there any use of + talking about being equal partners any longer? Any use of your talking + about being a sovereign partner? So, the Constitution of the United States + says: "If any question arises between any State and the Federal Government + it shall be decided by a Federal Court." That is the end of what they call + State Sovereignty. + </p> + <p> + Think of a sovereign State that can make no treaty, that cannot levy war, + that cannot coin money. But we believe in maintaining the rights of the + States absolutely in their integrity, because we believe in local + self-government. We deny, however, that a State has any right to deprive a + citizen of his vote. We deny that the State has any right to violate the + Federal law, and we go further and we say that it is the duty of the + General Government to see to it that every citizen in every State shall + have the right to exercise all of his privileges as a citizen of the + United States—"the right of every lawful citizen," says our + platform, "native or foreign, white or black, to cast a free ballot." + </p> + <p> + Let me say one word about that. + </p> + <p> + The ballot is the king, the emperor, the ruler of America; it is the only + rightful sovereign of the Republic; and whoever refuses to count an honest + vote, or whoever casts a dishonest vote, is a traitor to the great + principle upon which our Government is founded. The man poisons, or + endeavors to poison, the springs of authority, the fountains of justice, + of rightful dominion and power; and until every citizen can cast his vote + everywhere in this land and have that vote counted, we are not a + republican people, we are not a civilized nation. The Republican party + will not have finished its mission until this country is civilized. That + is its business. It was born of a protest against barbarism. + </p> + <p> + The Republican party was the organized conscience of the United States. It + had the courage to stand by what it believed to be right. There is + something better even than success in this world; or in other words, there + is only one kind of success, and that is to be for the right. Then + whatever happens, you have succeeded. + </p> + <p> + Now, comes the next question. The Republican party not only wants to + protect every citizen in his liberty, in his right to vote, but it wants + to have that vote counted. And what else? + </p> + <p> + The next thing in this platform is protection for American labor. + </p> + <p> + I am going to tell you in a very brief way why I am in favor of + protection. First, I want this Republic substantially independent of the + rest of the world. You must remember that while people are civilized—some + of them—so that when they have a quarrel they leave it to the courts + to decide, nations still occupy the position of savages toward each other. + There is no national court to decide a question, consequently the question + is decided by the nations themselves, and you know what selfishness and + greed and power and the ideas of false glory will do and have done. So + that this Nation is not safe one moment from war. I want the Republic so + that it can live although at war with all the world. + </p> + <p> + We have every kind of climate that is worth having. Our country embraces + the marriage of the pine and palm; we have all there is of worth; it is + the finest soil in the world and the most ingenious people that ever + contrived to make the forces of nature do their work. I want this Nation + substantially independent, so that if every port were blockaded we would + be covered with prosperity as with a mantle. Then, too, the Nation that + cannot take care of itself in war is always at a disadvantage in peace. + That is one reason. Let me give you the next. + </p> + <p> + The next reason is that whoever raises raw material and sells it will be + eternally poor. There is no State in this Union where the farmer raises + wheat and sells it, that the farmer is not poor. Why? He only makes one + profit, and, as a rule, that is a loss. The farmer that raises corn does + better, because he can sell, not corn, but pork and beef and horses. In + other words, he can make the second or third profit, and those farmers get + rich. There is a vast difference between the labor necessary to raise raw + material and the labor necessary to make the fabrics used by civilized + men. Remember that; and if you are confined simply to raw material your + labor will be unskilled; unskilled labor will be cheap, the raw material + will be cheap, and the result is that your country will grow poorer and + poorer, while the country that buys your raw material, makes it into + fabrics and sells it back to you, will grow intelligent and rich. I want + you to remember this, because it lies at the foundation of this whole + subject. Most people who talk on this point bring forward column after + column of figures, and a man to understand it would have to be a walking + table of logarithms. I do not care to discuss it that way. I want to get + at the foundation principles, so that you can give a reason, as well as + myself, why you are in favor of protection. + </p> + <p> + Let us take another step. We will take a locomotive—a wonderful + thing—that horse of progress, with its flesh of iron and steel and + breath of flame—a wonderful thing. Let us see how it is made. Did + you ever think of the deft and cunning hands, of the wonderfully accurate + brains, that can make a thing like that? Did you ever think about it? How + much do you suppose the raw material lying in the earth was worth that was + changed into that locomotive? A locomotive that is worth, we will say, + twelve thousand dollars; how much was the raw material worth lying in the + earth, deposited there millions of years ago? Not as much as one dollar. + Let us, just for the sake of argument, say five dollars. What, then, has + labor added to the twelve thousand dollar locomotive? Eleven thousand nine + hundred and ninety-five dollars. Now, why? Because, just to the extent + that thought is mingled with labor, wages increase; just to the extent you + mix mind with muscle, you give value to labor; just to the extent that the + labor is skilled, deft, apt, just to that extent or in that proportion, is + the product valuable. Think about it. Raw material! There is a piece of + canvas five feet one way, three the other. Raw material would be to get a + man to whitewash it; that is raw material. Let a man of genius paint a + picture upon it; let him put in that picture the emotions of his heart, + the landscapes that have made poetry in his brain, the recollection of the + ones he loves, the prattle of children, a mother's tear, the sunshine of + her smile, and all the sweet and sacred memories of his life, and it is + worth five thousand dollars—ten thousand dollars. + </p> + <p> + Noise is raw material, but the great opera of "Tristan and Isolde" is the + result of skilled labor. There is the same difference between simple brute + strength and skilled labor that there is between noise and the symphonies + of Beethoven. I want you to get this in your minds. + </p> + <p> + Now, then, whoever sells raw material gives away the great profit. You + raise cotton and sell it; and just as long as the South does it and does + nothing more the South will be poor, the South will be ignorant, and it + will be solidly Democratic. + </p> + <p> + Now, do not imagine that I am saying anything against the Democratic + party. I believe the Democratic party is doing the best it can under the + circumstances. You know my philosophy makes me very charitable. You find + out all about a man, all about his ancestors, and you can account for his + vote always. Why? Because there are causes and effects in nature. There + are sometimes antecedents and subsequents that have no relation to each + other, but at the same time, all through the web and woof of events, you + find these causes and effects, and if you only look far enough, you will + know why a man does as he does. + </p> + <p> + I have nothing to say against the Democratic party. I want to talk against + ideas, not against people. I do not care anything about their candidates, + whether they are good, bad or indifferent. What, gentlemen, are your + ideas? What do you propose to do? What is your policy? That is what I want + to know, and I am willing to meet them upon the field of intellectual + combat. They are in possession; they are in the rifle pits of office; we + are in the open field, but we will plant our standard, the flag that we + love, without a stain, and under that banner, upon which so many dying men + have looked in the last hour when they thought of home and country—under + that flag we will carry the Democratic fortifications. + </p> + <p> + Another thing; we want to get at this business so that we will understand + what we are doing. I do not believe in protecting American industry for + the sake of the capitalist, or for the sake of any class, but for the sake + of the whole Nation. And if I did not believe that it was for the best + interests of the whole Nation I should be opposed to it. + </p> + <p> + Let us take this next step. Everybody, of course, cannot be a farmer. + Everybody cannot be a mechanic. All the people in the world cannot go at + one business. We must have a diversity of industry. I say, the greater + that diversity, the greater the development of brain in the country. We + then have what you might call a mental exchange; men are then pursuing + every possible direction in which the mind can go, and the brain is being + developed upon all sides; whereas, if you all simply cultivated the soil, + you would finally become stupid. If you all did only one business you + would become ignorant; but by pursuing all possible avocations that call + for taste, genius, calculation, discovery, ingenuity, invention—by + having all these industries open to the American people, we will be able + to raise great men and great women; and I am for protection, because it + will enable us to raise greater men and greater women. Not only because it + will make more money in less time, but because I would rather have greater + folks and less money. + </p> + <p> + One man of genius makes a continent sublime. Take all the men of wealth + from Scotland—who would know it? Wipe their names from the pages of + history, and who would miss them? Nobody. Blot out one name, Robert Burns, + and how dim and dark would be the star of Scotland. The great thing is to + raise great folks. That is what we want to do, and we want to diversify + all the industries and protect them all. How much? Simply enough to + prevent the foreign article from destroying the domestic. But they say, + then the manufacturers will form a trust and put the prices up. If we + depend upon the foreign manufacturers will they not form trusts? We can + depend on competition. What do the Democrats want to do? They want to do + away with the tariff, so as to do away with the surplus. They want to put + down the tariff to do away with the surplus. If you put down the tariff a + small per cent, so that the foreign article comes to America, instead of + decreasing, you will increase the surplus. Where you get a dollar now, you + will get five then. If you want to stop getting anything from imports, you + want to put the tariff higher, my friend. + </p> + <p> + Let every Democrat understand this, and let him also understand that I + feel and know that he has the same interest in this great country that I + have, and let me be frank enough and candid enough and honest enough to + say that I believe the Democratic party advocates the policy it does + because it believes it will be the best for the country. But we differ + upon a question of policy, and the only way to argue it is to keep cool. + If a man simply shouts for his side, or gets mad, he is a long way from + any intellectual improvement. + </p> + <p> + If I am wrong in this, I want to be set right. If it is not to the + interest of America that the shuttle shall keep flying, that wheels shall + keep turning, that cloth shall be woven, that the forges shall flame and + that the smoke shall rise from the numberless chimneys—if that is + not to the interest of America, I want to know it. But I believe that upon + the great cloud of smoke rising from the chimneys of the manufactories of + this country, every man who will think can see the bow of national + promise. + </p> + <p> + "Oh, but," they say, "you put the prices so high." Let me give you two or + three facts: Only a few years ago I know that we paid one hundred and + twenty-five dollars a ton for Bessemer steel. At that time the tariff was + twenty-eight dollars a ton, I believe. I am not much on figures. I + generally let them add it up, and I pay it and go on about my business. + With the tariff at twenty-eight dollars a ton, that being a sufficient + protection against Great Britain, the ingenuity of America went to work. + Capital had the courage to try the experiment, and the result was that, + instead of buying thousands and thousands and thousands and tens of + thousands and hundreds of thousands and millions of tons of steel from + Great Britain, we made it here in our own country, and it went down as low + as thirty dollars a ton. Under this "rascally protection" it went down to + one-fourth of what free trade England was selling it to us for. + </p> + <p> + And so I might go on all night with a thousand other articles; all I want + to show you is that we want these industries here, and we want them + protected just as long as they need protection. We want to rock the cradle + just as long as there is a child in it. When the child gets to be seven or + eight feet high, and wears number twelve boots, we will say: "Now you will + have to shift for yourself." What we want is not simply for the + capitalist, not simply for the workingmen, but for the whole country. + </p> + <p> + If there is any object worthy the attention of this or any other + government, it is the condition of the workingmen. What do they do? They + do all that is done. They are the Atlases upon whose mighty shoulders + rests the fabric of American civilization. The men of leisure are simply + the vines that run round this great sturdy oak of labor. If there is + anything noble enough, and splendid enough to claim the attention of a + nation, it is this question, and I hope the time will come when labor will + receive far more than it does to-day. I want you all to think of it—how + little, after all, the laboring man, even in America, receives. + </p> + <p> + [A voice: "Under protection."] + </p> + <p> + Yes, sir, even under protection. Take away that protection, and he is + instantly on a level with the European serf. And let me ask that good, + honest gentleman one question. If the laborer is better off in other + countries, why does not the American laborer emigrate to Europe? + </p> + <p> + There is no place in the wide world where, in my judgment, labor reaps its + true reward. There never has been. But I hope the time will come when the + American laborer will not only make a living for himself, for his wife and + children, but lay aside something to keep the roof above his head when the + winter of age may come. My sympathies are all with them, and I would + rather see thousands of... '' palaces of millionaires unroofed than to see + desolation in the cabins of the poor. I know that this world has been made + beautiful by those who have labored and those who have suffered. I know + that we owe to them the conveniences of life, and I have more + conveniences, I live a more luxurious life, than any monarch ever lived + one hundred years ago. I have more conveniences than any emperor could + have purchased with the revenue of his empire one hundred years ago. It is + worth something to live in this age of the world. + </p> + <p> + And what has made us such a great and splendid and progressive and + sensible people? + </p> + <p> + [A voice: "Free thought."] + </p> + <p> + Free thought, of course. Back of every invention is free thought. Why does + a man invent? Slavery never invents; freedom invents. A slave working for + his master tries to do the least work in the longest space of time, but a + free man, working for wife and children, tries to do the most work in the + shortest possible time. He is in love with what he is doing, consequently + his head and his hands go in partnership; muscle and brain unite, and the + result is that the head invents something to help the hands, and out of + the brain leaps an invention that makes a slave of the forces of nature—those + forces that have no backs to be whipped, those forces that shed no tears, + those forces that are destined to work forever for the happiness of the + human race. + </p> + <p> + Consequently I am for the protection of American labor, American genius, + American thought. I do not want to put our workingmen on a level with the + citizens of despotisms. Why do not the Democrats and others want the + Chinese to come here? Are they in favor of being protected? Why is it that + the Democrats and others object to penitentiary labor? I will tell you. + They say that a man in the penitentiary can produce cheaper. He has no + family to support, he has no children to look after; and they say, it is + hardly fair to make the father of a family and an honest man compete with + a criminal within the walls of a penitentiary. So they ask to be + protected. + </p> + <p> + What is the difference whether a man is in the penitentiary, or whether he + is in the despotism of some European state? "Ah, but," they say, "you let + the laborer of Europe come here himself." Yes, and I am in favor of it + always. Why? This world belongs to the human race. And when they come + here, in a little while they have our wants, and if they do not their + children do, and you will find the second generation of Irishmen or + Germans or of any other nationality just as patriotic as the tenth + generation from the first immigrant. I want them to come. Then they get + our habits. + </p> + <p> + Who wants free trade? Only those who want us for their customers, who + would like to sell us everything that we use—England, Germany, all + those countries. And why? Because one American will buy more than one + thousand, yes, five thousand Asiatics. America consumes more to-day than + China and India, more than ten billion would of semi-civilized and + barbarous peoples. What do they buy—what does England sell? A little + powder, a little whiskey, cheap calico, some blankets—a few things + of that kind. What does the American purchase? Everything that civilized + man uses or that civilized man can want. + </p> + <p> + England wants this market. Give her free trade, and she will become the + most powerful, the richest nation that ever had her territories marked + upon the map of the world. And what do we become? Nobodies. Poor. + Invention will be lost, our minds will grow clumsy, the wondrous, deft + hand of the mechanic paralyzed—a great raw material producing + country—ignorant, poor, barbaric. I want the cotton that is raised + in this country to be spun here, to be woven into cloth. I want everything + that we use to be made by Americans. We can make the cloth, we can raise + the food to feed and to clothe this Nation, and the Nation is now only in + its infancy. + </p> + <p> + Somehow people do not understand this. They really think we are getting + filled up. Look at the map of this country. See the valley of the + Mississippi. Put your hand on it. Trace the rivers coming from the Rocky + Mountains and the Alleghanies, and sweeping down to the Gulf, and know + that in the valley of the Mississippi, with its wondrous tributaries, + there can live and there can be civilized and educated five hundred + millions of human beings. + </p> + <p> + Let us have some sense. I want to show you how far this goes beyond the + intellectual horizon of some people who hold office. For instance: We have + a tariff on lead, and by virtue of that tariff on lead nearly every silver + mine is worked in this country. Take the tariff from lead and there would + remain in the clutch of the rocks, of the quartz misers, for all time, + millions and millions of silver; but when that is put with lead, and lead + runs with silver, they can make enough on lead and silver to pay for the + mining, and the result is that millions and millions are added every year + to the wealth of the United States. + </p> + <p> + Let me tell you another thing: There is not a State in the Union but has + something it wants protected. And Louisiana—a Democratic State, and + will be just as long as Democrats count the votes—Louisiana has the + impudence to talk about free trade and yet it wants its sugar protected. + Kentucky says free trade, except hemp; and if anything needs protection it + is hemp. Missouri says hemp and lead. Colorado, lead and wool; and so you + can make the tour of the States and every one is for free trade with an + exception—that exception being to the advantage of that State, and + when you put the exceptions together you have protected the industries of + all the States. + </p> + <p> + Now, if the Democratic party is in favor of anything, it is in favor of + free trade. If President Clevelands message means anything it means free + trade. And why? Because it says to every man that gets protection: If you + will look about you, you will find that you pay for something else that is + protected more than you receive in benefits for what is protected of + yours; consequently the logic of that is free trade. They believe in it I + have no doubt. When the whole world is civilized, when men are everywhere + free, when they all have something like the same tastes and ambitions, + when they love their families and their children, when they want the same + kind of food and roofs above them—if that day shall ever come—the + world can afford to have its trade free, but do not put the labor of + America on a par with the labor of the Old World. + </p> + <p> + Now, about taxes—internal revenue. That was resorted to in time of + war. The Democratic party made it necessary. We had to tax everything to + beat back the Democratic hosts, North and South. Now, understand me. I + know that thousands and hundreds of thousands of individual Democrats were + for this country, and were as pure patriots as ever marched beneath the + flag. I know that—hundreds of thousands of them. I am speaking of + the party organization that staid at home and passed resolutions that + every time the Union forces won a victory the Constitution had been + violated. I understand that. Those taxes were put on in time of war, + because it was necessary. Direct taxation is always odious. A government + dislikes, to be represented among all the people by a tax gatherer, by an + official who visits homes carrying consternation and grief wherever he + goes. Everybody, from the most ancient times of which I have ever read, + until the present moment, dislikes a tax gatherer. I have never yet seen + in any cemetery a monument with this inscription: "Sacred to the memory of + the man who loved to pay his taxes." It is far better if we can collect + the needed revenue of this Government indirectly. But, they say, you must + not take the taxes off tobacco; you must not take the taxes off alcohol or + spirits or whiskey. Why? Because it is immoral to take off the taxes. Do + you believe that there was, on the average, any more drunkenness in this + country before the tax was put on than there is now? I do not. I believe + there is as much liquor drank to-day, per capita, as there ever was in the + United States. I will not blame the Democratic party. I do not care what + they drink. What they think is what I have to do with. I will be plain + with them, because I know lots of fellows in the Democratic party, and + that is the only bad thing about them—splendid fellows. And I know a + good many Republicans, and I am willing to take my oath that that is the + only good thing about them. So, let us all be fair. + </p> + <p> + I want the taxes taken from tobacco and whiskey; and why? Because it is a + war measure that should not be carried on in peace; and in the second + place, I do not want that system inaugurated in this country, unless there + is an absolute necessity for it, and the moment the necessity is gone, + stop it. + </p> + <p> + The moral side of this question? Only a couple of years ago, I think it + was, the Prohibitionists said that they wanted this tax taken from + alcohol. Why? Because as long as the Government licensed, as long as the + Government taxed and received sixty millions of dollars in revenue, just + so long the Government would make this business respectable, just so long + the Government would be in partnership with this liquor crime. That is + what they said then. Now we say take the tax off, and they say it is + immoral. Now, I have a little philosophy about this. I may be entirely + wrong, but I am going to give it to you. You never can make great men and + great women, by keeping them out of the way of temptation. You have to + educate them to withstand temptation. It is all nonsense to tie a man's + hands behind him and then praise him for not picking pockets. I believe + that temperance walks hand in hand with liberty. Just as life becomes + valuable, people take care of it. Just as life is great, and splendid and + noble, as long as the future is a kind of gallery filled with the ideal, + just so long will we take care of ourselves and avoid dissipation of every + kind. Do you know, I believe, as much as I believe that I am living, that + if the Mississippi itself were pure whiskey and its banks loaf sugar, and + all the flats covered with mint, and all the bushes grew teaspoons and + tumblers, there would not be any more drunkenness than there is now! + </p> + <p> + As long as you say to your neighbor "you must not" there is something in + that neighbor that says, "Well I will determine that for myself, and you + just say that again and I will take a drink if it kills me." There is no + moral question involved in it, except this: Let the burden of government + rest as lightly as possible upon the shoulders of the people, and let it + cause as little irritation as possible. Give liberty to the people. I am + willing that the women who wear silks, satins and diamonds; that the + gentlemen who smoke Havana cigars and drink champagne and Chateau Yquem; I + am perfectly willing that they shall pay my taxes and support this + Government, and I am willing that the man who does not do that, but is + willing to take the domestic article, should go tax free. + </p> + <p> + Temperance walks hand in hand with liberty. You recollect that little old + story about a couple of men who were having a discussion on this + prohibition question, and the man on the other side said to the + Prohibitionist: "How would you like to live in a community where every + body attended to his own business, where every body went to bed regularly + at night, got up regularly in the morning; where every man, woman and + child was usefully employed during the day; no backbiting, no drinking of + whiskey, no cigars, and where they all attended divine services on Sunday, + and where no profane language was used?" "Why," said he, "such a place + would be a paradise, or heaven; but there is no such place." "Oh," said + the other man, "every well regulated penitentiary is that way." So much + for the moral side of the question. + </p> + <p> + Another point that the Republican party calls the attention of the country + to is the use that has been made of the public land. Oh, say the + Democratic party, see what States, what empires have been given away by + the Republican party—and see what the Republican party did with it. + Road after road built to the great Pacific. Our country unified—the + two oceans, for all practical purposes, washing one shore. That is what it + did, and what else? It has given homes to millions of people in a + civilized land, where they can get all the conveniences of civilization. + And what else? Fifty million acres have been taken back by the Government. + How was this done? It was by virtue of the provisions put in the original + grants by the Republican party. + </p> + <p> + There is another thing to which the Republican party has called the + attention of the country, and that is the admission of new States where + there are people enough to form a State. Now, with a solid South, with the + assistance of a few Democrats from the North, comes a State, North Dakota, + with plenty of population, a magnificent State, filled with intelligence + and prosperity. It knocks at the door for admission, and what is the + question asked by this administration? Not "Have you the land, have you + the wealth, have you the men and women?" but "Are you Democratic or + Republican?" And being intelligent people, they answer: "We are + Republicans." And the solid South, assisted by the Democrats of the North, + says to that people: "The door is shut; we will not have you." Why? + "Because you would add two to the Republican majority in the Senate." Is + that the spirit in which a nation like this should be governed? When a + State asks for admission, no matter what the politics of its people may + be, I say, admit that State; put a star on the flag that will glitter for + her. + </p> + <p> + The next thing the Republican party says is, gold and silver shall both be + money. You cannot make every thing payable in gold—that would be + unfair to the poor man. You shall not make every thing payable in silver—that + would be unfair to the capitalist; but it shall be payable in gold and + silver. And why ought we to be in favor of silver? Because we are the + greatest silver producing nation in the world; and the value of a thing, + other things being equal, depends on its uses, and being used as money + adds to the value of silver. And why should we depreciate one of our own + products by saying that we will not take it as money? I believe in + bimetalism, gold and silver, and you cannot have too much of either or + both. No nation ever died of a surplus, and in all the national cemeteries + of the earth you will find no monument erected to a nation that died from + having too much silver. Give me all the silver I want and I am happy. + </p> + <p> + The Republican party has always been sound on finance. It always knew you + could not pay a promise with a promise. The Republican party always had + sense enough to know that money could not be created by word of mouth, + that you could not make it by a statute, or by passing resolutions in a + convention. It always knew that you had to dig it out of the ground by + good, honest work. The Republican party always knew that money is a + commodity, exchangeable for all other commodities, but a commodity just as + much as wheat or corn, and you can no more make money by law than you can + make wheat or corn by law. You can by law, make a promise that will to a + certain extent take the place of money until the promise is paid. It seems + to me that any man who can even understand the meaning of the word + democratic can understand that theory of money. + </p> + <p> + Another thing right in this platform. Free schools for the education of + all the children in the land. The Republican party believes in looking out + for the children. It knows that the a, b, c's are the breastworks of human + liberty. They know that every schoolhouse is an arsenal, a fort, where + missiles are made to hurl against the ignorance and prejudice of mankind; + so they are for the free school. + </p> + <p> + And what else? They are for reducing the postage one-half. Why? Simply for + the diffusion of intelligence. What effect will that have? It will make us + more and more one people. The oftener we communicate with each other the + more homogeneous we become. The more we study the same books and read the + same papers the more we swap ideas, the more we become true Americans, + with the same spirit in favor of liberty, progress and the happiness of + the human race. + </p> + <p> + What next? The Republican party says, let us build ships for America—for + American sailors. Let our fleets cover the seas, and let our men-of-war + protect the commerce of the Republic—not that we can wrong some weak + nation, but so that we can keep the world from doing wrong to us. This is + all. I have infinite contempt for civilized people who have guns carrying + balls weighing several hundred pounds, who go and fight poor, naked + savages that can only throw boomerangs and stones. + </p> + <p> + I hold such a nation in infinite contempt. + </p> + <p> + What else is in this platform? You have no idea of the number of things in + it till you look them over. It wants to cultivate friendly feelings with + all the governments in North, Central and South America, so that the great + continents can be one—instigated, moved, pervaded, inspired by the + same great thoughts. In other words, we want to civilize this continent + and the continent of South America. And what else? This great platform is + in favor of paying—not giving, but paying—pensions to every + man who suffered in the great war. What would we have said at the time? + What, if the North could have spoken, would it have said to the heroes of + Gettysburg on the third day? "Stand firm! We will empty the treasures of + the Nation at your feet." They had the courage and the heroism to keep the + hosts of rebellion back without that promise, and is there an American + to-day that can find it in his heart to begrudge one solitary dollar that + has found its way into the pocket of a maimed soldier, or into the hands + of his widow or his orphan? + </p> + <p> + What would we have offered to the sailors under Farragut on condition that + they would pass Forts St. Phillip and Jackson? What would we have offered + to the soldiers under Grant in the Wilderness? What to the followers of + Sherman and Sheridan? Do you know, I can hardly conceive of a spirit + contemptible enough—and I am not now alluding to the President of + the United States—I can hardly conceive of a spirit contemptible + enough to really desire to keep a maimed soldier from the bounty of this + Nation. It would be a disgrace and a dishonor if we allowed them to die in + poorhouses, to drop by life's highway and to see their children mourning + over their poor bodies, glorious with scars, maimed into immortality. I + may do a great many bad things before I die, but I give you my word that + so long as I live I will never vote for any President that vetoed a + pension bill unless upon its face it was clear that the man was not a + wounded soldier. + </p> + <p> + What next in this platform? For the protection of American homes. I am a + believer in the home. I have said, and I say again—the hearthstone + is the foundation of the great temple; the fireside is the altar where the + true American worships. I believe that the home, the family, is the unit + of good government, and I want to see the aegis of the great Republic over + millions of happy homes. + </p> + <p> + That is all there is in this world worth living for. Honor, place, fame, + glory, riches—they are ashes, smoke, dust, disappointment, unless + there is somebody in the world you love, somebody who loves you; unless + there is some place that you can call home, some place where you can feel + the arms of children around your neck, some place that is made absolutely + sacred by the love of others. + </p> + <p> + So I am for this platform. I am for the election of Harrison and Morton, + and although I did nothing toward having that ticket nominated, because, I + tell you, I was for Gresham, yet I will do as much toward electing the + candidates, within my power, as any man who did vote on the winning side. + </p> + <p> + We have a good ticket, a noble, gallant soldier at the head; that is + enough for me. He is in favor of liberty and progress. And you have for + Vice-President a man that you all know better than I do, but a good, + square, intelligent, generous man. That is enough for me. And these men + are standing on the best platform that was ever adopted by the Republican + party—a platform that stands for education, liberty, the free + ballot, American industry; for the American policy that has made us the + richest and greatest Nation of the globe. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link0017" id="link0017"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + REUNION ADDRESS. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The Elmwood Reunion, participated in by six regiments, + came to a glorious close last evening. There were thousands + of people present. The city was gayly decorated with flags + and hunting, while pictures and busts of Col. Ingersoll were + in every show window. From early in the morning until noon, + delegations kept coming in, A special train arrived from + Peoria at 10.50 o'clock, bearing a large delegation of old + soldiers together with Col. Ingersoll and his daughter Maud. + He was met by the reception committee, and marched up the + street escorted by an army of veterans. When he arrived on + the west side of the public square, the lines were opened, + and he marched between, in review of his old friends and + comrades. The parade started as soon as it could be formed, + after the arrival of the special train. + + Col. Ingersoll was greeted by a salute of thirteen guns from + Peoria's historic cannon, as he was escorted to the grand + stand by Spencer's band and the Peoria Veterans. + + The reviewing stand was on the west side of the park. Here + the parade was seen by Col. Ingersoll and the other + distinguished guests, among whom were Congressmen Graff and + Prince, Mayor Day, Judges N. E. Worthington and I. C. + Pinkney, and the Hon. Clark E. Carr, who also made a speech + saying that the people cannot estimate the majesty of the + eloquence of Col. Robert G. Ingersoll, keeping alive the + flame of patriotism from 1860 to the present time. . + + The parade was an imposing one, there were fully two + thousand five hundred old veterans in line who passed In + review before Col. Ingersoll, each one doffing his hat as he + marched by. The most pleasing feature of the exercises of + the day was the representation of the Living Flag by one + hundred and fifty little girls of Elmwood, at ten o' clock + under the direction of Col. Lem. H. Wiley, of Peoria. The + flag was presented on a large Inclined amphitheatre at the + left of the grand stand, and was the finest thing ever + witnessed lu this part of the country. + + Following the presentation of the Living Flag, Chairman + Brown called the Reunion to order, and Col. Lem. H. Wiley, + National Bugler gave the assembly call. + + Following the assembly call a male chorus rendered a song, + "Ring O Bells." The song was composed for the occasion by + Mr. E. R. Brown and was as follows: + + "Welcome now that leader fearless, + Free of thought and grand of brain, + King of hearts and speaker peerless, + Hail our Ingersoll again." *** + + Then Chairman, E. R. Brown, took charge of the meeting and + introduced Col. Ingersoll as the greatest of living orators, + referring to the time that the Colonel declared, a quarter + of a century ago, in Rouse's Hall, Peoria, that from that + time forth there would be one free man in Illinois, and + expressing Indebtedness to him for what had been done since + for the freedom and happiness of mankind, by his mighty + brain, his great spirit and his gentle heart. + + He then spoke of Col. Ingersoll's residence in Peoria + county, paying an eloquent tribute to him, and concluded by + leading the distinguished gentleman to the front of the + stand. The appearance of Col. Ingersoll was a signal for a + mighty shout, which was heartily joined in by everybody + present, even the little girls composing the living flag, + cheering and waving their banners. + + It was fully ten minutes before the cheering had subsided, + and when Col. Ingersoll commenced to speak it was renewed + and he was forced to wait for several minutes more. When + quiet was restored, he opened his address, and for an hour + and a half he held the vast audience spell-bound with his + eloquence and wit. + + After Col. Ingersoll's speech the veterans crowded around + the stand to meet and grasp the hand of their comrade, and + the boys of the Eleventh Illinois Cavalry, his old regiment, + were especially profuse in their congratulations and thanks + for the splendid address he had delivered. His speeeh was + off-hand, only occasional reference being made to his short + notes. The Colonel then left the Park amid the yells of + delight of the old soldiers, every man of whom endeavored to + grasp his hand. + + In the afternoon the veterans assembled in Liberty Hall by + themselves, the room being filled. Col. Ingersoll appeared + and was greeted with such cheers as he had not received + during the entire day. He then said good-bye to his old + comrades.—Chicago Inter-ocean and Peoria papers, Sept. 6th, + 1896. +</pre> + <p> + Elmwood, Ills. + </p> + <p> + 1895. + </p> + <p> + LADIES and Gentlemen, Fellow-citizens, Old Friends and Comrades: + </p> + <p> + It gives me the greatest pleasure to meet again those with whom I became + acquainted in the morning of my life. It is now afternoon. The sun of life + is slowly sinking in the west, and, as the evening comes, nothing can be + more delightful than to see again the faces that I knew in youth. + </p> + <p> + When first I knew you the hair was brown; it is now white. The lines were + not quite so deep, and the eyes were not quite so dim. Mingled with this + pleasure is sadness,—sadness for those who have passed away—for + the dead. + </p> + <p> + And yet I am not sure that we ought to mourn for the dead. I do not know + which is better—life or death. It may be that death is the greatest + gift that ever came from nature's open hands. We do not know. + </p> + <p> + There is one thing of which I am certain, and that is, that if we could + live forever here, we would care nothing for each other. The fact that we + must die, the fact that the feast must end, brings our souls together, and + treads the weeds from out the paths between our hearts. + </p> + <p> + And so it may be, after all, that love is a little flower that grows on + the crumbling edge of the grave. So it may be, that were it not for death + there would be no love, and without love all life would be a curse. + </p> + <p> + I say it gives me great pleasure to meet you once again; great pleasure to + congratulate you on your good fortune—the good fortune of being a + citizen of the first and grandest republic ever established upon the face + of the earth. + </p> + <p> + That is a royal fortune. To be an heir of all the great and brave men of + this land, of all the good, loving and patient women; to be in possession + of the blessings that they have given, should make every healthy citizen + of the United States feel like a millionaire. + </p> + <p> + This, to-day, is the most prosperous country on the globe; and it is + something to be a citizen of this country. + </p> + <p> + It is well, too, whenever we meet, to draw attention to what has been done + by our ancestors. It is well to think of them and to thank them for all + their work, for all their courage, for all their toil. + </p> + <p> + Three hundred years ago our country was a vast wilderness, inhabited by a + few savages. Three hundred years ago—how short a time; hardly a tick + of the great clock of eternity—three hundred years; not a second in + the life even of this planet—three hundred years ago, a wilderness; + three hundred years ago, inhabited by a few savages; three hundred years + ago a few men in the Old World, dissatisfied, brave and adventurous, + trusted their lives to the sea and came to this land. + </p> + <p> + In 1776 there were only three millions of people all told. These men + settled on the shores of the sea. These men, by experience, learned to + govern themselves. These men, by experience, found that a man should be + respected in the proportion that he was useful. They found, by experience, + that titles were of no importance; that the real thing was the man, and + that the real things in the man were heart and brain. They found, by + experience, how to govern themselves, because there was nobody else here + when they came. The gentlemen who had been in the habit of governing their + fellow-men staid at home, and the men who had been in the habit of being + governed came here, and, consequently, they had to govern themselves. + </p> + <p> + And finally, educated by experience, by the rivers and forests, by the + grandeur and splendor of nature, they began to think that this continent + should not belong to any other; that it was great enough to count one, and + that they had the intelligence and manhood to lay the foundations of a + nation. + </p> + <p> + It would be impossible to pay too great and splendid a tribute to the + great and magnificent souls of that day. They saw the future. They saw + this country as it is now, and they endeavored to lay the foundation deep; + they endeavored to reach the bed-rock of human rights, the bed-rock of + justice. And thereupon they declared that all men were born equal; that + all the children of nature had at birth the same rights, and that all men + had the right to pursue the only good,—happiness. + </p> + <p> + And what did they say? They said that men should govern men; that the + power to govern should come from the consent of the governed, not from the + clouds, not from some winged phantom of the air, not from the aristocracy + of ether. They said that this power should come from men; that the men + living in this world should govern it, and that the gentlemen who were + dead should keep still. + </p> + <p> + They took another step, and said that church and state should forever be + divorced. That is no harm to real religion. It never was, because real + religion means the doing of justice; real religion means the giving to + others every right you claim for yourself; real religion consists in + duties of man to man, in feeding the hungry, in clothing the naked, in + defending the innocent, and in saying what you believe to be true. + </p> + <p> + Our fathers had enough sense to say that, and a man to do that in 1776 had + to be a pretty big fellow. It is not so much to say it now, because they + set the example; and, upon these principles of which I have spoken, they + fought the war of the Revolution. + </p> + <p> + At no time, probably, were the majority of our forefathers in favor of + independence, but enough of them were on the right side, and they finally + won a victory. And after the victory, those that had not been even in + favor of independence became, under the majority rule, more powerful than + the heroes of the Revolution. + </p> + <p> + Then it was that our fathers made a mistake. We have got to praise them + for what they did that was good, and we will mention what they did that + was wrong. + </p> + <p> + They forgot the principles for which they fought. They forgot the + sacredness of human liberty, and, in the name of freedom, they made a + mistake and put chains on the limbs of others. + </p> + <p> + That was their error; that was the poison that entered the American blood; + that was the corrupting influence that demoralized presidents and priests; + that was the influence that corrupted the United States of America. + </p> + <p> + That mistake, of course, had to be paid for, as all mistakes in nature + have to be paid for. And not only do you pay for your mistake itself, but + you pay at least ten per cent, compound interest. Whenever you do wrong, + and nobody finds it out, do not imagine you have gotten over it; you have + not. Nature knows it. + </p> + <p> + The consequences of every bad act are the invisible police that no prayers + can soften, and no gold can bribe. + </p> + <p> + Recollect that. Recollect, that for every bad act, there will be laid upon + your shoulder the arresting hand of the consequences; and it is precisely + the same with a nation as it is with an individual. You have got to pay + for all of your mistakes, and you have got to pay to the uttermost + farthing. That is the only forgiveness known in nature. Nature never + settles unless she can give a receipt in full. + </p> + <p> + I know a great many men differ with me, and have all sorts of bankruptcy + systems, but Nature is not built that way. + </p> + <p> + Finally, slavery took possession of the Government. Every man who wanted + an office had to be willing to step between a fugitive slave and his + liberty. + </p> + <p> + Slavery corrupted the courts, and made judges decide that the child born + in the State of Pennsylvania, whose mother had been a slave, could not be + free. + </p> + <p> + That was as infamous a decision as was ever rendered, and yet the people, + in the name of the law, did this thing, and the Supreme Court of the + United States did not know right from wrong. + </p> + <p> + These dignified gentlemen thought that labor could be paid by lashes on + the back—which was a kind of legal tender—and finally an + effort was made to subject the new territory—the Nation—to the + institution of slavery. + </p> + <p> + Then we had a war with Mexico, in which we got a good deal of glory and + one million square miles of land, but little honor. I will admit that we + got but little honor out of that war. That territory they wanted to give + to the slaveholder. + </p> + <p> + In 1803 we purchased from Napoleon the Great, one million square miles of + land, and then, in 1821, we bought Florida from Spain. So that, when the + war came, we had about three million square miles of new land. The object + was to subject all this territory to slavery. + </p> + <p> + The idea was to go on and sell the babes from their mothers until time + should be no more. The idea was to go on with the branding-iron and the + whip. The idea was to make it a crime to teach men, human beings, to read + and write; to make every Northern man believe that he was a bulldog, a + bloodhound to track down men and women, who, with the light of the North + Star in their eyes, were seeking the free soil of Great Britain. + </p> + <p> + Yes, in these times we had lots of mean folks. Let us remember that. + </p> + <p> + And all at once, under the forms of law, under the forms of our + Government, the greatest man under the flag was elected President. That + man was Abraham Lincoln. And then it was that those gentlemen of the South + said: "We will not be governed by the majority; we will be a law unto + ourselves." + </p> + <p> + And let me tell you here to-day—I am somewhat older than I used to + be; I have a little philosophy now that I had not at the nine o'clock in + the morning portion of my life—and I do not blame anybody. I do not + blame the South; I do not blame the Confederate soldier. + </p> + <p> + She—the South—was the fruit of conditions. She was born to + circumstances stronger than herself; and do you know, according to my + philosophy, (which is not quite orthodox), every man and woman in the + whole world are what conditions have made them. + </p> + <p> + So let us have some sense. The South said, "We will not submit; this is + not a nation, but a partnership of States." I am willing to go so far as + to admit that the South expressed the original idea of the Government. + </p> + <p> + But now the question was, to whom did the newly acquired property belong? + New States had been carved out of that territory; the soil of these States + had been purchased with the money of the Republic, and had the South the + right to take these States out of the Republic? That was the question. + </p> + <p> + The great West had another interest, and that was that no enemy, no other + nation, should control the mouth of the Mississippi. I regard the + Mississippi River as Nature's protest against secession. The old + Mississippi River says, and swears to it, that this country shall be one, + now and forever. + </p> + <p> + What was to be done? The South said, "We will never remain," and the North + said, "You shall not go." It was a little slow about saying it, it is + true. Some of the best Republicans in the North said, "Let it go." But the + second, sober thought of the great North said, "No, this is our country + and we are going to keep it on the map of the world." + </p> + <p> + And some who had been Democrats wheeled into line, and hundreds and + thousands said, "This is our country," and finally, when the Government + called for volunteers, hundreds and thousands came forward to offer their + services. Nothing more sublime was ever seen in the history of this world. + </p> + <p> + I congratulate you to-day that you live in a country that furnished the + greatest army that ever fought for human liberty in any country round the + world. I want you to know that. I want you to know that the North, East + and West furnished the greatest army that ever fought for human liberty. I + want you to know that Gen. Grant commanded more men, men fighting for the + right, not for conquest, than any other general who ever marshaled the + hosts of war. + </p> + <p> + Let us remember that, and let us be proud of it. The millions who poured + from the North for the defence of the flag—the story of their + heroism has been told to you again and again. I have told it myself many + times. It is known to every intelligent man and woman in the world. + Everybody knows how much we suffered. Everybody knows how we poured out + money like water; how we spent it like leaves of the forest. Everybody + knows how the brave blood was shed. Everybody knows the story of the + great, the heroic struggle, and everybody knows that at last victory came + to our side, and how the last sword of the Rebellion was handed to Gen. + Grant. There is no need to tell that story again. + </p> + <p> + But the question now, as we look back, is, was this country worth saving? + Was the blood shed in vain? Were the lives given for naught? That is the + question. + </p> + <p> + This country, according to my idea, is the one success of the world. Men + here have more to eat, more to wear, better houses, and, on the average, a + better education than those of any other nation now living, or any that + has passed away. + </p> + <p> + Was the country worth saving? + </p> + <p> + See what we have done in this country since 1860. We were not much of a + people then, to be honor bright about it. We were carrying, in the great + race of national life, the weight of slavery, and it poisoned us; it + paralyzed our best energies; it took from our politics the best minds; it + kept from the bench the greatest brains. + </p> + <p> + But what have we done since 1860, since we really became a free people, + since we came to our senses, since we have been willing to allow a man to + express his honest thoughts on every subject? + </p> + <p> + Do you know how much good we did? The war brought men together from every + part of the country and gave them an opportunity to compare their + foolishness. It gave them an opportunity to throw away their prejudices, + to find that a man who differed with them on every subject might be the + very best of fellows. That is what the war did. We have been broadening + ever since. + </p> + <p> + I sometimes have thought it did men good to make the trip to California in + 1849. As they went over the plains they dropped their prejudices on the + way. I think they did, and that's what killed the grass. + </p> + <p> + But to come back to my question, what have we done since 1860? + </p> + <p> + From 1860 to 1880, in spite of the waste of war, in spite of all the + property destroyed by flame, in spite of all the waste, our profits were + one billion three hundred and seventy-four million dollars. Think of it! + From 1860 to 1880! That is a vast sum. + </p> + <p> + From 1880 to 1890 our profits were two billion one hundred and thirty-nine + million dollars. + </p> + <p> + Men may talk against wealth as much as they please; they may talk about + money being the root of all evil, but there is little real happiness in + this world without some of it. It is very handy when staying at home and + it is almost indispensable when you travel abroad. Money is a good thing. + It makes others happy; it makes those happy whom you love, and if a man + can get a little together, when the night of death drops the curtain upon + him, he is satisfied that he has left a little to keep the wolf from the + door of those who, in life, were dear to him. Yes, money is a good thing, + especially since special providence has gone out of business. + </p> + <p> + I can see to-day something beyond the wildest dream of any patriot who + lived fifty years ago. The United States to-day is the richest nation on + the face of the earth. The old nations of the world, Egypt, India, Greece, + Rome, every one of them, when compared with this great Republic, must be + regarded as paupers. + </p> + <p> + How much do you suppose this Nation is worth to-day? I am talking about + land and cattle, products, manufactured articles and railways. Over + seventy thousand million dollars. Just think of it. + </p> + <p> + Take a thousand dollars and then take nine hundred and ninety-nine + thousand; so you will have one thousand piles of one thousand each. That + makes only a million, and yet the United States today is worth seventy + thousand millions. This is thirty-five percent, more than Great Britain is + worth. + </p> + <p> + We are a great Nation. We have got the land. This land was being made for + many millions of years. Its soil was being made by the great lakes and + rivers, and being brought down from the mountains for countless ages. + </p> + <p> + This continent was standing like a vast pan of milk, with the cream rising + for millions of years, and we were the chaps that got there when the + skimming commenced. + </p> + <p> + We are rich, and we ought to be rich. It is our own fault if we are not. + In every department of human endeavor, along every path and highway, the + progress of the Republic has been marvelous, beyond the power of language + to express. + </p> + <p> + Let me show you: In 1860 the horse-power of all the engines, the + locomotives and the steamboats that traversed the lakes and rivers—the + entire power—was three million five hundred thousand. In 1890 the + horse-power of engines and locomotives and steamboats was over seventeen + million. + </p> + <p> + Think of that and what it means! Think of the forces at work for the + benefit of the United States, the machines doing the work of thousands and + millions of men! + </p> + <p> + And remember that every engine that puffs is puffing for you; every road + that runs is running for you. I want you to know that the average man and + woman in the United States to-day has more of the conveniences of life + than kings and queens had one hundred years ago. + </p> + <p> + Yes, we are getting along. + </p> + <p> + In 1860 we used one billion eight hundred million dollars' worth of + products, of things manufactured and grown, and we sent to other countries + two hundred and fifty million dollars' worth. + </p> + <p> + In 1893 we used three billion eighty-nine million dollars' worth, and we + sent to other countries six hundred and fifty-four million dollars' worth. + </p> + <p> + You see, these vast sums are almost inconceivable. There is not a man + to-day with brains large enough to understand these figures; to understand + how many cars this money put upon the tracks, how much coal was devoured + by the locomotives, how many men plowed and worked in the fields, how many + sails were given to the wind, how many ships crossed the sea. + </p> + <p> + I tell you, there is no man able to think of the ships that were built, + the cars that were made, the mines that were opened, the trees that were + felled—no man has imagination enough to grasp the meaning of it all. + No man has any conception of the sea till he crosses it. I knew nothing of + how broad this country is until I went over it in a slow train. + </p> + <p> + Since 1860 the productive power of the United States has more than + trebled. + </p> + <p> + I like to talk about these things, because they mean good houses, carpets + on the floors, pictures on the walls, some books on the shelves. They mean + children going to school with their stomachs full of good food, prosperous + men and proud mothers. + </p> + <p> + All my life I have taken a much deeper interest in what men produce than + in what nature does. I would rather see the prairies, with the oats and + the wheat and the waving corn, and the schoolhouse, and hear the thrush + sing amid the happy homes of prosperous men and women—I would rather + see these things than any range of mountains in the world. Take it as you + will, a mountain is of no great value. + </p> + <p> + In 1860 our land was worth four billion five hundred million dollars; in + 1890 it was worth fourteen billion dollars. + </p> + <p> + In 1860 all the railroads in the United States were worth four hundred + million dollars, now they are worth a little less than ten thousand + million dollars. + </p> + <p> + I want you to understand what these figures mean. + </p> + <p> + For thirty years we spent, on an average, one million dollars a day in + building railroads.—I want you to think what that means. All that + money had to be dug out of the ground. It had to be made by raising + something or manufacturing something. We did not get it by writing essays + on finance, or discussing the silver question. It had to be made with the + ax, the plow, the reaper, the mower; in every form of industry; all to + produce these splendid results. + </p> + <p> + We have railroads enough now to make seven tracks around the great globe, + and enough left for side tracks. That is what we have done here, in what + the European nations are pleased to call "the new world." + </p> + <p> + I am telling you these things because you may not know them, and I did not + know them myself until a few days ago. I am anxious to give away + information, for it is only by giving it away that you can keep it. When + you have told it, you remember it. It is with information as it is with + liberty, the only way to be dead sure of it is to give it to other people. + </p> + <p> + In 1860 the houses in the United States, the cabins on the frontier, the + buildings in the cities, were worth six thousand million dollars. Now they + are worth over twenty-two thousand million dollars. To talk about figures + like these is enough to make a man dizzy. + </p> + <p> + In 1860 our animals of all kinds, including the Illinois deer—commonly + called swine—the oxen and horses, and all others, were worth about + one thousand million dollars; now they are worth about four thousand + million dollars. + </p> + <p> + Are we not getting rich? Our national debt today is nothing. It is like a + man who owes a cent and has a dollar. + </p> + <p> + Since 1860 we have been industrious. We have created two million five + hundred thousand new farms. Since 1860 we have done a good deal of + plowing; there have been a good many tired legs. I have been that way + myself. Since 1860 we have put in cultivation two hundred million acres of + land. Illinois, the best State in the Union, has thirty-five million acres + of land, and yet, since 1860, we have put in cultivation enough land to + make six States of the size of Illinois. That will give you some idea of + the quantity of work we have done. I will admit I have not done much of it + myself, but I am proud of it. + </p> + <p> + In 1860 we had four million five hundred and sixty-five thousand farmers + in this country, whose land and implements were worth over sixteen + thousand million dollars. The farmers of this country, on an average, are + worth five thousand dollars, and the peasants of the Old World, who + cultivate the soil, are not worth, on an average, ten dollars beyond the + wants of the moment. The farmers of our country produce, on an average, + about one million four hundred thousand dollars' worth of stuff a day. + </p> + <p> + What else? Have we in other directions kept pace with our physical + development? Have we developed the mind? Have we endeavored to develop the + brain? Have we endeavored to civilize the heart? I think we have. + </p> + <p> + We spend more for schools per head than any nation in the world. And the + common school is the breath of life. + </p> + <p> + Great Britain spends one dollar and thirty cents per head on the common + schools; France spends eighty cents; Austria, thirty cents; Germany, fifty + cents; Italy, twenty-five cents, and the United States over two dollars + and fifty cents. + </p> + <p> + I tell you the schoolhouse is the fortress of liberty. Every schoolhouse + is an arsenal, filled with weapons and ammunition to destroy the monsters + of ignorance and fear. + </p> + <p> + As I have said ten thousand times, the school-house is my cathedral. The + teacher is my preacher. + </p> + <p> + Eighty-seven per cent, of all the people of the United States, over ten + years of age, can read and write. There is no parallel for this in the + history of the wide world. + </p> + <p> + Over forty-two millions of educated citizens, to whom are opened all the + treasures of literature! + </p> + <p> + Forty-two millions of people, able to read and write! I say, there is no + parallel for this. The nations of antiquity were very ignorant when + compared with this great Republic of ours. There is no other nation in the + world that can show a record like ours. We ought to be proud of it. We + ought to build more schools, and build them better. Our teachers ought to + be paid more, and everything ought to be taught in the public school that + is worth knowing. + </p> + <p> + I believe that the children of the Republic, no matter whether their + fathers are rich or poor, ought to be allowed to drink at the fountain of + education, and it does not cost more to teach everything in the free + schools than it does teaching reading and writing and ciphering. + </p> + <p> + Have we kept up in other ways? The post office tells a wonderful story. In + Switzerland, going through the post office in each year, are letters, + etc., in the proportion of seventy-four to each inhabitant. In England the + number is sixty; in Germany, fifty-three; in France, thirty-nine; in + Austria, twenty-four; in Italy, sixteen, and in the United States, our own + home, one hundred and ten. Think of it. In Italy only twenty-five cents + paid per head for the support of the public schools and only sixteen + letters. And this is the place where God's agent lives. I would rather + have one good schoolmaster than two such agents. + </p> + <p> + There is another thing. A great deal has been said, from time to time, + about the workingman. I have as much sympathy with the workingman as + anybody on the earth—who does not work. There has always been a + desire in this world to let somebody else do the work, nearly everybody + having the modesty to stand back whenever there is anything to be done. In + savage countries they make the women do the work, so that the weak people + have always the bulk of the burdens. In civilized communities the poor are + the ones, of course, that work, and probably they are never fully paid. It + is pretty hard for a manufacturer to tell how much he can pay until he + sells the stuff which he manufactures. Every man who manufactures is not + rich. I know plenty of poor corporations; I know tramp railroads that have + not a dollar. And you will find some of them as anarchistic as you will + find their men. What a man can pay, depends upon how much he can get for + what he has produced. What the farmer can pay his help depends upon the + price he receives for his stock, his corn and his wheat. + </p> + <p> + But wages in this country are getting better day by day. We are getting a + little nearer to being civilized day by day, and when I want to make up my + mind on a subject I try to get a broad view of it, and not decide it on + one case. + </p> + <p> + In 1860 the average wages of the workingman were, per year, two hundred + and eighty-nine dollars. In 1890 the average was four hundred and + eighty-five. Thus the average has almost doubled in thirty years. The + necessaries of life are far cheaper than they were in 1860. Now, to my + mind, that is a hopeful sign. And when I am asked how can the dispute + between employer and employee be settled, I answer, it will be settled + when both parties become civilized. + </p> + <p> + It takes a long time to educate a man up to the point where he does not + want something for nothing. Yet, when a man is civilized, he does not. + </p> + <p> + He wants for a thing just what it is worth; he wants to give labor its + legitimate reward, and when he has something to sell he never wants more + than it is worth. I do not claim to be civilized myself; but all these + questions between capital and labor will be settled by civilization. + </p> + <p> + We are to-day accumulating wealth at the rate of more than seven million + dollars a day. Is not this perfectly splendid? + </p> + <p> + And in the midst of prosperity let us never forget the men who helped to + save our country, the men whose heroism gave us the prosperity we now + enjoy. + </p> + <p> + We have one-seventh of the good land of this world. You see there is a + great deal of poor land in the world. I know the first time I went to + California, I went to the Sink of the Humboldt, and what a forsaken look + it had. There was nothing there but mines of brimstone. On the train, + going over, there was a fellow who got into a dispute with a minister + about the first chapter of Genesis. And when they got along to the Sink of + the Humboldt the fellow says to the minister: + </p> + <p> + "Do you tell me that God made the world in six days, and then rested on + the seventh?" + </p> + <p> + He said, "I do." + </p> + <p> + "Well," said the fellow, "don't you think he could have put in another day + here to devilish good advantage?" + </p> + <p> + But, as I have said, we have got about one-seventh of the good land of the + world. I often hear people say that we have too many folks here; that we + ought to stop immigration; that we have no more room. The people who say + this know nothing of their country. They are ignorant of their native + land. I tell you that the valley of the Mississippi and the valleys of its + tributaries can support a population of five hundred millions of men, + women, and children. Don't talk of our being overpopulated; we have only + just started. + </p> + <p> + Here, in this land of ours, five hundred million men and women and + children can be supported and educated without trouble. We can afford to + double two or three times more. But what have we got to do? We have got to + educate them when they come. That is to say, we have got to educate their + children, and in a few generations we will have them splendid American + citizens, proud of the Republic. + </p> + <p> + We have no more patriotic men under the flag than the men who came from + other lands, the hundreds and thousands of those who fought to preserve + this country. And I think just as much of them as I would if they had been + born on American soil. What matters it where a man was born? It is what is + inside of him you have to look at—what kind of a heart he has, and + what kind of a head. I do not care where he was born; I simply ask, Is he + a man? Is he willing to give to others what he claims for himself? That is + the supreme test. + </p> + <p> + Now, I have got a hobby. I do not suppose any of you have heard of it. I + think the greatest thing for a country is for all of its citizens to have + a home. I think it is around the fireside of home that the virtues grow, + including patriotism. We want homes. + </p> + <p> + Until a few years ago it was the custom to put men in prison for debt. The + authorities threw a man into jail when he owed something which he could + not pay, and by throwing him into jail they deprived him of an opportunity + to earn what would pay it. After a little time they got sense enough to + know that they could not collect a debt in this way, and that it was + better to give him his freedom and allow him to earn something, if he + could. Therefore, imprisonment for debt was done away with. + </p> + <p> + At another time, when a man owed anything, if he was a carpenter, a + blacksmith or a shoemaker, and not able to pay it, they took his tools, on + a writ of sale and execution, and thus incapacitated him so that he could + do nothing. Finally they got sense enough to abolish that law, to leave + the mechanic his tools and the farmer his plows, horses and wagons, and + after this, debts were paid better than ever they were before. + </p> + <p> + Then we thought of protecting the home-builder, and we said: "We will have + a homestead exemption. We will put a roof over wife and child, which shall + be exempt from execution and sale," and so we preserved hundreds of + thousands and millions of homes, while debts were paid just as well as + ever they were paid before. + </p> + <p> + Now, I want to take a step further. I want, the rich people of this + country to support it. I want the people who are well off to pay the + taxes. I want the law to exempt a homestead of a certain value, say from + two thousand dollars to two thousand five hundred, and to exempt it, not + only from sale on judgment and execution, but to exempt it from taxes of + all sorts and kinds. I want to keep the roof over the heads of children + when the man himself is gone. I want that homestead to belong not only to + the man, but to wife and children. I would like to live to see a roof over + the heads of all the families of the Republic. I tell you, it does a man + good to have a home. You are in partnership with nature when you plant a + hill of corn. When you set out a tree you have a new interest in this + world. When you own a little tract of land you feel as if you and the + earth were partners. All these things dignify human nature. + </p> + <p> + Bad as I am, I have another hobby. There are thousands and thousands of + criminals in our country. I told you a little while ago I did not blame + the South, because of the conditions which prevailed in the South. The + people of the South did as they must. I am the same about the criminal. He + does as he must. + </p> + <p> + If you want to stop crime you must treat it properly. The conditions of + society must not be such as to produce criminals. + </p> + <p> + When a man steals and is sent to the penitentiary he ought to be sent + there to be reformed and not to be brutalized; to be made a better man, + not to be robbed. + </p> + <p> + I am in favor, when you put a man in the penitentiary, of making him work, + and I am in favor of paying him what his work is worth, so that in five + years, when he leaves the prison cell, he will have from two hundred + dollars to three hundred dollars as a breastwork between him and + temptation, and something for a foundation upon which to build a nobler + life. + </p> + <p> + Now he is turned out and before long he is driven back. Nobody will employ + him, nobody will take him, and, the night following the day of his release + he is without a roof over his head and goes back to his old ways. I would + allow him to change his name, to go to another State with a few hundred + dollars in his pocket and begin the world again. + </p> + <p> + We must recollect that it is the misfortune of a man to become a criminal. + </p> + <p> + I have hobbies and plenty of them. + </p> + <p> + I want to see five hundred millions of people living here in peace. If we + want them to live in peace, we must develop the brain, civilize the heart, + and above all things, must not forget education. Nothing should be taught + in the school that somebody does not know. + </p> + <p> + When I look about me to-day, when I think of the advance of my country, + then I think of the work that has been done. + </p> + <p> + Think of the millions who crossed the mysterious sea, of the thousands and + thousands of ships with their brave prows towards the West. + </p> + <p> + Think of the little settlements on the shores of the ocean, on the banks + of rivers, on the edges of forests. + </p> + <p> + Think of the countless conflicts with savages—of the midnight + attacks—of the cabin floors wet with the blood of dead fathers, + mothers and babes. + </p> + <p> + Think of the winters of want, of the days of toil, of the nights of fear, + of the hunger and hope. + </p> + <p> + Think of the courage, the sufferings and hardships. + </p> + <p> + Think of the homesickness, the disease and death. + </p> + <p> + Think of the labor; of the millions and millions of trees that were + felled, while the aisles of the great forests were filled with the echoes + of the ax; of the many millions of miles of furrows turned by the plow; of + the millions of miles of fences built; of the countless logs changed to + lumber by the saw—of the millions of huts, cabins and houses. + </p> + <p> + Think of the work. Listen, and you will hear the hum of wheels, the wheels + with which our mothers spun the flax and wool. Listen, and you will hear + the looms and flying shuttles with which they wove the cloth. + </p> + <p> + Think of the thousands still pressing toward the West, of the roads they + made, of the bridges they built; of the homes, where the sunlight fell, + where the bees hummed, the birds sang and the children laughed; of the + little towns with mill and shop, with inn and schoolhouse; of the old + stages, of the crack of the whips and the drivers' horns; of the canals + they dug. + </p> + <p> + Think of the many thousands still pressing toward the West, passing over + the Alleghanies to the shores of the Ohio and the great lakes—still + onward to the Mississippi—the Missouri. + </p> + <p> + See the endless processions of covered wagons drawn by horses, by oxen,—men + and boys and girls on foot, mothers and babes inside. See the glimmering + camp fires at night; see the thousands up with the sun and away, leaving + the perfume of coffee on the morning air, and sometimes leaving the + new-made grave of wife or child. Listen, and you will hear the cry of + "Gold!" and you will see many thousands crossing the great plains, + climbing the mountains and pressing on to the Pacific. + </p> + <p> + Think of the toil, the courage it has taken to possess this land! + </p> + <p> + Think of the ore that was dug, the furnaces that lit the nights with + flame; of the factories and mills by the rushing streams. + </p> + <p> + Think of the inventions that went hand in hand with the work; of the + flails that were changed to threshers; of the sickles that became cradles, + and the cradles that were changed to reapers and headers—of the + wooden plows that became iron and steel; of the spinning wheel that became + the jennie, and the old looms transformed to machines that almost think—of + the steamboats that traversed the rivers, making the towns that were far + apart neighbors and friends; of the stages that became cars, of the horses + changed to locomotives with breath of flame, and the roads of dust and mud + to highways of steel, of the rivers spanned and the mountains tunneled. + </p> + <p> + Think of the inventions, the improvements that changed the hut to the + cabin, the cabin to the house, the house to the palace, the earthen floors + and bare walls to carpets and pictures—that changed famine to feast—toil + to happy labor and poverty to wealth. + </p> + <p> + Think of the cost. + </p> + <p> + Think of the separation of families—of boys and girls leaving the + old home—taking with them the blessings and kisses of fathers and + mothers. Think of the homesickness, of the tears shed by the mothers left + by the daughters gone. Think of the millions of brave men deformed by + labor now sleeping in their honored graves. + </p> + <p> + Think of all that has been wrought, endured and accomplished for our good, + and let us remember with gratitude, with love and tears the brave men, the + patient loving women who subdued this land for us. + </p> + <p> + Then think of the heroes who served this country; who gave us this + glorious present and hope of a still more glorious future; think of the + men who really made us free, who secured the blessings of liberty, not + only to us, but to billions yet unborn. + </p> + <p> + This country will be covered with happy homes and free men and free women. + </p> + <p> + To-day we remember the heroic dead, those whose blood reddens the paths + and highways of honor; those who died upon the field, in the charge, in + prison-pens, or in famine's clutch; those who gave their lives that + liberty should not perish from the earth. And to-day we remember the great + leaders who have passed to the realm of silence, to the land of shadow. + Thomas, the rock of Chickamauga, self-poised, firm, brave, faithful; + Sherman, the reckless, the daring, the prudent and the victorious; + Sheridan, a soldier fit to have stood by Julius Cæsar and to have + uttered the words of command; and Grant, the silent, the invincible, the + unconquered; and rising above them all, Lincoln, the wise, the patient, + the merciful, the grandest figure in the Western world. We remember them + all today and hundreds of thousands who are not mentioned, but who are + equally worthy, hundreds of thousands of privates, deserving of equal + honor with the plumed leaders of the host. + </p> + <p> + And what shall I say to you, survivors of the death-filled days? To you, + my comrades, to you whom I have known in the great days, in the time when + the heart beat fast and the blood flowed strong; in the days of high hope—what + shall I say? All I can say is that my heart goes out to you, one and all. + To you who bared your bosoms to the storms of war; to you who left loved + ones to die, if need be, for the sacred cause. May you live long in the + land you helped to save; may the winter of your age be as green as spring, + as full of blossoms as summer, as generous as autumn, and may you, + surrounded by plenty, with your wives at your sides and your grandchildren + on your knees, live long. And when at last the fires of life burn low; + when you enter the deepening dusk of the last of many, many happy days; + when your brave hearts beat weak and slow, may the memory of your splendid + deeds; deeds that freed your fellow-men; deeds that kept your country on + the map of the world; deeds that kept the flag of the Republic in the air—may + the memory of these deeds fill your souls with peace and perfect joy. Let + it console you to know that you are not to be forgotten. Centuries hence + your story will be told in art and song, and upon your honored graves + flowers will be lovingly laid by millions' of men and women now unborn. + </p> + <p> + Again expressing the joy that I feel in having met you, and again saying + farewell to one and all, and wishing you all the blessings of life, I bid + you goodbye.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * At the last reunion of the Eleventh Illinois Cavalry, the + Colonel's old regiment, and the soldiers of Peoria county, + which Mr. Ingersoll attended, a little incident happened + which let us into the inner circle of his life. The meeting + was held at Elmwood. While the soldier were passing in + review the citizens and young people filled all the seats in + the park and crowded around the speaker's stand, so as to + occupy all available space. When the soldiers had finished + their parade and returned to the park, they found it + impossible to get near the speaker. Of course we were all + disappointed, but were forced to stand on the outskirts of + the vast throng. + + As soon as he ceased speaking, Mr. Ingersoll said to a + soldier that he would like to meet his comrades in the hall + at a certain hour in the afternoon. The word spread quickly, + and at the appointed hour the hall was crowded with + soldiers. The guard stationed at tue door was ordered to let + none but soldiers pass into the hall. Some of the comrades, + however, brought their wives. The guards, true to their + orders, refused to let the ladies pass. Just as Mr. + Ingersoll was ready to speak, word came to him that some of + the comrades' wives were outside and wanted permission to + pass the guard. The hall was full, but Mr. Ingersoll + requested all comrades whose wives were within reach to go + and get them. When his order had been complied with even + standing room was at a premium. When Mr. Ingersoll arose to + speak to that great assemblage of white-haired veterans and + their aged companions his voice was unusually tender, and the + wave of emotion that passed through the hall cannot be told + in words. Tears and cheers blended as Mr. Ingersoll arose + and began his speech with the statement that all present + were nearing the setting sun of life, and in all probability + that was the last opportunity many of them would have of + taking each other by the hand. + + In this half-hour impromptu speech the great-hearted man, + Robert G. Ingersoll, was seen at his best. It was not a + clash of opinions over party or creed, but it was a meeting + of hearts and communion together In the holy of holies of + human life. The address was a series of word-pictures that + still hang on the walls of memory. The speaker, in his most + sympathetic mood, drew a picture of the service of the G. A. + R., of the women of the republic, and then paid a beautiful + tribute to home and invoked the kindest and greatest + influence to guard his comrades and their companions during + the remainder of life's journey. + + We got very close to the man that day, where we could see + the heart of Mr. Ingersoll. I have often wished that a + reporter could have been present to preserve the address. + Imagine four beautiful word-paintings entitled, "The Service + of the G. A. R.," "The Influence of Noble Womanhood," "The + Sacredness of Home," and "The Pilgrimage of Life." Imagine + these word-paintings as drawn by Mr. Ingersoll under the + most favorable circumstances, and you have an idea of that + address. Mr. Ingersoll the Agnostic is a very different man + from Mr. Ingersoll the man and patriot. I cannot share the + doubts of this Agnostic. I cannot help admiring the man and + patriot.—The Rev. Frank McAlpine, Peoria Star, August 1, + 1895. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link0018" id="link0018"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CHICAGO AND NEW YORK GOLD SPEECH. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * "This world will see but one Ingersoll." + + Such was the terse, laconic, yet potent utterance that came + spontaneously from a celebrated statesman whose head is now + pillowed in the dust of death, as he stood in the lobby of + the old Burnet House in Cincinnati after the famous + Republican Convention in that city in 1876, at which Colonel + Robert G. Ingersoll made that powerful speech nominating + Blaine for the Presidency, one which is read and reread to- + day, and will be read in the future, as an example of the + highest art of the platform. + + That same sentiment in thought, emotion or vocal expression + emanated from upward of twenty thousand citizens last night + who heard the eloquent and magic Ingersoll in the great + tent stretched near the corner of Sacramento avenue and Lake + street as he expounded the living gospel of true + Republicanism. + + The old warhorse, silvered by long years of faithful service + to his country, aroused the same all-pervading enthusiasm as + he did in the campaigns of Grant and Hayes and Garfield. + + He has lost not one whit, not one iota of his striking + physical presence, his profound reasoning, his convincing + logic, his rollicking wit, grandiloquence—in fine, all the + graces of the orator of old, reenforced by increased + patriotism and the ardor of the call to battle for his + country, are still his in the fullest measure. + + Ingersoll in his powerful speech at Cincinnati, spoke in + behalf of a friend; last night he plead for his country. In + 1876 he eulogized a man; last night, twenty years afterward, + he upheld the principles of democratic government. Such was + the difference in his theme; the logic, the eloquence of his + utterances was the more profound In the same ratio. + + He came to the ground floor of human existence and talked as + man to man. His patriotism, be it religion, sentiment, or + that lofty spirit inseparable from man's soul, is his life. + Last night he sought to inspire those who heard him with the + same loyalty, and he succeeded. + + Those passionate outbursts of eloquence, the wit that fairly + scintillated, the logic as Inexorable as heaven's decrees, + his rich rhetoric and immutable facts driven straight to his + hearers with the strength of bullets, aroused applause that + came as spontaneous as sunlight. + + Now eliciting laughter, now silence, now cheers, the great + orator, with the singular charm of presence, manner and + voice, swayed his immense audience at his own volition. + Packed with potency was every sentence, each word a living + thing, and with them he flayed financial heresy, laid bare + the dire results of free trade, and exposed the dangers of + Populism. + + It was an immense audience that greeted him. The huge tent + was packed from center-pole to circumference, and thousands + went away because they could not gain entrance. The houses + in the vicinity were beautifully illuminated decorated. + + The Chairman, Wm. P. McCabe, in a brief but forcible speech, + presented Colonel Ingersoll to the vast audience. As the old + veteran of rebellion days arose from his seat, one + prolonged, tremendous cheer broke forth from the twenty + thousand throats. And it was fully fifteen minutes before + the great orator could begin to deliver his address. + + In his introductory speech Mr. McCabe said: + + "Friends and Fellow-Citizens: I have no set speech to make + to-night. My duty Is to introduce to you one whose big heart + and big brain is filled with love and patriotic care for the + things that concern the country he fought for and loved so + well. I now have the honor of introducing to you Hon. Robert + G. Ingersoll."—The Intrr-Ocean, Chicago, 111., October 9th, + 1895. +</pre> + <p> + 1896. + </p> + <p> + LADIES and Gentlemen: This is our country. + </p> + <p> + The legally expressed will of the majority is the supreme law of the land. + We are responsible for what our Government does. We cannot excuse + ourselves because of the act of some king, or the opinions of nobles. We + are the kings. We are the nobles. We are the aristocracy of America, and + when our Government does right we are honored, and when our Government + does wrong the brand of shame is on the American brow. + </p> + <p> + Again we are on the field of battle, where thought contends with thought, + the field of battle where facts are bullets and arguments are swords. + </p> + <p> + To-day there is in the United States a vast congress consisting of the + people, and in that congress every man has a voice, and it is the duty of + every man to inquire into all questions presented, to the end that he may + vote as a man and as a patriot should. + </p> + <p> + No American should be dominated by prejudice. No man standing under our + flag should follow after the fife and drum of a party. He should say to + himself: "I am a free man, and I will discharge the obligations of an + American citizen with all the intelligence I possess." + </p> + <p> + I love this country because the people are free; and if they are not free + it is their own fault. + </p> + <p> + To-night I am not going to appeal to your prejudices, if you have any. I + am going to talk to the sense that you have. I am going to address myself + to your brain and to your heart. I want nothing of you except that you + will preserve the institutions of the Republic; that you will maintain her + honor unstained. That is all I ask. + </p> + <p> + I admit that all the parties who disagree with me are honest. Large masses + of mankind are always honest, the leader not always, but the mass of + people do what they believe to be right. Consequently there is no argument + in abuse, nothing calculated to convince in calumny. To be kind, to be + candid, is far nobler, far better, and far more American. We live in a + Democracy, and we admit that every other human being has the same right to + think, the same right to express his thought, the same right to vote that + we have, and I want every one who hears me to vote in exact accord with + his sense, to cast his vote in accordance with his conscience. I want + every one to do the best he can for the great Republic, and no matter how + he votes, if he is honest, I shall find no fault. + </p> + <p> + But the great thing is to understand what you are going to do; the great + thing is to use the little sense that we have. In most of us the capital + is small, and it ought to be turned often. We ought to pay attention, we + ought to listen to what is said and then think, think for ourselves. + </p> + <p> + Several questions have been presented to the American people for their + solution, and I propose to speak a little about those questions, and I do + not want you to pretend to agree with me. I want no applause unless you + honestly believe I am right. + </p> + <p> + Three great questions are presented: First, as to money; second, as to the + tariff, and third, whether this Government has the right of self-defence. + Whether this is a Government of law, or whether there shall be an appeal + from the Supreme Court to a mob. These are the three questions to be + answered next Tuesday by the American people. + </p> + <p> + First, let us take up this money question. Thousands and thousands of + speeches have been made on the subject. Pamphlets thick as the leaves of + autumn have been scattered from one end of the Republic to the other, all + about money, as if it were an exceedingly metaphysical question, as though + there were something magical about it. + </p> + <p> + What is money? Money is a product of nature. Money is a part of nature. + Money is something that man cannot create. All the legislatures and + congresses of the world cannot by any possibility create one dollar, any + more than they could suspend the attraction of gravitation or hurl a new + constellation into the concave sky. Money is not made. It has to be found. + It is dug from the crevices of rocks, washed from the sands of streams, + from the gravel of ancient valleys; but it is not made. It cannot be + created. Money is something that does not have to be redeemed. Money is + the redeemer. And yet we have a man running for the presidency on three + platforms with two Vice-Presidents, who says that money is the creature of + law. It may be that law sometimes is the creature of money, but money was + never the creature of law. + </p> + <p> + A nation can no more create money by law than it can create corn and wheat + and barley by law, and the promise to pay money is no nearer money than a + warehouse receipt is grain, or a bill of fare is a dinner. If you can make + money by law, why should any nation be poor? + </p> + <p> + The supply of law is practically unlimited. Suppose one hundred people + should settle on an island, form a government, elect a legislature. They + would have the power to make law, and if law can make money, if money is + the creature of law, why should not these one hundred people on the island + be as wealthy as Great Britain? What is to hinder? And yet we are told + that money is the creature of law. In the financial world that is as + absurd as perpetual motion in mechanics; it is as absurd as the fountain + of eternal youth, the philosopher's stone, or the transmutation of metals. + </p> + <p> + What is a dollar? People imagine that a piece of paper with pictures on + it, with signatures, is money. The greenback is not money—never was; + never will be. It is a promise to pay money; not money. The note of the + nation is no nearer money than the note of an individual. A bank note is + not money. It is a promise to pay money; that is all. + </p> + <p> + Well, what is a dollar? In the civilized world it is twenty-three grains + and twenty-two one hundredths of pure gold. That is a dollar. Well, cannot + we make dollars out of silver? Yes, I admit it, but in order to make a + silver dollar you have got to put a dollars worth of silver in the silver + dollar, and you have to put as much silver in it as you can buy for + twenty-three grains and twenty-two one-hundredths' of a grain of pure + gold. It takes a dollar's worth of silver to make a dollar. It takes a + dollar's worth of paper to make a paper dollar. It takes a dollar's worth + of iron to make an iron dollar; and there is no way of making a dollar + without the value. + </p> + <p> + And let me tell you another thing. You do not add to the value of gold by + coining it any more than you add to the value of wheat by measuring it; + any more than you add to the value of coal by weighing it. Why do you coin + gold? Because every man cannot take a chemist's outfit with him. He cannot + carry a crucible and retort, scales and acids, and so the Government coins + it, simply to certify how much gold there is in the piece. + </p> + <p> + Ah, but, says this same gentleman, what gives our money—our silver—its + value? It is because it is a legal tender, he says. Nonsense; nonsense. + Gold was not given value by being made a legal tender, but being valuable + it was made a legal tender. And gold gets no value to-day from being a + legal tender. I not only say that, but I will prove it; and I will not + only prove it, but I will demonstrate it. Take a twenty dollar gold piece, + hammer it out of shape, mar the Goddess of Liberty, pound out the United + States of America and batter the eagle, and after you get it pounded how + much is it worth? + </p> + <p> + It is worth exactly twenty dollars. Is it a legal tender? No. Has its + value been changed? No. Take a silver dollar. It is a legal tender; now + pound it into a cube, and how much is it worth? A little less than fifty + cents. What gives it the value of a dollar? The fact that it is a legal + tender? No; but the promise of the Government to keep it on an equality + with gold. I will not only say this, but I will demonstrate it. I do not + ask you to take my word; just use the sense you have. + </p> + <p> + The Mexican silver dollar has a little more silver in it than one of our + dollars, and the Mexican silver dollar is a legal tender in Mexico. If + there is any magic about legal tender it ought to work as well in Mexico + as in the United States. I take an American silver dollar and I go to + Mexico. I buy a dinner for a dollar and I give to the Mexican the American + dollar and he gives me a Mexican dollar in change. Yet both of the dollars + are legal tender. Why is it that the Mexican dollar is worth only fifty + cents? Because the Mexican Government has not agreed to keep it equal with + gold; that is all, that is all. + </p> + <p> + We want the money of the civilized world, and I will tell you now that in + the procession of nations every silver nation lags behind—every one. + There is not a silver nation on the globe where decent wages are paid for + human labor—not one. The American laborer gets ten times as much + here in gold as a laborer gets in China in silver, twenty times as much as + a laborer does in India, four times as much as a laborer gets in Russia; + and yet we are told that the man who will "follow England" with the gold + standard lacks patriotism and manhood. What then shall we say of the man + that follows China, that follows India in the silver standard? + </p> + <p> + Does that require patriotism? + </p> + <p> + It certainly requires self-denial. + </p> + <p> + And yet these gentlemen say that our money is too good. They might as well + say the air is too pure; they might as well say the soil is too rich. How + can money be too good? Mr. Bryan says that it is so good, people hoard it; + and let me tell him they always will. Mr. Bryan wants money so poor that + everybody will be anxious to spend it. He wants money so poor that the + rich will not have it. Then he thinks the poor can get it. We are willing + to toil for good money. Good money means the comforts and luxuries of + life. Real money is always good. Paper promises and silver substitutes may + be poor; words and pictures may be cheap and may fade to worthlessness—but + gold shines on. + </p> + <p> + In Chicago, many years ago, there was an old colored man at the Grand + Pacific. I met him one morning, and he looked very sad, and I said to him, + "Uncle, what is the matter?" "Well," he said, "my wife ran away last + night. Pretty good looking woman; a good deal younger than I am; but she + has run off." And he says: "Colonel, I want to give you my idea about + marriage. If a man wants to marry a woman and have a good time, and be + satisfied and secure in his mind, he wants to marry some woman that no + other man on God's earth would have." + </p> + <p> + That is the kind of money these gentlemen want in the United States. Cheap + money. Do you know that the words cheap money are a contradiction in + terms? Cheap money is always discounted when people find out that it is + cheap. We want good money, and I do not care how much we get. But we want + good money. Men are willing to toil for good money; willing to work in the + mines; willing to work in the heat and glare of the furnace; willing to go + to the top of the mast on the wild sea; willing to work in tenements; + women are willing to sew with their eyes filled with tears for the sake of + good money. And if anything is to be paid in good money, labor is that + thing. If any man is entitled to pure gold, it is the man who labors. Let + the big fellows take cheap money. Let the men living next the soil be paid + in gold. But I want the money of this country as good as that of any other + country. + </p> + <p> + When our money is below par we feel below par. I want our money, no matter + how it is payable, to have the gold behind it. That is the money I want in + the United States. + </p> + <p> + I want to teach the people of the world that a Democracy is honest. I want + to teach the people of the world that America is not only capable of + self-government, but that it has the self-denial, the courage, the honor, + to pay its debts to the last farthing. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Bryan tells the farmers who are in debt that they want cheap money. + What for? To pay their debts. And he thinks that is a compliment to the + tillers of the soil. The statement is an insult to the farmers, and the + farmers of Maine and Vermont have answered him. + </p> + <p> + And if the farmers of those States with their soil can be honest, I think + a farmer in Illinois has no excuse for being a rascal. I regard the + farmers as honest men, and when the sun shines and the rains fall and the + frosts wait, they will pay their debts. They are good men, and I want to + tell you to-night that all the stories that have been told about farmers + being Populists are not true. + </p> + <p> + You will find the Populists in the towns, in the great cities, in the + villages. All the failures, no matter for what reason, are on the + Populist's side. They want to get rich by law. They are tired of work. + </p> + <p> + And yet Mr. Bryan says vote for cheap money so that you can pay your debts + in fifty cent dollars. Will an honest man do it? + </p> + <p> + Suppose a man has borrowed a thousand bushels of wheat of his neighbor, of + sixty pounds to the bushel, and then Congress should pass a law making + thirty pounds of wheat a bushel. Would that farmer pay his debt with five + hundred bushels and consider himself an honest man? + </p> + <p> + Mr. Bryan says, "Vote for cheap money to pay your debts," and thereupon + the creditor says, "What is to become of me?" Mr. Bryan says, "We will + make it one dollar and twenty-nine cents an ounce, and make it of the + ratio of sixteen to one, make it as good as gold." And thereupon the poor + debtor says, "How is that going to help me?" And in nearly all the + speeches that this man has made he has taken the two positions, first, + that we want cheap money to pay debts, and second, that the money would be + just as good as gold for creditors. + </p> + <p> + Now, the question is: Can Congress make fifty cents' worth of silver worth + one dollar? That is the question, and if Congress can, then I oppose the + scheme on account of its extravagance. What is the use of wasting all that + silver? Think about it. If Congress can make fifty cents' worth of silver + worth a dollar by law, why can it not make one cent's worth of silver + worth a dollar by law. Let us save the silver and use it for forks and + spoons. The supply even of silver is limited—the supply of law is + inexhaustible. Do not waste silver, use more law. You cannot fix values by + law any more than you can make cooler summers by shortening thermometers. + </p> + <p> + There is another trouble. If Congress, by the free coinage of silver, can + double its value, why should we allow an Englishman with a million + dollars' worth of silver bullion at the market price, to bring it to + America, have it coined free of charge, and make it exactly double the + value? Why should we put a million dollars in his pocket? That is too + generous. Why not buy the silver from him in the open market and let the + Government make the million dollars? Nothing is more absurd; nothing is + more idiotic. I admit that Mr. Bryan is honest. I admit it. If he were not + honest his intellectual pride would not allow him to make these + statements. + </p> + <p> + Well, another thing says our friend, "Gold has been cornered"; and + thousands of people believe it. + </p> + <p> + You have no idea of the credulity of some folks. I say that it has not + been cornered, and I will not only prove it, I will demonstrate it. + Whenever the Stock Exchange or some of the members have a corner on + stocks, that stock goes up, and if it does not, that corner bursts. + Whenever gentlemen in Chicago get up a corner on wheat in the Produce + Exchange, wheat goes up or the corner bursts. And yet they tell me there + has been a corner in gold for all these years, yet since 1873 to the + present time the rate of interest has steadily gone down. + </p> + <p> + If there had been a corner the rate of interest would have steadily + advanced. There is a demonstration. But let me ask, for my own + information, if they corner gold what will prevent their cornering silver? + Or are you going to have it so poor that it will not be worth cornering? + </p> + <p> + Then they say another thing, and that is that the demonetization of silver + is responsible for all the hardships we have endured, for all the + bankruptcy, for all the panics. That is not true, and I will not only + prove it, but I will demonstrate it. The poison of demonetization entered + the American veins, as they tell us, in 1873, and has been busy in its + hellish work from that time to this; and yet, nineteen years after we were + vaccinated, 1892, was the most prosperous year ever known by this + Republic. All the wheels turning, all the furnaces aflame, work at good + wages, everybody prosperous. How, Mr. Bryanite, how do you account for + that? Just be honest a minute and think about it. + </p> + <p> + Then there is another thing. In 1816 Great Britain demonetized silver, and + that wretched old government has had nothing but gold from that day to + this as a standard. And to show you the frightful results of that + demonetization, that government does not own now above one-third of the + globe, and all the winds are busy floating her flags. There is a + demonstration. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Bryan tells us that free coinage will bring silver 16 to 1. What is + the use of stopping there? Why not make it 1 to 1? Why not make it equal + with gold and be done with it? And why should it stop at exactly one + dollar and twenty-nine cents? I do not know. I am not well acquainted with + all the facts that enter into the question of value, but why should it + stop at exactly one dollar and twenty-nine cents? I do not know. And I + guess if he were cross-examined along toward the close of the trial he + would admit that he did not know. + </p> + <p> + And yet this statesman calls this silver the money of our fathers. Well, + let us see. Our fathers did some good things. In 1792 they made gold and + silver the standards, and at a ratio of 15 to 1. But where you have two + metals and endeavor to make a double standard it is very hard to keep them + even. They vary, and, as old Dogberry says, "An two men ride of a horse, + one must ride behind." They made the ratio 15 to 1, and who did it? Thomas + Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton. Jefferson, the greatest man, with one + exception, that ever sat in the presidential chair. With one exception. [A + voice: "Who was that?"] Abraham Lincoln. Alexander Hamilton, with more + executive ability than any other man that ever stood under the flag. And + how did they fix the ratio? They found the commercial value in the market; + that is how they did it. And they went on and issued American dollars 15 + to 1; and in 1806, when Jefferson was President, the coinage was stopped. + Why? There was too much silver in the dollars, and people instead of + passing them around put them aside and sold them to the silversmiths. + </p> + <p> + Then in 1834 the ratios changed; not quite sixteen to one. That was based + again on the commercial value, and instead of sixteen to one they went + into the thousands in decimals. It was not quite sixteen to one. They + wanted to fix it absolutely on the commercial value. Then a few more + dollars were coined; and our fathers coined of these sacred dollars up to + 1873, eight millions, and seven millions had been melted. + </p> + <p> + In 1853 the gold standard was in fact adopted, and, as I have told you, + from 1792 to 1873 only eight millions of silver had been coined. + </p> + <p> + What have the "enemies of silver" done since that time? Under the act of + 1878 we have coined over four hundred and thirty millions of these blessed + dollars. We bought four million ounces of silver in the open market every + month, and in spite of the vast purchases silver continued to go down. We + are coining about two millions a month now, and silver is still going + down. Even the expectation of the election of Bryan cannot add the tenth + of one per cent, to the value of silver bullion. It is going down day by + day. + </p> + <p> + But what I want to say to-night is, if you want silver money, measure it + by the gold standard. + </p> + <p> + I wish every one here would read the speech of Senator Sherman, delivered + at Columbus a little while ago, in which he gives the history of American + coinage, and every man who will read it will find that silver was not + demonetized in 1873. You will find that it was demonetized in 1853, and if + he will read back he will find that the apostles of silver now were in + favor of the gold standard in 1873. Senator Jones of Nevada in 1873 voted + for the law of 1873. He said from his seat in the Senate, that God had + made gold the standard. He said that gold was the mother of civilization. + Whether he has heard from God since or not I do not know. But now he is on + the other side. Senator Stewart of Nevada was there at the time; he voted + for the act of 1873, and said that gold was the only standard. He has + changed his mind. So they have said of me that I used to talk another way, + and they have published little portions of speeches, without publishing + all that was said. I want to tell you to-night that I have never changed + on the money question. + </p> + <p> + On many subjects I have changed. I am very glad to feel that I have grown + a little in the last forty or fifty years. And a man should allow himself + to grow, to bud and blossom and bear new fruit, and not be satisfied with + the rotten apples under the tree. + </p> + <p> + But on the money question I have not changed. Sixteen years ago in this + city at Cooper Union, in 1880, in discussing this precise question, I said + that I wanted gold and silver and paper; that I wanted the paper issued by + the General Government, and back of every paper dollar I wanted a gold + dollar or a silver dollar worth a dollar in gold. I said then, "I want + that silver dollar worth a dollar in gold if you have to make it four feet + in diameter." I said then, "I want our paper so perfectly secure that when + the savage in Central Africa looks upon a Government bill of the United + States his eyes will gleam as though he looked at shining gold." I said + then, "I want every paper dollar of the Union to be able to hold up its + hand and swear, 'I know that my Redeemer liveth.'" I said then, "The + Republic cannot afford to debase money; cannot afford to be a clipper of + coin; an honest nation, honest money; for nations as well as individuals, + honesty is the best policy everywhere and forever." I have not changed on + that subject. As I told a gentleman the other day, "I am more for silver + than you are because I want twice as much of it in a dollar as you do." + </p> + <p> + Ah, but they say, "free coinage would bring prosperity." I do not believe + it, and I will tell you why. Elect Bryan, come to the silver standard, and + what would happen? We have in the United States about six hundred million + dollars in gold. Every dollar would instantly go out of circulation. Why? + No man will use the best money when he can use cheaper. Remember that. No + carpenter will use mahogany when his contract allows pine. Gold will go + out of circulation, and what next would happen? All the greenbacks would + fall to fifty cents on the dollar. The only reason they are worth a dollar + now is because the Government has agreed to pay them in gold. When you + come to a silver basis they fall to fifty cents. What next? All the + national bank notes would be cut square in two. Why? Because they are + secured by United States bonds, and when we come to a silver basis, United + States bonds would be paid in silver, fifty cents on the dollar. And what + else would happen? What else? These sacred silver dollars would instantly + become fifty cent pieces, because they would no longer be redeemable in + gold; because the Government would no longer be under obligation to keep + them on a parity with gold. And how much currency and specie would that + leave for us in the United States? In value three hundred and fifty + million dollars. That is five dollars per capita. We have twenty dollars + per capita now, and yet they want to go to five dollars for the purpose of + producing prosperous times! + </p> + <p> + What else would happen? Every human being living on an income would lose + just one-half. Every soldiers' pension would be cut in two. Every human + being who has a credit in the savings bank would lose just one-half. All + the life insurance companies would pay just one-half. All the fire + insurance companies would pay just one-half, and leave you the ashes for + the balance. That is what they call prosperity. + </p> + <p> + And what else? The Republic would be dishonored. The believers in monarchy—in + the divine right of kings—the aristocracies of the Old World—would + say, "Democracy is a failure, freedom is a fraud, and liberty is a liar;" + and we would be compelled to admit the truth. No; we want good, honest + money. We want money that will be good when we are dead. We want money + that will keep the wolf from the door, no matter what Congress does. We + want money that no law can create; that is what we want. There was a time + when Rome was mistress of the world, and there was a time when the arch of + the empire fell, and the empire was buried in the dust of oblivion; and + before those days the Roman people coined gold, and one of those coins is + as good to-night as when Julius Cæsar rode at the head of his + legions. That is the money we want. We want money that is honest. + </p> + <p> + But Mr. Bryan hates the bondholders. Who are the bondholders? Let us be + honest; let us have some sense. When this Government was in the flame of + civil war it was compelled to sell bonds, and everybody who bought a bond + bought it because he believed the great Republic would triumph at last. + Every man who bought a bond was our friend, and every bond that he + purchased added to the chances of our success. They were our friends, and + I respect them all. Most of them are dead, and the bonds they bought have + been sold and resold maybe hundreds of times, and the men who have them + now paid a hundred and twenty in gold, and why should they not be paid in + gold? Can any human being think of any reason? And yet Mr. Bryan says that + the debt is so great that it cannot be paid in gold. How much is the + Republic worth? Let me tell you? This Republic to-day—its lands in + cultivation, its houses, railways, canals, and money—is worth + seventy thousand million dollars. And what do we owe? One billion five + hundred million dollars, and what is the condition of the country? It is + the condition of a man who has seventy dollars and owes one dollar and a + half. This is the richest country on the globe. Have we any excuse for + being thieves? Have we any excuse for failing to pay the debt? No, sir; + no, sir. Mr. Bryan hates the bondholders of the railways. Why? I do not + know. What did those wretches do? They furnished the money to build the + one hundred and eighty thousand miles of railway in the United States; + that is what they did. + </p> + <p> + They paid the money that threw up the road-bed, that shoveled the gravel; + they paid the men that turned the ore into steel and put it in form for + use; they paid the men that cut down the trees and made the ties, that + manufactured the locomotives and the cars. That is what they did. No + wonder that a presidential failure hates them. + </p> + <p> + So this man hates bankers. Now, what is a banker? Here is a little town of + five thousand people, and some of them have a little money. They do not + want to keep it in the house because some Bryan man might find it; I mean + if it were silver. So one citizen buys a safe and rents a room and tells + all the people, "You deposit the overplus with me to hold it subject to + your order upon your orders signed as checks;" and so they do, and in a + little while he finds that he has on hand continually about one hundred + thousand dollars more than is called for, and thereupon he loans it to the + fellow who started the livery stable and to the chap that opened the + grocery and to the fellow with the store, and he makes this idle money + work for the good and prosperity of that town. And that is all he does. + And these bankers now, if Mr. Bryan becomes President, can pay the + depositors in fifty cent dollars; and yet they are such rascally wretches + that they say, "We prefer to pay back gold." You can see how mean they + are. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Bryan hates the rich. Would he like to be rich? He hates the + bondholders. Would he like to have a million? He hates the successful man. + Does he want to be a failure? If he does, let him wait until the third day + of November. We want honest money because we are honest people; and there + never was any real prosperity for a nation or an individual without + honesty, without integrity, and it is our duty to preserve the reputation + of the great Republic. + </p> + <p> + Better be an honest bankrupt than a rich thief. Poverty can hold in its + hand the jewel, honor—a jewel that outshines all other gems. A + thousand times better be poor and noble than rich and fraudulent. + </p> + <p> + Then there is another question—the question of the tariff. I admit + that there are a great many arguments in favor of free trade, but I assert + that all the facts are the other way. I want American people as far as + possible to manufacture everything that Americans use. + </p> + <p> + The more industries we have the more we will develop the American brain, + and the best crop you can raise in every country is a crop of good men and + good women—of intelligent people. And another thing, I want to keep + this market for ourselves. A nation that sells raw material will grow + ignorant and poor; a nation that manufactures will grow intelligent and + rich. It only takes muscle to dig ore. It takes mind to manufacture a + locomotive, and only that labor is profitable that is mixed with thought. + Muscle must be in partnership with brain. I am in favor of keeping this + market for ourselves, and yet some people say: "Give us the market of the + world." Well, why don't you take it? There is no export duty on anything. + You can get things out of this country cheaper than from any other country + in the world. Iron is as cheap here in the ground, so are coal and stone, + as any place on earth. The timber is as cheap in the forest. Why don't you + make things and sell them in Central Africa, in China and Japan? Why don't + you do it? I will tell you why. It is because labor is too high; that is + all. Almost the entire value is labor. You make a ton of steel rails worth + twenty-five dollars; the ore in the ground is worth only a few cents, the + coal in the earth only a few cents, the lime in the cliff only a few cents—altogether + not one dollar and fifty cents; but the ton is worth twenty-five dollars; + twenty-three dollars and fifty cents labor! That is the trouble. The + steamship is worth five hundred thousand dollars, but the raw material is + not worth ten thousand dollars. The rest is labor. Why is labor higher + here than in Europe? Protection. And why do these gentlemen ask for the + trade of the world? Why do they ask for free trade? Because they want + cheaper labor. That is all; cheaper labor. The markets of the world! We + want our own markets. I would rather have the market of Illinois than all + of China with her four hundred millions. I would rather have the market of + one good county in New York than all of Mexico. What do they want in + Mexico? A little red calico, a few sombreros and some spurs. They make + their own liquor and they live on red pepper and beans. What do you want + of their markets? We want to keep our own. In other words, we want to + pursue the policy that has given us prosperity in the past. We tried a + little bit of free trade in 1892 when we were all prosperous. I said then: + "If Grover Cleveland is elected it will cost the people five hundred + million dollars." I am no prophet, nor the son of a prophet, nor a + profitable son, but I placed the figure too low. His election has cost a + thousand million dollars. There is an old song, "You Put the Wrong Man off + at Buffalo;" we took the wrong man on at Buffalo. We tried just a little + of it, not much. We tried the Wilson bill—a bill, according to Mr. + Cleveland, born of perfidy and dishonor—a bill that he was not quite + foolish enough to sign and not brave enough to veto. We tried it and we + are tired of it, and if experience is a teacher the American people know a + little more than they did. We want to do our own work, and we want to + mingle our thought with our labor. We are the most inventive of all the + peoples. We sustain the same relation to invention that the ancient Greeks + did to sculpture. We want to develop the brain; we want to cultivate the + imagination, and we want to cover our land with happy homes. A thing is + worth sometimes the thought that is in it, sometimes the genius. Here is a + man buys a little piece of linen for twenty-five cents, he buys a few + paints for fifteen cents, and a few brushes, and he paints a picture; just + a little one; a picture, maybe, of a cottage with a dear old woman, white + hair, serene forehead and satisfied eyes; at the corner a few hollyhocks + in bloom—may be a tree in blossom, and as you listen you seem to + hear the songs of birds—the hum of bees, and your childhood all + comes back to you as you look. You feel the dewy grass beneath your bare + feet once again, and you go back in your mind until the dear old woman on + the porch is once more young and fair. There is a soul there. Genius has + done its work. And the little picture is worth five, ten, may be fifty + thousand dollars. All the result of labor and genius. + </p> + <p> + And another thing we want is to produce great men and great women here in + our own country; then again we want business. Talk about charity, talk + about the few dollars that fall unconsciously from the hand of wealth, + talk about your poorhouses and your sewing societies and your poor little + efforts in the missionary line in the worst part of your town! Ah, there + is no charity like business. Business gives work to labor's countless + hands; business wipes the tears from the eyes of widows and orphans; + business dimples with joy the cheek of sorrow; business puts a roof above + the heads of the homeless; business covers the land with happy homes. + </p> + <p> + We do not want any populistic philanthropy. We want no fiat philosophy. We + want no silver swindles. We want business. Wind and wave are our servants; + let them work. Steam and electricity are our slaves; let them toil. Let + all the wheels whirl; let all the shuttles fly. Fill the air with the + echoes of hammer and saw. Fill the furnace with flame; the moulds with + liquid iron. Let them glow. + </p> + <p> + Build homes and palaces of trade. Plow the fields, reap the waving grain. + Create all things that man can use. Business will feed the hungry, clothe + the naked, educate the ignorant, enrich the world with art—fill the + air with song. Give us Protection and Prosperity. Do not cheat us with + free trade dreams. Do not deceive us with debased coin. Give us good money—the + life blood of business—and let it flow through the veins and + arteries of commerce. + </p> + <p> + And let me tell you to-night the smoke arising from the factories' great + plants forms the only cloud on which has ever been seen the glittering bow + of American promise. We want work, and I tell you to-night that my + sympathies are with the men who work, with the women who weep. I know that + labor is the Atlas on whose shoulders rests the great superstructure of + civilization and the great dome of science adorned with all there is of + art. Labor is the great oak, labor is the great column, and labor, with + its deft and cunning hands, has created the countless things of art and + beauty. I want to see labor paid. I want to see capital civilized until it + will be willing to give labor its share, and I want labor intelligent + enough to settle all these questions in the high court of reason. And let + me tell the workingman to-night: You will never help your self by + destroying your employer. You have work to sell. Somebody has to buy it, + if it is bought, and somebody has to buy it that has the money. Who is + going to manufacture something that will not sell. Nobody is going into + the manufacturing business through philanthropy, and unless your employer + makes a profit, the mill will be shut down and you will be out of work. + The interest of the employer and the employed should be one. Whenever the + employers of the continent are successful, then the workingman is better + paid, and you know it. I have some hope in the future for the workingman. + I know what it is to work. I do not think my natural disposition runs in + that direction, but I know what it is to work, and I have worked with all + my might at one dollar and a half a week. I did the work of a man for + fifty cents a day, and I was not sorry for it. In the horizon of my future + burned and gleamed the perpetual star of hope. I said to myself: I live in + a free country, and I have a chance; I live in a free country, and I have + as much liberty as any other man beneath the flag, and I have enjoyed it. + </p> + <p> + Something has been done for labor. Only a few years ago a man worked + fifteen or sixteen hours a day, but the hours have been reduced to at + least ten and are on the way to still further reduction. And while the + hours have been decreased the wages have as certainly been increased. In + forty years—in less—the wages of American workingmen have + doubled. A little while ago you received an average of two hundred and + eighty-five dollars a year; now you receive an average of more than four + hundred and ninety dollars; there is the difference. So it seems to me + that the star of hope is still in the sky for every workingman. Then there + is another thing: every workingman in this country can take his little boy + on his knee and say, "John, all the avenues to distinction, wealth, and + glory are open to you. There is the free school; take your chances with + the rest." And it seems to me that that thought ought to sweeten every + drop of sweat that trickles down the honest brow of toil. + </p> + <p> + So let us have protection! How much? Enough, so that our income at least + will equal our outgo. That is a good way to keep house. I am tired of + depression and deficit. I do not like to see a President pawning bonds to + raise money to pay his own salary. I do not like to see the great Republic + at the mercy of anybody, so let us stand by protection. + </p> + <p> + There is another trouble. The gentleman now running for the presidency—a + tireless talker—oh, if he had a brain equal to his vocal chords, + what a man! And yet when I read his speeches it seems to me as though he + stood on his head and thought with his feet. This man is endeavoring to + excite class against class, to excite the poor against the rich. Let me + tell you something. We have no classes in the United States. There are no + permanent classes here. The millionaire may be a mendicant, the mendicant + may be a millionaire. The man now working for the millionaire may employ + that millionaire's sons to work for him. There is a chance for us all. + Sometimes a numskull is born in the mansion, and a genius rises from the + gutter. Old Mother Nature has a queer way of taking care of her children. + You cannot tell. You cannot tell. Here we have a free open field of + competition, and if a man passes me in the race I say: "Good luck. Get + ahead of me if you can, you are welcome." + </p> + <p> + And why should I hate the rich? Why should I make my heart a den of + writhing, hissing snakes of envy? Get rich. I do not care. I am glad I + live in a country where somebody can get rich. It is a spur in the flank + of ambition. Let them get rich. I have known good men that were quite + rich, and I have known some mean men who were in straitened circumstances. + So I have known as good men as ever breathed the air, who were poor. We + must respect the man; what is inside, not what is outside. + </p> + <p> + That is why I like this country. That is why I do not want it dishonored. + I want no class feeling. The citizens of America should be friends. Where + capital is just and labor intelligent, happiness dwells. Fortunate that + country where the rich are extravagant and the poor economical. Miserable + that country where the rich are economical and the poor are extravagant. A + rich spendthrift is a blessing. A rich miser is a curse. Extravagance is a + splendid form of charity. Let the rich spend, let them build, let them + give work to their fellow-men, and I will find no fault with their wealth, + provided they obtained it honestly. + </p> + <p> + There was an old fellow by the name of Socrates. He happened to be + civilized, living in a barbarous time, and he was tried for his life. And + in his speech in which he defended himself is a paragraph that ought to + remain in the memory of the human race forever. + </p> + <p> + He said to those judges, "During my life I have not sought ambition, + wealth. I have not sought to adorn my body, but I have endeavored to adorn + my soul with the jewels of patience and justice, and above all, with the + love of liberty." Such a man rises above all wealth. + </p> + <p> + Why should we envy the rich? Why envy a man who has no earthly needs? Why + envy a man that carries a hundred canes? Why envy a man who has that which + he cannot use? I know a great many rich men and I have read about a great + many others, and I do not envy them. They are no happier than I am. You + see, after all, few rich men own their property. The property owns them. + It gets them up early in the morning. It will not let them sleep; it makes + them suspect their friends. Sometimes they think their children would like + to attend a first-class funeral. Why should we envy the rich? They have + fear; we have hope. They are on the top of the ladder; we are close to the + ground. They are afraid of falling, and we hope to rise. + </p> + <p> + Why should we envy the rich? They never drank any colder water than I + have. They never ate any lighter biscuits or any better corn bread. They + never drank any better Illinois wine, or felt better after drinking it, + than I have; than you have. They never saw any more glorious sunsets with + the great palaces of amethyst and gold, and they never saw the heavens + thicker with constellations; they never read better poetry. They know no + more about the ecstasies of love than we do. They never got any more + pleasure out of courting than I did. Why should we envy the rich? I know + as much about the ecstasies of love of wife and child and friends as they. + They never had any better weather in June than I have, or you have. They + can buy splendid pictures. I can look at them. And who owns a great + picture or a great statue? The man who bought it? Possibly, and possibly + not. The man who really owns it, is the man who understands it, that + appreciates it, the man into whose heart its beauty and genius come, the + man who is ennobled and refined and glorified by it. + </p> + <p> + They have never heard any better music than I have. + </p> + <p> + When the great notes, winged like eagles, soar to the great dome of sound, + I have felt just as good as though I had a hundred million dollars. + </p> + <p> + Do not try to divide this country into classes. The rich man that + endeavors to help his fellow-man deserves the honor and respect of the + great Republic. I have nothing against the man that got rich in the free + and open field of competition. Where they combine to rob their fellow-men, + then I want the laws enforced. That is all. Let them play fair and they + are welcome to all they get. + </p> + <p> + And why should we hate the successful? Why? We cannot all be first. The + race is a vast procession; a great many hundred millions are back of the + center, and in front there is only one human being; that is all. Shall we + wait for the other fellows to catch up? Shall the procession stop? I say, + help the fallen, assist the weak, help the poor, bind up the wounds, but + do not stop the procession. + </p> + <p> + Why should we envy the successful? Why should we hate them? And why should + we array class against class? It is all wrong. For instance, here is a + young man, and he is industrious. He is in love with a girl around the + corner. She is in his brain all day—in his heart all night, and + while he is working he is thinking. He gets a little ahead, they get + married. He is an honest man, he gets credit, and the first thing you know + he has a good business of his own and he gets rich; educates his children, + and his old age is filled with content and love. Good! His companions bask + in the sunshine of idleness. They have wasted their time, wasted their + wages in dissipation, and when the winter of life comes, when the snow + falls on the barren fields of the wasted days, then shivering with cold, + pinched with hunger, they curse the man who has succeeded. Thereupon they + all vote for Bryan. + </p> + <p> + Then there is another question, and that is whether the Government has a + right to protect itself? And that is whether the employees of railways + shall have a right to stop the trains, a right to prevent interstate + commerce, a right to burn bridges and shoot engineers? Has the United + States the right to protect commerce between the States? I say, yes. + </p> + <p> + It is the duty of the President to lay the mailed hand of the Republic + upon the mob. We want no mobs in this country. This is a Government of the + people and by the people, a Government of law, and these laws should be + interpreted by the courts in judicial calm. We have a supreme tribunal. + Undoubtedly it has made some bad decisions, but it has made a vast number + of good ones. The judges do the best they can. Of course they are not like + Mr. Bryan, infallible. But they are doing the best they can, and when they + make a decision that is wrong it will be attacked by reason, it will be + attacked by argument, and in time it will be reversed, but I do not + believe in attacking it with a torch or by a mob. I hate the mob spirit. + Civilized men obey the law. Civilized men believe in order. Civilized men + believe that a man that makes property by industry and economy has the + right to keep it. Civilized men believe that that man has the right to use + it as he desires, and they will judge of his character by the manner in + which he uses it. If he endeavors to assist his fellow-man he will have + the respect and admiration of his fellow-men. But we want a Government of + law. We do not want labor questions settled by violence and blood. + </p> + <p> + I want to civilize the capitalist so that he will be willing to give what + labor is worth. I want to educate the workingman so that he will be + willing to receive what labor is worth. I want to civilize them both to + that degree that they can settle all their disputes in the high court of + reason. + </p> + <p> + But when you tell me that they can stop the commerce of the Nation, then + you preach the gospel of the bludgeon, the gospel of torch and bomb. I do + not believe in that religion. I believe in a religion of kindness, reason + and law. The law is the supreme will of the supreme people, and we must + obey it or we go back to savagery and black night. I stand by the courts. + I stand by the President who endeavors to preserve the peace. I am against + mobs; I am against lynchings, and I believe it is the duty of the Federal + Government to protect all of its citizens at home and abroad; and I want a + Government powerful enough to say to the Governor of any State where they + are murdering American citizens without process of law—I want the + Federal Government to say to the Governor of that State: "Stop; stop + shedding the blood of American citizens. And if you cannot stop it, we + can." I believe in a Government that will protect the lowest, the poorest + and weakest as promptly as the mightiest and strongest. That is my + Government. This old doctrine of State Sovereignty perished in the flame + of civil war, and I tell you to-night that that infamous lie was + surrendered to Grant with Lee's sword at Appomattox. + </p> + <p> + I believe in a strong Government, not in a Government that can make money, + but in a strong Government. + </p> + <p> + Oh, I forgot to ask the question, "If the Government can make money why + should it collect taxes?" + </p> + <p> + Let us be honest. Here is a poor man with a little yoke of cattle, + cultivating forty acres of stony ground, working like a slave in the heat + of summer, in the cold blasts of winter, and the Government makes him pay + ten dollars taxes, when, according to these gentlemen, it could issue a + one hundred thousand dollar bill in a second. Issue the bill and give the + fellow with the cattle a rest. Is it possible for the mind to conceive + anything more absurd than that the Government can create money? + </p> + <p> + Now, the next question is, or the next thing is, you have to choose + between men. Shall Mr. Bryan be the next President or shall McKinley + occupy that chair? Who is Mr. Bryan? He is not a tried man. If he had the + capacity to reason, if he had logic, if he could spread the wings of + imagination, if there were in his heart the divine flower called pity, he + might be an orator, but lacking all these, he is as he is. + </p> + <p> + When Major McKinley was fighting under the flag, Bryan was in his mother's + arms, and judging from his speeches he ought to be there still. What is + he? He is a Populist. He voted for General Weaver. + </p> + <p> + Only a little while ago he denied being a Democrat. His mind is filled + with vagaries. A fiat money man. His brain is an insane asylum without a + keeper. + </p> + <p> + Imagine that man President. Whom would he call about him? Upon whom would + he rely? Probably for Secretary of State he would choose Ignatius Donnelly + of Minnesota; for Secretary of the Interior, Henry George; for Secretary + of War, Tillman with his pitchforks; for Postmaster-General, Peffer of + Kansas. Once somebody said: "If you believe in fiat money, why don't you + believe in fiat hay, and you can make enough hay out of Peffer's whiskers + to feed all the cattle in the country." For Secretary of the Treasury, + Coin Harvey. For Secretary of the Navy, Coxey, and then he could keep off + the grass. And then would come the millennium. The great cryptogram and + the Bacon cipher; the single tax, State saloons, fiat money, free silver, + destruction of banks and credit, bondholders and creditors mobbed, courts + closed, debts repudiated and the rest of the folks made rich by law. + </p> + <p> + And suppose Bryan should die, and then think, think of Thomas Watson + sitting in the chair of Abraham Lincoln. That is enough to give a patriot + political nightmare. + </p> + <p> + If McKinley dies there is an honest capable man to take his place. A man + who believes in business, in prosperity. A man who knows what money is. A + man who would never permit the laying of a land warrant on a cloud. A man + of good sense, a man of level head. A man that loves his country, a man + that will protect its honor. + </p> + <p> + And is McKinley a tried man? Honest, candid, level-headed, putting on no + airs, saying not what he thinks somebody else thinks, but what he thinks, + and saying it in his own honest, forcible way. He has made hundreds of + speeches during this campaign, not to people whom he ran after, but to + people who came to see him. Not from the tail end of cars, but from the + doorstep of his home, and every speech has been calculated to make votes. + Every speech has increased the respect of the American people for him, + every one. He has never slopped over. Four years ago I read a speech made + by him at Cleveland, on the tariff. I tell you to-night that he is the + best posted man on the tariff under the flag. I tell you that he knows the + road to prosperity. I read that speech. It had foundation, proportion, + dome, and he handled his facts as skillfully as Caesar marshaled his hosts + on the fields of war, and ever since I read it I have had profound respect + for the intelligence and statesmanship of William McKinley. + </p> + <p> + He will call about him the best, the wisest, and the most patriotic men, + and his cabinet will respect the highest and loftiest interests and + aspirations of the American people. + </p> + <p> + Then you have to make another choice. You have to choose between parties, + between the new Democratic and the old Republican. And I want to tell you + the new Democratic is worse than the old, and that is a good deal for me + to say. In 1861 hundreds and hundreds of thousands of Democrats thought + more of country than of party. Hundreds and hundreds of thousands + shouldered their muskets, rushed to the rescue of the Republic, and + sustained the administration of Abraham Lincoln. With their help the + Rebellion was crushed, and now hundreds and hundreds of thousands of + Democrats will hold country above party and will join with the Republicans + in saving the honor, the reputation, of the United States; and I want to + say to all the National Democrats who feel that they cannot vote for + Bryan, I want to say to you, vote for McKinley. This is no war for blank + cartridges. Your gun makes as much noise, but it does not do as much + execution. + </p> + <p> + If you vote for Palmer it is not to elect him, it is simply to defeat + Bryan, and the sure way to defeat Bryan is to vote for McKinley. You have + to choose between parties. The new Democratic party, with its allies, the + Populists and Socialists and Free Silverites, represents the follies, the + mistakes, and the absurdities of a thousand years. They are in favor of + everything that cannot be done. Whatever is, is wrong. They think + creditors are swindlers, and debtors who refuse to pay their debts are + honest men. Good money is bad and poor money is good. A promise is better + than a performance. They desire to abolish facts, punish success, and + reward failure. They are worse than the old. And yet I want to be honest. + I am like the old Dutchman who made a speech in Arkansas. He said: "Ladies + and Gentlemen, I must tell you the truth. There are good and bad in all + parties except the Democratic party, and in the Democratic party there are + bad and worse." The new Democratic party, a party that believes in + repudiation, a party that would put the stain of dishonesty on every + American brow and that would make this Government subject to the mob. + </p> + <p> + You have to make your choice. I have made mine. I go with the party that + is traveling my way. + </p> + <p> + I do not pretend to belong to anything or that anything belongs to me. + When a party goes my way I go with that party and I stick to it as long as + it is traveling my road. And let me tell you something. The history of the + Republican party is the glory of the United States. The Republican party + has the enthusiasm of youth and the wisdom of old age. The Republican + party has the genius of administration. The Republican party knows the + wants of the people. The Republican party kept this country on the map of + the world and kept our flag in the air. The Republican party made our + country free, and that one fact fills all the heavens with light. The + Republican party is the pioneer of progress; the grandest organization + that has ever existed among men. The Republican party is the conscience of + the nineteenth century. I am proud to belong to it. Vote the Republican + ticket and you will be happy here, and if there is another life you will + be happy there. + </p> + <p> + I had an old friend down in Woodford County, Charley Mulidore. He won a + coffin on Lincoln's election. He took it home and every birthday he called + in his friends. They had a little game of "sixty-six" on the coffin lid. + When the game was over they opened the coffin and took out the things to + eat and drink and had a festival, and the minister in the little town, + hearing of it, was scandalized, and he went to Charley Mulidore and he + said: "Mr. Mulidore, how can you make light of such awful things?" "What + things?" "Why," he said, "Mr. Mulidore, what did you do with that coffin? + In a little while you die, and then you come to the day of judgment." + "Well, Mr. Preacher, when I come to that day of judgment they will say, + 'What is your name?' I will tell them, 'Charley Mulidore.' And they will + say, 'Mr. Mulidore, are you a Christian?' 'No, sir, I was a Republican, + and the coffin I got out of this morning I won on Abraham Lincoln's + election.' And then they will say, 'Walk in, Mr. Mulidore, walk in, walk + in; here is your halo and there is your harp.'" + </p> + <p> + If you want to live in good company vote the Republican ticket. Vote for + Black for Governor of the State of New York—a man in favor of + protection and honest money; a man that believes in the preservation of + the honor of the Nation. Vote for members of Congress that are true to the + great principles of the Republican party. Vote for every Republican + candidate from the lowest to the highest. This is a year when we mean + business. Vote, as I tell you, the Republican ticket if you want good + company. + </p> + <p> + If you want to do some good to your fellow-men, if you want to say when + you die—when the curtain falls—when the music of the orchestra + grows dim—when the lights fade; if you want to live so at that time + you can say "the world is better because I lived," vote the Republican + ticket in 1896. Vote with the party of Lincoln—greatest of our + mighty dead; Lincoln the Merciful. Vote with the party of Grant, the + greatest soldier of his century; a man worthy to have been matched against + Cæsar for the mastery of the world; as great a general as ever + planted on the field of war the torn and tattered flag of victory. Vote + with the party of Sherman and Sheridan and Thomas. But the time would fail + me to repeat even the names of the philosophers, the philanthropists, the + thinkers, the orators, the statesmen, and the soldiers who made the + Republican party glorious forever. + </p> + <p> + We love our country; dear to us for its reputation throughout the world. + We love our country for her credit in all the marts of the world. We love + our country, because under her flag we are free. It is our duty to hand + down the American institutions to our children unstained, unimpaired. It + is our duty to preserve them for ourselves, for our children, and for + their fair children yet to be. + </p> + <p> + This is the last speech that I shall make in this campaign, and to-night + there comes upon me the spirit of prophecy. On November 4th you will find + that by the largest majorities in our history, William McKinley has been + elected President of the United States.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The final rally of the McKinley League for the present + campaign, was held last night in Carnegie Music Hall, ana + the orator chosen to present the doctrines of the + Republican party was Robert G. Ingersoll. The meeting will + remain notable for the high character of the audience. The + great hall was filled to its utmost capacity. It was crowded + from the rear of the stage to the last row of seats in the + deep gallery. + + The boxes were occupied by brilliantly attired women, and + hundreds of other women vied with the sterner sex In the + applause that greeted the numerous telling points of the + speaker. The audience was a very fashionable and exclusive + one, for admission was only to be had by ticket, and tickets + were hard to get. + + On the stage a great company of men and women were gathered, + and over them waved rich masses of color, the American + colors, of course, predominating in the display Flags hung + from all the gallery rails, and the whole scheme of + decoration was consistent and beautiful. At 8.80 o'clock Mr. + John E. Milholland appeared upon the stage followed by Col. + Ingersoll. + + Without any delay Mr. Milholland was presented as the + chairman of the meeting. He spoke briefly of the purpose of + the party and then said; "There is no Intelligent audience + under the flag or in any civilized country to whom it would + be necessary for me to introduce Robert G. Ingersoll." And + the cheers with which the audience greeted the orator proved + the truth of his words. + + Col. Ingersoll rose impressively and advanced to the front + of the stage, from which the speaker's desk had been removed + in order to allow him full opportunity to indulge in his + habit of walking to and fro as he talked. He was greeted + with tremendous applause; the men cheered him and the women + waved their handkerchiefs and fans for several minutes. + + He was able to secure instant command of his audience, and + while the applause was wildest, he waved his hand, and the + gesture was followed by a silence that was oppressive. Still + the speaker waited. He did not intend to waste any of his + ammunition. Then, convinced that every eye was centred upon + him, he spoke, declaring "This is our country." The assembly + was his from that instant. He followed it up with a summary + of the issues of the campaign. They were "money, the tariff, + and whether this Government has the right of self-defence." + As he said later on in his address, the Colonel has changed + in a good many things, but he has not changed his politics, + and he has not altered one whit in his masterful command of + forceful sayings.—New York Tribune, October 80th, 1896. +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Note:—This was Col. Ingersoll's last political address. +</pre> + <div style="height: 6em;"> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + <table summary="" border="3" cellpadding="4"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td> + <big><big><a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/38813/38813-h/38813-h.htm"> + TABLE OF CONTENTS FOR ALL 12 EBOOKS IN THIS SET</a></big></big> + </td> + <td></td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> + </div> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. +9 (of 12), by Robert G. 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Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + + +</pre> + </body> +</html> diff --git a/38809-h/images/portrait.jpg b/38809-h/images/portrait.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..ba82c00 --- /dev/null +++ b/38809-h/images/portrait.jpg diff --git a/38809-h/images/titlepage.jpg b/38809-h/images/titlepage.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..08c0ea2 --- /dev/null +++ b/38809-h/images/titlepage.jpg diff --git a/38809.txt b/38809.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3eab58b --- /dev/null +++ b/38809.txt @@ -0,0 +1,12392 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 9 +(of 12), by Robert G. Ingersoll + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 9 (of 12) + Dresden Edition--Political + +Author: Robert G. Ingersoll + +Release Date: February 9, 2012 [EBook #38809] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORKS OF INGERSOLL *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + + + + +THE WORKS OF ROBERT G. INGERSOLL + +"HE LOVES HIS COUNTRY BEST WHO STRIVES TO MAKE IT BEST." + +IN TWELVE VOLUMES, VOLUME IX. + +POLITICAL + +NEW YORK THE DRESDEN PUBLISHING CO., C. P. FARRELL + +DRESDEN EDITION + + + + +CONTENTS OF VOLUME IX. + + +AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED PEOPLE. + +(1867.) + +Slavery and its Justification by Law and Religion--Its Destructive +Influence upon Nations--Inauguration of the Modern Slave Trade by the +Portuguese Gonzales--Planted upon American Soil--The Abolitionists, +Clarkson, Wilberforce, and Others--The Struggle in England--Pioneers +in San Domingo, Oge and Chevannes--Early Op-posers of Slavery in +America--William Lloyd Garrison--Wendell Phillips, Charles Sumner, John +Brown--The Fugitive Slave Law--The Emancipation Proclamation--Dread of +Education in the South--Advice to the Colored People. + + +INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH. + +(1868.) + +Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus--Precedent Established by the +Revolutionary Fathers--Committees of Safety appointed by the +Continental Congress--Arrest of Disaffected Persons in Pennsylvania +and Delaware--Interference with Elections--Resolution of Continental +Congress with respect to Citizens who Opposed the sending of Deputies +to the Convention of New York--Penalty for refusing to take Continental +Money or Pray for the American Cause--Habeas Corpus Suspended during the +Revolution--Interference with Freedom of the Press--Negroes Freed and +allowed to Fight in the Continental Army--Crispus Attacks--An Abolition +Document issued by Andrew Jackson--Majority rule--Slavery and the +Rebellion--Tribute to General Grant. + + +SPEECH NOMINATING BLAINE. + +(1876.) + +Note descriptive of the Occasion--Demand of the Republicans of the +United States--Resumption--The Plumed Knight. + + +CENTENNIAL ORATION. + +(1876.) + +One Hundred Years ago, our Fathers retired the Gods from Politics--The +Declaration of Independence--Meaning of the Declaration--The Old Idea +of the Source of Political Power--Our Fathers Educated by their +Surroundings--The Puritans--Universal Religious Toleration declared by +the Catholics of Maryland--Roger Williams--Not All of our Fathers in +favor of Independence--Fortunate Difference in Religious Views--Secular +Government--Authority derived from the People--The Declaration and +the Beginning of the War--What they Fought For--Slavery--Results of +a Hundred Years of Freedom--The Declaration Carried out in Letter and +Spirit. + + +BANGOR SPEECH. + +(1876.) + +The Hayes Campaign--Reasons for Voting the Republican Ticket--Abolition +of Slavery--Preservation of the Union--Reasons for Not Trusting the +Democratic Party--Record of the Republican Party--Democrats Assisted +the South--Paper Money--Enfranchisement of the Negroes--Samuel J. +Tilden--His Essay on Finance. + + +COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK. + +(1876.) + +All Citizens Stockholders in the United States of America--The +Democratic Party a Hungry Organization--Political Parties +Contrasted--The Fugitive Slave Law a Disgrace to Hell in its Palmiest +Days--Feelings of the Democracy Hurt on the Subject of Religion--Defence +of Slavery in a Resolution of the Presbyterians, South--State of the +Union at the Time the Republican Party was Born--Jacob Thompson--The +National Debt--Protection of Citizens Abroad--Tammany Hall: Its Relation +to the Penitentiary--The Democratic Party of New York City--"What +Hands!"--Free Schools. + + +INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH. + +(1876.) + +Address to the Veteran Soldiers of the Rebellion--Objections to +the Democratic Party--The Men who have been Democrats--Why I am a +Republican--Free Labor and Free Thought--A Vision of War--Democratic +Slander of the Greenback--Shall the People who Saved the Country Rule +It?--On Finance--Government Cannot Create Money--The Greenback Dollar +a Mortgage upon the Country--Guarantees that the Debt will be Paid-'The +Thoroughbred and the Mule--The Column of July, Paris--The Misleading +Guide Board, the Dismantled Mill, and the Place where there had been a +Hotel, + + +CHICAGO SPEECH. + +(1876.) + +The Plea of "Let Bygones be Bygones"--Passport of the Democratic +Party--Right of the General Government to send Troops into Southern +States for the Protection of Colored People--Abram S. Hewitt's +Congratulatory Letter to the Negroes--The Demand for Inflation of the +Currency--Record of Rutherford B. Hayes--Contrasted with Samuel J. +Tilden--Merits of the Republican Party--Negro and Southern White--The +Superior Man--"No Nation founded upon Injustice can Permanently Stand." + + +EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS. + +(1877.) + +On the Electoral Commission--Reminiscences of the Hayes-Tilden Camp-- +Constitution of the Electoral College--Characteristics of the Members-- +Frauds at the Ballot Box Poisoning the Fountain of Power--Reforms +Suggested--Elections too Frequent--The Professional Office-seeker--A +Letter on Civil Service Reform--Young Men Advised against Government +Clerkships--Too Many Legislators and too Much Legislation--Defect in the +Constitution as to the Mode of Electing a President--Protection of +Citizens by State and General Governments--The Dual Government in South +Carolina--Ex-Rebel Key in the President's Cabinet--Implacables and +Bourbons South and North--"I extend to you each and all the Olive Branch +of Peace." + + +HARD TIMES AND THE WAY OUT. + +(1878.) + +Capital and Labor--What is a Capitalist?--The Idle and the Industrious +Artisans--No Conflict between Capital and Labor--A Period of Inflation +and Speculation--Life and Fire Insurance Agents--Business done on +Credit--The Crash, Failure, and Bankruptcy--Fall in the Price of Real +Estate a Form of Resumption--Coming back to Reality--Definitions of +Money Examined--Not Gold and Silver but Intelligent Labor the Measure +of Value--Government cannot by Law Create Wealth--A Bill of Fare not +a Dinner--Fiat Money--American Honor Pledged to the Maintenance of the +Greenbacks--The Cry against Holders of Bonds--Criminals and Vagabonds to +be supported--Duty of Government to Facilitate Enterprise--More Men must +Cultivate the Soil--Government Aid for the Overcoming of Obstacles too +Great for Individual Enterprise--The Palace Builders the Friends of +Labor--Extravagance the best Form of Charity--Useless to Boost a Man +who is not Climbing--The Reasonable Price for Labor--The Vagrant and his +strange and winding Path--What to tell the Working Men. + + +SUFFRAGE ADDRESS. + +(1880.) + +The Right to Vote--All Women who desire the Suffrage should have +It--Shall the People of the District of Columbia Manage their Own +Affairs--Their Right to a Representative in Congress and an Electoral +Vote--Anomalous State of Affairs at the Capital of the Republic--Not the +Wealthy and Educated alone should Govern--The Poor as Trustworthy as the +Rich--Strict Registration Laws Needed. + + +WALL STREET SPEECH. + +(1880.) + +Obligation of New York to Protect the Best Interests of the +Country--Treason and Forgery of the Democratic Party in its Appeal to +Sword and Pen--The One Republican in the Penitentiary of Maine--The +Doctrine of State Sovereignty--Protection for American Brain and +Muscle--Hancock on the Tariff--A Forgery (the Morey letter) Committed +and upheld--The Character of James A. Garfield. + + +BROOKLYN SPEECH. + +(1880.) + +Introduced by Henry Ward Beecher (note)--Some Patriotic +Democrats--Freedom of Speech North and South--An Honest Ballot-- + + + + +AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED PEOPLE. + + * An address delivered to the colored people at Galesburg, + Illinois, 1867. + + +FELLOW-CITIZENS--Slavery has in a thousand forms existed in all ages, +and among all people. It is as old as theft and robbery. + +Every nation has enslaved its own people, and sold its own flesh and +blood. Most of the white race are in slavery to-day. It has often been +said that any man who ought to be free, will be. The men who say this +should remember that their own ancestors were once cringing, frightened, +helpless slaves. + +When they became sufficiently educated to cease enslaving their own +people, they then enslaved the first race they could conquer. If they +differed in religion, they enslaved them. If they differed in color, +that was sufficient. If they differed even in language, it was enough. +If they were captured, they then pretended that having spared their +lives, they had the right to enslave them. This argument was worthless. +If they were captured, then there was no necessity for killing them. If +there was no necessity for killing them, then they had no right to +kill them. If they had no right to kill them, then they had no right to +enslave them under the pretence that they had saved their lives. + +Every excuse that the ingenuity of avarice could devise was believed to +be a complete justification, and the great argument of slaveholders in +all countries has been that slavery is a divine institution, and thus +stealing human beings has always been fortified with a "Thus saith the +Lord." + +Slavery has been upheld by law and religion in every country. The word +Liberty is not in any creed in the world. Slavery is right according to +the law of man, shouted the judge. It is right according to the law of +God, shouted the priest. Thus sustained by what they were pleased to +call the law of God and man, slaveholders never voluntarily freed the +slaves, with the exception of the Quakers. The institution has in all +ages been clung to with the tenacity of death; clung to until it sapped +and destroyed the foundations of society; clung to until all law became +violence; clung to until virtue was a thing only of history; clung to +until industry folded its arms--until commerce reefed every sail--until +the fields were desolate and the cities silent, except where the poor +free asked for bread, and the slave for mercy; clung to until the slave +forging the sword of civil war from his fetters drenched the land in the +master's blood. Civil war has been the great liberator of the world. + +Slavery has destroyed every nation that has gone down to death. It +caused the last vestige of Grecian civilization to disappear forever, +and it caused Rome to fall with a crash that shook the world. After +the disappearance of slavery in its grossest forms in Europe, Gonzales +pointed out to his countrymen, the Portuguese, the immense profits that +they could make by stealing Africans, and thus commenced the modern +slave-trade--that aggregation of all horror--that infinite of all +cruelty, prosecuted only by demons, and defended only by fiends. And +yet the slave-trade has been defended and sustained by every civilized +nation, and by each and all has been baptized "Legitimate commerce," in +the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost: + +It was even justified upon the ground that it tended to Christianize the +negro. + +It was of the poor hypocrites who had used this argument that Whittier +said, + + "They bade the slaveship speed from coast to coast, + Fanned by the wings of the Holy Ghost." + +Backed and supported by such Christian and humane arguments slavery was +planted upon our soil in 1620, and from that day to this it has been +the cause of all our woes, of all the bloodshed--of all the +heart-burnings--hatred and horrors of more than two hundred years, and +yet we hated to part with the beloved institution. Like Pharaoh we would +not let the people go. He was afflicted with vermin, with frogs--with +water turned to blood--with several kinds of lice, and yet would not let +the people go. We were afflicted with worse than all these combined--the +Northern Democracy--before we became grand enough to say, "Slavery +shall be eradicated from the soil of the Republic." When we reached this +sublime moral height we were successful. The Rebellion was crushed and +liberty established. + +A majority of the civilized world is for freedom--nearly all the +Christian denominations are for liberty. The world has changed--the +people are nobler, better and purer than ever. + +Every great movement must be led by heroic and self-sacrificing +pioneers. In England, in Christian England, the soul of the abolition +cause was Thomas Clarkson. To the great cause of human freedom he +devoted his life. He won over the eloquent and glorious Wilberforce, +the great Pitt, the magnificent orator, Burke, and that far-seeing and +humane statesman, Charles James Fox. + +In 1788 a resolution was introduced in the House of Commons declaring +that the slave trade ought to be abolished. It was defeated. Learned +lords opposed it. They said that too much capital was invested by +British merchants in the slave-trade. That if it were abolished the +ships would rot at the wharves, and that English commerce would be swept +from the seas. Sanctified Bishops--lords spiritual--thought the scheme +fanatical, and various resolutions to the same effect were defeated. + +The struggle lasted twenty years, and yet during all those years in +which England refused to abolish the hellish trade, that nation had the +impudence to send missionaries all over the world to make converts to +a religion that in their opinion, at least, allowed man to steal his +brother man--that allowed one Christian to rob another of his wife, his +child, and of that greatest of all blessings--his liberty. It was not +until the year 1808 that England was grand and just enough to abolish +the slave-trade, and not until 1833 that slavery was abolished in all +her colonies. + +The name of Thomas Clarkson should be remembered and honored through all +coming time by every black man, and by every white man who loves liberty +and hates cruelty and injustice. + +Clarkson, Wilberforce, Pitt, Fox, Burke, were the Titans that swept the +accursed slaver from that highway--the sea. + +In St. Domingo the pioneers were Oge and Chevannes; they headed +a revolt; they were unsuccessful, but they roused the slaves to +resistance. They were captured, tried, condemned and executed. They were +made to ask forgiveness of God, and of the King, for having attempted to +give freedom to their own flesh and blood. They were broken alive on the +wheel, and left to die of hunger and pain. The blood of these martyrs +became the seed of liberty; and afterward in the midnight assault, in +the massacre and pillage, the infuriated slaves shouted their names +as their battle-cry, until Toussaint, the greatest of the blacks, gave +freedom to them all. + +In the United States, among the Revolutionary fathers, such men as John +Adams, and his son John Quincy--such men as Franklin and John Jay were +opposed to the institution of slavery. Thomas Jefferson said, speaking +of the slaves, "When the measure of their tears shall be full--when +their groans shall have involved heaven itself in darkness--doubtless a +God of justice will awaken to their distress, and by diffusing light +and liberality among their oppressors, or at length by his exterminating +thunder manifest his attention to the things of this world, and that +they are not left to the guidance of a blind fatality." + +Thomas Paine said, "No man can be happy surrounded by those whose +happiness he has destroyed." And a more self-evident proposition was +never uttered. + +These and many more Revolutionary heroes were opposed to slavery and +did what they could to prevent the establishment and spread of this most +wicked and terrible of all institutions. + +You owe gratitude to those who were for liberty as a principle and not +from mere necessity. You should remember with more than gratitude that +firm, consistent and faithful friend of your downtrodden race, Wm. +Lloyd Garrison. He has devoted his life to your cause. Many years ago in +Boston he commenced the publication of a paper devoted to liberty. +Poor and despised--friendless and almost alone, he persevered in that +grandest and holiest of all possible undertakings. He never stopped, or +stayed, or paused until the chain was broken and the last slave could +lift his toil-worn face to heaven with the light of freedom shining down +upon him, and say, I am a Free Man. + +You should not forget that noble philanthropist, Wendell Phillips, and +your most learned and eloquent defender, Charles Sumner. + +But the real pioneer in America was old John Brown. Moved not by +prejudice, not by love of his blood, or his color, but by an infinite +love of Liberty, of Right, of Justice, almost single-handed, he attacked +the monster, with thirty million people against him. His head was wrong. +He miscalculated his forces; but his heart was right. He struck the +sublimest blow of the age for freedom. It was said of him that, he +stepped from the gallows to the throne of God. It was said that he +had made the scaffold to Liberty what Christ had made the cross to +Christianity. The sublime Victor Hugo declared that John Brown was +greater than Washington, and that his name would live forever. + +I say, that no man can be greater than the man who bravely and +heroically sacrifices his life for the good of others. No man can be +greater than the one who meets death face to face, and yet will not +shrink from what he believes to be his highest duty. If the black people +want a patron saint, let them take the brave old John Brown. And as the +gentleman who preceded me said, at all your meetings, never separate +until you have sung the grand song, + + "John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave, + But his soul goes marching on." + +You do not, in my opinion, owe a great debt of gratitude to many of the +white people. + +Only a few years ago both parties agreed to carry out the Fugitive +Slave Law. If a woman ninety-nine one-hundredths white had fled from +slavery--had traveled through forests, crossed rivers, and through +countless sufferings had got within one step of Canada--of free +soil--with the light of the North Star shining in her eyes, and her babe +pressed to her withered breast, both parties agreed to clutch her and +hand her back to the dominion of the hound and lash. Both parties, as +parties, were willing to do this when the Rebellion commenced. + +The truth is, we had to give you your liberty. There came a time in +the history of the war when, defeated at the ballot box and in the +field--driven to the shattered gates of eternal chaos--we were forced +to make you free; and on the first day of January, 1863, the justice so +long delayed was done, and four millions of people were lifted from +the condition of beasts of burden to the sublime heights of freedom. +Lincoln, the immortal, issued, and the men of the North sustained the +great proclamation. + +As in the war there came a time when we were forced to make you free, so +in the history of reconstruction came a time when we were forced to make +you citizens; when we were forced to say that you should vote, and that +you should have and exercise all the rights that we claim for ourselves. + +And to-day I am in favor of giving you every right that I claim for +myself. + +In reconstructing the Southern States, we could take our choice, either +give the ballot to the negro, or allow the rebels to rule. We preferred +loyal blacks to disloyal whites, because we believed liberty safer in +the hands of its friends than in those of its foes. + +We must be for freedom everywhere. Freedom is progress--slavery is +desolation, cruelty and want. + +Freedom invents--slavery forgets. The problem of the slave is to do the +least work in the longest space of time. The problem of free men is to +do the greatest amount of work in the shortest space of time. The free +man, working for wife and children, gets his head and his hands in +partnership. + +Freedom has invented every useful machine, from the lowest to the +highest, from the simplest to the most complex. Freedom believes in +education--the salvation of slavery is ignorance. + +The South always dreaded the alphabet. They looked upon each letter as +an abolitionist, and well they might. With a scent keener than their own +bloodhounds they detected everything that could, directly or indirectly, +interfere with slavery. They knew that when slaves begin to think, +masters begin to tremble. They knew that free thought would destroy +them; that discussion could not be endured; that a free press would +liberate every slave; and so they mobbed free thought, and put an end to +free discussion and abolished a free press, and in fact did all the +mean and infamous things they could, that slavery might live, and that +liberty might perish from among men. + +You are now citizens of many of the States, and in time you will be +of all. I am astonished when I think how long it took to abolish the +slave-trade, how long it took to abolish slavery in this country. I am +also astonished to think that a few years ago magnificent steamers went +down the Mississippi freighted with your fathers, mothers, brothers, +and sisters, and maybe some of you, bound like criminals, separated from +wives, from husbands, every human feeling laughed at and outraged, sold +like beasts, carried away from homes to work for another, receiving for +pay only the marks of the lash upon the naked back. I am astonished +at these things. I hate to think that all this was done under the +Constitution of the United States, under the flag of my country, under +the wings of the eagle. + +The flag was not then what it is now. It was a mere rag in comparison. +The eagle was a buzzard, and the Constitution sanctioned the greatest +crime of the world. + +I wonder that you--the black people--have forgotten all this. I wonder +that you ask a white man to address you on this occasion, when the +history of your connection with the white race is written in your blood +and tears--is still upon your flesh, put there by the branding-iron and +the lash. + +I feel like asking your forgiveness for the wrongs that my race has +inflicted upon yours. If, in the future, the wheel of fortune should +take a turn, and you should in any country have white men in your power, +I pray you not to execute the villainy we have taught you. + +One word in conclusion. You have your liberty--use it to benefit your +race. Educate yourselves, educate your children, send teachers to the +South. Let your brethren there be educated. Let them know something of +art and science. Improve yourselves, stand by each other, and above all +be in favor of liberty the world over. + +The time is coming when you will be' allowed to be good and useful +citizens of the Great Republic. This is your country as much as it is +mine. You have the same rights here that I have--the same interest +that I have. The avenues of distinction will be open to you and your +children. Great advances have been made. The rebels are now opposed +to slavery--the Democratic party is opposed to slavery, _as they say_. +There is going to be no war of races. Both parties want your votes in +the South, and there will be just enough negroes without principle to +join the rebels to make them think they will get more, and so the rebels +will treat the negroes well. And the Republicans will be sure to treat +them well in order to prevent any more joining the rebels. + +The great problem is solved. Liberty has solved it--and there will be no +more slavery. On the old flag, on every fold and on every star will be +liberty for all, equality before the law. The grand people are marching +forward, and they will not pause until the earth is without a chain, and +without a throne. + + + + +SPEECH AT INDIANAPOLIS. + + * Hon. Robert G. Ingersoll, Attorney-General of Illinois, + spoke at the Rink last night to a large and appreciative + audience among whom were many ladies. The distinguished + speaker was escorted to the Rink by the battalion of the + Fighting Boys in Blue. Col. Ingersoll spoke at a great + disadvantage in having so large a hall to fill, but he has a + splendid voice and so overcame the difficulty. The audience + liberally applauded the numerous passages of eloquence and + humor in Col. Ingersoll's speeeh, and listened with the best + attention to his powerful argument, nor could they have done + otherwise, for the speaker has a national reputation and did + himself full justice last night--The Journal, Indianapolis, + Indiana, September 23, 1868. + + +GRANT CAMPAIGN + +THE Democratic party, so-called, have several charges which they make +against the Republican party. They give us a variety of reasons why the +Republican party should no longer be entrusted with the control of this +country. Among other reasons they say that the Republican party +during the war was guilty of arresting citizens without due process of +law--that we arrested Democrats and put them in jail without indictment, +in Lincoln bastiles, without making an affidavit before a Justice +of the Peace--that on some occasions we suspended the writ of _habeas +corpus_, that we put some Democrats in jail without their being +indicted. I am sorry we did not put more. I admit we arrested some +of them without an affidavit filed before a Justice of the Peace. I +sincerely regret that we did not arrest more. I admit that for a few +hours on one or two occasions we interfered with the freedom of the +press; I sincerely regret that the Government allowed a sheet to exist +that did not talk on the side of this Government. + +I admit that we did all these things. + +It is only proper and fair that we should answer these charges. +Unless the Republican party can show that they did these things +either according to the strict letter of law, according to the highest +precedent, or from the necessity of the case, then we must admit that +our party did wrong. You know as well as I that every Democratic +orator talks about the fathers, about Washington and Jackson, Madison, +Jefferson, and many others; they tell us about the good old times when +politicians were pure, when you could get justice in the courts, when +Congress was honest, when the political parties differed, and differed +kindly and honestly; and they are shedding crocodile tears day after +day--praying that the good old honest times might return again. They +tell you that the members of this radical party are nothing like the men +of the Revolution. Let us see. + +I lay this down as a proposition, that we had a right to do anything to +preserve this Government that our fathers had a right to do to found +it. If they had a right to put Tories in jail, to suspend the writ of +_habeas corpus_, and on some occasions _corpus_, in order to found this +Government, we had a right to put rebels and Democrats in jail and to +suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_ in order to preserve the Government +they thus formed. If they had a right to interfere with the freedom of +the press in order that liberty might be planted upon this soil, we had +a right to do the same thing to prevent the tree from being destroyed. +In a word, we had a right to do anything to preserve this Government +which they had a right to do to found it. + +Did our fathers arrest Tories without writs, without indictments--did +they interfere with the personal rights of Tories in the name of +liberty--did they have Washington bastiles, did they have Jefferson +jails--did they have dungeons in the time of the Revolution in which +they put men that dared talk against this country and the liberties of +the colonies? I propose to show that they did--that where we imprisoned +one they imprisoned a hundred--that where we interfered with personal +liberty once they did it a hundred times--that they carried on a war +that _was_ a war--that they knew that when an appeal was made to +force that was the end of law--that they did not attempt to gain their +liberties through a Justice of the Peace or through a Grand Jury; that +they appealed to force and the God of battles, and that any man who +sought their protection and at the same time was against them and their +cause they took by the nape of the neck and put in jail, where he ought +to have been. + +The old Continental Congress in 1774 and 1776 had made up their minds +that we ought to have something like liberty in these colonies, and the +first step they took toward securing that end was to provide for the +selection of a committee in every county and township, with a view to +examining and finding out how the people stood touching the liberty of +the colonies, and if they found a man that was not in favor of it, the +people would not have anything to do with him politically, religiously, +or socially. That was the first step they took, and a very sensible step +it was. + +What was the next step? They found that these men were so lost to every +principle of honor that they did not hurt them any by disgracing them. + +So they passed the following resolution which explains itself: + +_Resolved_. That it be recommended to the several provincial assemblies +or conventions or councils, or committees of safety, to arrest and +secure every person in their respective colonies whose going at +large, may, in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony or the +liberties of America.--Journal of Congress, vol. 1, page 149. + +What was the Committee of Safety? Was it a Justice of the Peace? No. Was +it a Grand Jury? No. It was simply a committee of five or seven persons, +more or less, appointed to watch over the town or county and see that +these Tories were attending to their business and not interfering with +the rights of the colonies. Whom were they to thus arrest and secure? +Every man that had committed murder--that had taken up arms against +America, or voted the Democratic or Tory ticket? No. "Every person whose +going at large might in their opinion, endanger the safety of the +colony or the liberties of America." It was not necessary that they +had committed any overt act, but if in the opinion of this council of +safety, it was dangerous to let them run at large they were locked up. +Suppose that we had done that during the last war? You would have had to +build several new jails in this county. What a howl would have gone up +all over this State if we had attempted such a thing as that, and yet we +had a perfect right to do anything to preserve our liberties, which our +fathers had a right to do to obtain them. + +What more did they do? In 1777 the same Congress that signed the +immortal Declaration of Independence (and I think they knew as much +about liberty and the rights of men as any Democrat in Marion county) +adopted another resolution: + +_Resolved_. That it be recommended to the Executive powers of the +several States, forthwith to apprehend and secure all persons who have +in their general conduct and conversation evinced a disposition inimical +to the cause of America, and that the persons so seized be confined in +such places and treated in such manner as shall be consistent with their +several characters and security of their persons.---Journal of Congress, +vol. 2, p. 246. + +If they had talked as the Democrats talked during the late war--if +they had called the soldiers, "Washington hirelings," and if when they +allowed a few negroes to help them fight, had branded the struggle for +liberty as an abolition war, they would be "apprehended and confined +in such places and treated in such manner as was consistent with their +characters and security of their persons," and yet all they did was to +show a disposition inimical to the independence of America. If we had +pursued a policy like that during the late war, nine out of ten of the +members of the Democratic party would have been in jail--there would +not have been jails and prisons enough on the face of the whole earth to +hold them. . + +Now, when a Democrat talks to you about Lincoln bastiles, just quote +this to him: + +_Whereas_, The States of Pennsylvania and Delaware are threatened with +an immediate invasion from a powerful army, who have already landed at +the head of Chesapeake Bay; and whereas, The principles of sound +policy and self-preservation require that persons who may be reasonably +suspected of aiding or abetting the cause of the enemy may be prevented +from pursuing measures injurious to the general weal, + +_Resolved_, That the executive authorities of the States of Pennsylvania +and Delaware be requested to cause all persons within their respective +States, notoriously disaffected, to be apprehended, disarmed and secured +until such time as the respective States think they may be released +without injury to the common cause.---Journal of Congress, vol. 2, p. +240. + +That is what they did with them. When there was an invasion threatened +the good State of Indiana, if we had said we will imprison all men who +by their conduct and conversation show that they are inimical to our +cause, we would have been obliged to import jails and corral Democrats +as we did mules in the army. Our fathers knew that the flag was never +intended to protect any man who wanted to assail it. + +What more did they do? There was a man by the name of David Franks, who +wrote a letter and wanted to send it to England. In that letter he gave +it as his opinion that the colonies were becoming disheartened and sick +of the war. The heroic and chivalric fathers of the Revolution violated +the mails, took the aforesaid letter and then they took the aforesaid +David Franks by the collar and put him in jail. Then they passed +a resolution in Congress that inasmuch as the said letter showed a +disposition inimical to the liberties of the United States, Major +General Arnold be requested to cause the said David Franks to be +forthwith arrested, put in jail and confined till the further order of +Congress. (Jour. Cong., vol. 3, p. 96 and 97.) + +How many Democrats wrote letters during the war declaring that the North +never could conquer the South? How many wrote letters to the soldiers in +the army telling them to shed no more fraternal blood in that suicidal +and unchristian war? It would have taken all the provost marshals in the +United States to arrest the Democrats in Indiana who were guilty of that +offence. And yet they are talking about our fathers being such good men, +while they are cursing us fordoing precisely what they did, only to a +less extent than they did. + +We are still on the track of the old Continental Congress. I want you to +understand the spirit that animated those men. They passed a resolution +which is particularly applicable to the Democrats during the war: + +With respect to all such unworthy Americans as, regardless of their duty +to their Creator, their country, and their posterity, have taken part +with our oppressors, and, influenced by the hope or possession of +ignominious rewards, strive to recommend themselves to the bounty of +the administration by misrepresenting and traducing the conduct and +principles of the friends of American liberty, and opposing every +measure formed for its preservation and security, + +_Resolved_, That it be recommended to the different assemblies, +conventions and committees or councils of safety in the United Colonies, +by the most speedy and effectual measures, to frustrate the mischievous +machinations and restrain the wicked practices of these men. And it is +the opinion of this Congress that they ought to be disarmed and the +more dangerous among them either kept in safe custody or bound with +sufficient sureties for their good behavior. + +And in order that the said assemblies, conventions, committees or +councils of safety may be enabled with greater ease and facility to +carry this resolution into execution, + +_Resolved_, That they be authorized to call to their aid whatever +Continental troops stationed in or near their respective colonies +that may be conveniently spared from their more immediate duties, and +commanding officers of such troops are hereby directed to afford the +said assemblies, conventions, committees or councils of safety, all such +assistance in executing this resolution as they may require, and which, +consistent with the good of the service, may be supplied--Journal of +Congress, vol. i, p. 22, + +Do you hear that, Democrat? The old Continental Congress said to these +committees and councils of safety: "Whenever you want to arrest any +of these scoundrels, call on the Continental troops." And General +Washington, the commander-in-chief of the army, and the officers under +him, were directed to aid in the enforcement of all the measures adopted +with reference to disaffected and dangerous persons. And what had these +persons done? Simply shown by their conversation, and letters directed +to their friends, that they were opposed to the cause of American +liberty. They did not even spare the Governors of States. They were not +appalled by any official position that a Tory might hold. They simply +said, "If you are not in favor of American liberty, we will put you +'where the dogs won't bite you.'" One of these men was Governor Eden of +Maryland. Congress passed a resolution requesting the Council of Safety +of Maryland to seize and secure his person and papers, and send such of +them as related to the American dispute to Congress without delay. At +the same time the person and papers of another man, one Alexander Ross, +were seized in the same manner. Ross was put in jail, and his papers +transmitted to Congress. + +There was a fellow by the name of Parke and another by the name of +Morton, who presumed to undertake a journey from Philadelphia to New +York without getting a pass. Congress ordered them to be arrested and +imprisoned until further orders. They did not wait to have an affidavit +filed before a Justice of the Peace. They took them by force and put +them in jail, and that was the end of it. So much for the policy of the +fathers, in regard to arbitrary arrests. + +During the war there was a great deal said about our occasionally +interfering with the elections. Let us see how the fathers stood upon +that question. + +They held a convention in the State of New York in Revolutionary times, +and there were some gentlemen in Queens County that were playing the +role of Kentucky--they were going to be neutral--they refused to vote to +send deputies to the convention--they stood upon their dignity just as +Kentucky stood upon hers--a small place to stand on, the Lord knows. +What did our fathers do with them? They denounced them as unworthy to be +American citizens and hardly fit to live. Here is a resolution adopted +by the Continental Congress on the 3d of January, 1776: + +_Resolved_, That all such persons in Queens County aforesaid as voted +against sending deputies to the present Convention of New York, and +named in a list of delinquents in Queens County, published by the +Convention of New York, be put out of the protection of the United +Colonies, and that all trade and intercourse with them cease; that none +of the inhabitants of that county be permitted to travel or abide in any +part of these United Colonies out of their said colony without a +certificate from the Convention or Committee of Safety of the Colony of +New York, setting forth that such inhabitant is a friend of the American +cause, and not of the number of those who voted against sending deputies +to the said Convention, and that such of the inhabitants as shall be +found out of the said county without such certificate, be apprehended +and imprisoned three months. + +_Resolved_, That no attorney or lawyer ought to commence, prosecute or +defend any action at law of any kind, for any of the said inhabitants of +Queens County, who voted against sending deputies to the Convention +as aforesaid, and such attorney or lawyer as shall countenance this +revolution, are enemies to the American cause, and shall be treated +accordingly. + +What had they done? Simply voted against sending delegates to the +convention, and yet the fathers not only put them out of the protection +of law, but prohibited any lawyer from appearing in their behalf in a +court. Democrats, don't you wish we had treated you that way during the +war? + +What more did they do? They ordered a company of troops from +Connecticut, and two or three companies from New Jersey, to go into the +State of New York, and take away from every person who had voted against +sending deputies to the convention, all his arms, and if anybody refused +to give up his arms, they put him in jail. Don't you wish you had lived +then, my friend Democrat? Don't you wish you had prosecuted the war as +our fathers prosecuted the Revolution? + +I now want to show you how far they went in this direction. A man by the +name of Sutton, who lived on Long Island, had been going around giving +his constitutional opinions upon the war. They had him arrested, and +went on to resolve that he should be taken from Philadelphia, pay the +cost of transportation himself, be put in jail there, and while in jail +should board himself. Wouldn't a Democrat have had a hard scramble for +victuals if we had carried out that idea? Just see what outrageous and +terrible things the fathers did. And why did they do it? Because they +saw that in order to establish the liberties of America it was necessary +they should take the Tory by the throat just as it was necessary for us +to take rebels by the throat during the late war. + +They had paper money in those days--shin-plasters--and some of the +Democrats of those times had legal doubts about this paper currency. One +of these Democrats, Thomas Harriott, was called before a Committee of +Safety of New York, and there convicted of having refused to receive in +payment the Continental bills. The committee of New York conceiving that +he was a dangerous person, informed the Provincial Congress of the facts +in the case, and inquired whether Congress thought he ought to go at +large. Upon receipt of this information by Congress an order for the +imprisonment of the offender was passed, as follows: + +_Resolved_, That the General Committee of the city of New York be +requested and authorized, and are hereby requested and authorized to +direct that Thomas Harriott be committed to close jail in this city, +there to remain until further orders of this Congress.--Amer. Archives, +4th series, vol. 6, P. i, 344. + +And yet all that he had done was to refuse to take Continental money. +He had simply given his opinion on the legal tender law, just as the +Democrats of Indiana did in regard to greenbacks, and as a few circuit +judges decided when they declared the Legal Tender Act unconstitutional. +It would have been perfectly proper and right that they, every man of +them, should be, like Thomas Harriott, "committed to close jail, there +to remain until further orders." + +Did our forefathers ever interfere with religion? Yes, they did with +a preacher by the name of Daniels, because he would not pray for the +American cause. He thought he could coax the Lord to beat us. They said +to him, "You pray on our side, sir." He would not do it, and so they put +him in jail and gave him work enough to pray himself out, and it took +him some time to do it. They interfered with a _lack_ of religion. They +believed that a Tory or traitor in the pulpit was no better than anybody +else. That is the way I have sometimes felt during the war. I have +thought that I would like to see some of those white cravatted gentlemen +"snaked" right out of the pulpits where they had dared to utter their +treason, and set to playing checkers through a grated window. + +It is not possible that our fathers ever interfered with the writ of +_habeas corpus_, is it? Yes sir. Our fathers advocated the doctrine +that the good of the people is the supreme law of the land. They also +advocated the doctrine that in the midst of armies law falls to the +ground; the doctrine that when a country is in war it is to be governed +by the laws of war. They thought that laws were made for the protection +of good citizens, for the punishment of citizens that were bad, when +they were not too bad or too numerous; then they threw the law-book down +while they took the cannon and whipped the badness out of them; that is +the next step, when the stones you throw, and kind words, and grass have +failed. They said, why did we not appeal to law? We did; but it did no +good. A large portion of the people were up in arms in defiance of law, +and there was only one way to put them down, and that was by force of +arms; and whenever an appeal is made to force, that force is governed by +the law of war. + +The fathers suspended the writ in the case of a man who had committed +an offence in the State of New York. They sent him to the State of +Connecticut to be confined, just as men were sent from Indiana to Fort +Lafayette. The attorneys came before the convention of New York to hear +the matter inquired into, but the committee of the convention to whom +the matter was referred refused to inquire into the original cause of +commitment--a direct denial of the authority of the writ. The writ of +_habeas corpus_ merely brings the body before the judge that he may +inquire why he is imprisoned. They refused to make any such inquiry. +Their action was endorsed by the convention and the gentleman was sent +to Connecticut and put in jail. They not only did these things in one +instance, but in a thousand. They took men from Maryland and put them in +prison in Pennsylvania, and they took men from Pennsylvania and confined +them in Maryland, Whenever they thought the Tories were so thick at +one point that the rascals might possibly be released, they took them +somewhere else. + +They did not interfere with the freedom of the press, did they? Yes, +sir. They found a gentleman who was speaking and writing against the +liberties of the colonies, and they just took his paper away from him, +and gave it to a man who ran it in the interest of the colonies, using +the Tory's type and press. [A voice--That was right.] Right! of course +it was right. What right has a newspaper in Indiana to talk against the +cause for which your son is laying down his life on the field of battle? +What right has any man to make it take thousands of men more to crush a +rebellion? What right has any man protected by the American flag to do +all in his power to put it in the hands of the enemies of his country? +The same right that any man has to be a rascal, a thief and traitor--no +other right under heaven. Our fathers had sense enough to see that, and +they said, "One gentleman in the rear printing against our noble cause, +will cost us hundreds of noble lives at the front." Why have you a right +to take a rebel's horse? Because it helps you and weakens the enemy. +That is by the law of war. That is the principle upon which they seized +the Tory printing press. They had the right to do it. And if I had had +the power in this country, no man should have said a word, or written a +line, or printed anything against the cause for which the heroic men of +the North sacrificed their lives. I would have enriched the soil of this +country with him before he should have done it. A man by the name of +James Rivington undertook to publish a paper against the country. They +would not speak to him; they denounced him, seized his press, and made +him ask forgiveness and promise to print no more such stuff before they +would let him have his sheet again. No person but a rebel ever thought +that was wrong. There is no common sense in going to the field to fight +and leaving a man at home to undo all that you accomplish. + +Our fathers did not like these Tories, and when the war was over they +confiscated their estates--took their land and gave it over to good +Union men. + +How did they do it? Did they issue summons, and have a trial? No, sir. +They did it by wholesale--they did it by resolution, and the estates of +hundreds of men were taken from them without their having a day in court +or any notice or trial whatever. They said to the Tories: "You cast +your fortunes with the other side, let them pay you. The flag you fought +against protects the land you owned and it will prevent you from having +it." Nor is that all. They ran thousands of them out of the country away +up into Nova Scotia, and the old blue-nosed Tories are there yet. + +In his letter to Governor Cooke of Rhode Island, Washington enumerates +an act of that colony, declaring that "none should speak, write, or act +against the proceedings of Congress or their Acts of Assembly, under +penalty of being disarmed and disqualified from holding any office, +and being further punished by imprisonment," as one that met his +approbation, and which should exist in other colonies. There is the +doctrine for you Democrats. So I could go on by the hour or by the +day. I could show you how they made domiciliary visits, interfered +with travel, imprisoned without any sort of writ or affidavit--in other +words, did whatever they thought was necessary to whip the enemy and +establish their independence. + +What next do they charge against us? That we freed negroes. So we did. +That we allowed those negroes to fight in the army. Yes, we did, +That we allowed them to vote. We did that too. That we have made them +citizens. Yes, we have, and what are you Democrats going to do about it? + +Now, what did our fathers do? Did they free any of the negroes? Yes, +sir. Did they allow any of them to fight in the army? Yes, sir. Did they +permit any of them to vote? Yes, sir. Did they make them citizens? Yes, +sir. Let us see whether they did or not. + +Before we had the present Constitution we had what were called Articles +of Confederation. The fourth of those articles provided that every +free inhabitant of the colony should be a citizen. It did not make any +difference whether he was white or black; and negroes voted by the side +of Washington and Jefferson. Just here the question arises, if negroes +were good enough in 1787 and 1790 to vote by the side of such men, +whether rebels and their sympathizers are good enough now to vote +alongside of the negro. + +Did they let any of these negroes fight? In 1750, when Massachusetts had +slaves, there appeared in the Boston Gazette the following notice: + +"Ran away from his master, Wm. Brown, of Framingham, on the 30th +September last, a mulatto fellow, about 27 years of age, named Crispus, +about 6 feet high, short curly hair, had on a light colored bear-skin +coat, brown jacket, new buckskin breeches, blue yarn stockings and check +woolen shirt," etc. + +This "mulatto fellow" did not come back, and so they advertised the next +week and the week following, but still the toes of the blue yarn socks +pointed the other way. That was in 1750. 1760 came and 1770, and the +people of this continent began to talk about having their liberties. And +while wise and thoughtful men were talking about it, making petitions +for popular rights and laying them at the foot of the throne, the King's +troops were in Boston. One day they marched down King street, on their +way to arrest some citizen. The soldiery were attacked by a mob, and at +its head was a "mulatto fellow" who shouted "here they are," and it was +observed that this "mulatto fellow" was about six feet high--that his +knees were nearer together than common, and that he was about 47 years +of age. The soldiers fired upon the mob and he fell, shot through +with five balls--the first man that led a charge against British +aggression--the first martyr whose blood was shed for American liberty +upon this soil. They took up that poor corpse, and as it lay in Faneuil +Hall it did more honor to the place than did Daniel Webster defending +the Fugitive Slave Law. + +They allowed him to fight. Would our fathers have been brutal enough, +if he had not been killed, to put him back into slavery? No! They would +have said that a man who fights for liberty should enjoy it. If a man +fights for that flag it shall protect him. Perish forever from the +heavens the flag that will not defend its defenders, be they white or +black. + +Thus our fathers felt. They raised negro troops by the company and the +regiment, and gave his liberty to every man that fought for liberty. Not +only that, but they allowed them to vote. They voted in the Carolinas, +in Tennessee, in New York, in all the New England States. Our fathers +had too much decency to act upon the Democratic doctrine. + +In the war of 1812, negroes fought at Lake Erie and at New Orleans, and +then the fathers, as in the Revolution, were too magnanimous to turn +them back into slavery. You need not get mad, my Democratic friends, +because you hate Ben. Butler. Let me read you an abolition document. + +You will all say it is right; you cannot say anything else when you hear +it. Butler, you know, was down in New Orleans, and he made some of those +rebels dance a tune that they did not know, and he made them keep pretty +good time too: + +_To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana:_ + +Through a mistaken policy you have heretofore been deprived of a +participation in the glorious struggle for national rights in which our +country is engaged. This shall no longer exist. As sons of freedom +you are now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessing. As +Americans, your country looks with confidence to her adopted children +for a valorous support as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed +under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, husbands and +brothers you are summoned to rally around the standard of the eagle--to +defend all which is dear in existence. Your country, although calling +for your exertions, does not wish you to engage in her cause without +amply remunerating you for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds +can not be led away by false representations. Your love of honor would +cause you to despise a man who should attempt to deceive you. In the +sincerity of a soldier and the language of truth I address you. To every +noble-hearted, generous free man of color volunteering to serve during +the present contest and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty in +money and lands now received by the white soldiers of the United +States, viz: $124 in money and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The +noncommissioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the +same monthly pay and daily rations and clothing furnished any American +soldier. + +On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major General commanding will +select officers for your government from your white fellow-citizens. +Your non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves. +Due regard will be paid to their feelings as freemen and soldiers. +You will not by being associated with white men in the same corps, +be exposed to improper companions or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct +battalion or regiment pursuing the path of glory, you will undivided +receive the applause and gratitude of your countrymen. + +To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions and my anxiety to engage +your valuable services to our country, I have communicated my wishes +to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to the manner of +enrollment, and give you every necessary information on the subject of +this address. + +This is a terrible document to a Democrat. Let us look back over it a +little. "Through a mistaken policy." We had not sense enough to let the +negroes fight during the first part of the war. "As sons of freedom" we +had got sense by this time. "Americans." Oh! shocking! Think of calling +negroes Americans. "Your country!" Is that not enough to make a Democrat +sick? "As fathers, husbands, brothers." Negro brothers. That is too +bad. "Your intelligent minds." Now, just think of a negro having an +intelligent mind. "Are not to be led away by false representations." +Then precious few of them will vote the Democratic ticket. "Your sense +of honor will lead you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive +you." Then how they will hate the Democratic party. Then he goes on to +say that the same bounty, money and land that the white soldiers receive +will be paid to these negroes. Not only that, but they are to have the +same pay, clothing and rations. Only think of a negro having as much +land, as much to eat and as many clothes to wear as a white man. Is +not this a vile abolition document? And yet there is not a Democrat in +Indiana that dare open his mouth against it, full of negro equality as +it is. Now, let us see when and by whom this proclamation was issued. +You will find that it is dated, "Headquarters 7th Military District, +Mobile, September 21st, 1814," and signed "Andrew Jackson, Major General +Commanding." + +Oh, you Jackson Democrats. You gentlemen that are descended from +Washington and Jackson--great heavens, what a descent! Do you think. +Jackson was a Democrat? He generally passed for a good Democrat; yet +he issued that abominable abolition proclamation and put negroes on an +equality with white men. That is not the worst of it, either; for after +he got these negroes into the army he made a speech to them, and what +did he say in that speech? Here it is in full: + +_To the Men of Color:_ + +Soldiers--From the shores of Mobile I called you to arms. I invited +you to share in the perils and to divide the glory with your white +countrymen. I expected much from you, for I was not uninformed of those +qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew +that you could endure hunger, thirst, and all the hardships of war. I +knew that you loved the land of your nativity, and that like ourselves +you had to defend all that is most dear to man. But you surpass +my hopes. I have found in you united to these qualities that noble +enthusiasm which impels to great deeds. Soldiers, the President of the +United States shall be informed of your conduct on the present occasion +and the voice of the representatives of the American nation shall +applaud your valor as your General now praises your ardor. The enemy +is near. His sails cover the lakes. But the brave are united, and if he +finds' us contending among ourselves, it will be only for the prize of +valor, its noblest reward. + +There is negro equality for you. There is the first man since the heroes +of the Revolution died that issued a proclamation and put negroes on an +equality with white men, and he was as good a Democrat as ever lived in +Indiana. I could go on and show where they voted, and who allowed them +to vote, but I have said enough on that question, and also upon the +question of their fighting in the army, and of their being citizens, and +have established, I think conclusively, this: + +_First_. That our fathers, in order to found this Government, arrested +men without warrant, indictment or affidavit by the hundred and by the +thousand; that we, in order to preserve the Government that they thus +founded, arrested a few people without warrant. + +_Second_. That our fathers, for the purpose of founding the Government, +suspended the writ of _habeas corpus_; that we, for the purpose of +preserving the same Government, did the same thing. + +_Third_. That they, for the purpose of inaugurating this Government, +interfered with the liberty of the press; that we, on one or two +occasions, for the purpose of preserving the Government, interfered with +the liberty of the press. + +_Fourth_. That our fathers allowed negroes to fight in order that they +might secure the liberties of America; that we, in order to preserve +those liberties, allow negroes to fight. + +_Fifth_. That our fathers, out of gratitude to the negroes in the +Revolutionary war, allowed them to vote; that we have done the same. +That they made them citizens, and we have followed their example. + +As far as I have gone, I have shown that the fathers of the Revolution +and the War of 1812 set us the example for everything we have done. +Now, Mr. Democrat, if you want to curse us, curse them too. Either quit +yawping about the fathers, or quit yawping about us. + +Now, then, was there any necessity, during this war, to follow the +example of our fathers? The question was put to us in 1861: "Shall +the majority rule?" and also the balance of that question: "Shall the +minority submit?" The minority said they would not. Upon the right of +the majority to rule rests the entire structure of our Government. Had +we, in 1861, given up that principle, the foundations of our Government +would have been totally destroyed. In fact there would have been no +Government, even in the North. It is no use to say the majority shall +rule if the minority consents. Therefore, if, when a man has been +duly elected President, anybody undertakes to prevent him from being +President, it is your duty to protect him and enforce submission to the +will of the majority. In 1861 we had presented to us the alternative, +either to let the great principle that lies at the foundation of our +Government go by the board, or to appeal to arms, and to the God of +battles, and fight it through. + +The Southern people said they were going out of the Union; we implored +them to stay, by the common memories of the Revolution, by an apparent +common destiny; by the love of man, but they refused to listen to +us--rushed past us, and appealed to the arbitrament of the sword; and +now I, for one, say by the decision of the sword let them abide. + +Now, I want to show how mean the American people were in 1861. The vile +and abominable institution of slavery had so corrupted us that we did +not know right from wrong. It crept into the pulpit until the sermon +became the echo of the bloodhound's bark. It crept upon the bench, +and the judge could not tell whether the corn belonged to the man that +raised it, or to the fellow that did not, but he rather thought it +belonged to the latter. We had lost our sense of justice. Even the +people of Indiana were so far gone as to agree to carry out the Fugitive +Slave Law. Was it not low-lived and contemptible? We agreed that if we +found a woman ninety-nine one hundredths white, who, inspired by the +love of liberty, had run away from her masters, and had got within +one step of free soil, we would clutch her and bring her back to the +dominion of the Democrat, the bloodhound and the lash. We were just mean +enough to do it. We used to read that some hundreds of years ago a lot +of soldiers would march into a man's house, take him out, tie him to a +stake driven into the earth, pile fagots around him, and let the +thirsty flames consume him, and all because they differed from him about +religion. We said it was horrible; it made our blood run cold to think +of it; yet at the same time many a magnificent steamboat floated down +the Mississippi with wives and husbands, fragments of families torn +asunder, doomed to a life of toil, requited only by lashes upon the +naked back, and branding irons upon the quivering flesh, and we thought +little of it. When we set out to put down the Rebellion the Democratic +party started up all at once and said, "You are not going to interfere +with slavery, are you?" Now, it is remarkable that whenever we were +going to do a good thing, we had to let on that we were going to do a +mean one. If we had said at the outset, "We will break the shackles from +four millions of slaves" we never would have succeeded. We had to come +at it by degrees. The Democrats scented it out. They had a scent keener +than a bloodhound when anything was going to be done to affect slavery. +"Put down rebellion," they said, "but don't hurt slavery." We said, "We +will not; we will restore the Union as it was and the Constitution as it +is." We were in good faith about it. We had no better sense then than +to think that it was worth fighting for, to preserve the cause of +quarrel--the bone of contention--so as to have war all the time. Every +blow we struck for slavery was a blow against us. The Rebellion was +simply slavery with a mask on. We never whipped anybody but once so long +as we stood upon that doctrine; that was at Donelson; and the victory +there was not owing to the policy, but to the splendid genius of the +next President of the United States. After a while it got into our +heads that slavery was the cause of the trouble, and we began to edge up +slowly toward slavery. When Mr. Lincoln said he would destroy slavery +if absolutely necessary for the suppression of the Rebellion, people +thought that was the most radical thing that ever was uttered. But the +time came when it was necessary to free the slaves, and to put muskets +into their hands. The Democratic party opposed us with all their might +until the draft came, and they wanted negroes for substitutes; and I +never heard a Democrat object to arming the negroes after that. + + [The speaker from this point presented the history of the + Republican policy of reconstruction, and touched lightly on + the subject of the national debt. He glanced at the + finances, reviewing in the most scathing manner the history + and character of Seymour, paid a most eloquent tribute to + the character and public services of General Grant, and + closed with the following words: ] + +The hero of the Rebellion, who accomplished at Shiloh what Napoleon +endeavored at Waterloo; who captured Vicksburg by a series of victories +unsurpassed, taking the keystone from the rebel arch; who achieved at +Missionary Ridge a success as grand as it was unexpected to the country; +who, having been summoned from the death-bed of rebellion in the West, +marched like an athlete from the Potomac to the James, the grandest +march in the history of the world. This was all done without the least +flourish upon his part. No talk about destiny--without faith in a +star--with the simple remark that he would "fight it out on that line," +without a boast, modest to bashfulness, yet brave to audacity, simple as +duty, firm as war, direct as truth--this hero, with so much common +sense that he is the most uncommon man of his time, will be, in spite of +Executive snares and Cabinet entanglements, of competent false witnesses +of the Democratic party, the next President of the United States. He +will be trusted with the Government his genius saved. + + + +SPEECH AT CINCINNATI.* + + + * The nomination of Blaine was the passionately dramatic + scene of the day. Robert G. Ingersoll had been fixed upon to + present Blaine's name to the Convention, and, as the result + proved, a more effective champion could not have been + selected in the whole party conclave. + + As the clerk, running down the list, reached Maine, an + extraordinary event happened. The applause and cheers which + had heretofore broken out in desultory patches of the + galleries and platform, broke in a simultaneous, thunderous + outburst from every part of the house. + + Ingersoll moved out from the obscure corner and advanced to + the central stage. As he walked forward the thundering + cheers, sustained and swelling, never ceased. As he reached + the platform they took on an increased volume of sound, and + for ten minutes the surging fury of acclamation, the wild + waving of fans, hats, and handkerchiefs transformed the + scene from one of deliberation to that of a bedlam of + rapturous delirium. Ingersoll waited with unimpaired + serenity, until he should get a chance to be heard. * * * + And then began an appeal, impassioned, artful, brilliant, + and persuasive. * * * + + Possessed of a fine figure, a face of winning, cordial + frankness, Ingersoll had half won his audience before he + spoke a word. It is the attestation of every man that heard + him, that so brilliant a master stroke was never uttered + before a political Convention. Its effect was indescribable. + The coolest-headed in the hall were stirred to the wildest + expression. The adversaries of Blaine, as well as his + friends, listened with unswerving, absorbed attention. + Curtis sat spell-bound, his eyes and mouth wide open, his + figure moving in unison to the tremendous periods that fell + in a measured, exquisitely graduated flow from the + Illinoisan's smiling lips. The matchless method and manner + of the man can never be imagined from the report in type. To + realize the prodigious force, the inexpressible power, the + irrestrainable fervor of the audience requires actual sight. + + Words can do but meagre justice to the wizard power of this + extraordinary man. He swayed and moved and impelled and + restrained and worked in all ways with the mass before him + as if he possessed some key to the innermost mechanism that + moves the human heart, and when he finished, his fine, frank + face as calm as when he began, the overwrought thousands + sank back in an exhaustion of unspeakable wonder and + delight.--Chicago Times, June 16, 1876. + + +SPEECH NOMINATING BLAINE. + +June 75, 1876. + +MASSACHUSETTS may be satisfied with the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristow; +so am I; but if any man nominated by this convention can not carry the +State of Massachusetts, I am not satisfied with the loyalty of that +State. If the nominee of this convention cannot carry the grand old +Commonwealth of Massachusetts by seventy-five thousand majority, I would +advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as a Democratic headquarters. I +would advise them to take from Bunker Hill that old monument of glory. + +The Republicans of the United States demand as their leader in the great +contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of integrity, a man of +well-known and approved political opinions. They demand a statesman; +they demand a reformer after as well as before the election. They demand +a politician in the highest, broadest and best sense--a man of superb +moral courage. They demand a man acquainted with public affairs--with +the wants of the people; with not only the requirements of the hour, +but with the demands of the future. They demand a man broad enough to +comprehend the relations of this Government to the other nations of +the earth. They demand a man well versed in the powers, duties and +prerogatives of each and every department of this Government. They +demand a man who will sacredly preserve the financial honor of the +United States; one who knows enough to know that the national debt must +be paid through the prosperity of this people; one who knows enough to +know that all the financial theories in the world cannot redeem a single +dollar; one who knows enough to know that all the money must be made, +not by law, but by labor; one who knows enough to know that the people +of the United States have the industry to make the money, and the honor +to pay it over just as fast as they make it. + +The Republicans of the United States demand a man who knows that +prosperity and resumption, when they come, must come together; that +when they come, they will come hand in hand through the golden harvest +fields; hand in hand by the whirling spindles and the turning wheels; +hand in hand past the open furnace doors; hand in hand by the flaming +forges; hand in hand by the chimneys filled with eager fire, greeted and +grasped by the countless sons of toil. + +This money has to be dug out of the earth. You cannot make it by passing +resolutions in a political convention. + +The Republicans of the United States want a man who knows that this +Government should protect every citizen, at home and abroad; who knows +that any government that will not defend its defenders, and protect its +protectors, is a disgrace to the map of the world. They demand a man who +believes in the eternal separation and divorcement of church and school. +They demand a man whose political reputation is spotless as a star; +but they do not demand that their candidate shall have a certificate of +moral character signed by a Confederate congress. The man who has, in +full, heaped and rounded measure, all these splendid qualifications, is +the present grand and gallant leader of the Republican party--James G. +Blaine. + +Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous achievements of its +first century, asks for a man worthy of the past, and prophetic of her +future; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks for a man +who is the grandest combination of heart, conscience and brain beneath +her flag--such a man is James G. Blaine. + +For the Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no +defeat. + +This is a grand year--a year filled with recollections of the +Revolution; filled with proud and tender memories of the past; with +the sacred legends of liberty--a year in which the sons of freedom will +drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; a year in which the people call +for the man who has preserved in Congress what our soldiers won upon +the field; a year in which they call for the man who has torn from the +throat of treason the tongue of slander--for the man who has snatched +the mask of Democracy from the hideous face of rebellion; for the man +who, like an intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena of debate and +challenged all comers, and who is still a total stranger to defeat. + +Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched +down the halls of the American Congress and threw his shining lance full +and fair against the brazen foreheads of the defamers of his country +and the maligners of his honor. For the Republican party to desert this +gallant leader now, is as though an army should desert their general +upon the field of battle. + +James G. Blaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the sacred +standard of the Republican party. I call it sacred, because no human +being can stand beneath its folds without becoming and without remaining +free. + +Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great Republic, the +only republic that ever existed upon this earth; in the name of all her +defenders and of all her supporters; in the name of all her soldiers +living; in the name of all her soldiers dead upon the field of battle, +and in the name of those who perished in the skeleton clutch of famine +at Andersonville and Libby, whose sufferings he so vividly remembers, +Illinois--Illinois nominates for the next President of this country, +that prince of parliamentarians--that leader of leaders--James G. +Blaine. + + + + +CENTENNIAL ORATION. + + * Delivered on the one hundredth Anniversary of the + Declaration of Independence, at Peoria, Ill., July 4, 1876. + + +July 4, 1876. + +THE Declaration of Independence is the grandest, the bravest, and +the profoundest political document that was ever signed by the +representatives of a people. It is the embodiment of physical and moral +courage and of political wisdom. + +I say of physical courage, because it was a declaration of war against +the most powerful nation then on the globe; a declaration of war by +thirteen weak, unorganized colonies; a declaration of war by a few +people, without military stores, without wealth, without strength, +against the most powerful kingdom on the earth; a declaration of war +made when the British navy, at that day the mistress of every sea, was +hovering along the coast of America, looking after defenceless towns and +villages to ravage and destroy. It was made when thousands of English +soldiers were upon our soil, and when the principal cities of America +were in the substantial possession of the enemy. And so, I say, all +things considered, it was the bravest political document ever signed by +man. And if it was physically brave, the moral courage of the document +is almost infinitely beyond the physical. They had the courage not only, +but they had the almost infinite wisdom, to declare that all men are +created equal. + +Such things had occasionally been said by some political enthusiast in +the olden time, but, for the first time in the history of the world, +the representatives of a nation, the representatives of a real, living, +breathing, hoping people, declared that all men are created equal. With +one blow, with one stroke of the pen, they struck down all the cruel, +heartless barriers that aristocracy, that priestcraft, that kingcraft +had raised between man and man. They struck down with one immortal blow +that infamous spirit of caste that makes a god almost a beast, and a +beast almost a god. With one word, with one blow, they wiped away and +utterly destroyed, all that had been done by centuries of war--centuries +of hypocrisy--centuries of injustice. + +One hundred years ago our fathers retired the gods from politics. + +What more did they do? They then declared that each man has a right to +live. And what does that mean? It means that he has the right to make +his living. It means that he has the right to breathe the air, to work +the land, that he stands the equal of every other human being beneath +the shining stars; entitled to the product of his labor--the labor of +his hand and of his brain. + +What more? That every man has the right to pursue his own happiness in +his own way. Grander words than these have never been spoken by man. + +And what more did these men say? They laid down the doctrine that +governments were instituted among men for the purpose of preserving the +rights of the people. The old idea was that people existed solely for +the benefit of the state--that is to say, for kings and nobles. + +The old idea was that the people were the wards of king and priest--that +their bodies belonged to one and their souls to the other. + +And what more? That the people are the source of political power. That +was not only a revelation, but it was a revolution. It changed the ideas +of people with regard to the source of political power. For the first +time it made human beings men. What was the old idea? The old idea was +that no political power came from, or in any manner belonged to, the +people. The old idea was that the political power came from the clouds; +that the political power came in some miraculous way from heaven; that +it came down to kings, and queens, and robbers. That was the old idea. +The nobles lived upon the labor of the people; the people had no rights; +the nobles stole what they had and divided with the kings, and the kings +pretended to divide what they stole with God Almighty. The source, then, +of political power was from above. The people were responsible to the +nobles, the nobles to the king, and the people had no political rights +whatever, no more than the wild beasts of the forest. The kings were +responsible to God; not to the people. The kings were responsible to the +clouds; not to the toiling millions they robbed and plundered. + +And our forefathers, in this Declaration of Independence, reversed this +thing, and said: No; the people, they are the source of political power, +and their rulers, these presidents, these kings are but the agents and +servants of the great sublime people. For the first time, really, in the +history of the world, the king was made to get off the throne and the +people were royally seated thereon. The people became the sovereigns, +and the old sovereigns became the servants and the agents of the people. +It is hard for you and me now to even imagine the immense results of +that change. It is hard for you and for me, at this day, to understand +how thoroughly it had been ingrained in the brain of almost every man, +that the king had some wonderful right over him; that in some strange +way the king owned him; that in some miraculous manner he belonged, body +and soul, to somebody who rode on a horse--to somebody with epaulettes +on his shoulders and a tinsel crown upon his brainless head. + +Our forefathers had been educated in that idea, and when they first +landed on American shores they believed it. They thought they belonged +to somebody, and that they must be loyal to some thief who could trace +his pedigree back to antiquity's most successful robber. + +It took a long time for them to get that idea out of their heads and +hearts. They were three thousand miles away from the despotisms of +the old world, and every wave of the sea was an assistant to them. The +distance helped to disenchant their minds of that infamous belief, and +every mile between them and the pomp and glory of monarchy helped to put +republican ideas and thoughts into their minds. Besides that, when +they came to this country, when the savage was in the forest and three +thousand miles of waves on the other side, menaced by barbarians on +the one hand and famine on the other, they learned that a man who had +courage, a man who had thought, was as good as any other man in the +world, and they built up, as it were, in spite of themselves, little +republics. And the man that had the most nerve and heart was the best +man, whether he had any noble blood in his veins or not. + +It has been a favorite idea with me that our forefathers were educated +by Nature, that they grew grand as the continent upon which they landed; +that the great rivers--the wide plains--the splendid lakes--the lonely +forests--the sublime mountains--that all these things stole into and +became a part of their being, and they grew great as the country in +which they lived. They began to hate the narrow, contracted views of +Europe. They were educated by their surroundings, and every little +colony had to be to a certain extent a republic. The kings of the old +world endeavored to parcel out this land to their favorites. But there +were too many Indians. There was too much courage required for them to +take and keep it, and so men had to come here who were dissatisfied with +the old country--who were dissatisfied with England, dissatisfied with +France, with Germany, with Ireland and Holland. The kings' favorites +stayed at home. Men came here for liberty, and on account of certain +principles they entertained and held dearer than life. And they were +willing to work, willing to fell the forests, to fight the savages, +willing to go through all the hardships, perils and dangers of a new +country, of a new land; and the consequence was that our country was +settled by brave and adventurous spirits, by men who had opinions of +their own and were willing to live in the wild forests for the sake of +expressing those opinions, even if they expressed them only to trees, +rocks, and savage men. The best blood of the old world came to the new. + +When they first came over they did not have a great deal of political +philosophy, nor the best ideas of liberty. We might as well tell the +truth. When the Puritans first came, they were narrow. They did not +understand what liberty meant--what religious liberty, what political +liberty, was; but they found out in a few years. There was one feeling +among them that rises to their eternal honor like a white shaft to the +clouds--they were in favor of universal education. Wherever they went +they built schoolhouses, introduced books and ideas of literature. They +believed that every man should know how to read and how to write, and +should find out all that his capacity allowed him to comprehend. That is +the glory of the Puritan fathers. + +They forgot in a little while what they had suffered, and they forgot +to apply the principle of universal liberty--of toleration. Some of +the colonies did not forget it, and I want to give credit where credit +should be given. The Catholics of Maryland were the first people on the +new continent to declare universal religious toleration. Let this be +remembered to their eternal honor. Let it be remembered to the disgrace +of the Protestant government of England, that it caused this grand law +to be repealed. And to the honor and credit of the Catholics of Maryland +let it be remembered that the moment they got back into power they +re-enacted the old law. The Baptists of Rhode Island also, led by Roger +Williams, were in favor of universal religious liberty. + +No American should fail to honor Roger Williams. He was the first grand +advocate of the liberty of the soul. He was in favor of the eternal +divorce of church and state. So far as I know, he was the only man at +that time in this country who was in favor of real religious liberty. +While the Catholics of Maryland declared in favor of religious +_toleration_, they had no idea of religious liberty. They would not +allow anyone to call in question the doctrine of the Trinity, or the +inspiration of the Scriptures. They stood ready with branding-iron and +gallows to burn and choke out of man the idea that he had a right to +think and to express his thoughts. + +So many religions met in our country--so many theories and dogmas came +in contact--so many follies, mistakes, and stupidities became acquainted +with each other, that religion began to fall somewhat into disrepute. +Besides this, the question of a new nation began to take precedence of +all others. + +The people were too much interested in this world to quarrel about the +next. The preacher was lost in the patriot. The Bible was read to find +passages against kings. + +Everybody was discussing the rights of man. Farmers and mechanics +suddenly became statesmen, and in every shop and cabin nearly every +question was asked and answered. + +During these years of political excitement the interest in religion +abated to that degree that a common purpose animated men of all sects +and creeds. + +At last our fathers became tired of being colonists--tired of writing +and reading and signing petitions, and presenting them on their bended +knees to an idiot king. They began to have an aspiration to form a new +nation, to be citizens of a new republic instead of subjects of an +old monarchy. They had the idea--the Puritans, the Catholics, the +Episcopalians, the Baptists, the Quakers, and a few Freethinkers, all +had the idea--that they would like to form a new nation. + +Now, do not understand that all of our fathers were in favor of +independence. Do not understand that they were all like Jefferson; that +they were all like Adams or Lee; that they were all like Thomas Paine +or John Hancock. There were thousands and thousands of them who were +opposed to American independence. There were thousands and thousands who +said: "When you say men are created equal, it is a lie; when you say the +political power resides in the great body of the people, it is false." +Thousands and thousands of them said: "We prefer Great Britain." But +the men who were in favor of independence, the men who knew that a new +nation must be born, went on full of hope and courage, and nothing could +daunt or stop or stay the heroic, fearless few. + +They met in Philadelphia; and the resolution was moved by Lee of +Virginia, that the colonies ought to be independent states, and ought to +dissolve their political connection with Great Britain. + +They made up their minds that a new nation must be formed. All nations +had been, so to speak, the wards of some church. The religious idea as +to the source of power had been at the foundation of all governments, +and had been the bane and curse of man. + +Happily for us, there was no church strong enough to dictate to the +rest. Fortunately for us, the colonists not only, but the colonies +differed widely in their religious views. There were the Puritans who +hated the Episcopalians, and Episcopalians who hated the Catholics, +and the Catholics who hated both, while the Quakers held them all in +contempt. There they were, of every sort, and color and kind, and how +was it that they came together? They had a common aspiration. They +wanted to form a new nation. More than that, most of them cordially +hated Great Britain; and they pledged each other to forget these +religious prejudices, for a time at least, and agreed that there should +be only one religion until they got through, and that was the religion +of patriotism. They solemnly agreed that the new nation should not +belong to any particular church, but that it should secure the rights of +all. + +Our fathers founded the first secular government that was ever founded +in this world. Recollect that. The first secular government; the first +government that said every church has exactly the same rights and no +more; every religion has the same rights, and no more. In other words, +our fathers were the first men who had the sense, had the genius, to +know that no church should be allowed to have a sword; that it should be +allowed only to exert its moral influence. + +You might as well have a government united by force with Art, or with +Poetry, or with Oratory, as with Religion. Religion should have the +influence upon mankind that its goodness, that its morality, its +justice, its charity, its reason, and its argument give it, and no more. +Religion should have the effect upon mankind that it necessarily has, +and no more. The religion that has to be supported by law is without +value, not only, but a fraud and curse. The religious argument that has +to be supported by a musket, is hardly worth making. A prayer that must +have a cannon behind it, better never be uttered. Forgiveness ought not +to go in partnership with shot and shell. Love need not carry knives and +revolvers. + +So our fathers said: "We will form a secular government, and under the +flag with which we are going to enrich the air, we will allow every man +to worship God as he thinks best." They said: "Religion is an individual +thing between each man and his creator, and he can worship as he pleases +and as he desires." And why did they do this? The history of the world +warned them that the liberty of man was not safe in the clutch and grasp +of any church. They had read of and seen the thumbscrews, the racks, and +the dungeons of the Inquisition. They knew all about the hypocrisy of +the olden time. They knew that the church had stood side by side with +the throne; that the high priests were hypocrites, and that the kings +were robbers. They also knew that if they gave power to any church, it +would corrupt the best church in the world. And so they said that power +must not reside in a church, or in a sect, but power must be wherever +humanity is--in the great body of the people. And the officers and +servants of the people must be responsible to them. And so I say again, +as I said in the commencement, this is the wisest, the pro-foundest, the +bravest political document that ever was written and signed by man. + +They turned, as I tell you, everything squarely about. They derived +all their authority from the people. They did away forever with the +theological idea of government. + +And what more did they say? They said that whenever the rulers abused +this authority, this power, incapable of destruction, returned to the +people. How did they come to say this? I will tell you. They were pushed +into it. How? They felt that they were oppressed; and whenever a man +feels that he is the subject of injustice, his perception of right and +wrong is wonderfully quickened. + +Nobody was ever in prison wrongfully who did not believe in the writ +of _habeas corpus_. Nobody ever suffered wrongfully without instantly +having ideas of justice. + +And they began to inquire what rights the king of Great Britain had. +They began to search for the charter of his authority. They began to +investigate and dig down to the bed-rock upon which society must be +founded, and when they got down there, forced there, too, by their +oppressors, forced against their own prejudices and education, they +found at' the bottom of things, not lords, not nobles, not pulpits, not +thrones, but humanity and the rights of men. + +And so they said, We are men; we are men. They found out they were men. +And the next thing they said, was, "We will be free men; we are weary of +being colonists; we are tired of being subjects; we are men; and these +colonies ought to be states; and these states ought to be a nation; and +that nation ought to drive the last British soldier into the sea." And +so they signed that brave Declaration of Independence. + +I thank every one of them from the bottom of my heart for signing +that sublime declaration. I thank them for their courage--for their +patriotism--for their wisdom--for the splendid confidence in themselves +and in the human race. I thank them for what they were, and for what +we are--for what they did, and for what we have received--for what they +suffered, and for what we enjoy. + +What would we have been if we had remained colonists and subjects? What +would we have been to-day? Nobodies--ready to get down on our knees and +crawl in the very dust at the sight of somebody that was supposed to +have in him some drop of blood that flowed in the veins of that mailed +marauder--that royal robber, William the Conqueror. + +They signed that Declaration of Independence, although they knew that it +would produce a long, terrible, and bloody war. They looked forward and +saw poverty, deprivation, gloom, and death. But they also saw, on the +wrecked clouds of war, the beautiful bow of freedom. + +These grand men were enthusiasts; and the world has been raised only +by enthusiasts. In every country there have been a few who have given +a national aspiration to the people. The enthusiasts of 1776 were the +builders and framers of this great and splendid Government; and they +were the men who saw, although others did not, the golden fringe of +the mantle of glory that will finally cover this world. They knew, they +felt, they believed that they would give a new constellation to +the political heavens--that they would make the Americans a grand +people--grand as the continent upon which they lived. + +The war commenced. There was little money, and less credit. The new +nation had but few friends. To a great extent each soldier of freedom +had to clothe and feed himself. He was poor and pure, brave and good, +and so he went to the fields of death to fight for the rights of man. + +What did the soldier leave when he went? + +He left his wife and children. + +Did he leave them in a beautiful home, surrounded by civilization, in +the repose of law, in the security of a great and powerful republic? + +No. He left his wife and children on the edge, on the fringe of the +boundless forest, in which crouched and crept the red savage, who was at +that time the ally of the still more savage Briton. He left his wife to +defend herself, and he left the prattling babes to be defended by their +mother and by nature. The mother made the living; she planted the corn +and the potatoes, and hoed them in the sun, raised the children, and, +in the darkness of night, told them about their brave father and the +"sacred cause." She told them that in a little while the war would be +over and father would come back covered with honor and glory. + +Think of the women, of the sweet children who listened for the footsteps +of the dead--who waited through the sad and desolate years for the dear +ones who never came. + +The soldiers of 1776 did not march away with music and banners. They +went in silence, looked at and gazed after by eyes filled with tears. +They went to meet, not an equal, but a superior--to fight five times +their number--to make a desperate stand to stop the advance of the +enemy, and then, when their ammunition gave out, seek the protection of +rocks, of rivers, and of hills. + +Let me say here: The greatest test of courage on the earth is to bear +defeat without losing heart. That army is the bravest that can be +whipped the greatest number of times and fight again. + +Over the entire territory, so to speak, then settled by our forefathers, +they were driven again and again. Now and then they would meet the +English with something like equal numbers, and then the eagle of victory +would proudly perch upon the stripes and stars. And so they went on as +best they could, hoping and fighting until they came to the dark and +somber gloom of Valley Forge. + +There were very few hearts then beneath that flag that did not begin to +think that the struggle was useless; that all the blood and treasure had +been shed and spent in vain. But there were some men gifted with +that wonderful prophecy that fulfills itself, and with that wonderful +magnetic power that makes heroes of everybody they come in contact with. + +And so our fathers went through the gloom of that terrible time, and +still fought on. Brave men wrote grand words, cheering the despondent; +brave men did brave deeds, the rich man gave his wealth, the poor man +gave his life, until at last, by the victory of Yorktown, the old banner +won its place in the air, and became glorious forever. + +Seven long years of war--fighting for what? For the principle that +all men are created equal--a truth that nobody ever disputed except a +scoundrel; nobody, nobody in the entire history of this world. No man +ever denied that truth who was not a rascal, and at heart a thief; +never, never, and never will. What else were they fighting for? Simply +that in America every man should have a right to life, liberty, and the +pursuit of happiness. Nobody ever denied that except a villain; never, +never. It has been denied by kings--they were thieves. It has been +denied by statesmen--they were liars. It has been denied by priests, by +clergymen, by cardinals, by bishops, and by popes--they were hypocrites. + +What else were they fighting for? For the idea that all political power +is vested in the great body of the people. The great body of the people +make all the money; do all the work. They plow the land, cut down the +forests; they produce everything that is produced. Then who shall say +what shall be done with what is produced except the producer? + +Is it the non-producing thief, sitting on a throne, surrounded by +vermin? + +Those were the things they were fighting for; and that is all they +were fighting for. They fought to build up a new, a great nation; to +establish an asylum for the oppressed of the world everywhere. They knew +the history of this world. They knew the history of human slavery. + +The history of civilization is the history of the slow and painful +enfranchisement of the human race. In the olden times the family was a +monarchy, the father being the monarch. The mother and children were the +veriest slaves. The will of the father was the supreme law. He had the +power of life and death. It took thousands of years to civilize this +father, thousands of years to make the condition of wife and mother and +child even tolerable. A few families constituted a tribe; the tribe +had a chief; the chief was a tyrant; a few tribes formed a nation; the +nation was governed by a king, who was also a tyrant. A strong nation +robbed, plundered, and took captive the weaker ones. This was the +commencement of human slavery. + +It is not possible for the human imagination to conceive of the horrors +of slavery. It has left no possible crime uncommitted, no possible +cruelty unperpetrated. It has been practiced and defended by all nations +in some form. It has been upheld by all religions. It has been defended +by nearly every pulpit. From the profits derived from the slave trade +churches have been built, cathedrals reared and priests paid. Slavery +has been blessed by bishop, by cardinal, and by pope. It has received +the sanction of statesmen, of kings, and of queens. It has been defended +by the throne, the pulpit and the bench. Monarchs have shared in +the profits. Clergymen have taken their part of the spoils, reciting +passages of Scripture in its defence at the same time, and judges have +taken their portion in the name of equity and law. + +Only a few years ago our ancestors were slaves. Only a few years ago +they passed with and belonged to the soil, like the coal under it and +rocks on it. + +Only a few years ago they were treated like beasts of burden, worse far +than we treat our animals at the present day. Only a few years ago it +was a crime in England for a man to have a Bible in his house, a crime +for which men were hanged, and their bodies afterward burned. Only a few +years ago fathers could and did sell their children. Only a few +years ago our ancestors were not allowed to speak or write their +thoughts--that being a crime. Only a few years ago to be honest, at +least in the expression of your ideas, was a felony. To do right was a +capital offence; and in those days chains and whips were the incentives +to labor, and the preventives of thought. Honesty was a vagrant, +justice a fugitive, and liberty in chains. Only a few years ago men were +denounced because they doubted the inspiration of the Bible--because +they denied miracles, and laughed at the wonders recounted by the +ancient Jews. + +Only a few years ago a man had to believe in the total depravity of the +human heart in order to be respectable. Only a few years ago, people +who thought God too good to punish in eternal flames an unbaptized child +were considered infamous. + +As soon as our ancestors began to get free they began to enslave others. +With an inconsistency that defies explanation, they practiced upon +others the same outrages that had been perpetrated upon them. As soon +as white slavery began to be abolished, black slavery commenced. In this +infamous traffic nearly every nation of Europe embarked. Fortunes were +quickly realized; the avarice and cupidity of Europe were excited; all +ideas of justice were discarded; pity fled from the human breast; a +few good, brave men recited the horrors of the trade; avarice was deaf; +religion refused to hear; the trade went on; the governments of Europe +upheld it in the name of commerce--in the name of civilization and +religion. + +Our fathers knew the history of caste. They knew that in the despotisms +of the Old World it was a disgrace to be useful. They knew that a +mechanic was esteemed as hardly the equal of a hound, and far below +a blooded horse. They knew that a nobleman held a son of labor in +contempt--that he had no rights the royal loafers were bound to respect. + +The world has changed. + +The other day there came shoemakers, potters, workers in wood and iron, +from Europe, and they were received in the city of New York as though +they had been princes. They had been sent by the great republic of +France to examine into the arts and manufactures of the great republic +of America. They looked a thousand times better to me than the Edward +Alberts and Albert Edwards--the royal vermin, that live on the body +politic. And I would think much more of our Government if it would fete +and feast them, instead of wining and dining the imbeciles of a royal +line. + +Our fathers devoted their lives and fortunes to the grand work of +founding a government for the protection of the rights of man. The +theological idea as to the source of political power had poisoned the +web and woof of every government in the world, and our fathers banished +it from this continent forever. + +What we want to-day is what our fathers wrote down. They did not attain +to their ideal; we approach it nearer, but have not reached it yet. We +want, not only the independence of a State, not only the independence of +a nation, but something far more glorious--the absolute independence of +the individual. That is what we want. I want it so that I, one of the +children of Nature, can stand on an equality with the rest; that I can +say this is my air, my sunshine, my earth, and I have a right to live, +and hope, and aspire, and labor, and enjoy the fruit of that labor, as +much as any individual or any nation on the face of the globe. + +We want every American to make to-day, on this hundredth anniversary, a +declaration of individual independence. Let each man enjoy his liberty +to the utmost--enjoy all he can; but be sure it is not at the expense +of another. The French Convention gave the best definition of liberty +I have ever read: "The liberty of one citizen ceases only where the +liberty of another citizen commences." I know of no better definition. I +ask you to-day to make a declaration of individual independence. And +if you are independent be just. Allow everybody else to make his +declaration of individual independence. Allow your wife, allow your +husband, allow your children to make theirs. Let everybody be absolutely +free and independent, knowing only the sacred obligations of honesty and +affection. Let us be independent of party, independent of everybody and +everything except our own consciences and our own brains. Do not belong +to any clique. Have the clear title-deeds in fee simple to yourselves, +without any mortgage on the premises to anybody in the world. + +It is a grand thing to be the owner of yourself. It is a grand thing to +protect the rights of others. It is a sublime thing to be free and just. + +Only a few days ago I stood in Independence Hall--in that little room +where was signed the immortal paper. A little room, like any other; +and it did not seem possible that from that room went forth ideas, +like cherubim and seraphim, spreading their wings over a continent, and +touching, as with holy fire, the hearts of men. + +In a few moments I was in the park, where are gathered the +accomplishments of a century. Our fathers never dreamed of the things I +saw. There were hundreds of locomotives, with their nerves of steel and +breath of flame--every kind of machine, with whirling wheels and curious +cogs and cranks, and the myriad thoughts of men that have been wrought +in iron, brass and steel. And going out from one little building were +wires in the air, stretching to every civilized nation, and they could +send a shining messenger in a moment to any part of the world, and it +would go sweeping under the waves of the sea with thoughts and words +within its glowing heart. I saw all that had been achieved by this +nation, and I wished that the signers of the Declaration--the soldiers +of the Revolution--could see what a century of freedom has produced. +I wished they could see the fields we cultivate--the rivers we +navigate--the railroads running over the Alleghanies, far into what was +then the unknown forest--on over the broad prairies--on over the vast +plains--away over the mountains of the West, to the Golden Gate of the +Pacific. All this is the result of a hundred years of freedom. + +Are you not more than glad that in 1776 was announced the sublime +principle that political power resides with the people? That our fathers +then made up their minds nevermore to be colonists and subjects, but +that they would be free and independent citizens of America? + +I will not name any of the grand men who fought for liberty. All should +be named, or none. I feel that the unknown soldier who was shot down +without even his name being remembered--who was included only in a +report of "a hundred killed," or "a hundred missing," nobody knowing +even the number that attached to his august corpse--is entitled to as +deep and heartfelt thanks as the titled leader who fell at the head of +the host. + +Standing here amid the sacred memories of the first, on the golden +threshold of the second, I ask, Will the second century be as grand +as the first? I believe it will, because we are growing more and more +humane. I believe there is more human kindness, more real, sweet human +sympathy, a greater desire to help one another, in the United States, +than in all the world besides. + +We must progress. We are just at the commencement of invention. The +steam engine--the telegraph--these are but the toys with which science +has been amused. Wait; there will be grander things, there will be wider +and higher culture--a grander standard of character, of literature and +art. + +We have now half as many millions of people as we have years, and many +of us will live until a hundred millions stand beneath the flag. We are +getting more real solid sense. The schoolhouse is the finest building in +the village. We are writing and reading more books; we are painting +and buying more pictures; we are struggling more and more to get at +the philosophy of life, of things--trying more and more to answer +the questions of the eternal Sphinx. We are looking in every +direction--investigating; in short, we are thinking and working. Besides +all this, I believe the people are nearer honest than ever before. A few +years ago we were willing to live upon the labor of four million slaves. +Was that honest? At last, we have a national conscience. At last, we +have carried out the Declaration of Independence. Our fathers wrote +it--we have accomplished it. The black man was a slave--we made him a +citizen. We found four million human beings in manacles, and now the +hands of a race are held up in the free air without a chain. + +I have had the supreme pleasure of seeing a man--once a slave--sitting +in the seat of his former master in the Congress of the United States. +I have had that pleasure, and when I saw it my eyes were filled +with tears. I felt that we had carried, out the Declaration of +Independence--that we had given reality to it, and breathed the breath +of life into its every word. I felt that our flag would float over and +protect the colored man and his little children, standing straight in +the sun, just the same as though he were white and worth a million. +I would protect him more, because the rich white man could protect +himself. + +All who stand beneath our banner are free. Ours is the only flag that +has in reality written upon it: Liberty, Fraternity, Equality--the three +grandest words in all the languages of men. + +Liberty: Give to every man the fruit of his own labor--the labor of his +hands and of his brain. + +Fraternity: Every man in the right is my brother. + +Equality: The rights of all are equal: Justice, poised and balanced in +eternal calm, will shake from the golden scales in which are weighed the +acts of men, the very dust of prejudice and caste: No race, no color, no +previous condition, can change the rights of men. + +The Declaration of Independence has at last been carried out in letter +and in spirit. + +The second century will be grander than the first. + +Fifty millions of people are celebrating this day. To-day, the black man +looks upon his child and says: The avenues to distinction are open to +you--upon your brow may fall the civic wreath--this day belongs to you. + +We are celebrating the courage and wisdom of our fathers, and the glad +shout of a free people the anthem of a grand nation, commencing at the +Atlantic, is following the sun to the Pacific, across a continent of +happy homes. + +We are a great people. Three millions have increased to fifty--thirteen +States to thirty-eight. We have better homes, better clothes, better +food and more of it, and more of the conveniences of life, than any +other people upon the globe. + +The farmers of our country live better than did the kings and princes +two hundred years ago--and they have twice as much sense and heart. +Liberty and labor have given us all. I want every person here to believe +in the dignity of labor--to know that the respectable man is the useful +man--the man who produces or helps others to produce something of value, +whether thought of the brain or work of the hand. + +I want you to go away with an eternal hatred in your breast of +injustice, of aristocracy, of caste, of the idea that one man has more +rights than another because he has better clothes, more land, more +money, because he owns a railroad, or is famous and in high position. +Remember that all men have equal rights. Remember that the man who acts +best his part--who loves his friends the best--is most willing to +help others--truest to the discharge of obligation--who has the best +heart--the most feeling--the deepest sympathies--and who freely gives +to others the rights that he claims for himself is the best man. I am +willing to swear to this. + +What has made this country? I say again, liberty and labor. What would +we be without labor? I want every farmer when plowing the rustling corn +of June--while mowing in the perfumed fields--to feel that he is +adding to the wealth and glory of the United States. I want every +mechanic--every man of toil, to know and feel that he is keeping the +cars running, the telegraph wires in the air; that he is making the +statues and painting the pictures; that he is writing and printing the +books; that he is helping to fill the world with honor, with happiness, +with love and law. + +Our country is founded upon the dignity of labor--upon the equality +of man. Ours is the first real Republic in the history of the world. +Beneath our flag the people are free. We have retired the gods from +politics. We have found that man is the only source of political +power, and that the governed should govern. We have disfranchised the +aristocrats of the air and have given one country to mankind. + + + + +BANGOR SPEECH. + + * Yesterday was a glorious day for the Republicans of + Bangor. The weather was delightful and all the imposing + exercises of the day were conducted with a gratifying and + even inspiring success. + + The noon train from Waterville brought Gov. Connor, Col. + Ingersoll and Senator Blaine. + + At 3 p. m. the speakers arrived at the grounds and were + received with applause as they ascended the platform, where + a number of the most prominent citizens of Bangor and + vicinity were assembled. At this time the platform was + surrounded by a dense mass of people, numbering thousands. + The meeting was called to order by C. A. Boutelle, in behalf + of the Republican State Committee. As Col. Ingersoll was + introduced by Gov. Connor he was welcomed by tumultuous + cheers, which he gracefully acknowledged. + + As we said before, no report could do justice to such a + masterly effort as that of the great Western Orator, and we + have not attempted to convey any adequate impression of an + address which is conceded on all hands to be the most + remarkable for originality, power and eloquence ever heard + in this section. + + Such a speech by such a man--if there is another--must be + heard; the magnetism of the speaker must be felt; the + indescribable influence must be experienced, in order to + appreciate his wonderful power. The vast audience was + alternately swayed from enthusiasm for the grand principles + advocated, to indignation at the crimes of Democracy, as the + record of that party was scorched with his invective; from + laughter at the ludicrous presentment of Democratic + inconsistencies, to tears brought forth by the pathos and + eloquence of his appeals for justice and humanity. During + portions of his address there was moisture in the eyes of + every person in the audience, and from opening to close he + held the assemblage by a spell more potent than that of any + man we have ever heard speak. It was one of the grandest, + most cogent and thrilling appeals in behalf of the great + principles of liberty, loyalty and justice to all men, ever + delivered, and we wish it might have been heard by every + citizen of our beloved Republic. The Colonel was repeatedly + urged by the audience to go on, and he spoke for about two + hours with undiminished fervor. His hearers would gladly + have given him audience for two hours longer, but with a + splendid tribute to Mr. Blaine as the strongest tie between + New England and the West, he took his seat amid the ringing + cheers and plaudits of the assemblage.--The Whig and + Courier, Bangor, Maine, August 25,1876. + + +HAYES CAMPAIGN + +1876. + +I HAVE the honor to belong to the Republican party; the grandest, the +sublimest party in the history of the world. This grand party is not +only in favor of the liberty of the body, but also the liberty of the +soul. This sublime party gives to all the labor of their hands and of +their brains. This party allows every person to think for himself and +to express his thoughts. The Republican party forges no chains for the +mind, no fetters for the souls of men. It declares that the intellectual +domain shall be forever free. In the free air there is room for every +wing. The Republican party endeavors to remove all obstructions on the +highway of progress. In this sublime undertaking it asks the assistance +of all. Its platform is Continental. Upon it there is room for +the Methodist, the Baptist, the Catholic, the Universalist, the +Presbyterian, and the Freethinker. There is room for all who are in +favor of the preservation of the sacred rights of men. + +I am going to give you a few reasons for voting the Republican ticket. +The Republican party depends upon reason, upon argument, upon education, +upon intelligence and upon patriotism. The Republican party makes no +appeal to ignorance and prejudice. It wishes to destroy both. + +It is the party of humanity, the party that hates caste, that honors +labor, that rewards toil, that believes in justice. It appeals to all +that is elevated and noble in man, to the higher instincts, to the +nobler aspirations. It has accomplished grand things. + +The horizon of the past is filled with the glory of Republican +achievement. The monuments of its wisdom, its power and patriotism crowd +all the fields of conflict. Upon the Constitution this party wrote +equal rights for all; upon every statute book, humanity; upon the flag, +liberty. The Republican party of the United States is the conscience of +the nineteenth century. It is the justice of this age, the embodiment +of social progress and honor. It has no knee for the past. Its face is +toward the future. It is the party of advancement, of the dawn, of the +sunrise. + +The Republican party commenced its grand career by saying that the +institution of human slavery had cursed enough American soil; that the +territories should not be damned with that most infamous thing; that +this country was sacred to freedom; that slavery had gone far enough. +Upon that issue the great campaign of 1860 was fought and won. The +Republican party was born of wisdom and conscience. + +The people of the South claimed that slavery should be protected; that +the doors of the territories should be thrown open to them and to their +institutions. They not only claimed this, but they also insisted that +the Constitution of the United States protected slave property, the same +as other property everywhere. The South was defeated, and then appealed +to arms. In a moment all their energies were directed toward the +destruction of this Government. They commenced the war--they fired upon +the flag that had protected them for nearly a century. + +The North was compelled to decide instantly between the destruction of +the nation and civil war. + +The division between the friends and enemies of the Union at once took +place. The Government began to defend itself. To carry on the war money +was necessary. The Government borrowed, and finally issued its notes and +bonds. The Democratic party in the North sympathized with the Rebellion. +Everything was done to hinder, embarrass, obstruct and delay. They +endeavored to make a rebel breastwork of the Constitution; to create +a fire in the rear. They denounced the Government; resisted the draft; +shot United States officers; declared the war a failure and an outrage; +rejoiced over our defeats, and wept and cursed at our victories. + +To crush the Rebellion in the South and keep in subjection the +Democratic party at the North, thousands of millions of money were +expended--the nation burdened with a fearful debt, and the best blood of +the country poured out upon the fields of battle. + +In order to destroy the Rebellion it became necessary to destroy +slavery. As a matter of fact, slavery was the Rebellion. As soon as +this truth forced itself upon the Government--thrust as it were into +the brain of the North upon the point of a rebel bayonet--the Republican +party resolved to destroy forever the last vestige of that savage and +cruel institution; an institution that made white men devils and black +men beasts. + +The Republican party put down the Rebellion; saved the nation; destroyed +slavery; made the slave a citizen; put the ballot in the hands of the +black man; forgave the assassins of the Government; restored nearly +every rebel to citizenship, and proclaimed peace to, and for each and +all. + +For sixteen years the country has been in the hands of that great party. +For sixteen years that grand party, in spite of rebels in arms--in spite +of the Democratic party of the North, has preserved the territorial +integrity, and the financial honor of the country. It has endeavored to +enforce the laws; it has tried to protect loyal men at the South; it has +labored to bring murderers and assassins to justice, and it is working +now to preserve the priceless fruits of its great victory. + +The present question is, whom shall we trust? To whom shall we give the +reins of power? What party will best preserve the rights of the people? + +What party is most deserving of our confidence? There is but one way +to determine the character of a party, and that is, by ascertaining its +history. + +Could we have safely trusted the Democratic party in 1860? No. And why +not? Because it was a believer in the right of secession--a believer +in the sacredness of human slavery. The Democratic party then solemnly +declared--speaking through its most honored and trusted leaders--that +each State had the right to secede. This made the Constitution a _nudum +pactum_, a contract without a consideration, a Democratic promise, a +wall of mist, and left every State free to destroy at will the fabric of +American Government--the fabric reared by our fathers through years of +toil and blood. + +Could we have safely trusted that party in 1864, when, in convention +assembled, it declared the war a failure, and wished to give up the +contest at a moment when universal victory was within the grasp of the +Republic? Had the people put that party in power then, there would have +been a Southern Confederacy to-day, and upon the limbs of four million +people the chains of slavery would still have clanked. Is there one man +present who, to-day, regrets that the Vallandigham Democracy of 1864 was +spurned and beaten by the American people? Is there one man present who, +to-day, regrets the utter defeat of that mixture of slavery, malice and +meanness, called the Democratic party, in 1864? + +Could we have safely trusted that party in 1868? + +At that time the Democracy of the South was trying to humble and +frighten the colored people or exterminate them. These inoffensive +colored people were shot down without provocation, without mercy. The +white Democrats were as relentless as fiends. They killed simply to +kill. They murdered these helpless people, thinking that they were in +some blind way getting their revenge upon the people of the North. No +tongue can exaggerate the cruelties practiced upon the helpless freedmen +of the South. These white Democrats had been reared amid and by slavery. +Slavery knows no such thing as justice, no such thing as mercy. Slavery +does not dream of governing by reason, by argument or persuasion. +Slavery depends upon force, upon the bowie-knife, the revolver, the +whip, the chain and the bloodhound. The white Democrats of the South had +been reared amid slavery; they cared nothing for reason; they knew of +but one thing to be used when there was a difference of opinion or a +conflict of interest, and that was brute force. It never occurred to +them to educate, to inform, and to reason. It was easier to shoot than +to reason; it was quicker to stab than to argue; cheaper to kill than +to educate. A grave costs less than a schoolhouse; bullets were cheaper +than books; and one knife could stab more than forty schools could +convert. + +They could not bear to see the negro free--to see the former slave +trampling on his old chains, holding a ballot in his hand. They could +not endure the sight of a negro in office. It was gall and wormwood +to think of a slave occupying a seat in Congress; to think of a negro +giving his ideas about the political questions of the day. And so these +white Democrats made up their minds that by a reign of terrorism they +would drive the negro from the polls, drive him from all official +positions, and put him back in reality in the old condition. To +accomplish this they commenced a system of murder, of assassination, +of robbery, theft, and plunder, never before equaled in extent and +atrocity. All this was in its height when in 1868 the Democracy asked +the control of this Government. + +Is there a man here who in his heart regrets that the Democrats failed +in 1868? Do you wish that the masked murderers who rode in the darkness +of night to the hut of the freedman and shot him down like a wild beast, +regardless of the prayers and tears of wife and children, were now +holding positions of honor and trust in this Government? Are you sorry +that these assassins were defeated in 1868? + +In 1872 the Democratic party, bent upon victory, greedy for office, with +itching palms and empty pockets, threw away all principle--if Democratic +doctrines can be called principles--and nominated a life-long enemy +of their party for President. No one doubted or doubts the loyalty +and integrity of Horace Greeley. But all knew that if elected he would +belong to the party electing him; that he would have to use Democrats as +his agents, and all knew, or at least feared, that the agents would own +and use the principal. All believed that in the malicious clutch of +the Democratic party Horace Greeley would be not a President, but a +prisoner--not a ruler, but a victim. Against that grand man I have +nothing to say. I simply congratulate him upon his escape from being +used as a false key by the Democratic party. + +During all these years the Democratic party prophesied the destruction +of the Government, the destruction of the Constitution, and the +banishment of liberty from American soil. + +In 1864 that party declared that after four years of failure to restore +the Union by the experiment of war, there should be a cessation of +hostilities. They then declared "that the Constitution had been violated +in every part, and that public liberty and private rights had been +trodden down." + +And yet the Constitution remained and still remains; public liberty +still exists, and private rights are still respected. + +In 1868, growing more desperate, and being still filled with the spirit +of prophecy, this same party in its platform said: "Under the repeated +assaults of the Republican party, the pillars of the Government are +rocking on their base, and should it succeed in November next, and +inaugurate its President, we will meet as a subjected and conquered +people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the +Constitution." + +The Republican party did succeed in November, 1868, and did inaugurate +its President, and we did not meet as a subjected and conquered +people amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of +the Constitution. We met as a victorious people, amid the proudest +achievements of liberty, protected by a Constitution spotless and +stainless--pure as the Alpine snow thrice sifted by the northern blast. + +You must not forget the condition of the Government when it came into +the hands of the Republican party. Its treasury was empty, its means +squandered, its navy dispersed, its army unreliable, the offices filled +with rebels and rebel spies; the Democratic party of the North rubbing +its hands in a kind of hellish glee and shouting, "I told you so." + +When the Republican party came into power in 1861, it found the Southern +States in arms; it came into power when human beings were chained hand +to hand and driven like cattle to market; when white men were engaged +in the ennobling business of raising dogs to pursue and catch men and +women; when the bay of the bloodhound was considered as the music of the +Union. It came into power when, from thousands of pulpits, slavery was +declared to be a divine institution. It took the reins of Government +when education was an offence, when mercy, humanity and justice were +political crimes. + +The Republican party came into power when the Constitution of the United +States upheld the crime of crimes, a Constitution that gave the lie +direct to the Declaration of Independence, and, as I said before, when +the Southern States were in arms. + +To the fulfillment of its great destiny it gave all its energies. To the +almost superhuman task, it gave its every thought and power. For four +long and terrible years, with vast armies in the field against it; beset +by false friends; in constant peril; betrayed again and again; stabbed +by the Democratic party, in the name of the Constitution; reviled and +slandered beyond conception; attacked in every conceivable manner--the +Republican party never faltered for an instant. Its courage increased +with the difficulties to be overcome. Hopeful in defeat, confident +in disaster, merciful in victory; sustained by high aims and noble +aspirations, it marched forward, through storms of shot and shell--on to +the last fortification of treason and rebellion--forward to the shining +goal of victory, lasting and universal. + +During these savage and glorious years, the Democratic party of the +North, as a party, assisted the South. Democrats formed secret societies +to burn cities--to release rebel prisoners. They shot down officers who +were enforcing the draft; they declared the war unconstitutional; +they left nothing undone to injure the credit of the Government; they +persuaded soldiers to desert; they went into partnership with rebels +for the purpose of spreading contagious diseases through the North. They +were the friends and allies of persons who regarded yellow fever and +smallpox as weapons of civilized warfare. In spite of all this, the +Republicans succeeded. + +The Democrats declared slavery to be a divine institution; The +Republican party abolished it. The Constitution of the United States was +changed from a sword that stabbed the rights of four million people to a +shield for every human being beneath our flag. + +The Democrats of New York burned orphan asylums and inaugurated a reign +of terror in order to co-operate with the raid of John Morgan. Remember, +my friends, that all this was done when the fate of our country trembled +in the balance of war; that all this was done when the great heart of +the North was filled with agony and courage; when the question was, +"Shall Liberty or Slavery triumph?" + +No words have ever passed the human lips strong enough to curse the +Northern allies of the South. + +The United States wanted money. It wanted money to buy muskets and +cannon and shot and shell, it wanted money to pay soldiers, to buy +horses, wagons, ambulances, clothing and food. Like an individual, it +had to borrow this money; and, like an honest individual, it must pay +this money. Clothed with sovereignty, it had, or at least exercised, the +power to make its notes a legal tender. This quality of being a legal +tender was the only respect in which these notes differ from those +signed by an individual. As a matter of fact, every note issued was +a forced loan from the people, a forced loan from the soldiers in the +field--in short, a forced loan from every person that took a single +dollar. Upon every one of these notes is printed a promise. The belief +that this promise will be made good gives every particle of value to +each note that it has. Although each note, by law, is a legal tender, +yet if the Government declared that it never would redeem these +notes, the people would not take them if revolution could hurl such a +Government from power. So that the belief that these notes will finally +be paid, added to the fact that in the meantime they are a legal tender, +gives them all the value they have. And, although all are substantially +satisfied that they will be paid, none know at what time. This +uncertainty as to the time, as to when, affects the value of these +notes. + +They must be paid, unless a promise can be delayed so long as to amount +to a fulfillment. They must be paid. The question is, "How?" The answer +is, "By the industry and prosperity of the people." They cannot be paid +by law. Law made them; labor must pay them; and they must be paid out +of the profits of the people. We must pay the debt with eggs, not with +goose. In a terrible war we spent thousands of millions; all the bullets +thrown; all the powder burned; all the property destroyed, of every +sort, kind, and character; all the time of the people engaged--all these +things were a dead loss. The debt represents the loss. Paying the debt +is simply repairing the loss. When we, as a people, shall have made +a net amount, equal to the amount thrown, as it were, away in war, +or somewhere near that amount, we will resume specie payment; we will +redeem our promises. We promised on paper, we shall pay in gold and +silver. We asked the people to hold this paper until we got the money, +and they are holding the paper and we are getting the money. + +As soon as the slaves were free, the Republican party said, "They must +be citizens, not vagrants." The Democratic party opposed this just, this +generous measure. The freedmen were made citizens. The Republican party +then said, "These citizens must vote; they must have the ballot, to keep +what the bullet has won." The Democratic party said "No." The negroes +received the ballot. The Republican party then said, "These voters must +be educated, so that the ballot shall be the weapon of intelligence, not +of ignorance." The Democratic party objected. But schools were founded, +and books were put in the hands of the colored people, instead of whips +upon their backs. We said to the Southern people, "The colored men are +citizens; their rights must be respected; they are voters, they must +be allowed to vote; they were and are our friends, and we are their +protectors." + +All this was accomplished by the Republican party. + +It changed the organic law of the land, so that it is now a proper +foundation for a free government; it struck the cruel shackles from four +million human beings; it put down the most gigantic rebellion in the +history of the world; it expunged from the statute books of every +State, and of the Nation, all the cruel and savage laws that Slavery +had enacted; it took whips from the backs, and chains from the limbs, of +men; it dispensed with bloodhounds as the instruments of civilization; +it banished to the memory of barbarism the slave-pen, the auction block, +and the whipping-post; it purified a Nation; it elevated the human race. + +All this was opposed by the Democratic party; opposed with a bitterness, +compared to which ordinary malice is sweet. I say the Democratic party, +because I consider those who fought against the Government, in the +fields of the South, and those who opposed in the North, as +Democrats--one and all. The Democratic party has been, during all these +years, the enemy of civilization, the hater of liberty, the despiser of +justice. + +When I say the Democratic party sympathized with the Rebellion, I mean +a majority of that party. I know there are in the Democratic party, +soldiers who fought for the Union. I do not know why they are there, but +I have nothing to say against them. I will never utter a word against +any man who bared his breast to a storm of shot and shell, for the +preservation of the Republic. When I use the term Democratic party, I do +not mean those soldiers. + +There are others in the Democratic party who are there just because +their fathers were Democrats. They do not mean any particular harm. +Others are there because they could not amount to anything in the +Republican party. A man only fit for a corporal in the Republican ranks, +will make a leader in the Democratic party. By the Democratic party, +I mean that party that sided with the South--that believed in +secession--that loved slavery--that hated liberty--that denounced +Lincoln as a tyrant--that burned orphan asylums--that gloried in our +disasters--that denounced every effort to save the nation--they are the +gentlemen I mean, and they constitute a large majority of the Democratic +party. + +The Democrats hate the negro to-day, with a hatred begotten of a +well-grounded fear that the colored people are rapidly becoming their +superiors in industry, intellect and character. + +The colored people have suffered enough. They were and are our friends. +They are the friends of this country, and cost what it may they must +be protected. The white loyal man must be protected. They have been +ostracized, slandered, mobbed, and murdered. Their very blood cries from +the ground. + +These two things--payment of the debt and protection of loyal citizens, +are the things to be done. Which party can be trusted? + +Which will be the more apt to pay the debt? + +Which will be the more apt to protect the colored and white loyalist at +the South? + +Who is Samuel J. Tilden? + +Samuel J. Tilden is an attorney. He never gave birth to an elevated, +noble sentiment in his life. He is a kind of legal spider, watching in +a web of technicalities for victims. He is a compound of cunning and +heartlessness--of beak and claw and fang. He is one of the few men who +can grab a railroad and hide the deep cuts, tunnels and culverts in a +single night. He is a corporation wrecker. He is a demurrer filed by the +Confederate congress. He waits on the shores of bankruptcy to clutch the +drowning by the throat. He was never married. The Democratic party +has satisfied the longings of his heart. He has looked upon love as +weakness. He has courted men because women cannot vote. He has contented +himself by adopting a rag-baby, that really belongs to Mr. Hendricks, +and his principal business at present is explaining how he came to adopt +this child. + +Samuel J. Tilden has been for years without number a New York Democrat. + +New York has been, and still is, the worst governed city in the world. +Political influence is bought and sold like stocks and bonds. Nearly +every contract is larceny in disguise--nearly every appointment is a +reward for crime, and every election is a fraud. Among such men Samuel +J. Tilden has lived; with such men he has acted; by such men he has been +educated; such men have been his scholars, and such men are his friends. +These men resisted the draft, but Samuel J. Tilden remained their +friend. They burned orphan asylums, but Tilden's friendship never +cooled. They inaugurated riot and murder, but Tilden wavered not. They +stole a hundred millions, and when no more was left to steal--when the +people could not even pay the interest on the amount stolen--then these +Democrats, clapping their hands over their bursting pockets, began +shouting for reform. Mr. Tilden has been a reformer for years, +especially of railroads. The vital issue with him has been the issue +of bogus stock. Although a life-long Democrat, he has been an +amalgamationist--of corporations. While amassing millions, he has +occasionally turned his attention to national affairs. He left his +private affairs (and his reputation depends upon these affairs being +kept private) long enough to assist the Democracy to declare the war for +the restoration of the Union a failure; long enough to denounce Lincoln +as a tyrant and usurper. He was generally too busy to denounce the +political murders and assassinations in the South--too busy to say a +word in favor of justice and liberty; but he found time to declare the +war for the preservation of the country an outrage. He managed to spare +time enough to revile the Proclamation of Emancipation--time enough to +shed a few tears over the corpse of slavery; time enough to oppose +the enfranchisement of the colored man; time enough to raise his voice +against the injustice of putting a loyal negro on a political level with +a pardoned rebel; time enough to oppose every forward movement of the +nation. + +No man should ever be elected President of this country who raised his +hand to dismember and destroy it. No man should be elected President who +sympathized with those who were endeavoring to destroy it. No man should +be elected President of this great nation who, when it was in deadly +peril, did not endeavor to save it by act and word. No man should +be elected President who does not believe that every negro should be +free--that the colored people should be allowed to vote. No man +should be placed at the head of the nation--in command of the army +and navy--who does not believe that the Constitution, with all its +amendments, should be sacredly enforced. No man should be elected +President of this nation who believes in the Democratic doctrine of +"States Rights;" who believes that this Government is only a federation +of States. No man should be elected President of our great country +who aided and abetted her enemies in war--who advised or countenanced +resistance to a draft in time of war, who by slander impaired her +credit, sneered at her heroes, and laughed at her martyrs. Samuel J. +Tilden is the possessor of nearly every disqualification mentioned. + +Mr. Tilden is the author of an essay on finance, commonly called a +letter of acceptance, in which his ideas upon the great subject are +given in the plainest and most direct manner imaginable. All through +this letter or essay there runs a vein of honest bluntness really +refreshing. As a specimen of bluntness and clearness, take the following +extracts: + +How shall the Government make these notes at all times as good as +specie? It has to provide in reference to the mass which would be kept +in use by the wants of business a central reservoir of coin, adequate +to the adjustment of the temporary fluctuations of the international +balance, and as a guaranty against transient drains, artificially +created by panic or by speculation. It has also to provide for the +payment in coin of such fractional currency as may be presented +for redemption, and such inconsiderable portion of legal tenders as +individuals may from time to time desire to convert for special use, or +in order to lay by in coin their little store of money. To make the +coin now in the treasury available for the objects of this reserve, to +gradually strengthen and enlarge that reserve, and to provide for such +other exceptional demands for coin as may arise, does not seem to me a +work of difficulty. If wisely planned and discreetly pursued, it ought +not to cost any sacrifice to the business of the country. It should +tend, on the contrary, to the revival of hope and confidence. + +In other words, the way to pay the debt is to get the money, and the +way to get the money is to provide a central reservoir of coin to adjust +fluctuations. As to the resumption he gives us this: + +The proper time for the resumption is the time when wise preparation +shall have ripened into perfect ability to accomplish the object with +a certainty and ease that will inspire confidence and encourage the +reviving of business. + +The earliest time in which such a result can be brought about is best. +Even when preparations shall have been matured, the exact date would +have to be chosen with reference to the then existing state of trade and +credit operations in our own country, and the course of foreign commerce +and condition of exchanges with other nations. The specific measure and +actual date are matters of details, having reference to ever-changing +conditions. They belong to the domain of practical, administrative +statesmanship. The captain of a steamer, about starting from New York to +Liverpool, does not assemble a council over his ocean craft, and fix +an angle by which to lash the rudder for the whole voyage. A human +intelligence must be at the helm to discern the shifting forces of water +and winds. A human mind must be at the helm to feel the elements day by +day, and guide to a mastery over them. Such preparations are everything. +Without them a legislative command fixing a day--an official promise +fixing a day, are shams. They are worse. They are a snare and a delusion +to all who trust them. They destroy all confidence among thoughtful men +whose judgment will at last sway public opinion. An attempt to act on +such a command, or such a promise without preparation, would end in a +new suspension. It would be a fresh calamity, prolific of confusion, +distrust, and distress. + +That is to say, Congress has not sufficient intelligence to fix the +date of resumption. They cannot fix the proper time. But a Democratic +convention has human intelligence enough to know that the first day of +January, 1879, is not the proper date. That convention knew what the +state of trade and credit in our country and the course of foreign +commerce and the condition of exchanges with other nations would be on +the first day of January, 1879. Of course they did, or else they +never would have had the impudence to declare that resumption would be +impossible at that date. + +The next extract is more luminous still: + +The Government of the United States, in my opinion, can advance to a +resumption of specie payments on its legal tender notes by gradual and +safe processes tending to relieve the present business distress. If +charged by the people with the administration of the executive office, I +should deem it a duty so to exercise the powers with which it has or may +be invested by Congress, as the best and soonest to conduct the country +to that beneficent result. + +Why did not this great statesman tell us of some "gradual and safe +process"? He promises, if elected, to so administer the Government that +it will soon reach a beneficent result. How is this to be done? What is +his plan? Will he rely on "a human intelligence at the helm," or on "the +central reservoir," or on some "gradual and safe process"? + +I defy any man to read this letter and tell me what Mr. Tilden really +proposes to do. There is nothing definite said. He uses such general +terms, such vague and misty expressions, such unmeaning platitudes, that +the real idea, if he had one, is lost in fog and mist. + +Suppose I should, in the most solemn and impressive manner, tell +you that the fluctuations caused in the vital stability of shifting +financial operations, not to say speculations of the wildest character, +cannot be rendered instantly accountable to a true financial theory +based upon the great law that the superfluous is not a necessity, except +in vague thoughts of persons unacquainted with the exigencies of the +hour, and cannot, in the absence of a central reservoir of coin with +a human intelligence at the head, hasten by any system of convertible +bonds the expectation of public distrust, no matter how wisely planned +and discreetly pursued, failure is assured whatever the real result may +be. + +Must we wage this war for the right forever? Is there no time when the +soldiers of progress can rest? Will the bugles of the great army of +civilization never sound even a halt? It does seem as though there +can be no stop, no rest. It is in the world of mind as in the physical +world. Every plant of value has to be cultivated. The land must be +plowed, the seeds must be planted and watered. It must be guarded every +moment. Its enemies crawl in the earth and fly in the air. The sun +scorches it, the rain drowns it, the dew rusts it. He who wins it must +fight. But the weeds they grow in spite of all. Nobody plows for them +except accident. The winds sow the seeds, chance covers them, and they +flourish and multiply. The sun cannot burn them--they laugh at rain and +frost--they care not for birds and beasts. In spite of all they grow. It +is the same in politics. A true Republican must continue to grow, must +work, must think, must advance. The Republican party is the party of +progress, of ideas, of work. To make a Republican you must have schools, +books, papers. To make a Democrat, take all these away. Republicans are +the useful; Democrats the noxious--corn and wheat against the dog fennel +and Canada thistles. + +Republicans of Maine, do not forget that each of you has two votes in +this election--one in Maine and one in Indiana. + +Remember that we are relying on you. There is no stronger tie between +the prairies of Illinois and the pines of Maine--between the Western +States and New England, than James G. Blaine. + +We are relying on Maine for from twelve to fifteen thousand on the +12th of September, and Indiana will answer with from fifteen to twenty +thousand, and hearing these two votes the Nation in November will +declare for Hayes and Wheeler.* + + * This being a newspaper report, and never revised by the + author, is of necessity incomplete, but the publisher feels + that it should not be lost + + + + +COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK. + + *Col. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois last night, at Cooper + Union, spoke on the political issues of the day, at unusual + length, to the largest and most enthusiastic audience which, + during the last ten years, any single speaker has attracted. + His address was in his happiest epigrammatic style, and was + interrupted every few moments either by the most uproarious + laughter or enthusiastic cheering. It is no exaggeration to + say that the meeting was the largest Cooper Institute has + seen since the war. Not merely the main hall was filled, but + the wide corridor in Third Avenue, the entrance hall in + Eighth Street, and every Committee-room to which his voice + could reach, though the speaker was unseen, were crowded--in + fact, literally packed. Half an hour before the hour named + for the organization of the meeting, admission to the body + of the hall was almost impossible; and selected officers, + and the speaker of the evening himself had to beg their way + to the platform. The latter was as painfully crowded with + invited guests as the body of the hall; and ingress was + impossible after the speaker began, and egress was almost as + difficult owing to the pressure in the committee-room + through which the platform is approached. + + Not only in numbers alone, but in the prominence of the + persons present, was the meeting impressive. Besides the + usual large quota of active politicians always seen at such + meetings, there were seen numbers of leading merchants, + financiers, and lawyers of New York, prominent officials not + only of the City but the State and National Government. + + The speech was nearly two hours In length, but as the + interruptions were frequent, indeed almost continuous, it + seemed very short, and when Mr. Ingersoll concluded his fire + of epigrams, there were loud calls and appeals to him to go + on. There were suggestions by some of the managers, of other + speakers who might follow him, but the presiding officer + wisely decided to submit no other speaker to the too severe + test of speaking on the same occasion with Mr. Ingersoll. + + Chauncey M. Depew, on leaving the hall, remarked that it was + the greatest speech he ever heard, and numbers of old + campaigners were equally enthusiastic. At its conclusion, + the reception which Mr. Ingersoll held on the platform + lasted over half-an-hour, and when finally Commissioner + Wheeler piloted him through the crowd to his coach, three or + four hundred of the audience followed and gave him lusty + cheers as he drove off.--New York Tribune, September + 11,1876. + + +HAYES CAMPAIGN. + +1876. + +I AM just on my way home from the grand old State of Maine, and there +has followed me a telegraphic dispatch which I will read to you. If it +were not good, you may swear I would not read it: "Every Congressional +district, every county in Maine, Republican by a large majority. The +victory is overwhelming, and the majority will exceed 15,000." That +dispatch is signed by that knight-errant of political chivalry, James G. +Blaine. + +I suppose we are all stockholders in the great corporation known as the +United States of America, and as such stockholders we have a right to +vote the way we think will best subserve our own interests. Each one has +certain stock in this Government, whether he is rich, or whether he is +poor, and the poor man has the same interest in the United States of +America that the richest man in it has. It is our duty, conscientiously +and honestly, to hear the argument upon both sides of the political +question, and then go and vote conscientiously for the side that we +believe will best preserve our interest in the United States of America. +Two great parties are before you now asking your support--the Democratic +party and the Republican party. One wishes to be kept in power, the +other wishes to have a chance once more at the Treasury of the United +States. The Democratic party is probably the hungriest organization that +ever wandered over the desert of political disaster in the history of +the world. There never was, in all probability, a political stomach +so thoroughly empty, or an appetite so outrageously keen as the one +possessed by the Democratic party. The Democratic party has been howling +like a pack of wolves looking in with hungry and staring eyes at the +windows of the National Capitol, and scratching at the doors of the +White House. They have been engaged in these elegant pursuits for +sixteen long, weary years. Occasionally they have retired to some +convenient eminence and lugubriously howled about the Constitution. +The Democratic party comes and asks for your vote, not on account of +anything it has done, not on account of anything it has accomplished, +but on account of what it promises to do; the Democratic party can make +just as good a promise as any other party in the world, and it will +come farther from fulfilling it than any other party on this globe. The +Republican party having held this Government for sixteen years, proposes +to hold it for four years more. The Republican party comes to you with +its record open, and asks every man, woman and child in this broad +country to read its every word. And I say to you, that there is not a +line, a paragraph, or a page of that record that is not only an honor +to the Republican party, but to the human race. On every page of that +record is written some great and glorious action, done either for the +liberty of man, or the preservation of our common country. We ask every +body to read its every word. The Democratic party comes before you with +its record closed, recording every blot and blur, and stain and treason, +and slander and malignity, and asks you not to read a single word, but +to be kind enough to take its infamous promises for the future. + +Now, my friends, I propose to tell you, to-night, something that has +been done by the Democratic party, and then allow you to judge for +yourselves. Now, if a man came to you, you owning a steamboat on the +Hudson River, and he wished to hire out to you as an engineer, and you +inquired about him, and found he had blown up and destroyed and wrecked +every steamboat he had ever been engineer on, and you should tell him: +"I can't hire you; you blew up such an engine, you wrecked such a ship," +he would say to you, "My Lord! Mister, you must let bygones be bygones." +If a man came to your bank, or came to a solitary individual here to +borrow a hundred dollars, and you went and inquired about him and found +he never paid a note in his life, found he was a dead-beat, and you say +to him, "I cannot loan you money." "Why?" "Because, I have ascertained +you never pay your debts." "Ah, yes," he says, "you are no gentleman +going prying into a man's record," I tell you, my good friends, a good +character rests upon a record, and not upon a prospectus, a good record +rests upon a deed accomplished, and not upon a promise, a good character +rests upon something really done, and not upon a good resolution, and +you cannot make a good character in a day. If you could, Tilden would +have one to-morrow night. + +I propose now to tell you, my friends, a little of the history of the +Republican party, also a little of the history of the Democratic party. + +And first, the Republican party. The United States of America is a free +country, it is the only free country upon this earth; it is the only +republic that was ever established among men. We have read, we have +heard, of the republics of Greece, of Egypt, of Venice; we have heard of +the free cities of Europe. There never was a republic of Venice; there +never was a republic of Rome; there never was a republic of Athens; +there never was a free city in Europe; there never was a government not +cursed with caste; there never was a government not cursed with slavery; +there never was a country not cursed with almost every infamy, until the +Republican party of the United States made this a free country. It is +the first party in the world that contended that the respectable man was +the useful man; it is the first party in the world that said, without +regard to previous conditions, without regard to race, every human being +is entitled to life, to liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and it is +the only party in the world that has endeavored to carry those sublime +principles into actual effect. Every other party has been allied to +some piece of rascality; every other party has been patched up with some +thieving, larcenous, leprous compromise. The Republican party keeps +its forehead in the grand dawn of perpetual advancement; the Republican +party is the party of reason; it is the party of argument; it is +the party of education; it believes in free schools, it believes in +scientific schools; it believes that the schools are for the public and +all the public; it believes that science never should be interfered with +by any sectarian influence whatever. + +The Republican party is in favor of science; the Republican party, as +I said before, is the party of reason; it argues; it does not mob; it +reasons; it does not murder; it persuades you, not with the shot gun, +not with tar and feathers, but with good sound reason, and argument. + +In order for you to ascertain what the Republican party has done for us, +let us refresh ourselves a little; we all know it, but it is well enough +to hear it now and then. Let us then refresh our recollection a little, +in order to understand what the grand and great Republican party has +accomplished in the land. + +We will consider, in the first place, the condition of the country when +the Republican party was born. When this Republican party was born there +was upon the statute books of the United States of America a law known +as the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, by which every man in the State of +New York was made by law a bloodhound, and could be set and hissed upon +a negro, who was simply attempting to obtain his birthright of freedom, +just as you would set a dog upon a wolf. That was the Fugitive Slave Law +of 1850. Around the neck of every man it put a collar as on a dog, but +it had not the decency to put the man's name on the collar. I said in +the State of Maine, and several other States, and expect to say it again +although I hurt the religious sentiment of the Democratic party, and +shocked the piety of that organization by saying it, but I did say then, +and now say, that the Fugitive Slave Law in 1850 would have disgraced +hell in its palmiest days. + +I tell you, my friends, you do not know how easy it is to shock the +religious sentiments of the Democratic party; there is a deep and pure +vein of piety running through that organization; it has been for years +spiritually inclined; there is probably no organization in the world +that really will stand by any thing of a spiritual character, at least +until it is gone, as that Democratic party will. Everywhere I have been +I have crushed their religious hopes. You have no idea how sorry I am +that I hurt their feelings so upon the subject of religion. Why, I did +not suppose that they cared anything about Christianity, but I have been +deceived. I now find that they do, and I have done what no other man in +the United States ever did--I have made the Democratic party come to the +defence of Christianity. I have made the Democratic party use what +time they could spare between drinks in quoting Scripture. But +notwithstanding the fact that I have shocked the religious sentiment +of that party, I do not want them to defend Christianity any more; they +will bring it into universal contempt if they do. Yes, yes, they will +make the words honesty and reform a stench in the nostrils of honest +men. They made the words of the Constitution stand almost for treason, +during the entire war, and every decent word that passes the ignorant, +leprous, malignant lips of the Democratic party, becomes dishonored from +that day forth. + +At the same time, in 1850, when the Fugitive Slave Law was passed, in +nearly all of the Western States, there was a law by which the virtues +of pity and hospitality became indictable offences. There was a law by +which the virtue of charity became a crime, and the man who performed +a kindness could be indicted, imprisoned, and fined. It was the law of +Illinois--of my own State--that if one gave a drop of cold water, or a +crust of bread, to a fugitive from slavery, he could be indicted, fined +and imprisoned, under the infamous slave law of 1850, under the infamous +black laws of the Western States. + +At the time the Republican party was born, (and I have told this many +times) if a woman ninety-nine one-hundredths white had escaped from +slavery, carrying her child on her bosom, having gone through morass and +brush and thorns and thickets, had crossed creeks and rivers, and had +finally got within one step of freedom, with the light of the North +star shining in her tear-filled eyes--with her child upon her withered +breast--it would have been an indictable offence to have given her a +drop of water or a crust of bread; not only that, but under the slave +law of 1850, it was the duty of every Northern citizen claiming to be a +free man, to clutch that woman and hand her back to the dominion of her +master and to the Democratic lash. The Democrats are sorry that those +laws have been repealed. The Republican party with the mailed hand +of war tore from the statute books of the United States, and from the +statute books of each State, every one of those infamous, hellish laws, +and trampled them beneath her glorious feet. + +Such laws are infamous beyond expression; one would suppose they had +been passed by a Legislature, the lower house of which were hyenas, the +upper house snakes, and the executive a cannibal king. The institution +of slavery had polluted, had corrupted the church, not only in the +South, but a large proportion of the church in the North; so that +ministers stood up in their pulpits here in New York and defended the +very infamy that I have mentioned. Not only that, but the Presbyterians, +South, in 1863, met in General Synod, and passed two resolutions. + +The first resolution read, "Resolved, that slavery is a divine +institution" (and as the boy said, "so is hell"). + +_Second_, "Resolved, that God raised up the Presbyterian Church, South, +to protect and perpetuate that institution." + +Well, all I have to say is that, if God did this, he never chose a more +infamous instrument to carry out a more diabolical object. What more had +slavery done? At that time it had corrupted the very courts, so that in +nearly every State in this Union if a Democrat had gone to the hut of +a poor negro, and had shot down his wife and children before his very +eyes, had strangled the little dimpled babe in the cradle, there was no +court before which this negro could come to give testimony. He was not +allowed to go before a magistrate and indict the murderer; he was not +allowed to go before a grand jury and swear an indictment against the +wretch. Justice was not only blind, but deaf; and that was the idea +of justice in the South, when the Republican party was born. When the +Republican party was born the bay of the bloodhound was the music of the +Union; when this party was born the dome of our Capitol at Washington +cast its shadow upon slave-pens in which crouched and shuddered women +from whose breasts their babes had been torn by wretches who are now +crying for honesty and reform. When the Republican party was born, +a bloodhound was considered as one of the instrumentalities of +republicanism. When the Republican party was born, the church had made +the cross of Christ a whipping-post. When the Republican party was +born, courts of the United States had not the slightest idea of justice, +provided a black man was on the other side. When this party came into +existence, if a negro had a plot of ground and planted corn in it, and +the rain had fallen upon it, and the dew had lain lovingly upon it, and +the arrows of light shot from the exhaustless quiver of the sun, had +quickened the blade, and the leaves waved in the perfumed air of June, +and it finally ripened into the full ear in the golden air of autumn, +the courts of the United States did not know to whom the corn belonged, +and if a Democrat had driven the negro off and shucked the corn, and +that case had been left to the Supreme Court of many of the States in +this Union, they would have read all the authorities, they would have +heard all the arguments, they would have heard all the speeches, then +pushed their spectacles back on their bald and brainless heads and +decided, all things considered, the Democrat was entitled to that +corn. We pretended at that time to be a free country; it was a lie. We +pretended at that time to do justice in our courts; it was a lie, and +above all our pretence and hypocrisy rose the curse of slavery, like +Chimborazo above the clouds. + +Now, my friends, what is there about this great Republican party? It is +the party of intellectual freedom. It is one thing to bind the hands of +men; it is one thing to steal the results of physical labor of men, but +it is a greater crime to forge fetters for the souls of men. I am a free +man; I will do my own thinking or die; I give a mortgage on my soul to +nobody; I give a deed of trust on my soul to nobody; no matter whether I +think well or I think ill; whatever thought I have shall be my thought, +and shall be a free thought, and I am going to give cheerfully, gladly, +the same right to thus think to every other human being. + +I despise any man who does not own himself. I despise any man who does +not possess his own spirit. I would rather die a beggar, covered with +rags, with my soul erect, fearless and free, than to live a king in a +palace of gold, clothed with the purple of power, with my soul slimy +with hypocrisy, crawling in the dust of fear. I will do my own thinking, +and when I get it thought, I will say it. These are the splendid things, +my friends, about the Republican party; intellectual and physical +liberty for all. + +Now, my friends, I have told you a little about the Republican party. +Now, I will tell you a little more about the Republican party. When that +party came into power it elected Abraham Lincoln President of the United +States. I live in the State that holds within its tender embrace the +sacred ashes of Abraham Lincoln, the best, the purest man that was +ever President of the United States. I except none. When he was elected +President of the United States, the Democratic party said: "We will not +stand it;" the Democratic party South said: "We will not bear it;" and +the Democratic party North said: "You ought not to bear it." + +James Buchanan was then President. James Buchanan read the Constitution +of the United States, or a part of it, and read several platforms made +by the Democratic party, and gave it as his deliberate opinion that a +State had a right to go out of the Union. He gave it as his deliberate +opinion that this was a Confederacy and not a Nation, and when he said +that, there was another little, dried up, old bachelor sitting over in +the amen corner of the political meeting and he squeaked out: "That is +my opinion too," and the name of that man was Samuel J. Tilden. + +The Democratic party then and now says that the Union is simply a +Confederacy; but I want this country to be a Nation. I want to live in +a great and splendid country. A great nation makes a great people. Your +surroundings have something to do with it. Great plains, magnificent +rivers, great ranges of mountains, a country washed by two oceans--all +these things make us great and grand as the continent on which we live. +The war commenced, and the moment the war commenced the whole country +was divided into two parties. No matter what they had been +before, whether Democrats, Freesoilers, Republicans, old Whigs, or +Abolitionists--the whole country divided into two parties--the friends +and enemies of the country--patriots and traitors, and they so continued +until the Rebellion was put down. I cheerfully admit that thousands +of Democrats went into the army, and that thousands of Democrats were +patriotic men. I cheerfully admit that thousands of them thought more of +their country than they did of the Democratic party, and they came with +us to fight for the country, and I honor every one of them from the +bottom of my heart, and nineteen out of twenty of them have voted the +Republican ticket from that day to this. Some of them came back and went +to the Democratic party again and are still in that party; I have not +a word to say against them, only this: They are swapping off +respectability for disgrace. They give to the Democratic party all the +respectability it has, and the Democratic party gives to them all the +disgrace they have. + +Democratic soldier, come out of the Democratic party. There was a man in +my State got mad at the railroad and would not ship his hogs on it, so +he drove them to Chicago, and it took him so long to get them there that +the price had fallen; when he came back, they laughed at him, and said +to him, "You didn't make much, did you, driving your hogs to Chicago?" +"No," he said, "I didn't make anything except the company of the hogs on +the way." Soldier of the Republic, I say, with the Democratic party all +you can make is the company of the hogs on the way down. Come out, come +out and leave them alone in their putridity--in their rottenness. Leave +them alone. Do not try to put a new patch on an old garment. Leave them +alone. I tell you the Democratic party must be left alone; it must be +left to enjoy the primal curse, "On thy belly shalt thou crawl and dust +shalt thou eat all the days of thy life," O Democratic party. + +Now, my friends, I need not tell you how we put down the Rebellion. You +all know. I need not describe to you the battles you fought. I need not +tell you of the men who sacrificed their lives. I need not tell you of +the old men who are still waiting for footsteps that never will return. +I need not tell you of the women who are waiting for the return of their +loved ones. I need not tell you of all these things. You know we put +down the Rebellion; we fought until the old flag triumphed over every +inch of American soil redeemed from the clutch of treason. + +Now, my friends, what was the Democratic party doing when the Republican +party was doing these splendid things? When, the Republican party said +this was a nation; when the Republican party said we shall be free; +when the Republican party said slavery shall be extirpated from American +soil; when the Republican party said the negro shall be a citizen, and +the citizen shall have the ballot, and the citizen shall have the right +to cast that ballot for the government of his choice peaceably--what was +the Democratic party doing? + +I will tell you a few things that the Democratic party has done within +the last sixteen years. In the first place, they were not willing that +this country should be saved unless slavery could be saved with it. +There never was a Democrat, North or South--and by Democrat I mean the +fellows who stuck to the party all during the war, the ones that stuck +to the party after it was a disgrace; the ones that stuck to the party +from simple, pure cussedness--there never was one who did not think +more of the institution of slavery than he did of the Government of the +United States; not one that I ever saw or read of. And so they said to +us for all those years: "If you can save the Union with slavery, and +without any help from us, we are willing you should do it; but we do not +propose that this shall be an abolition war." So the Democratic +party from the first said, "An effort to preserve this Union is +unconstitutional," and they made a breastwork of the Constitution for +rebels to get behind and shoot down loyal men, so that the first charge +I lay at the feet of the Democratic party, the first charge I make in +the indictment, is that they thought more of slavery than of liberty and +of this Union, and in my judgment they are in the same condition this +moment. The next thing they did was to discourage enlistments in the +North. They did all in their power to prevent any man's going into the +army to assist in putting down the Rebellion. And that grand reformer +and statesman, Samuel J. Tilden, gave it as his opinion that the South +could sue, and that every soldier who put his foot on sacred Southern +soil would be a trespasser, and could be sued before a Justice of the +Peace. The Democratic party met in their conventions in every State +North, and denounced the war as an abolition war, and Abraham Lincoln +as a tyrant. What more did they do? They went into partnership with +the rebels. They said to the rebels just as plainly as though they had +spoken it: "Hold on, hold out, hold hard, fight hard, until we get the +political possession of the North, and then you can go in peace." + +What more? A man by the name of Jacob Thompson--a nice man and a good +Democrat, who thinks that of all the men to reform the Government Samuel +J. Tilden is the best man--Jacob Thompson had the misfortune to be +a very vigorous Democrat, and I will show you what I mean by that. A +Democrat during the war who had a musket--you understand, a musket--he +was a rebel, and during the war a rebel that did not have a musket was +a Democrat. I call Mr. Thompson a vigorous Democrat, because he had a +musket. Jacob Thompson was the rebel agent in Canada, and when he went +there he took between six and seven hundred thousand dollars for the +purpose of co-operating with the Northern Democracy. He got himself +acquainted with and in connection with the Democratic party in Ohio, in +Indiana, and in Illinois. The vigorous Democrats, the real Democrats, +in these States had organized themselves under the heads of "Sons of +Liberty," "Knights of the Golden Circle," "Order of the Star," and +various other beautiful names, and their object was to release rebel +prisoners from Camp Chase, Camp Douglass in Chicago, and from one camp +in Indianapolis and another camp at Rock Island. Their object was to +raise a fire in the rear, as they called it--in other words, to burn +down the homes of Union soldiers while they were in the front fighting +for the honor of their country. That was their object, and they put +themselves in connection with Jacob Thompson. They were to have an +uprising on the 16th of August, 1864. It was thought best to hold a few +public meetings for the purpose of arousing the public mind. They held +the first meeting in the city of Peoria, where I live. That was August +3rd, 1864. Here they came from every part of the State, and were +addressed by the principal Democratic politicians in Illinois. + +To that meeting Fernando Wood addressed a letter, in which he said that +although absent in body he should be present in spirit. George Pendleton +of Ohio, George Pugh of the same State, Seymour of Connecticut, and +various other Democratic gentlemen, sent acknowledgments and expressions +of regret to this Democratic meeting that met at this time for the +purpose of organizing an uprising among the Democratic party. I saw that +meeting, and heard some of their speeches. They denounced the war as an +abolition nigger war. They denounced Abraham Lincoln as a tyrant. They +carried transparencies that said, "Is there money enough in the land to +pay this nigger debt? Arouse, brothers, and hurl the tyrant Lincoln from +the throne." And the men that promulgated that very thing are running +for the most important political offices in the country, on the ground +of honesty and reform. And Jacob Thompson says that he furnished the +money to pay the expenses of that Democratic meeting. They were all paid +by rebel gold, by Jacob Thompson. He has on file the voucher from these +Democratic gentlemen in favor of Tilden and Hendricks. The next meetings +were held in Springfield, Illinois, and Indianapolis, Indiana, the +expenses of which were paid in the same way. They shipped to one town +these weapons of our destruction in boxes labeled Sunday school books! + +That same rebel agent, Jacob Thompson, hired a Democrat by the name +of Churchill to burn the city of Cincinnati, Ohio, and Thompson coolly +remarked: "I don't think he has had much luck, as I have only heard of a +_few_ fires." + +In Indianapolis a man named Dodds was arrested--a sound Democrat--so +sound that the Government had to take him by the nape of the neck and +put him in Fort Lafayette. The convention of Democrats then met in the +city of Chicago, and declared the war a failure. There never was a more +infamous lie on this earth than when the Democratic convention declared +in 1864 that the war was a failure. It was but a few days afterward that +the roar of Grants cannon announced that a lie. Rise from your graves, +Union soldiers, one and all, that fell in support of your country--rise +from your graves, and lift your skeleton hands on high, and swear that +when the Democratic party resolved that the war for the preservation +of your country was a failure, that the Democratic party was a vast +aggregated liar. Well, we grew magnanimous, and let Dodds out of Fort +Lafayette; and where do you suppose Dodds is now? He is in Wisconsin. +What do you suppose Dodds is doing? Making speeches. Whom for? Tilden +and Hendricks--"Honesty and reform!" This same Jacob Thompson, Democrat, +hired men to burn New York, and they did set fire in some twenty places, +and they used Greek fire, as he said in his letter, and ingenuously +adds: "I shall never hereafter advise the use of Greek fire." They +knew that in the smoke and ruins would be found the charred remains of +mothers and children, and that the flames leaping like serpents would +take the child from the mothers arms, and they were ready to do it to +preserve the infamous institution of slavery; and the Democratic party +has never objected to it from that day to this. They burned steamboats, +and many men with them, and the hounds that did it are skulking in the +woods of Missouri. While these things were going on, Democrats in the +highest positions said: "Not one cent to prosecute the war." + +The next question we have to consider is about paying the debt. This +is the first question. The second question is the protection of the +citizen, whether he is white or black. We owe a large debt. Two-thirds +of that debt was incurred in consequence of the action and the meanness +of the Democrats. There are some people who think that you can defer +the payment of a promise so long that the postponement of the debt will +serve in lieu of its liquidation--that you pay your debts by putting off +your creditors. + +The people have to support the Government; the Government cannot support +the people. The Government has no money but what it received from the +people. It had therefore to borrow money to carry on the war. Every +greenback that it issued was a forced loan. My notes are not a legal +tender, though if I had the power I might possibly make them so. We +borrowed money and we have to pay the debt. That debt represents the +expenses of war. The horses and the gunpowder and the rifles and the +artillery are represented in that debt--it represents all the munitions +of war. Until we pay that debt we can never be a solvent nation. Until +our net profits amount to as much as we lost during the war we can never +be a solvent people. If a man cannot understand that, there is no use in +talking to him on the subject. The alchemists in olden times who fancied +that they could make gold out of nothing were not more absurd than the +American advocates of soft money. They resemble the early explorers of +our continent who lost years in searching for the fountain of eternal +youth, but the ear of age never caught the gurgle of that spring. We +all have heard of men who spent years of labor in endeavoring to produce +perpetual motion. They produced machines of the most ingenious character +with cogs and wheels, and pulleys without number, but these ingenious +machines had one fault, they would not go. You will never find a way to +make money out of nothing. It is as great nonsense as the fountain of +perpetual youth. You cannot do it. + +Gold is the best material which labor has yet found as a measure of +value. That measure of value must be as valuable as the object it +measures. + +The value of gold arises from the amount of labor expended in producing +it. A gold dollar will buy as much labor as produced that dollar. + + [Here the speaker opened a telegram from Maine, which he + read to the audience amid a perfect tempest of applause. It + contained the following words:] "We have triumphed by an + immense majority, something we have not achieved since + 1868." [The speaker resumed.] And this despatch is signed by + the man who clutched the throats of the Democrats and held + them until they grew black in the face, James G. Blaine. *** + + +Now, gentlemen, to pass from the financial part of this, and I will say +one word before I do it. The Republican party intends to pay its debts +in coin on the 1st of January, 1879. Paper money means probably the +payment of the Confederate debt; a metallic currency, the discharge of +honest obligations. We have touched hard-pan prices in this country, and +we want to do a hard-pan business with hard money. + +We now come to the protection of our citizens. A government that cannot +protect its citizens, at home and abroad, ought to be swept from the map +of the world. The Democrats tell you that they will protect any citizen +if he is only away from home, but if he is in Louisiana or any other +State in the Union, the Government is powerless to protect him. I say +a government has a right to protect every citizen at home as well as +abroad, and the Government has the right to take its soldiers across +the State line, to take its soldiers into any State, for the purpose of +protecting even one man. That is my doctrine with regard to the power of +the Government. But here comes a Democrat to-day and tells me, (and +it is the old doctrine of secession in disguise), that the State of +Louisiana must protect its own citizens, and that if it does not, the +General Government has nothing to do unless the Governor of that State +asks assistance, no matter whether anarchy prevails or not. That is +infamous. The United States has the right to draft you and me into the +army and compel us to serve there, if its powers are being usurped. It +is the duty of this Government to see to it that every citizen has +all his rights in every State in this Union, and to protect him in the +enjoyment of those rights, peaceably if it can, forcibly if it must. + +Democrats tell us that they treat the colored man very well. I have +frequently read stories relating how two white men were passing along +the road when suddenly they were set upon by ten or twelve negroes, who +sought their lives; but in the fight which ensued, the ten or twelve +negroes were killed, and not a white man hurt. I tell you it is +infamous, and the Democratic press of the North laughs at it, and Mr. +Samuel J. Tilden does not care. He knows that many of the Southern +States are to be carried by assassination and murder, and he knows that +if he is elected it will be by assassination and murder. It is infamous +beyond the expression of language. Now, I ask you which party will be +the most likely to preserve the liberty of the negro--the party who +fought for slavery, or the men who gave them freedom? These are the +two great questions--the payment of the debt, and the protection of our +citizens. My friends, we have to pay the debt, as I told you, but it is +of greater importance to make sacred American citizenship. + +Now, these two parties have a couple of candidates. The Democratic +party has put forward Mr. Samuel J. Tilden. Mr. Tilden is a Democrat who +belongs to the Democratic party of the city of New York; the worst party +ever organized in any civilized country. I wish you could see it. The +pugilists, the prizefighters, the plug-uglies, the fellows that run with +the "masheen;" nearly every nose is mashed, about half the ears have +been chawed off; and of whatever complexion they are, their eyes are +nearly always black. They have fists like tea-kettles and heads like +bullets. I wish you could see them. I have been in New York every few +weeks for fifteen years; and whenever I am here I see the old banner of +Tammany Hall, "Tammany Hall and Reform;" "John Morrissey and Reform;" +"John Kelley and Reform;" "William M. Tweed and Reform;" and the +other day I saw the same old flag; "Samuel J. Tilden and Reform." +The Democratic party of the city of New York never had but two +objects--grand and petit larceny. Tammany Hall bears the same relation +to the penitentiary that the Sunday school does to the church. + +I have heard that the Democratic party got control of the city when it +did not owe a dollar, and have stolen and stolen until it owes a hundred +and sixty millions, and I understand that every election they have had +was a fraud, every one. I understand that they stole everything they +could lay their hands on; and what hands! Grasped and grasped and +clutched, until they stole all it was possible for the people to pay, +and now they are all yelling for "Honesty and Reform." + +I understand that Samuel J. Tilden was a pupil in that school, and that +now he is the head teacher. I understand that when the war commenced +he said he would never aid in the prosecution of that old outrage. I +understand that he said in 1860 and in 1861 that the Southern States +could snap the tie of confederation as a nation would break a treaty, +and that they could repel coercion as a nation would repel invasion. I +understand that during the entire war he was opposed to its prosecution, +and that he was opposed to the Proclamation of Emancipation, and +demanded that the document be taken back. I understand that he regretted +to see the chains fall from the limbs of the colored man. I understand +that he regretted when the Constitution of the United States was +elevated and purified, pure as the driven snow. I understand that he +regretted when the stain was wiped from our flag and we stood before the +world the only pure Republic that ever existed. This is enough for me +to say about him, and since the news from Maine you need not waste your +time in talking about him. + + [A voice: "How about free schools?"] + +I want every schoolhouse to be a temple of science in which shall be +taught the laws of nature, in which the children shall be taught actual +facts, and I do not want that schoolhouse touched, or that institution +of science touched, by any superstition whatever. Leave religion with +the church, with the family, and more than all, leave religion with each +individual heart and man. + +Let every man be his own bishop, let every man be his own pope, let +every man do his own thinking, let every man have a brain of his own. +Let every man have a heart and conscience of his own. + +We are growing better, and truer, and grander. And let me say, Mr. +Democrat, we are keeping the country for your children. We are keeping +education for your children. We are keeping the old flag floating for +your children; and let me say, as a prediction, there is only air enough +on this continent to float that one flag. + + Note.--This address was not revised by the author for + publication. + + + + +INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH. + + * Col. Ingersoll was introduced by Gen'l Noyes, who said: "I + have now the exquisite pleasure of introducing to you that + dashing cavalry officer, that thunderbolt of war, that + silver tongued orator, Col. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois." + The Journal, Indianapolis, Indiana. September 2lst, 1876. + + +HAYES CAMPAIGN. + +1876 + +Delivered to the Veteran Soldiers of the Rebellion. + +LADIES and Gentlemen, Fellow Citizens and Citizen Soldiers:--I am +opposed to the Democratic party, and I will tell you why. Every State +that seceded from the United States was a Democratic State. Every +ordinance of secession that was drawn was drawn by a Democrat. Every man +that endeavored to tear the old flag from the heaven that it enriches +was a Democrat. Every man that tried to destroy this nation was a +Democrat. Every enemy this great Republic has had for twenty years has +been a Democrat. Every man that shot Union soldiers was a Democrat. +Every man that denied to the Union prisoners even the worm-eaten crust +of famine, and when some poor, emaciated Union patriot, driven to +insanity by famine, saw in an insane dream the face of his mother, and +she beckoned him and he followed, hoping to press her lips once again +against his fevered face, and when he stepped one step beyond the dead +line the wretch that put the bullet through his loving, throbbing heart +was and is a Democrat. + +Every man that loved slavery better than liberty was a Democrat. The +man that assassinated Abraham Lincoln was a Democrat. Every man that +sympathized with the assassin--every man glad that the noblest President +ever elected was assassinated, was a Democrat. Every man that wanted the +privilege of whipping another man to make him work for him for nothing +and pay him with lashes on his naked back, was a Democrat. Every man +that raised bloodhounds to pursue human beings was a Democrat. Every man +that clutched from shrieking, shuddering, crouching mothers, babes from +their breasts, and sold them into slavery, was a Democrat. Every man +that impaired the credit of the United States, every man that swore we +would never pay the bonds, every man that swore we would never +redeem the greenbacks, every maligner of his country's credit, every +calumniator of his country's honor, was a Democrat. Every man that +resisted the draft, every man that hid in the bushes and shot at Union +men simply because they were endeavoring to enforce the laws of their +country, was a Democrat. Every man that wept over the corpse of slavery +was a Democrat. Every man that cursed Abraham Lincoln because he +issued the Proclamation of Emancipation--the grandest paper since the +Declaration of Independence--every one of them was a Democrat. Every man +that denounced the soldiers that bared their breasts to the storms of +shot and shell for the honor of America and for the sacred rights of +man; was a Democrat. Every man that wanted an uprising in the North, +that wanted to release the rebel prisoners that they might burn down +the homes of Union soldiers above the heads of their wives and children, +while the brave husbands, the heroic fathers, were in the front fighting +for the honor of the old flag, every one of them was a Democrat. I am +not through yet. Every man that believed this glorious nation of ours +is a confederacy, every man that believed the old banner carried by our +fathers over the fields of the Revolution; the old flag carried by our +fathers over the fields of 1812; the glorious old banner carried by our +brothers over the plains of Mexico; the sacred banner carried by +our brothers over the cruel fields of the South, simply stood for a +contract, simply stood for an agreement, was a Democrat. Every man who +believed that any State could go out of the Union at its pleasure, every +man that believed the grand fabric of the American Government could +be made to crumble instantly into dust at the touch of treason, was a +Democrat. Every man that helped to burn orphan asylums in New York, was +a Democrat; every man that tried to fire the city of New York, although +he knew that thousands would perish, and knew that the great serpent of +flame leaping from buildings would clutch children from their mothers' +arms--every wretch that did it was a Democrat. Recollect it! Every man +that tried to spread smallpox and yellow fever in the North, as the +instrumentalities of civilized war, was a Democrat. Soldiers, every scar +you have on your heroic bodies was given you by a Democrat. Every scar, +every arm that is lacking, every limb that is gone, is a souvenir of a +Democrat. I want you to recollect it. Every man that was the enemy of +human liberty in this country was a Democrat. Every man that wanted +the fruit of all the heroism of all the ages to turn to ashes upon the +lips--every one was a Democrat. + +I am a Republican. I will tell you why: This is the only free Government +in the world. The Republican party made it so. The Republican party took +the chains from four millions of people. The Republican party, with the +wand of progress, touched the auction-block and it became a schoolhouse. +The Republican party put down the Rebellion, saved the nation, kept the +old banner afloat in the air, and declared that slavery of every kind +should be extirpated from the face of this continent. What more? I am a +Republican because it is the only free party that ever existed. It is a +party that has a platform as broad as humanity, a platform as broad as +the human race, a party that says you shall have all the fruit of the +labor of your hands, a party that says you may think for yourself, a +party that says, no chains for the hands, no fetters for the soul.* + + * At this point the rain began to descend, and it looked as + if a heavy shower was impending. Several umbrellas were put + up. Gov. Noyes--"God bless you! What is rain to soldiers" + Voice--"Go ahead; we don't mind the rain." It was proposed + to adjourn the meeting to Masonic Hall, but the motion was + voted down by an overwhelming majority, and Mr. Ingersoll + proceeded. + +I am a Republican because the Republican party says this country is a +Nation, and not a confederacy. I am here in Indiana to speak, and I +have as good a right to speak here as though I had been born on this +stand--not because the State flag of Indiana waves over me--I would +not know it if I should see it. You have the same right to speak in +Illinois, not because the State flag of Illinois waves over you, but +because that banner, rendered sacred by the blood of all the heroes, +waves over you and me. I am in favor of this being a Nation. Think of a +man gratifying his entire ambition in the State of Rhode Island. We want +this to be a Nation, and you cannot have a great, grand, splendid people +without a great, grand, splendid country. The great plains, the sublime +mountains, the great rushing, roaring rivers, shores lashed by two +oceans, and the grand anthem of Niagara, mingle and enter, into the +character of every American citizen, and make him or tend to make him a +great and grand character. I am for the Republican party because it says +the Government has as much right, as much power, to protect its citizens +at home as abroad. The Republican party does not say that you have to go +away from home to get the protection of the Government. The Democratic +party says the Government cannot march its troops into the South to +protect the rights of the citizens. It is a lie. The Government claims +the right, and it is conceded that the Government has the right, to go +to your house, while you are sitting by your fireside with your wife and +children about you, and the old lady knitting, and the cat playing with +the yarn, and everybody happy and serene--the Government claims the +right to go to your fireside and take you by force and put you into the +army; take you down to the valley of the shadow of hell, put you by the +ruddy, roaring guns, and make you fight for your flag. Now, that being +so, when the war is over and your country is victorious, and you go back +to your home, and a lot of Democrats want to trample upon your rights, I +want to know if the Government that took you from your fireside and made +you fight for it, I want to know if it is not bound to fight for you. +The flag that will not protect its protectors is a dirty rag that +contaminates the air in which it waves. The government that will not +defend its defenders is a disgrace to the nations of the world. I am +a Republican because the Republican party says, "We will protect the +rights of American citizens at home, and if necessary we will march +an army into any State to protect the rights of the humblest American +citizen in that State." I am a Republican because that party allows +me to be free--allows me to do my own thinking in my own way. I am a +Republican because it is a party grand enough and splendid enough and +sublime enough to invite every human being in favor of liberty and +progress to fight shoulder to shoulder for the advancement of mankind. +It invites the Methodist, it invites the Catholic, it invites the +Presbyterian and every kind of sectarian; it invites the Freethinker; +it invites the infidel, provided he is in favor of giving to every other +human being every chance and every right that he claims for himself. +I am a Republican, I tell you. There is room in the Republican air +for every wing; there is room on the Republican sea for every sail. +Republicanism says to every man: "Let your soul be like an eagle; fly +out in the great dome of thought, and question the stars for yourself." +But the Democratic party says; "Be blind owls, sit on the dry limb of a +dead tree, and hoot only when that party says hoot." + +In the Republican party there are no followers. We are all leaders. +There is not a party chain. There is not a party lash. Any man that does +not love this country, any man that does not love liberty, any man that +is not in favor of human progress, that is not in favor of giving +to others all he claims for himself; we do not ask him to vote the +Republican ticket. You can vote it if you please, and if there is any +Democrat within hearing who expects to die before another election, +we are willing that he should vote one Republican ticket, simply as a +consolation upon his death-bed. What more? I am a Republican because +that party believes in free labor. It believes that free labor will give +us wealth. It believes in free thought, because it believes that free +thought will give us truth. You do not know what a grand party you +belong to. I never want any holier or grander title of nobility than +that I belong to the Republican party, and have fought for the liberty +of man. The Republican party, I say, believes in free labor. The +Republican party also believes in slavery. What kind of slavery? In +enslaving the forces of nature. + +We believe that free labor, that free thought, have enslaved the +forces of nature, and made them work for man. We make old attraction of +gravitation work for us; we make the lightning do our errands; we make +steam hammer and fashion what we need. The forces of nature are the +slaves of the Republican party. They have no backs to be whipped, +they have no hearts to be torn--no hearts to be broken; they cannot be +separated from their wives; they cannot be dragged from the bosoms of +their husbands; they work night and day and they never tire. You cannot +whip them, you cannot starve them, and a Democrat even can be trusted +with one of them. I tell you I am a Republican. I believe, as I told +you, that free labor will give us these slaves. Free labor will produce +all these things, and everything you have to-day has been produced by +free labor, nothing by slave labor. + +Slavery never invented but one machine, and that was a threshing machine +in the shape of a whip. Free labor has invented all the machines. We +want to come down to the philosophy of these things. The problem of free +labor, when a man works for the wife he loves, when he works for the +little children he adores--the problem is to do the most work in the +shortest space of time. The problem of slavery is to do the least work +in the longest space of time. That is the difference. Free labor, love, +affection--they have invented everything of use in this world. I am a +Republican. + +I tell you, my friends, this world is getting better every day, and the +Democratic party is getting smaller every day. See the advancement we +have made in a few years, see what we have done. We have covered this +nation with wealth, with glory and with liberty. This is the first free +Government in the world. The Republican party is the first party that +was not founded on some compromise with the devil. It is the first party +of pure, square, honest principle; the first one. And we have the first +free country that ever existed. + +And right here I want to thank every soldier that fought to make it +free, every one living and dead. I thank you again and again and again. +You made the first free Government in the world, and we must not forget +the dead heroes. If they were here they would vote the Republican +ticket, every one of them. I tell you we must not forget them. + +* The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great +struggle for national life. We hear the sounds of preparation--the +music of boisterous drums--the silver voices of heroic bugles. We see +thousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators. We see +the pale cheeks of women, and the flushed faces of men; and in those +assemblages we see all the dead whose dust we have covered with flowers. +We lose sight of them no more. We are with them when they enlist in the +great army of freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are +walking for the last time in quiet, woody places, with the maidens they +adore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love as +they lingeringly part forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing +babes that are asleep. Some are receiving the blessings of old men. Some +are parting with mothers who hold them and press them to their +hearts again and again, and say nothing. Kisses and tears, tears and +kisses--divine mingling of agony and love! And some are talking with +wives, and endeavoring with brave words, spoken in the old tones, to +drive from their hearts the awful fear. We see them part. We see the +wife standing in the door with the babe in her arms--standing in the +sunlight sobbing. At the turn of the road a hand waves--she answers by +holding high in her loving arms the child. He is gone, and forever. + +We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting flags, +keeping time to the grand, wild music of war--marching down the streets +of the great cities--through the towns and across the prairies--down to +the fields of glory, to do and to die for the eternal right. + +We go with them, one and all. We are by their side on all the gory +fields--in all the hospitals of pain--on all the weary marches. We stand +guard with them in the wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are with +them in ravines running with blood--in the furrows of old fields. We are +with them between contending hosts, unable to move, wild with thirst, +the life ebbing slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them +pierced by balls and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and +in the whirlwind of the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of +steel. + +We are with them in the prisons of hatred and famine; but human speech +can never tell what they endured. + +We are at home when the news comes that they are dead. We see the maiden +in the shadow of her first sorrow. We see the silvered head of the old +man bowed with the last grief. + +The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human beings +governed by the lash--we see them bound hand and foot--we hear the +strokes of cruel whips--we see the hounds tracking women through +tangled swamps. We see babes sold from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty +unspeakable! Outrage infinite! + +Four million bodies in chains--four million souls in fetters. All the +sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child trampled beneath +the brutal feet of might. And all this was done under our own beautiful +banner of the free. + +The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the bursting +shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We look. Instead of +slaves we see men and women and children. The wand of progress touches +the auction-block, the slave-pen, the whipping-post, and we see homes +and firesides and schoolhouses and books, and where all was want and +crime and cruelty and fear, we see the faces of the free. + +These heroes are dead. They died for liberty--they died for us. They +are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under the flag +they rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, +the tearful willows, and the embracing vines. They, sleep beneath the +shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine or of storm, each in +the windowless Palace of Rest. Earth may run red with other wars--they +are at peace. In the midst of battle, in the roar of conflict, they +found the serenity of death. I have one sentiment for soldiers living +and dead: cheers for the living; tears for the dead. + + * This poetic flight of oratory has since become universally + known as "A. Vision of War." + +Now, my friends, I have given you a few reasons why I am a Republican. I +have given you a few reasons why I am not a Democrat. Let me say another +thing. The Democratic party opposed every forward movement of the +army of the Republic, every one. Do not be fooled. Imagine the meanest +resolution that you can think of--that is the resolution the Democratic +party passed. Imagine the meanest thing you can think of--that is what +they did; and I want you to recollect that the Democratic party did +these devilish things when the fate of this nation was trembling in the +balance of war. I want you to recollect another thing; when they tell +you about hard times, that the Democratic party made the hard times; +that every dollar we owe to-day was made by the Southern and Northern +Democracy. + +When we commenced to put down the Rebellion we had to borrow money, and +the Democratic party went into the markets of the world and impaired the +credit of the United States. They slandered, they lied, they maligned +the credit of the United States, and to such an extent did they do this, +that at one time during the war paper was only worth about thirty-four +cents on the dollar. Gold went up to $2.90. What did that mean? It meant +that greenbacks were worth thirty-four cents on the dollar. What became +of the other sixty-six cents? They were lied out of the greenback, +they were slandered out of the greenback, they were maligned out of the +greenback, they were calumniated out of the greenback, by the Democratic +party of the North. Two-thirds of the debt, two-thirds of the burden +now upon the shoulders of American industry, were placed there by the +slanders of the Democratic party of the North, and the other third by +the Democratic party of the South. And when you pay your taxes keep an +account and charge two-thirds to the Northern Democracy and one-third to +the Southern Democracy, and whenever you have to earn the money to pay +the taxes, when you have to blister your hands to earn that money, pull +off the blisters, and under each one, as the foundation, you will find a +Democratic lie. + +Recollect that the Democratic party did all the things of which I have +told you, when the fate of our nation was submitted to the arbitrament +of the sword. Recollect that the Democratic party did these things when +your brothers, your fathers, and your chivalric sons were fighting, +bleeding, suffering, and dying upon the battle-fields of the South; when +shot and shell were crashing through their sacred flesh. Recollect that +this Democratic party was false to the Union when your husbands, your +fathers, and your brothers, and your chivalric sons were lying in the +hospitals of pain, dreaming broken dreams of home, and seeing fever +pictures of the ones they loved; recollect that the Democratic party was +false to the nation when your husbands, your fathers, and your brothers +were lying alone upon the field of battle at night, the life-blood +slowly oozing from the mangled and pallid lips of death; recollect that +the Democratic party was false to your country when your husbands, your +brothers, your fathers, and your sons were lying in the prison pens of +the South, with no covering but the clouds, with no bed but the frozen +earth, with no food except such as worms had re-p fused to eat, and with +no friends except Insanity and Death. Recollect it, and spurn that party +forever. + +I have sometimes wished that there were words of pure hatred out of +which I might construct sentences like snakes; out of which I might +construct sentences that had fanged mouths, and that had forked tongues; +out of which I might construct sentences that would writhe and hiss; +and then I could give my opinion of the Northern allies of the Southern +rebels during the great struggle for the preservation of the country. + +There are three questions now submitted to the American people. The +first is, Shall the people that saved this country rule it? Shall the +men who saved the old flag hold it? Shall the men who saved the ship +of State sail it, or shall the rebels walk her quarter-deck, give the +orders and sink it? That is the question. Shall a solid South, a united +South, united by assassination and murder, a South solidified by the +shot-gun; shall a united South, with the aid of a divided North, shall +they control this great and splendid country? We are right back where we +were in 1861. This is simply a prolongation of the war. This is the war +of the idea, the other was the war of the musket. The other was the war +of cannon, this is the war of thought; and we have to beat them in +this war of thought, recollect that. The question is, Shall the men who +endeavored to destroy this country rule it? Shall the men that said, +This is not a Nation, have charge of the Nation? + +The next question is, Shall we pay our debts? We had to borrow some +money to pay for shot and shell to shoot Democrats with. We found that +we could get along with a few less Democrats, but not with any less +country, and so we borrowed the money, and the question now is, will we +pay it? And which party is the more apt to pay it, the Republican party +that made the debt--the party that swore it was constitutional, or the +party that said it was unconstitutional? + +Every time a Democrat sees a greenback, it says to him, "I vanquished +you." Every time a Republican sees a greenback, it says, "You and I put +down the Rebellion and saved the country." + +Now, my friends, you have heard a great deal about finance. Nearly +everybody that talks about it gets as dry--as dry as if they had been in +the final home of the Democratic party for forty years. + +I will now give you my ideas about finance. In the first place +the Government does not support the people, the people support the +Government. + +The Government is a perpetual pauper. It passes round the hat, and +solicits contributions; but then you must remember that the Government +has a musket behind the hat. The Government produces nothing. It does +not plow the land, it does not sow corn, it does not grow trees. The +Government is a perpetual consumer. We support the Government. Now, the +idea that the Government can make money for you and me to live on--why, +it is the same as though my hired man should issue certificates of my +indebtedness to him for me to live on. + +Some people tell me that the Government can impress its sovereignty on +a piece of paper, and that is money. Well, if it is, what's the use of +wasting it making one dollar bills? It takes no more ink and no more +paper--why not make one thousand dollar bills? Why not make a hundred +million dollar bills and all be billionaires? + +If the Government can make money, what on earth does it collect taxes +from you and me for? Why does it not make what money it wants, take +the taxes out, and give the balance to us? Mr. Greenbacker, suppose the +Government issued a billion dollars to-morrow, how would you get any +of it? [A voice, "Steal it."] I was not speaking to the Democrats. You +would not get any of it unless you had something to exchange for it. The +Government would not go around and give you your aver-: age. You have to +have some corn, or wheat, or pork to give for it. + +How do you get your money? By work. Where from? You have to dig it out +of the ground. That is where it comes from. Men have always had a kind +of hope that something could be made out of nothing. The old alchemists +sought, with dim eyes, for something that could change the baser metals +to gold. With tottering steps, they searched for the spring of Eternal +Youth. Holding in trembling hands retort and crucible, they dreamed of +the Elixir of Life. The baser metals are not gold. No human ear has ever +heard the silver gurgle of the spring of Immortal Youth. The wrinkles +upon the brow of Age are still waiting for the Elixir of Life. + +Inspired by the same idea, mechanics have endeavored, by curious +combinations of levers and inclined planes, of wheels and cranks and +shifting weights, to produce perpetual motion; but the wheels and levers +wait for force. And, in the financial world, there are thousands now +trying to find some way for promises to take the place of performance; +for some way to make the word dollar as good as the dollar itself; for +some way to make the promise to pay a dollar take the dollar's place. +This financial alchemy, this pecuniary perpetual motion, this fountain +of eternal wealth, are the same old failures with new names. Something +cannot be made out of nothing. Nothing is a poor capital to, carry on +business with, and makes a very unsatisfactory balance at your bankers. + +Let me tell you another thing. The Democrats seem to think that you can +fail to keep a promise so long that it is as good as though you had kept +it. They say you can stamp the sovereignty of the Government upon paper. + +I saw not long ago a piece of gold bearing the stamp of the Roman +Empire. That Empire is dust, and over it has been thrown the mantle of +oblivion, but that piece of gold is as good as though Julius Caesar were +still riding at the head of the Roman Legions. + +Was it his sovereignty that made it valuable? Suppose he had put it upon +a piece of paper--it would have been of no more value than a Democratic +promise. + +Another thing, my friends: this debt will be paid; you need not worry +about that. The Democrats ought to pay it. They lost the suit, and they +ought to pay the costs. But we in our patriotism are willing to pay our +share. + +Every man that has a bond, every man that has a greenback dollar has +a mortgage upon the best continent of land on earth. Every one has a +mortgage on the honor of the Republican party, and it is on record. +Every spear of grass; every bearded head of golden wheat that grows upon +this continent is a guarantee that the debt will be paid; every field of +bannered corn in the great, glorious West is a guarantee that the debt +will be paid; every particle of coal laid away by that old miser the +sun, millions-of years ago, is a guarantee that every dollar will be +paid; all the iron ore, all the gold and silver under the snow-capped +Sierra Nevadas, waiting for the miners pick to give back the flash of +the sun, every ounce is a guarantee that this debt will be paid; and all +the cattle on the prairies, pastures and plains which adorn our broad +land are guarantees that this debt will be paid; every pine standing +in the sombre forests of the North, waiting for the woodman's axe, is a +guarantee that this debt will be paid; every locomotive with its muscles +of iron and breath of flame, and all the boys and girls bending over +their books at school, every dimpled babe in the cradle, every honest +man, every noble woman, and every man that votes the Republican ticket +is a guarantee that the debt will be paid--these, all these, each and +all, are the guarantees that every promise of the United States will be +sacredly fulfilled. + +What is the next question? The next question is, will we protect the +Union men in the South? I tell you the white Union men have suffered +enough. It is a crime in the Southern States to be a Republican. It is +a crime in every Southern State to love this country, to believe in the +sacred rights of men. + +The colored people have suffered enough. For more than two hundred years +they have suffered the fabled torments of the damned; for more than two +hundred years they worked and toiled without reward, bending, in the +burning sun, their bleeding backs; for more than two hundred years, +babes were torn from the breasts of mothers, wives from husbands, and +every human tie broken by the cruel hand of greed; for more than two +hundred years they were pursued by hounds, beaten with clubs, burned +with fire, bound with chains; two hundred years of toil, of agony, of +tears; two hundred years of hope deferred; two hundred years of +gloom and shadow and darkness and blackness; two hundred years of +supplication, of entreaty; two hundred years of infinite outrage, +without a moment of revenge. + +The colored people have suffered enough. They were and are our friends. +They are the friends of this country, and, cost what it may, they must +be protected. + +There was not during the whole Rebellion a single negro that was not our +friend. We are willing to be reconciled to our Southern brethren when +they will treat our friends as men. When they will be just to the +friends of this country; when they are in favor of allowing every +American citizen to have his rights--then we are their friends. We are +willing to trust them with the Nation when they are the friends of the +Nation. We are willing to trust them with liberty when they believe in +liberty. We are willing to trust them with the black man when they cease +riding in the darkness of night, (those masked wretches,) to the hut of +the freedman, and notwithstanding the prayers and supplications of his +family, shoot him down; when they cease to consider the massacre of +Hamburg as a Democratic triumph, then, I say, we will be their friends, +and not before. + +Now, my friends, thousands of the Southern people and thousands of the +Northern Democrats are afraid that the negroes are going to pass them in +the race of life. And, Mr. Democrat, he will do it unless you attend +to your business. The simple fact that you are white cannot save you +always. You have to be industrious, honest, to cultivate a sense of +justice. If you do not the colored race will pass you, as sure as you +live. I am for giving every man a chance. Anybody that can pass me is +welcome. + +I believe, my friends, that the intellectual domain of the future, as +the land used to be in the State of Illinois, is open to pre-emption. +The fellow that gets a fact first, that is his; that gets an idea +first, that is his. Every round in the ladder of fame, from the one that +touches the ground to the last one that leans against the shining summit +of human ambition, belongs to the foot that gets upon it first. + +Mr. Democrat, (I point down because they are nearly all on the first +round of the ladder) if you can not climb, stand one side and let the +deserving negro pass. + +I must tell you one thing. I have told it so much, and you have all +heard it fifty times, but I am going to tell it again because I like it. +Suppose there was a great horse race here to-day, free to every horse +in the world, and to all the mules, and all the scrubs* and all the +donkeys. + +At the tap of the drum they come to the line, and the judges say "it is +a go." Let me ask you, what does the blooded horse, rushing ahead, with +nostrils distended, drinking in the breath of his own swiftness, with +his mane flying like a banner of victory, with his veins standing out +all over him, as if a network of life had been cast upon him--with his +thin neck, his high withers, his tremulous flanks--what does he care how +many mules and donkeys run on that track? But the Democratic scrub, +with his chuckle-head and lop-ears, with his tail full of cockle-burrs, +jumping high and short, and digging in the ground when he feels the +breath of the coming mule on his cockle-burr tail, he is the chap that +jumps the track and says, "I am down on mule equality." + +I stood, a little while ago, in the city of Paris, where stood the +Bastile, where now stands the Column of July, surmounted by a figure of +liberty. In its right hand is a broken chain, in its left hand a +banner; upon its glorious forehead the glittering and shining star of +progress--and as I looked upon it I said: "Such is the Republican party +of my country." + +The other day going along the road I came to a place where the road had +been changed, but the guide-board did not know it. It had stood there +for twenty years pointing deliberately and solemnly in the direction of +a desolate field; nobody ever went that way, but the guide-board thought +the next man would. Thousands passed, but nobody heeded the hand on the +guide-post, and through sunshine and storm it pointed diligently into +the old field and swore to it the road went that way; and I said to +myself: "Such is the Democratic party of the United States." + +The other day I came to a river where there had been a mill; a part +of it was there still. An old sign said: "Cash for wheat." The old +water-wheel was broken; it had been warped by the sun, cracked and split +by many winds and storms. There had not been a grain of wheat ground +there for twenty years. + +The door was gone, nobody had built a new dam, the mill was not worth a +dam; and I said to myself: "Such is the Democratic party." + +I saw a little while ago a place on the road where there had once been +an hotel. But the hotel and barn had burned down and there was nothing +standing but two desolate chimneys, up the flues of which the fires of +hospitality had not roared for thirty years. The fence was gone, and the +post-holes even were obliterated, but in the road there was an old sign +upon which were these words: "Entertainment for man and beast." The old +sign swung and creaked in the winter wind, the snow fell upon it, the +sleet clung to it, and in the summer the birds sang and twittered and +made love upon it. Nobody ever stopped there, but the sign swore to it, +the sign certified to it! "Entertainment for man and beast," and I said +to myself: "Such is the Democratic party of the United States," and +I further said, "one chimney ought to be called Tilden and the other +Hendricks." + +Now, my friends, I want you to vote the Republican ticket. I want you +to swear you will not vote for a man who opposed putting down the +Rebellion. I want you to swear that you will not vote for a man opposed +to the Proclamation of Emancipation. I want you to swear that you will +not vote for a man opposed to the utter abolition of slavery. + +I want you to swear that you will not vote for a man who called the +soldiers in the field, Lincoln hirelings. I want you to swear that you +will not vote for a man who denounced Lincoln as a tyrant. I want you +to swear that you will not vote for any enemy of human progress. Go and +talk to every Democrat that you can see; get him by the coatcollar, +talk to him, and hold him like Coleridge's Ancient Mariner, with your +glittering eye; hold him, tell him all the mean things his party ever +did; tell him kindly; tell him in a Christian spirit, as I do, but tell +him. Recollect, there never was a more important election than the +one you are going to hold in Indiana. I tell you we must stand by the +country. It is a glorious country. It permits you and me to be free. +It is the only country in the world where labor is respected. Let us +support it. It is the only country in the world where the useful man is +the only aristocrat. The man that works for a dollar a day, goes home +at night to his little ones, takes his little boy on his knee, and he +thinks that boy can achieve anything that the sons of the wealthy man +can achieve. The free schools are open to him; he may be the richest, +the greatest, and the grandest, and that thought sweetens every drop +of sweat that rolls down the honest face of toil. Vote to save that +country. + +My friends, this country is getting better every day. Samuel J. Tilden +says we are a nation of thieves and rascals. If that is so he ought to +be the President. But I denounce him as a calumniator of my country; +a maligner of this nation. It is not so. This country is covered with +asylums for the aged, the helpless, the insane, the orphans and wounded +soldiers. Thieves and rascals do not build such things. In the cities +of the Atlantic coast this summer, they built floating hospitals, great +ships, and took the little children from the sub-cellars and narrow, +dirty streets of New York City, where the Democratic party is the +strongest--took these poor waifs and put them in these great hospitals +out at sea, and let the breezes of ocean kiss the roses of health back +to their pallid cheeks. Rascals and thieves do not so. When Chicago +burned, railroads were blocked with the charity of the American people. +Thieves and rascals do not so. + +I am a Republican. The world is getting better. Husbands are treating +their wives better than they used to; wives are treating their husbands +better. Children are better treated than they used to be; the old whips +and clubs are out of the schools, and they are governing children by +love and by sense. The world is getting better; it is getting better in +Maine, in Vermont. It is getting better in every State of the North, and +I tell you we are going to elect Hayes and Wheeler and the world will +then be better still. I have a dream that this world is growing better +and better every day and every year; that there is more charity, more +justice, more love every day. I have a dream that prisons will not +always curse the land; that the shadow of the gallows will not always +fall upon the earth; that the withered hand of want will not always +be stretched out for charity; that finally wisdom will sit in the +legislatures, justice in the courts, charity will occupy all the +pulpits, and that finally the world will be governed by justice and +charity, and by the splendid light of liberty. That is my dream, and +if it does not come true, it shall not be my fault. I am going to do my +level best to give others the same chance I ask for myself. Free thought +will give us truth; Free labor will give us wealth. + + + + +CHICAGO SPEECH. + + * Col. Robert G. Ingersoll spoke last night at the + Exposition Building to the largest audience ever drawn by + one man In Chicago. From 6.30 o'clock the sidewalks fronting + along the building were jammed. At every entrance there were + hundreds, and half-an-hour later thousands were clamoring + for admittance. So great was the pressure the doors were + finally closed, and the entrances at either end cautiously + opened to admit the select who knew enough to apply In those + directions. Occasionally a rush was made for the main door, + and as the crowd came up against the huge barricade they + were swept back only for another effort. Wabash Avenue, + Monroe, Adams, Jackson, and Van Buren Streets were jammed + with ladies and gentlemen who swept into Michigan Avenue and + swelled the sea that surged around the building. + + At 7.30 the doors were flung open and the people rushed in. + Seating accommodations supposed to be adequate to all + demands, had been provided, but in an Instant they were + filled, the aisles were jammed and around the sides of the + building poured a steady stream of humanity, Intent only + upon some coign of vantage, some place, where they could see + and where they could hear. Prom the fountain, beyond which + the building lay in shadow to the northern end, was a + swaying, surging mass of people. + + Such another attendance of ladies has never been known at a + political meeting in Chicago. They came by the hundreds, and + the speaker looked down from his perch upon thousands of + fair upturned faces, stamped with the most intense interest + in his remarks. + + The galleries were packed. The frame of the huge elevator + creaked, groaned, and swayed with the crowd roosting upon + it. The trusses bore their living weight. The gallery + railings bent and cracked. The roof was crowded, and the sky + lights teemed with heads. Here and there an adventurous + youth crept out on the girders and braces. Towards the + northern end of the building, on the west side, is a smaller + gallery, dark, and not particularly strong-looking. It was + fairly packed--packed like a sardine-box--with men and boys. + Up in the organ-loft around the sides of the organ, + everywhere that a human being could sit, stand or hang, was + pre-empted and filled. + + It was a magnificent, outpouring, at east 50,000 In number, + a compliment alike to the principle it represented, and the + orator.--Chicago Tribune., October 21st, 1876. + + +HAYES CAMPAIGN. + +1876. + +LADIES and Gentlemen:--Democrats and Republicans have a common interest +in the United States. We have a common interest in the preservation of +good order. We have a common interest in the preservation of a common +country. And I appeal to all, Democrats and Republicans, to endeavor +to make a conscientious choice; to endeavor to select as President and +Vice-President of the United States the men and the parties, which, in +your judgment, will best preserve this nation, and preserve all that is +dear to us either as Republicans or Democrats. + +The Democratic party comes before you and asks that you will give this +Government into its hands; and you have a right to investigate as to the +reputation and character of the Democratic organization. The Democratic +party says, "Let bygones be bygones." I never knew a man who did a +decent action that wanted it forgotten. I never knew a man who did some +great and shining act of self-sacrifice and heroic devotion who did +not wish that act remembered. Not only so, but he expected his loving +children would chisel the remembrance of it upon the marble that marked +his last resting place. But whenever a man does an infamous thing; +whenever a man commits some crime; whenever a man does that which +mantles the cheeks of his children with shame; he is the man that says, +"Let bygones be bygones." The Democratic party admits that it has a +record, but it says that any man that will look into it, any man that +will tell it, is not a gentleman. I do not know whether, according to +the Democratic standard, I am a gentleman or not; but I do say that in a +certain sense I am one of the historians of the Democratic party. + +I do not know that it is true that a man cannot give this record and be +a gentleman, but I admit that a gentleman hates to read this record; +a gentleman hates to give this record to the world; but I do it, not +because I like to do it, but because I believe the best interests +of this country demand that there shall be a history given of the +Democratic party. + +In the first place, I claim that the Democratic party embraces within +its filthy arms the worst elements in American society. I claim that +every enemy that this Government has had for twenty years has been and +is a Democrat; every man in the Dominion of Canada that hates the great +Republic, would like to see Tilden and Hendricks successful. Every +titled thief in Great Britain would like to see Tilden and Hendricks the +next President and Vice-President of the United States. + +I say more; every State that seceded from this Union was a Democratic +State. Every man who hated to see bloodhounds cease to be the +instrumentalities of a free government--every one was a Democrat. In +short, every enemy that this Government has had for twenty years, every +enemy that liberty and progress has had in the United States for twenty +years, every hater of our flag, every despiser of our Nation, every man +who has been a disgrace to the great Republic for twenty years, has been +a Democrat. I do not say that they are all that way; but nearly all who +are that way are Democrats. + +The Democratic party is a political tramp with a yellow passport. This +political tramp begs food and he carries in his pocket old dirty scraps +of paper as a kind of certificate of character. On one of these papers +he will show you the ordinance of 1789; on another one of those papers +he will have a part of the Fugitive Slave Law; on another one some +of the black laws that used to disgrace Illinois; on another Governor +Tilden's Letter to Kent; on another a certificate signed by Lyman +Trumbull that the Republican party is not fit to associate with--that +certificate will be endorsed by Governor John M. Palmer and my friend +Judge Doolittle. He will also have in his pocket an old wood-cut, +somewhat torn, representing Abraham Lincoln falling upon the neck of +S. Corning Judd, and thanking him for saving the Union as +Commander-in-Chief of the Sons of Liberty. This political tramp will +also have a letter dated Boston, Mass., saying: "I hereby certify that +for fifty years I have regarded the bearer as a thief and robber, but +I now look upon him as a reformer. Signed, Charles Francis Adams." +Following this tramp will be a bloodhound; and when he asks for food, +the bloodhound will crouch for employment on his haunches, and the drool +of anticipation will run from his loose and hanging lips. Study the +expression of that dog. + +Translate it into English and it means "Oh! I want to bite a nigger!" +And when the dog has that expression he bears a striking likeness to his +master. The question is, Shall that tramp and that dog gain possession +of the White House? + +The Democratic party learns nothing; the Democratic party forgets +nothing. The Democratic party does not know that the world has advanced +a solitary inch since 1860. Time is a Democratic dumb watch. It has not +given a tick for sixteen years. The Democratic party does not know that +we, upon the great glittering highway of progress, have passed a single +mile-stone for twenty years. The Democratic party is incapable of +learning. The Democratic party is incapable of anything but prejudice +and hatred. Every man that is a Democrat is a Democrat because he hates +something; every man that is a Republican is a Republican because he +loves something. + +The Democratic party is incapable of advancement; the only stock that +it has in trade to-day is the old infamous doctrine of Democratic State +Rights. There never was a more infamous doctrine advanced on this +earth, than the Democratic idea of State Rights. What is it? It has its +foundation in the idea that this is not a Nation; it has its foundation +in the idea that this is simply a confederacy, that this great +Government is simply a bargain, that this great splendid people have +simply made a trade, that the people of any one of the States are +sovereign to the extent that they have the right to trample upon the +rights of their fellow-citizens, and that the General Government cannot +interfere. The great Democratic heart is fired to-day, the Democratic +bosom is bloated with indignation because of an order made by General +Grant sending troops into the Southern States to defend the rights of +American citizens! Who objects to a soldier going? Nobody except a man +who wants to carry an election by fraud, by violence, by intimidation, +by assassination, and by murder. + +The Democratic party is willing to-day that Tilden and Hendricks should +be elected by violence; they are willing to-day to go into partnership +with assassination and murder; they are willing to-day that every man in +the Southern States, who is a friend of this Union, and who fought for +our flag--that the rights of every one of these men should be trampled +in the dust, provided that Tilden and Hendricks be elected President +and Vice-President of this country. They tell us that a State line is +sacred; that you never can cross it unless you want to do a mean thing; +that if you want to catch a fugitive slave you have the right to cross +it; but if you wish to defend the rights of men, then it is a sacred +line, and you cannot cross it. Such is the infamous doctrine of the +Democratic party. Who, I say, will be injured by sending soldiers into +the Southern States? No one in the world except the man who wants to +prevent an honest citizen from casting a legal vote for the Government +of his choice. For my part, I think more of the colored Union men of the +South than I do of the white disunion men of the South. For my part, I +think more of a black friend than I do of a white enemy. For my part, I +think more of a friend black outside, and white in, than I do of a man +who is white outside and black inside. For my part, I think more of +black justice, of black charity, and of black patriotism, than I do of +white cruelty, than I do of white treachery and treason. As a matter +of fact, all that is done in the South to-day, of use, is done by the +colored man. The colored man raises everything that is raised in the +South, except hell. And I say here to-night that I think one hundred +times more of the good, honest, industrious black man of the South than +I do of all the white men together that do not love this Government, and +I think more of the black man of the South than I do of the white man of +the North who sympathizes with the white wretch that wishes to trample +upon the rights of that black man. + +I believe that this is a Government, first, not only of power, but that +it is the right of this Government to march all the soldiers in the +United States into any sovereign State of this Union to defend the +rights of every American citizen in that State. If it is the duty of the +Government to defend you in time of war, when you were compelled to go +into the army, how much more is it the duty of the Government to defend +in time of peace the man who, in time of war, voluntarily and gladly +rushed to the rescue and defence of his country; and yet the Democratic +doctrine is that you are to answer the call of the Nation, but the +Nation will be deaf to your cry, unless the Governor of your State makes +request of your Government. Suppose the Governors and every man trample +upon your rights, is the Nation then to let you be trampled upon? Will +the Nation hear only the cry of the oppressor, or will it heed the cry +of the oppressed? I believe we should have a Government that can hear +the faintest wail, the faintest cry for justice from the lips of the +humblest citizen beneath the flag. But the Democratic doctrine is that +this Government can protect its citizens only when they are away from +home. This may account for so many Democrats going to Canada during the +war. I believe that the Government must protect you, not only abroad but +must protect you at home; and that is the greatest question before the +American people to-day. + +I had thought that human impudence had reached its limit ages and ages +ago. I had believed that some time in the history of the world impudence +had reached its height, and so believed until I read the congratulatory +address of Abram S. Hewitt, Chairman of the National Executive +Democratic Committee, wherein he congratulates the negroes of the South +on what he calls a Democratic victory in the State of Indiana. If human +impudence can go beyond this, all I have to say is, it never has. What +does he say to the Southern people, to the colored people? He says to +them in substance: "The reason the white people trample upon you is +because the white people are weak. Give the white people more strength, +put the white people in authority, and, although they murder you now +when they are weak, when they are strong they will let you alone. Yes; +the only trouble with our Southern white brethren is that they are in +the minority, and they kill you now, and the only way to save your lives +is to put your enemy in the majority." That is the doctrine of Abram S. +Hewitt, and he congratulates the colored people of the South upon the +Democratic victory in Indiana. There is going to be a great crop of +hawks next season--let us congratulate the doves. That is it. The +burglars have whipped the police--let us congratulate the bank. That +is it. The wolves have killed off almost all the shepherds--let us +congratulate the sheep. + +In my judgment, the black people have suffered enough. They have +been slaves for two hundred years, and more than all, they have been +compelled to keep the company of the men that owned them. Think of that! +Think of being compelled to keep the society of the man who is stealing +from you! Think of being compelled to live with the man that sold your +wife! Think of being compelled to live with the man that stole your +child from the cradle before your very eyes! Think of being compelled +to live with the thief of your life, and spend your days with the white +robber, and be under his control! The black people have suffered enough. +For two hundred years they were owned and bought and sold and branded +like cattle. For two hundred years every human tie was rent and torn +asunder by the bloody, brutal hands of avarice and might. They have +suffered enough. During the war the black people were our friends not +only, but whenever they were entrusted with the family, with the wives +and children of their masters, they were true to them. They stayed at +home and protected the wife and child of the master while he went into +the field and fought for the right to sell the wife and the right to +whip and steal the child of the very black man that was protecting him. +The black people, I say, have suffered enough, and for that reason I am +in favor of the Government protecting them in every Southern State, if +it takes another war to do it. We can never compromise with the South +at the expense of our friends. We never can be friends with the men that +starved and shot our brothers. We can never be friends with the men +that waged the most cruel war in the world; not for liberty, but for +the right to deprive other men of their liberty. We never can be their +friends until they are the friends of our friends, until they treat the +black man justly; until they treat the white Union man respectfully; +until Republicanism ceases to be a crime; until to vote the Republican +ticket ceases to make you a political and social outcast. We want no +friendship with the enemies of our country. The next question is, who +shall have possession of this country--the men that saved it,--or the +men that sought to destroy it? The Southern people lit the fires of +civil war. They who set the conflagration must be satisfied with the +ashes left. The men that saved this country must rule it. The men +that saved the flag must carry it. This Government is not far from +destruction when it crowns with its highest honor in time of peace, the +man that was false to it in time of war. This Nation is not far from +the precipice of annihilation and destruction when it gives its highest +honor to a man false, false to the country when everything we held +dear trembled in the balance of war, when everything was left to the +arbitrament of the sword. + +The next question prominently before the people--though I think the +great question is, whether citizens shall be protected at home--the +next question I say, is the financial question. With that there is no +trouble. We had to borrow money, and we have to pay it. That is all +there is of that, and we are going to pay it just as soon as we make +the money to pay it with, and we are going to make the money out of +prosperity. + +We have to dig it out of the earth. You cannot make a dollar by law. You +cannot redeem a cent by statute. You cannot pay one solitary farthing by +all the resolutions, by all the speeches ever made beneath the sun. + +If the greenback doctrine is right, that evidence of national +indebtedness is wealth, if that is their idea, why not go another step +and make every individual note a legal tender? Why not pass a law that +every man shall take every other man's note? Then I swear we would have +money in plenty. No, my friends, a promise to pay a dollar is not a +dollar, no matter if that promise is made by the greatest and most +powerful nation on the globe. A promise is not a performance. An +agreement is not an accomplishment and there never will come a time when +a promise to pay a dollar is as good as the dollar, unless everybody +knows that you have the dollar and will pay it whenever they ask for it. +We want no more inflation. We want simply to pay our debts as fast as +the prosperity of the country allows it and no faster. Every speculator +that was caught with property on his hands upon which he owed more +than the property was worth, wanted the game to go on a little longer. +Whoever heard of a man playing poker that wanted to quit when he was +a loser? He wants to have a fresh deal. He wants another hand, and he +don't want any man that is ahead to jump the game. It is so with the +speculators in this country. They bought land, they bought houses, they +bought goods, and when the crisis and crash came, they were caught with +the property on their hands, and they want another inflation, they +want another tide to rise that will again sweep this driftwood into the +middle of the great financial stream. That is all. Every lot in this +city that was worth five thousand and that is now worth two thousand--do +you know what is the matter with that lot? It has been redeeming. It has +been resuming. That is what is the matter with that lot. Every man that +owned property that has now fallen fifty per cent., that property has +been resuming; and if you could have another inflation to-morrow, the +day that the bubble burst would find thousands of speculators who paid +as much for property as property was worth, and they would ask for +another tide of affairs in men. They would ask for another inflation. +What for? To let them out and put somebody else in. + +We want no more inflation. We want the simple honest payment of the +debt, and to pay out of the prosperity of this country. But, says the +greenback man, "We never had as good times as when we had plenty of +greenbacks." + +Suppose a farmer would buy a farm for ten thousand dollars and give +his note. He would buy carriages, horses, wagons and agricultural +implements, and give his note. He would send Mary, Jane and Lucy to +school. He would buy them pianos, and send them to college, and would +give his note, and the next year he would again give his note for the +interest, and the next year again his note, and finally they would come +to him and say, "We must settle up; we have taken your notes as long as +we can; we want money." "Why," he would say to the gentleman, "I never +had as good a time in my life as while I have been giving those notes. +I never had a farm until the man gave it to me for my note. My children +have been clothed as well as anybody's. We have had carriages; we have +had fine horses; and our house has been filled with music, and laughter, +and dancing; and why not keep on taking those notes?" So it is with the +greenback man; he says, "When we were running in debt we had a jolly +time--let us keep it up." But, my friends, there must come a time when +inflation would reach that point when all the Goverment notes in the +world would not buy a pin; when all the Government notes in the world +would not be worth as much as the last year's Democratic platform. I +have no fear that these debts will not be paid. I have no fear that +every solitary greenback dollar will not be redeemed; but, my friends, +we shall have some trouble doing it. Why? Because the debt is a great +deal larger than it should have been. In the first place, there should +have been po debt. If it had not been for the Southern Democracy there +would have been no war. If it had not been for the Northern Democracy +the war would not have lasted one year. + +There was a man tried in court for having murdered his father and +mother. He was found guilty, and the judge asked him, "What have you to +say that sentence of death shall not be pronounced on you?" "Nothing in +the world Judge," said he, "only I hope your Honor will take pity on me +and remember that I am a poor orphan." + +I have no doubt that this debt will be paid. We have the honor to pay +it, and we do not pay it on account of the avarice or greed of the +bondholder. An honest man does not pay money to a creditor simply +because the creditor wants it. The honest man pays at the command of his +honor and not at the demand of the creditor. + +The United States will pay its debts, not because the creditor demands, +but because we owe it. + +The United States will liquidate every debt at the command of its honor, +and every cent will be paid. War is destruction, war is loss, and all +the property destroyed, and the time that is lost, put together, amount +to what we call a national debt. When in peace we shall have made as +much net profit as there was wealth lost in the war, then we shall be a +solvent people. The greenback will be redeemed, we expect to redeem +it on the first day of January, 1879. We may fail; we will fail if the +prosperity of the country fails; but we intend to try to do it, and if +we fail, we will fail as a soldier fails to take a fort, high upon the +rampart, with the flag of resumption in our hands. We will not say that +we cannot pay the debt because there is a date fixed when the debt is to +be paid. I have had to borrow money myself; I have had to give my note, +and I recollect distinctly that every man I ever did give my note to +insisted that somewhere in that note there should be some vague hint +as to the cycle, as to the geological period, as to the time, as to +the century and date when I expected to pay those little notes. I never +understood that having a time fixed would prevent my being industrious; +that it would interfere with my honesty; or with my activity, or with my +desire to discharge that debt. And if any man in this great country owed +you one thousand dollars, due you the first day of next January, and he +should come to you and say: "I want to pay you that debt, but you must +take that date out of that note." "Why?" you would say. "Why," he would +reply in the language of Tilden, "I have to make wise preparation." +"Well," you would say, "why don't you do it?" "Oh," he says, "I cannot +do it while you have that date in that note." "Another thing," he says, +"I have to get me a central reservoir of coin." And do you know I have +always thought I would like to see the Democratic party around a central +reservoir of coin. + +Suppose this debtor would also tell you, "I want the date out of that +note, because I have to come at it by a very slow and gradual process." +"Well," you would say, "I do not care how slow or how gradual you are, +provided that you get around by the time the note is due." + +What would you think of a man that wanted the date out of the note? You +would think he was a mixture of rascal and Democrat. That is what you +would think. + +Now, my friends, the Democratic party (if you may call it a party) +brings forward as its candidate Samuel J. Tilden, of New York. I am +opposed to him, first, because he is an old bachelor. In a country like +ours, depending for its prosperity and glory upon an increase of the +population, to elect an old bachelor is a suicidal policy. Any man that +will live in this country for sixty years, surrounded by beautiful women +with rosy lips and dimpled cheeks, in every dimple lurking a Cupid, with +pearly teeth and sparkling eyes--any man that will push them all aside +and be satisfied with the embraces of the Democratic party, does not +even know the value of time. I am opposed to Samuel J. Tilden, because +he is a Democrat; because he belongs to the Democratic party of the city +of New York; the worst party ever organized in any civilized country. + +No man should be President of this Nation who denies that it is a +Nation. Samuel J. Tilden denounced the war as an outrage. No man should +be President of this country that denounced a war waged in its defence +as an outrage. To elect such a man would be an outrage. + +Samuel J. Tilden said that the flag stands for a contract; that it +stands for a confederation; that it stands for a bargain. But the great, +splendid Republican party says, "No! That flag stands for a great, +hoping, aspiring, sublime Nation, not for a confederacy." + +I am opposed, I say, to the election of Samuel J. Tilden for another +reason. If he is elected he will be controlled by his party, and his +party will be controlled by the Southern stockholders in that party. +They own nineteen-twentieths of the stock, and they will dictate the +policy of the Democratic Corporation. + +No Northern Democrat has the manliness to stand up before a Southern +Democrat. Every Democrat, nearly, has a face of dough, and the Southern +Democrat will swap his ears, change his nose, cut his mouth the other +way of the leather, so that his own mother would not know him, in +fifteen minutes. If Samuel J. Tilden is elected President of the +United States, he will be controlled by the Democratic party, and the +Democratic party will be controlled by the Southern Democracy--that is +to say, the late rebels; that is to say, the men that tried to destroy +the Government; that is to say, the men who are sorry they did not +destroy the Government; that is to say, the enemies of every friend of +this Union; that is to say, the murderers and the assassins of Union men +living in the Southern country. + +Let me say another thing. If Mr. Tilden does not act in accordance with +the Southern Democratic command, the Southern Democracy will not allow +a single life to stand between them and the absolute control of this +country. Hendricks will then be their man. I say that it would be an +outrage to give this country into the control of men who endeavored to +destroy it, to give this country into the control of the Southern rebels +and haters of Union men. + +And on the other hand, the Republican party has put forward Rutherford +B. Hayes. He is an honest man. The Democrats will say, "That is +nothing." Well, let them try it. Rutherford B. Hayes has a good +character. + +Rutherford B. Hayes, when this war commenced, did not say with Tilden, +"It is an outrage." He did not say with Tilden, "I never will contribute +to the prosecution of this war." But he did say this, "I would go into +this war if I knew I would be killed in the course of it, rather than +to live through it and take no part in it." During the war Rutherford +B. Hayes received many wounds in his flesh, but not one scratch upon his +honor. Samuel J. Tilden received many wounds upon his honor, but not +one scratch on his flesh. Rutherford B. Hayes is a firm man; not an +obstinate man, but a firm man; and I draw this distinction: A firm man +will do what he believes to be right, because he wants to do right. He +will stand firm because he believes it to be right; but an obstinate +man wants his own way, whether it is right or whether it is wrong. +Rutherford B. Hayes is firm in the right, and obstinate only when he +knows he is in the right. If you want to vote for a man who fought for +you, vote for Rutherford B. Hayes. If you want to vote for a man +that carried our flag through the storm of shot and shell, vote for +Rutherford B. Hayes. If you believe patriotism to be a virtue, vote for +Rutherford B. Hayes. If you believe this country wants heroes, vote for +Rutherford B. Hayes. If you want a man who turned against his country in +time of war, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. If you believe the war waged for +the salvation of our Nation was an outrage, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. +If you believe it is better to stay at home and curse the brave men in +the field, fighting for the sacred rights of man, vote for Samuel J. +Tilden. If you want to pay a premium upon treason, if you want to pay a +premium upon hypocrisy, if you want to pay a premium upon chicanery, +if you want to pay a premium upon sympathizing with the enemies of your +country, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. + +If you believe that patriotism is right, if you believe the brave +defender of liberty is better than the assassin of freedom, vote for +Rutherford B. Hayes. + +I am proud that I belong to the Republican party. It is the only party +that has not begged pardon for doing right. It is the only party that +has said: "There shall be no distinction on account of race, on account +of color, on account of previous condition." It is the only party that +ever had a platform broad enough for all humanity to stand upon. + +It is the first decent party that ever lived. The Republican party made +the first free government that was ever made. The Republican party made +the first decent constitution that any nation ever had. The Republican +party gave to the sky the first pure flag that was ever kissed by the +waves of air. The Republican party is the first party that ever said: +"Every man is entitled to liberty," not because he is white, not because +he is black, not because he is rich, not because he is poor, but because +he is a man. + +The Republican party is the first party that knew enough to know that +humanity is more than skin deep. It is the first party that said, +"Government should be for all, as the light, as the air, is for all." + +And it is the first party that had the sense to say, "What air is to the +lungs, what light is to the eyes, what love is to the heart, liberty is +to the soul of man." The Republican party is the first party that ever +was in favor of absolute free labor, the first party in favor of giving +to every man, without distinction of race or color, the fruits of the +labor of his hands. The Republican party said, "Free labor will give us +wealth, free thought will give us truth." The Republican party is the +first party that said to every man, "Think for yourself, and express +that thought." I am a free man. I belong to the Republican party. This +is a free country. I will think my thought. I will speak my thought or +die. I say the Republican party is for free labor. + +Free labor has invented all the machines that ever added to the power, +added to the wealth, added to the leisure, added to the civilization of +mankind. Every convenience, everything of use, everything of beauty in +the world, we owe to free labor and to free thought. Free labor, free +thought! + +Science took the thunderbolt from the gods, and in the electric spark, +freedom, with thought, with intelligence and with love, sweeps under all +the waves of the sea; science, free thought, took a tear from the cheek +of unpaid labor, converted it into steam, and created the giant that +turns, with tireless arms, the countless wheels of toil. + +The Republican party, I say, believes in free labor. Every solitary +thing, every solitary improvement made in the United States has been +made by the Republican party. Every reform accomplished was inaugurated, +and was accomplished by the great, grand, glorious Republican party. + +The Republican party does not say: "Let bygones be bygones." The +Republican party is proud of the past and confident of the future. The +Republican party brings its record before you and implores you to read +every page, every paragraph, every line and every shining word. On the +first page you will find it written: "Slavery has cursed American soil +long enough;" on the same page you will find it written: "Slavery +shall go no farther." On the same page you will find it written: "The +bloodhounds shall not drip their gore upon another inch of American +soil." On the second page you will find it written: "This is a Nation, +not a Confederacy; every State belongs to every citizen, and no State +has a right to take territory belonging to any citizens in the United +States and set up a separate Government." On the third page you will +find the grandest declaration ever made in this country: "Slavery shall +be extirpated from the American soil." On the next page: "The Rebellion +shall be put down." On the next page: "The Rebellion has been put down." +On the next page: "Slavery has been extirpated from the American soil." +On the next page: "The freedmen shall not be vagrants; they shall be +citizens." On the next page: "They are citizens." On the next page: "The +ballot shall be put in their hands;" and now we will write on the next +page: "Every citizen that has a ballot in his hand, by the gods! shall +have a right to cast that ballot." That in short, that in brief, is the +history of the Republican party. The Republican party says, and it means +what it says: "This shall be a free country forever; every man in it +twenty-one years of age shall have the right to vote for the Government +of his choice, and if any man endeavors to interfere with that right, +the Government of the United States will see to it that the right of +every American citizen is protected at the polls." + +Now, my friends, there is one thing that troubles the average Democrat, +and that is the idea that somehow, in some way, the negro will get to be +the better man. It is the trouble in the South to-day. And I say to my +Southern friends (and I admit that there are a great many good men in +the South, but the bad men are in an overwhelming majority; the great +mass of the population is vicious, violent, virulent and malignant; the +great mass of the population is cruel, revengeful, idle, hateful,) and +I tell that population: "If you do not go to work, the negro, by his +patient industry, will pass you." In the long run, the nation that is +honest, the people who are industrious, will pass the people who are +dishonest, and the people who are idle, no matter how grand an ancestry +they may have had, and so I say, Mr. Northern Democrat, look out! + +The superior man is the man that loves his fellow-man; the superior man +is the useful man; the superior man is the kind man, the man who lifts +up his down-trodden brothers; and the greater the load of human sorrow +and human want you can get in your arms, the easier you can climb +the great hill of fame. The superior man is the man who loves his +fellow-man. And let me say right here, the good men, the superior +men, the grand men are brothers the world over, no matter what their +complexion may be; centuries may separate them, yet they are hand in +hand; and all the good, and all the grand, and all the superior men, +shoulder to shoulder, heart to heart, are fighting the great battle for +the progress of mankind. + +I pity the man, I execrate and hate the man who has only to boast that +he is white. Whenever I am reduced to that necessity, I believe shame +will make me red instead of white. I believe another thing. If I cannot +hoe my row, I will not steal corn from the fellow that hoes his row. If +I belong to the superior race, I will be so superior that I can make my +living without stealing from the inferior. I am perfectly willing that +any Democrat in the world that can, shall pass me. I have never seen one +yet, except when I looked over my shoulder. But if they can pass I shall +be delighted. + +Whenever we stand in the presence of genius, we take off our hats. +Whenever we stand in the presence of the great, we do involuntary homage +in spite of ourselves. Any one who can go by is welcome, any one in the +world; but until somebody does go by, of the Democratic persuasion, +I shall not trouble myself about the fact that may be, in some future +time, they may get by. The Democrats are afraid of being passed, because +they are being passed. + +No man ever was, no man ever will be, the superior of the man whom he +robs. No man ever was, no man ever will be, the superior of the man he +steals from. I had rather be a slave than a slave-master. I had rather +be stolen from than be a thief. I had rather be the wronged than the +wrong-doer. And allow me to say again to impress it forever upon every +man that hears me, you will always be the inferior of the man you wrong. +Every race is inferior to the race it tramples upon and robs. There +never was a man that could trample upon human rights and be superior +to the man upon whom he trampled. And let me say another thing: No +government can stand upon the crushed rights of one single human being; +and any compromise that we make with the South, if we make it at the +expense of our friends, will carry in its own bosom the seeds of its +own death and destruction, and cannot stand. A government founded upon +anything except liberty and justice cannot and ought not to stand. All +the wrecks on either side of the stream of time, all the wrecks of the +great cities and nations that have passed away--all are a warning that +no nation founded upon injustice can stand. From sand-enshrouded Egypt, +from the marble wilderness of Athens, from every fallen, crumbling stone +of the once mighty Rome, comes as it were a wail, comes as it were the +cry, "No nation founded upon injustice can permanently stand." We must +found this Nation anew. We must fight our fight. We must cling to our +old party until there is freedom of speech in every part of the United +States. We must cling to the old party until I can speak in every State +of the South as every Southerner can speak in every State of the North. +We must vote the grand old Republican ticket until there is the same +liberty in every Southern State that there is in every Northern, Eastern +and Western State. We must stand by the party until every Southern man +will admit that this country belongs to every citizen of the United +States as much as to the man that is born in that country. One more +thing. I do not want any man that ever fought for this country to vote +the Democratic ticket. You will swap your respectability for disgrace. +There are thousands of you--great, grand, splendid men--that have fought +grandly for this Union, and now I beseech of you, I beg of you, do not +give respectability to the enemies and haters of your country. Do not +do it. Do not vote with the Democratic party, of the North. Sometimes +I think a rebel sympathizer in the North worse than a rebel, and I will +tell you why. The rebel was carried into the rebellion by public opinion +at home,--his father, his mother, his sweetheart, his brother, and +everybody he knew; and there was a kind of wind, a kind of tornado, a +kind of whirlwind that took him into the army. He went on the rebel side +with his State. The Northern Democrat went against his own State; went +against his own Government; and went against public opinion at home. The +Northern Democrat rowed up stream against wind and tide. The Southern +rebel went with the current; the Northern rebel rowed against the +current from pure, simple cussedness. + +And I beg every man that ever fought for the Union, every man that ever +bared his breast to a storm of shot and shell, that the old flag might +float over every inch of American soil redeemed from the clutch of +treason; I beg him, I implore him, do not go with the Democratic party. +And to every young man within the sound of my voice I say, do not tie +your bright and shining prospects to that old corpse of Democracy. You +will get tired of dragging it around. Do not cast your first vote +with the enemies of your country. Do not cast your first vote with the +Democratic party that was glad when the Union army was defeated. Do not +cast your vote with that party whose cheeks flushed with the roses of +joy when the old flag was trailed in disaster upon the field of battle. +Remember, my friends, that that party did every mean thing it could, +every dishonest and treasonable thing it could. Recollect that that +party did all it could to divide this Nation, and destroy this country. + +For myself I have no fear; Hayes and Wheeler will be the next President +and Vice-President of the United States of America. Let me beg of +you--let me implore you--let me beseech you, every man, to come out on +election day. Every man, do your duty; every man do his duty with regard +to the State ticket of the great and glorious State of Illinois. + +This year we need Republicans; this year we need men that will vote for +the party; and I tell you that a Republican this year, no matter what +you have against him, no matter whether you like him or do not like him, +is better for the country, no matter how much you hate him, he is better +for the country than any Democrat Nature can make, or ever has made. + +We must, in this supreme election, we must at this supreme moment, vote +only for the men who are in favor of keeping this Government in +the power, in the custody, in the control of the great, the sublime +Republican party. + +Ladies and gentlemen, if I were insensible to the honor you have done me +by this magnificent meeting--the most magnificent I ever saw on earth--a +meeting such as only the marvelous City of Pluck could produce; if I +were insensible of the honor, I would be made of stone. I shall remember +it with delight; I shall remember it with thankfulness all the days of +my life. And I ask in return of every Republican here to remember all +the days of his life, every sacrifice made by this nation for liberty; +every sacrifice made by every private soldier, every sacrifice made by +every patriotic man and patriotic woman. + +I do not ask you to remember in revenge, but I ask you never, never to +forget. As the world swings through the constellations year after year, +I want the memory, I want the patriotic memory of this country to sit +by the grave of every Union soldier, and, while her eyes are filled with +tears, to crown him again and again with the crown of everlasting +honor. I thank you, I thank you, ladies and gentlemen, a thousand times. +Good-night. + + Note:--There was no full report made of this speech, the + above are simply extracts. + + + + +EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS. + +(On the Electoral Commission.) + + * The reputation of Col. Robert G. Ingersoll had taken + possession of the Boston mind to such an extent that his + expected address was spoken of as "The Lecture." People + talked about going to it, as If on that night all other + places were to be closed, and the whole population of the + City turned into Tremont Temple. Long before the appointed + hour a rare audience, for even lecture loving Boston, had + assembled. Col. Ingersoll stepped upon the platform preceded + by Governor Rice, and followed by William Lloyd Garrison, + James T. Fields and others. After the presentation of two + large and exquisite bouquets Governor Rice introduced + Colonel Ingersoll, and the audience, the most acute and + determined looking I ever saw In Boston, poured out their + welcome! It seemed as if all the cheers that had been + suppressed between the first of November and the decision of + the Electoral Commission, found vent at that moment and the + vigorous clapping was renewed and prolonged until it became + an unmistakable salute to the recent brilliant campaigning + of the great Western orator. It is hardly possible to speak + in too high terms of the lecture which, under the title of + "8 to 7," contained a witty, philosophical and intensely + patriotic review of the political contest preceding and + following the recent election, with wise and timely + suggestions for preventing similar perils in the future.-- + Boston, October 22nd,1877. + + +1877. + +I HAVE sometimes wondered whether our country was to be forever governed +by parties full of hatred, full of malice, full of slander. I have +sometimes wondered whether or not in the future there would not be +discovered such a science as the science of government. I do not know +what you think, but what little I do know, and what little experience +has been mine, is, I must admit, against it. We have passed through the +most remarkable campaign of our history--a campaign remarkable in every +respect. + +It was bitter, passionate, relentless and desperate, and I admit, for +one, that I added to its bitterness and relentlessness. I told, and +frankly told, my real, honest opinion of the Democratic party of the +North. I told, and cheerfully told, my opinion of the Democratic party +of the South. And I have nothing to take back. But, to show you that my +heart is not altogether wicked; I am willing to forgive and do forgive +with all my heart, every person and every party that I ever said +anything against. I believe that the campaign of 1876 was the +turning-point, the midnight in the history of the American Republic. + +I believe, and firmly believe, that if the Democratic party had swept +into power, it would have been the end of progress, and the end of what +I consider human liberty, beneath our flag. I felt so, and I went into +the campaign simply because the rights of American citizens in at least +sixteen States of the Union were trampled under foot. I did what little +I could. I am glad I did it. We had, as I say, a wonderful campaign, and +each party said and did about all that could be said and done. Everybody +attended to politics. Business was suspended. Everything was given +over to processions and torches, and flags and transparencies; and +resolutions and conventions and speeches and songs. Old arguments were +revamped. Old stories were pressed into service. The old story of +the Rebellion was told again and again. The memories of the war were +revived. The North was arrayed against the South as though upon the +field of battle. Party cries were heard on every hand. Each party leaped +like a tiger upon the reputation of the other, and tore with tooth and +claw, with might and main, to the very end of the campaign. + +I felt that it was necessary to arouse the North. I felt that it was +necessary to tell again the story of the Rebellion, from Bull Run to +Appomattox. I felt that it was necessary to describe what the Southern +people were doing with Union men, and with colored men; and I felt it +necessary so to describe it that the people of the North could hear the +whips, and could hear the drops of blood as they fell upon the withered +leaves. I did all I could to arouse the people of the North. I did all I +could to prevent the Democratic party from getting into power. The first +morning after the election, the Democracy had a banquet of joy, but +all through the feast they saw sitting at the head of the table the +dim outline of the skeleton of defeat. And, when the tide turned, +Republicans rejoiced with a face ready at any moment to express the +profoundest grief. Then came despatches and rumors, and estimated +majorities, and vague talk about Returning Boards, and intimidating +voters, and stuffed ballot boxes, and fraudulent returns, and bribed +clerks, and injunctions, and contempts of courts, and telegrams in +cipher, and outrages, and octoroon balls in which reverend Senators +were whirled in love's voluptuous waltz. Everybody discussed the +qualifications of Electors and the value of Governors' certificates, and +how to get behind returns, and how to buy an Elector, and who had the +right to count; and persons expecting offices of trust, honor and profit +began to threaten war and extermination, calls were made for a hundred +thousand men, and there were no end of meetings, and resolutions and +denunciations, and the downfall of the country was prophesied; and yet, +notwithstanding all this, the name of the person who really was elected +remained unknown. The last scene of this strange, eventful history, so +far as the election by the people was concerned, was Cronin. I see him +now as he leaves the land "where rolls the Oregon and hears no sound +save his own dashings." Cronin, the last surviving veteran of the grand +army of "honesty and reform." Cronin, a quorum of one. Cronin, who +elected the two others by a plurality of his own vote. + +I see him now, armed with Hoadley's opinion and Grover's certificate, +trudging wearily and drearily over the wide and wasted saleratus deserts +of the West, with a little card marked "S. J. T. i5 G. P." + +Then came the great question of who shall count the electoral vote. The +Vice-President being a Republican, it was generally contended, at least +by me, that he had a right to count that vote. My doctrine was, if the +Vice-President would count the vote right, he had the right to count it. + +The Vice-President not being a Democrat, the members of that party +claimed that the House could prevent the Vice-President from counting +it, and this was simply because the House was not Republican. Nearly all +decided according to their politics. The Constitution is a little blind +on this point, and where anything is blind I always see it my way. +It was about this time that some of the Democrats began to talk about +bringing one hundred thousand unarmed men to Washington to superintend +the count. Others, however, got up a scheme to create, a court in the +United States where politics should have no earthly influence. Nothing +could be easier, they thought, after we had gone through such a hot and +exciting campaign, than to pick out men who have no prejudices whatever +on the subject. Finally a bill was passed creating a tribunal to count +the vote, if any, and hear testimony, if any, and declare what man had +been elected President, if any. This tribunal consisted of fifteen men, +ten being chosen on account of their politics--five from the Senate +and five from the House,--and they chose four judges from purely +geographical considerations. I was there, and I know exactly how it was. +Those four men were picked with a map of the United States in front of +the pickers. The Democrats chose Justice Field, not because he was a +Democrat, but because he lived on the Pacific slope. They chose Justice +Clifford, not because he was a Democrat, but because he lived on the +Eastern slope; that was fair. Thereupon the Republicans chose Justice +Strong, not because he was a Republican, but because he lived on the +Eastern slope. You can see the point. The Republicans chose Justice +Miller, not because he was a Republican, but because he represented the +great West. They then allowed these four to select a fifth man. + +Well, it was impossible to select the fifth man from geographical +considerations, you can see that yourselves. There was nothing left to +choose between, you know, as far as geography was concerned. They then +agreed that they would not take a Justice from any State in which the +candidate for President lived. They left out Justice Hunt, from New +York, and Justice Swayne, from Ohio. They knew of course that that would +not influence them, but they did that simply--well, they did not want +them there; that was all, and it would be unhandy to pick one man out of +four. So they left Swayne and Hunt out. And then they would pick one +man as between Justice Bradley and Justice Davis. Just at that time the +people of the State of Illinois happened to be out of a Senator, and +Judge Davis was there and expressed a willingness to go to the Senate. +And the people of the State of Illinois elected him, and therefore +there was nobody to choose from except Justice Bradley, and he was a +Republican. + +Now, you know this runs in families. His record was good--by marriage. +He married a daughter of Chief Justice Hornblower, of New Jersey. Now, +Hornblower was what you might call a partisan. Do you know they went to +him--it was in the old times, and he was a kind of Whig,--they went to +him with a petition, in the State of New Jersey, a petition addressed to +the Legislature for the abolition of capital punishment, and Hornblower +said, "I'll be damned if I sign it while there is a Democrat in the +State of New Jersey." + +As a matter of fact, however, I believe that Justice Bradley and all the +other Justices, and all other persons on that tribunal decided as they +honestly thought was right. + +Judge Davis is as broad mentally as he is physically; he has an +immensity of common sense, and as much judgment as any one man ever +needs to use, and, in my judgment, he would have come to the same +conclusion as Judge Bradley, precisely. These men were appointed--it +was a Democratic scheme, and I am glad they got it up--and during that +entire investigation, so much were the members of that party controlled +by old associations and habits, and by partisan feeling that there was +not a solitary one of the seven Democrats that ever once voted on the +Republican side. And, as a necessity, the Republicans had to stand +together. And so, notwithstanding the seven Democrats voted constantly +together, the eight Republicans kept having a majority of one, until the +last disputed State was given against the great party of "honesty and +reform." And, finally, when they found they were defeated, they made +up their minds to prevent the counting of the vote. They made up their +minds to wear out the session and prevent the election of a President. +Just at that point, for a wonder, (nothing ever astonished me more), the +members from the South said: "We do not want any more war; we have had +war enough and we say that a President shall be peacefully elected, and +that he shall be peacefully inaugurated!" As soon as I heard that I felt +under a little obligation to the Democracy of the South, and when they +stood in the gap and prevented the Democracy of the North from plunging +this Government into the hell of civil war, I felt like taking them by +the hand and saying, "We have beaten the enemy once, let us keep on. Let +us join hands." I felt like saying to the Democracy of the South, "You +never will have a day's prosperity in the South until you join the +great, free, progressive party of the North--never!" And they never +will. + +Now, I say, I felt as though I were under a certain obligation to these +people. They prevented this thing, and they made it possible for the +Vice-President to declare Rutherford B. Hayes President of the United +States. Now, right here, I want you to observe that this shows the real +defects in our system of government. In the first place, our Government +is being governed by fraud. If the very fountain of power is poisoned by +fraud, then the whole Government is impure. We must find out some way +to prevent fraudulent voting in the United States or our Government is +a failure. Great cities were the mothers of election frauds. They +inaugurated violence and intimidation. They produced the repeaters +and the false boxes. They invented fan-tail tickets and pasters, and +gradually these delightful and patriotic arts and practices have spread +over almost the entire country. + +Unless something is done to preserve the purity of the ballot-box our +form of government must cease. The fountain of power is poisoned. +The sovereignty of the people is stolen and destroyed. The Government +becomes organized fraud, and all respect will soon be lost for the +laws and decisions of the courts. The legislators are elected in many +instances by fraud. The judges are in many instances chosen by fraud. +Every department of the Government becomes tainted and corrupt. It is +no longer a Republic, unless something can be devised to ascertain with +certainty the really honest will of the sovereign people. + +For the accomplishment of this object the good and patriotic men of all +parties should most heartily unite. To cast an illegal vote should +be considered by all as a crime. We must if possible get rid of the +mob--the vagrants, the vagabonds who have no home and who take no +interest in the cities where they vote. We must get rid of the rich +mob too; and by the rich mob I mean the men who buy up these vagabonds. +Various States have passed laws for the registration of voters; but they +all leave wide open all the doors of fraud. Men are allowed to vote if +they have been for one year in the State, and thirty or sixty days in +the ward or precinct; and when they have failed to have their names +registered before the day of election, they can avoid the effect of +this neglect by making a few affidavits, certified to by reputable +householders. Of course all necessary affidavits are made, with hundreds +and thousands to spare. My idea is that the period of registration, in +the first place, is too short, and, in the second place, no way +should be given by which they can vote unless they have been properly +registered, affidavit or no affidavit. Every man, when he goes into a +ward or precinct, should be registered. It should be his duty to see +that he is registered. Officers should be kept for that purpose, and he +should never be allowed to cast a vote until he has been registered +at least one year. Sixty days, say, or thirty days--sixty would be +better--sixty days before the election the registry lists should be +corrected, and every citizen should have the right to enter a complaint +or objection as against any name found upon that list. Thirty days, +or twenty days before the election, that list should be published +and should be exposed in several public places in each ward and each +precinct, and upon the day of election no man should be allowed to +vote whose name was not upon the registry list. Our wards and precincts +should be made smaller, so that people can vote without violence, +without wasting an entire day, so that the honest business man that +wishes to cast his ballot for the Government of his choice can walk +to the polls like a gentleman and deposit his vote and go about his +affairs. Allow me to say that unless some such plan is adopted in +the United States, there never will be another fair election in this +country. During the last campaign all the arts and artifices of the +city, all the arts and artifices of the lowest wards were spread over +this entire country, and unless something is done to preserve the purity +of the ballot-box, and guard the sovereign will of the people, we will +cease to be a Republican Government. + +Another thing--and I cannot say it too often--fraud at the ballot-box +undermines all respect in the minds of the people for the Government. +When they are satisfied that the election is a fraud they despise the +officers elected. When they are satisfied it is a fraud, they despise +the law made by the legislators. When they are satisfied it is a fraud, +they hold in utter contempt the decisions of our highest and most august +tribunals. + +Another trouble in this country is that our terms of office are too +short. Our elections are too frequent. They interfere with the business +of our country. When elections are so frequent, men make a business +of politics. If they fail to get one office they immediately run for +another, and they keep running until the people elect them for the +simple purpose of getting rid of the annoyance. Lengthen the terms, +purify the ballot, and the present scramble for office will become +contests for principles. A man who cannot get a living--unless he +has been disabled in the service of his country or from some other +cause--without holding office, is not fit for an office. + +A professional office-seeker is one of the meanest, and lowest, and +basest of human beings--a little higher than the lower animals and a +little lower than man. He has no earthly or heavenly independence; not a +particle; not a particle. A successful office-seeker is like the center +of the earth; he weighs nothing himself, and draws all things towards +the office he wants. He has not even a temper. You cannot insult him. +Shut the door in his face, and, so far as he is concerned, it is left +wide open, and you are standing on the threshold with a smile, extending +the hand of welcome. He crawls and cringes and flatters and lies and +swaggers and brags and tells of the influence he has in the ward he +lives in. We cannot too often repeat that splendid saying, "The office +should seek the man, not man the office." If you will lengthen the +term of office it will be so long between meals that he will have to do +something else or starve. Adopt the system of registration, as I have +suggested; have small and convenient election districts, so that, as I +said before, the honest, law-abiding, and peaceable citizen can attend +the polls; so that he will not be compelled to risk his life to deposit +his ballot that will be stolen or thrown out, or forced to keep the +company of ballots caused by fraudulent violence. Lengthen the term of +office, drive the professional hunter and seeker of office from the +field, and you will go far toward strengthening and vivifying and +preserving the fabric of the Constitution. That is the kind of civil +service reform I am in favor of, and as I am on that subject, I will say +a word about it. There is but one vital question--but one question of +real importance--in fact I might say in the whole world, and that is +the great question of Civil Service Reform. There may be some others +indirectly affecting the human race, and in which some people take a +languid kind of interest, but the only question worth discussing and +comprehending in all its phases is the one I have mentioned. This great +question is in its infancy still. The doctrine as yet has been applied +only to politics.* + + * Colonel Ingersoll then read the following letter, of which + he was the author. + + +My Dear Sir:--In the olden times, during the purer days of the Republic, +the motto was, "To the victors belong the spoils." The great object of +civil service reform is to reverse this motto. Our people are thoroughly +disgusted with machine politics, and demand politics without any +machine. + +In every precinct and ward there are persons going about lauding one +party and crying down the other. They make it their business to attend +to the affairs of the Nation. They call conventions, pass resolutions; +they put notices in papers of the times and places of meetings; they +select candidates for office, and then insist upon having them elected; +they distribute papers and political documents; they crowd the mails +with newspapers, platforms, resolutions, facts and figures, and with +everything calculated to help their party and hurt the other. In short, +they are the disturbers of the public peace. + +They keep the community in a perpetual excitement. In the last campaign, +wherever they were was turmoil. They fired cannon, carried flags, +torches and transparencies; they subsidized brass bands, and shouted and +hurrahed as though the world had gone insane. They were induced to do +these things by the hope of success and office. Take away this hope and +there will be peace once more. This thing is unendurable. The staid, +the quiet and respectable people, the moderate and conservative men who +always have an idea of joining the other side just to show their candor, +are heartily tired of the entire performance. These gentlemen demand +a rest. They are not adventurers; they have incomes; they belong to +families; they have monograms and liveries. They have succeeded, and +they want quiet. Growth makes a noise; development, as they call it, +is nothing but disturbance. We want stability, we want political +petrifaction, and we therefore demand that these meetings shall be +dismissed, that these processions shall halt, that these flags shall be +furled. But these things never will be stopped until we stop paying men +with office for making these disturbances. You know that it has been +the habit for men elected to bestow political favors upon the men +who elected them. This is a crying shame. It is a kind of bribery and +corruption. Men should not work with the expectation of reward and +success. The frightful consequences of rewarding one's friends cannot be +contemplated by a true patriot without a shudder. Exactly the opposite +course is demanded by the great principle of civil service reform. There +is no patriotism in working for place, for power and success. The true +lover of his country is stimulated to action by the hope of defeat, +and the prospect of office for his opponent. To such an extent has the +pernicious system of rewarding friends for political services gone in +this country, that until very lately it was difficult for a member of +the defeated party to obtain a respectable office. + +The result of all this is, that the country is divided, that these +divisions are kept alive by these speakers, writers and convention +callers. The great mission of civil service reform is not to do +away with parties, but with conflicting opinion, by taking from all +politicians the hope of reward. There is no other hope for peace. What +do the people know about the wants of the nation? There are in every +community a few quiet and respectable men, who know all about the wants +of the people--gentlemen who have retired from business, who take no +part in discussion and who are therefore free from prejudice. Let these +men attend to our politics. They will not call conventions, except +in the parlors of hotels. They will not put out our eyes with flaring +torches. They will not deafen us with speeches. They will carry on a +campaign without producing opposition. They will have elections but no +contests. All the offices will be given to the defeated party. This of +itself will insure tranquillity at the polls. No one will be deprived of +the privilege of casting a ballot. When campaigns are conducted in this +manner a gentleman can engage in politics with a feeling that he is +protected by the great principle of civil service reform. But just so +long as men persist in rewarding their friends, as they call them, just +so long will our country be cursed with political parties. Nothing can +be better calculated to preserve the peace than the great principle of +rewarding those who have confidence enough in our institutions to keep +silent while peace will sit with folded wings upon the moss-covered +political stump of a ruder age. I am satisfied that to civil service +reform the Republican party is indebted for the last great victory. Upon +this question the enthusiasm of the people was simply unbounded. In +the harvest field, the shop, the counting-room, in the church, in the +saloon, in, the palace and in the hut, nothing was heard and nothing +discussed except the great principle of civil service reform. + +Among the most touching incidents of the campaign was to see a few +old soldiers, sacred with scars, sit down, and while battles and +hair-breadth escapes, and prisons of want, were utterly forgotten, +discuss with tremulous lips and tearful eyes the great question of civil +service reform. + +During the great political contest I addressed several quite large +and intelligent audiences, and no one who did not has or can have the +slightest idea of the hold that civil service reform had upon the +very souls of our people. Upon all other subjects the indifference was +marked. I dwelt upon the glittering achievements of my party, but they +were indifferent. I pictured outrages perpetrated upon our citizens, but +they did not care. All this went idly by, but when I touched upon +civil service reform, old men, gray-haired and strong, broke down +utterly--tears fell like rain. The faces of women grew ashen with the +intensity of anguish, and even little children sobbed as though their +hearts would break. To one who has witnessed these affecting scenes, +civil service reform is almost a sacred thing. Even the speeches +delivered upon this subject in German affected to tears thousands of +persons wholly unacquainted with that language. In some instances those +who did not understand a word were affected even more than those who +did. Surely there must be something in the subject itself, apart from +the words used to explain it, that can under such circumstances lead +captive the hearts of men. During the entire campaign the cry of civil +service reform was heard from one end of our land to the other. The +sailor nailed those words to the mast. The miner repeated them between +the strokes of the pick. Mothers explained them to their children. +Emigrants painted them upon their wagons. They were mingled with the +reaper's song and the shout of the pioneer. Adopt this great principle +and we can have quiet and lady-like campaigns, a few articles in monthly +magazines, a leader or two in the "Nation," in the pictorial papers +wood-cuts of the residences of the respective candidates and now and +then a letter from an old Whig would constitute all the aggressive +agencies of the contest. I am satisfied that this great principle +secured us our victories in Florida and Louisiana, and its effect on +the High Joint Commission was greater than is generally supposed. It was +this that finally decided the action of the returning boards. + +Cronin is the only man upon whom this great principle was an utter +failure. Let it be understood that friends are not to be rewarded. +Let it be settled that political services are a barrier to political +preferment, and my word for it, machine politics will never be heard of +again. + +Yours truly,---- + + +I do not believe in carrying civil service reform to the extent that +you will not allow an officer to resign. I do not believe that that +principle should be insisted upon to that degree that there would only +be two ways left to get out of office--death or suicide. I believe, +other things being equal, any party having any office within its gift +will give that office to the man that really believes in the principles +of that party, and who has worked to give those principles ultimate +victory. That is human nature. The man that plows, the man that sows, +and the man that cultivates, ought to be the man that reaps. But we have +in this country a multitude of little places, a multitude of clerkships +in Washington; and the question is whether on the incoming of a new +administration, these men shall all be turned out. In the first place, +they are on starvation salaries, just barely enough to keep soul and +body together, and respectability on the outside; and if there is a +young man in this audience, I beg of him: + +Never accept a clerkship from this Government. Do not live on a little +salary; do not let your mind be narrowed; do not sell all the splendid +possibilities of the future; do not learn to cringe and fawn and crawl. + +I would rather have forty acres of land, with a log cabin on it and the +woman I love in the cabin--with a little grassy winding path leading +down to the spring where the water gurgles from the lips of earth +whispering day and night to the white pebbles a perpetual poem--with +holly-hocks growing at the corner of the house, and morning-glories +blooming over the low latched door--with lattice work over the window +so that the sunlight would fall checkered on the dimpled babe in +the cradle, and birds--like songs with wings hovering in the summer +air--than be the clerk of any government on earth. + +Now, I say, let us lengthen the term of office--I do not care much how +long--send a man to Congress at least for five years. And it would be a +great blessing if there were not half as many of them sent. + +We have too many legislators and too much legislation; too little about +important matters, and too much about unimportant matters. Lengthen the +term of office so that the man can turn his attention to something else +when he gets in besides looking after his re-election. There is another +defect we must remedy in our Constitution, in my judgment, and that is +as to the mode of electing a President. I believe it of the greatest +importance that the Executive should be entirely independent of the +legislative and judicial departments of the country. I do not believe +that Congress should have the right to create a vacancy which it can +fill. I do not believe that the Senate of the United States, or the +lower house of Congress, by a simple objection, should have the right to +deprive any State of its electoral vote. Our Constitution now provides +that the electors chosen in each State shall meet in their respective +States upon a certain day and there cast their votes for President and +Vice-President of the United States. They shall properly certify to the +votes which are cast, and shall transmit lists of them, together with +the proper certificates, to the Vice-President of the United States. +And it is then declared that upon a certain day in the presence of both +houses of Congress, the Vice-President shall open the certificates and +the votes shall then be counted. It does not exactly say who shall count +these votes. It does not in so many words say the Vice-President shall +do it, or may do it, or that both houses of Congress shall do it, or may +do it, or that either house can prevent a count of the votes. It leaves +us in the dark, and, to a certain degree, in blindness. I believe there +is a way, and a very easy way, out of the entire trouble, and it is +this: I do not care whether the electors first meet in their respective +States or not, but I want the Constitution so amended that the electors +of all the States shall meet on a certain day in the city of Washington, +and count the votes themselves; to allow that body to be the judge of +who are electors, to allow it to choose a chairman, and to allow +the person so chosen to declare who is the President, and who is the +Vice-President of the United States. The Executive is then entirely +free and independent of the legislative department of Government. The +Executive is then entirely free from the judicial department, and I tell +you, it is a public calamity to have the ermine of the Supreme Court +of the United States touched or stained by a political suspicion. In +my judgment, this country can never stand such a strain again as it has +now. + +Now, my friends, all these questions are upon us and they have to be +settled. We cannot go on as we have been going. We cannot afford to live +as we have lived--one section running against the other. We cannot go +along that way. It must be settled, either peaceably or there must again +be a resort to the boisterous sword of civil war. + +The people of the South must stop trampling on the rights of the colored +men. It must not be a crime in any State of this Union to be a lover of +this country. I have seen it stated in several papers lately that it is +the duty of each State to protect its own citizens. Well, I know that. +Suppose that the State does not do it; what then I say? Well, then, say +these people, the Governor of the State has the right to call on the +General Government for assistance. But suppose the Governor will not +call for assistance, what then? Then, they tell us, the Legislature can +do so by a joint resolution. But suppose the Legislature will not do it, +what then? Then, say these people, it is a defect in the Constitution. +In my judgment, that is the absurdest kind of secession. If the State of +Illinois must protect me, if I have no right to call for the protection +of the General Government, all I have to say is that my allegiance must +belong to the Government that protects me. If Illinois protects me, and +the General Government has not the power, then my first allegiance is +due to Illinois; and should Illinois unsheathe the sword of civil war, +I must stand by my State, if that doctrine is true. I say, my first +allegiance is due to the General Government, and not to the State of +Illinois, and if the State of Illinois goes out of the Union, I swear to +you that I will not. What does the General Government propose to give +me in exchange for my allegiance? The General Government has a right to +take my property. The General Government has a right to take my body +in its necessary defence. What does that Government propose to give in +exchange for that right? Protection, or else our Government is a fraud. +Who has a right to call for the protection of the United States? I say, +the citizen who needs it. Can our Government obtain information only +through the official sources? Must our Government wait until the +Government asks the proofs, while the State tramples upon the rights of +the citizens? Must it wait until the Legislature calls for assistance +to help it stop robbing and plundering citizens of the United States? Is +that the doctrine and the idea of the Northern Democratic party? It is +not mine. A Government that will not protect its citizens is a +disgrace to humanity. A Government that waits until a Governor calls--a +Government that cannot hear the cry of the meanest citizen under its +flag when his rights are being trampled upon, even by citizens of a +Southern State--has no right to exist. + +It is the duty of the American citizen to see to it that every State +has a Government, not only republican in form, but it is the duty of the +United States to see to it that life, liberty and property are protected +in each State. If they are not protected, it is the duty of the United +States to protect them, if it takes all her military force both upon +land and upon the sea. The people whose Government cannot always hear +the faintest wail of the meanest man beneath its flag have no right to +call themselves a nation. The flag that will not protect its protectors +and defend its defenders is a rag that is not worth the air in which it +waves. + +How are we going to do it? Do it by kindness if you can; by conciliation +if you can, but the Government is bound to try every way until it +succeeds. Now, Rutherford B. Hayes was elected President. The Democracy +will say, of course, that he never was elected, but that does not make +any difference. He is President to-day, and all these things are about +him to be settled. + +What shall we do? What can we do? There are two Governors in South +Carolina and two Legislatures and not one cent of taxes has been +collected by either. A dual government would seem to be the most +economical in the world. Now, the question for us to decide, the +question to be decided by this administration is, how are we to +ascertain which is the legal Government of the State, and what +department of the Government has a right to ascertain that fact? Must it +be left to Congress? Has the Senate alone the right to determine it? +Can it be left in any way to the Supreme Court, or shall the Executive +decide it himself? I do not say that the Executive has the power to +decide that question for himself. I do not say he has not, but I do not +say he has. The question, so far as Louisiana and South Carolina are +concerned--that question is now in the Senate of the United States. +Governor Kellogg is asking for admission as a Senator from the State +of Louisiana, and the question is to be decided by the Senate first, +whether he is entitled to his seat, and that question of course, rests +upon the one fact--was the Legislature that elected him the legal +Legislature of the State of Louisiana? It seems to me that when that +question is pending in the Senate of the United States the President has +not the right, or at least it would be improper for him to decide it on +his own motion, and say this or that Government is the real and legal +Government of the State of Louisiana. But some mode must be adopted, +some way must be discovered to settle this question, and to settle it +peacefully. We are an enlightened people. Force is the last thing that +civilized men should resort to. As long as courts can be created, as +long as courts of arbitration can be selected, as long as we can reason +and think, and urge all the considerations of humanity upon each other, +there should be no appeal to arms in the United States upon any question +whatever. What should the President do? He could only spare twenty-five +hundred men from the Indian war--that is the same army that has so +long been trampling on the rights of the South, the same army that +the Democratic Congress wished to reduce, and that army of twenty-five +hundred men is all he has to spare to protect American citizens in the +Southern States. Is there any sentiment in the North that would uphold +the Executive in calling for volunteers? Is there any sentiment here +that would respond to a call for twenty, fifty, or a hundred thousand +men? Is there any Congress to pass the necessary act to pay them if +there was? + +And so the President of the United States appreciated the situation, and +the people of the South came to him and said, "We have had war enough, +we have had trouble enough, our country languishes, we have no trade, +our pockets are empty, something must be done for us, we are utterly and +perfectly disgusted with the leadership of the Democratic party of the +North. Now, will you let us be your friends?" And he had the sense to +say, "Yes." The President took the right hand of the North, and put it +into the right hand of the South and said "Let us be friends. We parted +at the cannon's mouth; we were divided by the edge of the glittering +sword; we must become acquainted again. We are equals. We are all +fellow-citizens. In a Government of the people, by the people and for +the people, there shall not be an outcast class, whether white or +black. To this feast, every child of the Republic shall be invited and +welcomed." It was a grand thing grandly done. If the President succeeds +in his policy, it will be an immense compliment to his brain. If he +fails, it will be an equal compliment to his heart. He has opened the +door; he has advanced; he has extended his hand, he has broken the +silence of hatred with the words of welcome. Actuated by this broad and +catholic spirit he has selected his constitutional advisors, and +allow me to say right here, the President has the right to select his +constitutional advisors to suit himself, and the idea of men endeavoring +to force themselves or others into the Cabinet of the President, +against, as it were, his will, why I would as soon think of circulating +a petition to compel some woman to marry me. + +He has gathered around him the men he considers the wisest and the best, +and I say, let us give them a fair chance. I say, let us be honest with +the President of the United States and his Cabinet, and give his policy +a fair and honest chance. In order to show his good faith with the +South he chose as a member of his Cabinet an ex-rebel from Tennessee. +I confess, when I heard of it I did not like it. It did not seem to +be exactly what I had been making all this fuss about. But I thought I +would be honest about it, and I went and called on Mr. Key, and really +he begins already to look a good deal like a Republican. A real honest +looking man. And then I said to myself that he had not done much more +harm than as though he had been a Democrat at the North during those +four years, and had cursed and swore instead of fought about it. And so +I told him "I am glad you are appointed." + +And I am. Give him a chance, and so far as the whole Cabinet is +concerned--I have not the time to go over them one by one now, it is +perfectly satisfactory to me. The President made up his mind that to +appoint that man would be to say to the South: "I do not look upon you +as pariahs in this Government. I look upon you as fellow-citizens; I +want you to wipe forever the color line, or the Union line, from the +records of this Government on account of what has been done heretofore." +What are you now? is the only question that should be asked. It was +a strange thing for the President to appoint that man. It was an +experiment. It is an experiment. It has not yet been decided, but I +believe it will simply be a proof of the President's wisdom. I can stand +that experiment taken in connection with the appointment of Frederick +Douglass as Marshal of the District of Columbia. I was glad to see +that man's appointment. He is a good, patient, stern man. He has been +fighting for the liberty of his race, and at the same time for our +liberty. This man has done something for the freedom of my race as well +as his own. This is no time for war. War settles nothing except the mere +question of strength. That is all war ever did settle. You cannot shoot +ideas into a man with a musket, or with cannon into one of those old +Bourbon Democrats of the North. You cannot let prejudices out of a man +with a sword. + +This is the time for reason, for discussion, for compromise. This is the +time to repair, to rebuild, to preserve. War destroys. Peace creates. +War is decay and death. Peace is growth and life,--sunlight and air. War +kills men. Peace maintains them. Artillery does not reason; it asserts. +A bayonet has point enough, but no logic. When the sword is drawn, +reason remains in the scabbard. It is not enough to win upon the field +of battle, you must be victor within the realm of thought. There must be +peace between the North and South some time; not a conquered peace, but +a peace that conquers. The question is, can you and I forget the past? +Can we forget everything except the heroic sacrifices of the men who +saved this Government? Can we say to the South, "Let us be brothers"? +Can we? I am willing to do it because, in the first place, it is right, +and in the second place, it will pay if it can be carried out. We have +fought and hated long enough. Our country is prostrate. Labor is in +rags. Energy has empty hands. Industry has empty pockets. The wheels of +the factory are still. In the safe of prudence money lies idle, locked +by the key of fear. Confidence is what we need--confidence in each +other; confidence in our institutions; confidence in our form of +government; in the great future; confidence in law, confidence in +liberty, confidence in progress, and in the grand destiny of the Great +Republic. Now, do not imagine that I think this policy will please +every body. Of course there are men South and North who can never be +conciliated. They are the Implacables in the South--the Bourbons in the +North. + +Nothing will ever satisfy them. The Implacables want to own negroes +and whip them; the Bourbons never will be satisfied until they can help +catch one. The Implacables with violent hands drive emigration from +their shores. They are poisoning the springs and sources of prosperity. +They dine on hatred and sup on regret. They mourn over the lost cause +and partake of the communion of revenge. They strike down the liberties +of their fellow-citizens and refuse to enjoy their own. They remember +nothing but wrongs, and they forget nothing but benefits. Their bosoms +are filled with the serpents of hate. No one can compromise with them. +Nothing can change them. They must be left to the softening influence +of time and death. The Bourbons are the allies of the Implacables. A +Bourbon in the majority is an Implacable in the minority. An Implacable +in the minority is a Bourbon. We do not appeal to, but from these men. +But there are in the South thousands of men who have accepted in good +faith the results of the war; men who love and wish to preserve this +nation, men tired of strife--men longing for a real Union based upon +mutual respect and confidence. These men are willing that the colored +man shall be free--willing that he shall vote, and vote for the +Government of his choice--willing that his children shall be +educated--willing that he shall have all the rights of an American +citizen. These men are tired of the Implacables and disgusted with the +Bourbons. These men wish to unite with the patriotic men of the North in +the great work of reestablishing a government of law. For my part, call +me of what party you please, I am willing to join hands with these men, +without regard to race, color or previous condition. + +With a knowledge of our wants--with a clear perception of our +difficulties, Rutherford B. Hayes became President. + +Nations have been saved by the grandeur of one man. Above all things a +President should be a patriot. Party at best is only a means--the good +of the country, the happiness of the people, the only end. + +Now, I appeal to you Democrats here--not a great many, I suppose--do +not oppose this policy because you think it is going to increase the +Republican strength. If it strengthens the Government, no matter whether +it is Republican or Democratic, it is for the common good. + +And you Republicans, you who have had all these feelings of patriotism +and glory, I ask you to wait and let this experiment be tried. Do not +prophesy failure for it and then work to fulfill the prophecy. Give the +President a chance. I tell you to-night that he is as good a Republican +as there is in the United States; and I tell you that if this policy is +not responded to by the South, Rutherford B. Hayes will change it, +just as soon and as often as is necessary to accomplish the end. The +President has offered the Southern people the olive branch of peace, +and so far as I am concerned, I implore both the Southern people and +the Northern people to accept it. I extend to you each and all the olive +branch of peace. Fellow-citizens of the South, I beseech you to take it. +By the memory of those who died for naught; by the charred remains of +your remembered homes; by the ashes of your statesman dead; for the sake +of your sons and your daughters and their fair children yet to be, +I implore you to take it with loving and with loyal hands. It will +cultivate your wasted fields. It will rebuild your towns and cities. It +will fill your coffers with gold. It will educate your children. It +will swell the sails of your commerce. It will cause the roses of joy +to clamber and climb over the broken cannon of war. It will flood the +cabins of the freedman with light, and clothe the weak in more than coat +of mail, and wrap the poor and lowly in "measureless content." Take it. +The North will forgive if the South will forget. Take it! The negro +will wipe from the tablet of memory the strokes and scars of two hundred +years, and blur with happy tears the record of his wrongs. Take it! It +will unite our nation. It will make us brothers once again. Take it! And +justice will sit in your courts under the outspread wings of Peace. Take +it! And the brain and lips of the future will be free. Take it! It will +bud and blossom in your hands and fill your land with fragrance and with +joy. + + + + +HARD TIMES AND THE WAY OUT. + + * Boston, October 20, 1878. + +LADIES and Gentlemen:--The lovers of the human race, the +philanthropists, the dreamers of grand dreams, all predicted and all +believed that when man should have the right to govern himself, when +every human being should be equal before the law, pauperism, crime, and +want would exist only in the history of the past. They accounted +for misery in their time by the rapacity of kings and the cruelty of +priests. Here, in the United States, man at last is free. Here, man +makes the laws, and all have an equal voice. The rich cannot oppress the +poor, because the poor are in a majority. The laboring men, those who +in some way work for their living, can elect every Congressman and every +judge; they can make and interpret the laws, and if labor is oppressed +in the United States by capital, labor has simply itself to blame. +The cry is now raised that capital in some mysterious way oppresses +industry; that the capitalist is the enemy of the man who labors. What +is a capitalist? Every man who has good health; every man with good +sense; every one who has had his dinner, and has enough left for supper, +is, to that extent, a capitalist. Every man with a good character, who +has the credit to borrow a dollar or to buy a meal, is a capitalist; and +nine out of ten of the great capitalists in the United States are simply +successful workingmen. There is no conflict, and can be no conflict, in +the United States between capital and labor; and the men who endeavor +to excite the envy of the unfortunate and the malice of the poor are the +enemies of law and order. + +As a rule, wealth is the result of industry, economy, attention +to business; and as a rule, poverty is the result of idleness, +extravagance, and inattention to business, though to these rules there +are thousands of exceptions. The man who has wasted his time, who has +thrown away his opportunities, is apt to envy the man who has not. For +instance, there are six shoemakers working in one shop. One of them +attends to his business. You can hear the music of his hammer late and +early. He is in love with some girl on the next street. He has made up +his mind to be a man; to succeed; to make somebody else happy; to have +a home; and while he is working, in his imagination he can see his own +fireside, with the firelight falling upon the faces of wife and child. +The other five gentlemen work as little as they can, spend Sunday in +dissipation, have the headache Monday, and, as a result, never advance. +The industrious one, the one in love, gains the confidence of his +employer, and in a little while he cuts out work for the others. The +first thing you know he has a shop of his own, the next a store; because +the man of reputation, the man of character, the man of known integrity, +can buy all he wishes in the United States upon a credit. The next thing +you know he is married, and he has built him a house, and he is happy, +and his dream has been realized. After awhile the same five shoemakers, +having pursued the old course, stand on the corner some Sunday when he +rides by. He has a carriage, his wife sits by his side, her face covered +with smiles, and they have two children, their eyes beaming with joy, +and the blue ribbons are fluttering in the wind. And thereupon, these +five shoemakers adjourn to some neighboring saloon and pass a resolution +that there is an irrepressible conflict between capital and labor. + +There is, in fact, no such conflict, and the laboring men of the United +States have the power to protect themselves. In the ballot-box the +vote of Lazarus is on an equality with the vote of Dives; the vote of +a wandering pauper counts the same as that of a millionaire. In a land +where the poor, where the laboring men have the right and have the power +to make the laws, and do, in fact, make the laws, certainly there should +be no complaint. In our country the people hold the power, and if any +corporation in any State is devouring the substance of the people, +every State has retained the power of eminent domain, under which it +can confiscate the property and franchise of any corporation by +simply paying to that corporation what such property is worth. And yet +thousands of people are talking as though the rich combined for the +express purpose of destroying the poor, are talking as though there +existed a widespread conspiracy against industry, against honest toil; +and thousands and thousands of speeches have been made and numberless +articles have been written to fill the breasts of the unfortunate with +hatred. + +We have passed through a period of wonderful and unprecedented +inflation. For years we enjoyed the luxury of going into debt, the +felicity of living upon credit. We have in the United States about +eighty thousand miles of railway, more than enough to make a treble +track around the globe. Most of these miles were built in a period of +twenty-five years, and at a cost of at least five thousand millions +of dollars. Think of the ore that had to be dug, of the iron that was +melted; think of the thousands employed in cutting bridge timber and +ties, and giving to the wintry air the music of the axe; think of the +thousands and thousands employed in making cars, in making locomotives, +those horses of progress with nerves of steel and breath of flame; think +of the thousands and thousands of workers in brass and steel and iron; +think of the numberless industries that thrived in the construction +of eighty thousand miles of railway, of the streams bridged, of the +mountains tunneled, of the plains crossed; and think of the towns and +cities that sprang up, as if by magic, along these highways of iron. + +During the same time we had a war in which we expended thousands of +millions of dollars, not to create, not to construct, but to destroy. +All this money was spent in the work of demolition, and every shot and +every shell and every musket and every cannon was used to destroy. All +the time of every soldier was lost. An amount of property inconceivable +was destroyed, and some of the best and bravest were sacrificed. During +these years the productive power of the North was strained to the +utmost; every wheel was in motion; there was employment for every kind +and description of labor, and for every mechanic. There was a constantly +rising market--speculation was rife, and it seemed almost impossible +to lose. As a consequence, the men who had been toiling upon the farm +became tired. It was too slow a way to get rich. They heard of their +neighbor, of their brother, who had gone to the city and had suddenly +become a millionaire. They became tired with the slow methods of +agriculture. The young men of intelligence, of vim, of nerve became +disgusted with the farms. On every hand fortunes were being made. A +wave of wealth swept over the United States; huts became houses; houses +became palaces with carpeted floors and pictured walls; tatters became +garments; rags became robes; and for the first time in the history of +the world, the poor tasted of the luxuries of wealth. We wondered how +our fathers could have endured their poor and barren lives. + +Every business was pressed to the snow line. Old life insurance +associations had been successful; new ones sprang up on every hand. +The agents filled every town. These agents were given a portion of the +premium. You could hardly go out of your house without being told of the +uncertainty of life and the certainty of death. You were shown pictures +of life insurance agents emptying vast bags of gold at the feet of a +disconsolate widow. You saw in imagination your own fatherless children +wiping away the tears of grief and smiling with joy. + +These agents insured everybody and everything. They would have insured a +hospital or consumption in its last hemorrhage. + +Fire insurance was managed in precisely the same way. The agents +received a part of the premium, and they insured anything and +everything, no matter what its danger might be. They would have insured +powder in perdition, or icebergs under the torrid zone with the same +alacrity. And then there were accident companies, and you could not +go to the station to buy your ticket without being shown a picture of +disaster. You would see there four horses running away with a stage, and +old ladies and children being thrown out; you would see a steamer being +blown up on the Mississippi, legs one way and arms the other, heads +one side and hats the other; locomotives going through bridges, good +Samaritans carrying off the wounded on stretchers. + +The merchants, too, were not satisfied to do business in the old way. It +was too slow; they could not wait for customers. They filled the country +with drummers, and these drummers convinced all the country merchants +that they needed about twice as many goods as they could possibly sell, +and they took their notes on sixty and ninety days, and renewed them +whenever desired, provided the parties renewing the notes would take +more goods. And these country merchants pressed the goods upon their +customers in the same manner. Everybody was selling, everybody was +buying, and nearly all was done upon a credit. No one believed the day +of settlement ever would or ever could come. Towns must continue to +grow, and in the imagination of speculators there were hundreds of +cities numbering their millions of inhabitants. Land, miles and miles +from the city, was laid out in blocks and squares and parks; land that +will not be occupied for residences probably for hundreds of years to +come, and these lots were sold, not by the acre, not by the square +mile, but by so much per foot. They were sold on credit, with a partial +payment down and the balance secured by a mortgage. + +These values, of course, existed simply in the imagination; and a deed +of trust upon a cloud or a mortgage upon a last year's fog would have +been just as valuable. Everybody advertised, and those who were not +selling goods and real estate were in the medicine line, and every rock +beneath our flag was covered with advice to the unfortunate; and I have +often thought that if some sincere Christian had made a pilgrimage +to Sinai and climbed its venerable crags, and in a moment of devotion +dropped upon his knees and raised his eyes toward heaven, the first +thing that would have met his astonished gaze would in all probability +have been: + + "St. 1860 X Plantation Bitters." + +Suddenly there came a crash. Jay Cooke failed, and I have heard +thousands of men account for the subsequent hard times from the fact +that Cooke did fail. As well might you account for the smallpox by +saying that the first pustule was the cause of the disease. The failure +of Jay Cooke & Co. was simply a symptom of a disease universal. + +No language can describe the agonies that have been endured since 1873. +No language can tell the sufferings of the men that have wandered over +the dreary and desolate desert of bankruptcy. Thousands and thousands +supposed that they had enough, enough for their declining years, +enough for wife and children, and suddenly found themselves paupers and +vagrants. + +During all these years the bankruptcy law was in force, and whoever +failed to keep his promise had simply to take the benefit of this law. +As a consequence, there could be no real, solid foundation for business. +Property commenced to decline; that is to say, it commenced to resume; +that is to say, it began to be rated at its real instead of at its +speculative value. + +Land is worth what it will produce, and no more. It may have speculative +value, and, if the prophecy is fulfilled, the man who buys it may become +rich, and if the prophecy is not fulfilled, then the land is simply +worth what it will produce. Lots worth from five to ten thousand dollars +apiece suddenly vanished into farms worth twenty-five dollars per acre. +These lots resumed. The farms that before that time had been considered +worth one hundred dollars per acre, and are now worth twenty or thirty, +have simply resumed. Magnificent residences supposed to be worth one +hundred thousand dollars, that can now be purchased for twenty-five +thousand, they have simply resumed. The property in the United States +has not fallen in value, but its real value has been ascertained. The +land will produce as much as it ever would, and is as valuable to-day +as it ever was; and every improvement, every invention that adds to the +productiveness of the soil or to the facilities for getting that product +to market, adds to the wealth of the nation. + +As a matter of fact, the property kept pace with what we were pleased to +call our money. As the money depreciated, property appreciated; as the +money appreciated, property depreciated. The moment property began to +fall speculation ceased. There is but little speculation upon a falling +market. The stocks and bonds, based simply upon ideas, became worthless, +the collaterals became dust and ashes. + +At the close of the war, when the Government ceased to be such a vast +purchaser and consumer, many of the factories had to stop. When the +crash came the men stopped digging ore; they stopped felling the forest; +the fires died out in the furnaces; the men who had stood in the glare +of the forge were in the gloom of want. There was no employment for +them. The employer could not sell his product; business stood still, +and then came what we call the hard times. Our wealth was a delusion and +illusion, and we simply came back to reality. Too many men were doing +nothing, too many men were traders, brokers, speculators. There were not +enough producers of the things needed; there were too many producers of +the things no one wished. There needed to be a re-distribution of men. + +Many remedies have been proposed, and chief among these is the remedy +of fiat money. Probably no subject in the world is less generally +understood than that of money. So many false definitions have been +given, so many strange, conflicting theories have been advanced, that +it is not at all surprising that men have come to imagine that money +is something that can be created by law. The definitions given by the +hard-money men themselves have been used as arguments by those who +believe in the power of Congress to create wealth. We are told that gold +is an instrumentality or a device to facilitate exchanges. We are told +that gold is a measure of value. Let us examine these definitions. + +"_Gold is an instrumentality or device to facilitate exchanges._" + +That sounds well, but I do not believe it. Gold and silver +are commodities. They are the products of labor. They are not +instrumentalities; they are not devices to facilitate exchanges; they +are the things exchanged for something else; and other things are +exchanged for them. The only device about it to facilitate exchanges is +the coining of these metals. Whenever the Government or any government +certifies that in a certain piece of gold or silver there are a certain +number of grains of a certain fineness, then he who gives it knows that +he is not giving too much, and he who receives, that he is receiving +enough, so that I will change the definition to this: + +The _coining_ of the precious metals is a device to facilitate +exchanges. + +The precious metals themselves are property; they are merchandise; they +are commodities, and whenever one commodity is exchanged for another it +is barter, and gold is the last refinement of barter. + +The second definition is: + +"_Gold is the measure of value_." + +We are told by those who believe in fiat money that gold is a measure of +value just the same as a half bushel or a yardstick. + +I deny that gold is a measure of value. The yardstick is not a measure +of value; it is simply a measure of quantity. It measures cloth worth +fifty dollars a yard precisely as it does calico worth four cents. It +is, therefore, not a measure of value, but of quantities. The same with +the half bushel. The half bushel measures wheat precisely the same, +whether that wheat is worth three dollars or one dollar. It simply +measures quantity; not quality, or value. The yardstick, the half +bushel, and the coining of money are all devices to facilitate +exchanges. The yardstick assures the man who sells that he has not sold +too much; it assures the man who buys that he has received enough; and +in that way it facilitates exchanges. The coining of money facilitates +exchange, for the reason that were it not coined, each man who did any +business would have to carry a pair of scales and be a chemist. + +It matters not whether the yardstick or half bushel are of gold, silver, +or wood, for the reason that the yardstick and half bushel are not the +things bought. We buy not them, but the things they measure. + +If gold and silver are not the measure of value, what is? I +answer--intelligent labor. Gold gets its value from labor. Of course, I +cannot account for the fact that mankind have a certain fancy for gold +or for diamonds, neither can I account for the fact that we like certain +things better than others to eat. These are simply facts in nature, and +they are facts, whether they can be explained or not. The dollar in gold +represents, on the average, the labor that it took to dig and mint it, +together with all the time of the men who looked for it without finding +it. That dollar in gold, on the average, will buy the product of the +same amount of labor in any other direction. + +Nothing ever has been money, from the most barbarous to the most +civilized times, unless it was a product of nature, and a something to +which the people among whom it passed as money attached a certain value, +a value not dependent upon law, not dependent upon "fiat" in any degree. + +Nothing has ever been considered money that man could produce. + +A bank bill is not money, neither is a check nor a draft. These are all +devices simply to facilitate business, but in or of themselves they have +no value. + +We are told, however, that the Government can create money. This I deny. +The Government produces nothing; it raises no wheat, no corn; it digs no +gold, no silver. It is not a producer, it is a consumer. + +The Government cannot by law create wealth. And right here I wish to +ask one question, and I would like to have it answered some time. If +the Government can make money, if it can create money, if by putting +its sovereignty upon a piece of paper it can create absolute money, why +should the Government collect taxes? We have in every district +assessors and collectors; we have at every port customhouses, and we are +collecting taxes day and night for the support of this Government. Now, +if the Government can make money itself, why should it collect taxes +from the poor? Here is a man cultivating a farm--he is working among the +stones and roots, and digging day and night; why should the Government +go to that man and make him pay twenty or thirty or forty dollars taxes +when the Government, according to the theory of these gentlemen, could +make a thousand-dollar fiat bill quicker than that man could wink? Why +impose upon industry in that manner? Why should the sun borrow a candle? + +And if the Government can create money, how much should it create, and +if it should create it who will get it? Money has a great liking for +money. A single dollar in the pocket of a poor man is lonesome; it never +is satisfied until it has found its companions. Money gravitates towards +money, and issue as much as you may, as much as you will, the time will +come when that money will be in the hands of the industrious, in the +hands of the economical, in the hands of the shrewd, in the hands of the +cunning; in other words, in the hands of the successful. + +The other day I had a conversation with one of the principal gentlemen +upon that side, and I told him, "Whenever you can successfully palm off +on a man a bill of fare for a dinner, I shall believe in your doctrine; +and when I can satisfy the pangs of hunger by reading a cook-book, I +shall join your party." Only that is money which stands for labor. Only +that is money which will buy, on the average, in all other directions +the result of the same labor expended in its production. As a matter +of fact, there is money enough in the country to transact the business. +Never before in the history of our Government was money so cheap; that +is to say, was interest so low; never. There is plenty of money, and we +could borrow all we wished had we the collaterals. We could borrow +all we wish if there was some business in which we could embark that +promised a sure and reasonable return. If we should come to a man who +kept a ferry, and find his boat on a sandbar and the river dry, what +would he think of us should we tell him he had not enough boat? He would +probably reply that he had plenty of boat, but not enough water. We have +plenty of money, but not enough business. The reason we have not enough +business is, we have not enough confidence, and the reason we have not +confidence is because the market is slowly falling, and the reason it is +slowly falling is that things have not yet quite resumed; that we have +not quite touched the absolute bedrock of valuation. Another reason is +because those that left the cultivation of the soil have not yet all +returned, and they are living, some upon their wits, some upon their +relatives, some upon charity, and some upon crime. + +The next question is: Suppose the Government should issue a thousand +millions of fiat money, how would it regulate the value thereof? Every +creditor could be forced to take it, but nobody else. If a man was in +debt one dollar for a bushel of wheat, he could compel the creditor to +take the fiat money; but if he wished to buy the wheat, then the owner +could say, "I will take one dollar in gold or fifty dollars in fiat +money, or I will not sell it for fiat money at any price." What will +Congress do then? In order to make this fiat money good it will have to +fix the price of every conceivable commodity; the price of painting +a picture, of trying a lawsuit, of chiseling a statue, the price of a +day's work; in short, the price of every conceivable thing. This even +will not be sufficient. It will be necessary, then, to provide by +law that the prices fixed shall be received, and that no man shall be +allowed to give more for anything than the price fixed by Congress. +Now, I do not believe that any Congress has sufficient wisdom to tell +beforehand what will be the relative value of all the products of labor. + +When the volume of currency is inflated it is at the expense of the +creditor class; when it is contracted it is contracted at the expense +of the debtor class. In other words, inflation means going into debt; +contraction means the payment of the debt. + +A gold dollar is a dollar's worth of gold. + +A real paper dollar is a dollar's worth of paper. + +Another remedy has been suggested by the same persons who advocate fiat +money. With a consistency perfectly charming, they say it would have +been much better had we allowed the Treasury notes to fade out. Why +allow fiat money to fade out when a simple act of Congress can make it +as good as gold? When greenbacks fade out the loss falls upon the chance +holder, upon the poor, the industrious, and the unfortunate. The rich, +the cunning, the well-informed manage to get rid of what they happen to +hold. When, however, the bills are redeemed, they are paid by the +wealth and property of the whole country. To allow them to fade out +is universal robbery; to pay them is universal justice. The greenback +should not be allowed to fade away in the pocket of the soldier or in +the hands of his widow and children. It is said that; the Continental +money faded away. It was and is a disgrace to our forefathers. When the +greenback fades away there will fade with it honor from the American +heart, brain from the American head, and our flag from the air of +heaven. + +A great cry has been raised against the holders of bonds. They have been +denounced by every epithet that malignity can coin. During the war our +bonds were offered for sale and they brought all that they then appeared +to be worth. They had to be sold or the Rebellion would have been a +success. To the bond we are indebted as much as to the greenback. The +fact is, however, we are indebted to neither; we are indebted to the +soldiers. But every man who took a greenback at less than gold committed +the same crime, and no other, as he who bought the bonds at less than +par in gold. These bonds have changed hands thousands of times. They +have been paid for in gold again and again. They have been bought at +prices far above par; they have been laid away by loving husbands +for wives, by toiling fathers for children; and the man who seeks to +repudiate them now, or to pay them in fiat rags, is unspeakably cruel +and dishonest. If the Government has made a bad bargain it must live up +to it. If it has made a foolish promise the only way is to fulfill it. + +A dishonest government can exist only among dishonest people. + +When our money is below par we feel below par. + +We cannot bring prosperity by cheapening money; we cannot increase +our wealth by adding to the volume of a depreciated currency. If the +prosperity of a country depends upon the volume of its currency, and if +anything is money that people can be made to think is money, then the +successful counterfeiter is a public benefactor. The counterfeiter +increases the volume of currency; he stimulates business, and the money +issued by him will not be hoarded and taken from the channels of trade. + +During the war, during the inflation--that is to say, during the years +that we were going into debt--fortunes were made so easily that people +left the farms, crowded to the towns and cities. Thousands became +speculators, traders, and merchants; thousands embarked in every +possible and conceivable scheme. They produced nothing; they simply +preyed upon labor and dealt with imaginary values. These men must +go back; they must become producers, and every producer is a paying +consumer. Thousands and thousands of them are unable to go back. To a +man who begs of you a breakfast you cannot say, "Why don't you get +a farm?" You might as well say, "Why don't you start a line of +steamships?" To him both are impossibilities. They must be helped. + +We should all remember that society must support all of its members, all +of its robbers, thieves, and paupers. Every vagabond and vagrant has +to be fed and clothed, and society must support in some way all of its +members. It can support them in jails, in asylums, in hospitals, in +penitentiaries; but it is a very costly way. We have to employ judges +to try them, juries to sit upon their cases, sheriffs, marshals, and +constables to arrest them, policemen to watch them, and it may be, +at last, a standing army to put them down. It would be far cheaper, +probably, to support them all at some first-class hotel. We must either +support them or help them support themselves. They let us go upon the +one hand simply to take us by the other, and we can take care of them as +paupers and criminals, or, by wise statesmanship, help them to be honest +and useful men. Of all the criminals transported by England to Australia +and Tasmania, the records show that a very large per cent.--something +over ninety--became useful and decent people. In Australia they found +homes; hope again spread its wings in their breasts. They had different +ambitions; they were removed from vile and vicious associations. They +had new surroundings; and, as a rule, man does not morally improve +without a corresponding improvement in his physical condition. +One biscuit, with plenty of butter, is worth all the tracts ever +distributed. + +Thousands must be taken from the crowded streets and stifling dens, away +from the influences of filth and want, to the fields and forests of the +West and South. They must be helped to help themselves. + +While the Government cannot create gold and silver, while it cannot +by its fiat make money, it can furnish facilities for the creation +of wealth. It can aid in the distribution of products, and in the +distribution of men; it can aid in the opening of new territories; +it can aid great and vast enterprises that cannot be accomplished by +individual effort. The Government should see to it that every facility +is offered to honorable adventure, enterprise and industry. Our ships +ought to be upon every sea; our flag ought to be flying in every port. +Our rivers and harbors ought to be improved. The usefulness of the +Mississippi should be increased, its banks strengthened, and its channel +deepened. At no distant day it will bear the commerce of a hundred +millions of people. That grand river is the great guaranty of +territorial integrity; it is the protest of nature against disunion, and +from its source to the sea it will forever flow beneath one flag. + +The Northern Pacific Railway should be pushed to completion. In this +way labor would be immediately given to many thousands of men. Along +the line of that thoroughfare would spring up towns and cities; new +communities with new surroundings; and where now is the wilderness there +would be thousands and thousands of happy homes. + +The Texas Pacific should also be completed. A vast agricultural and +mineral region would be opened to the enterprise and adventure of the +American people. Probably Arizona holds within the miserly clutches of +her rocks greater wealth than any other State or territory of the world. +The construction of that road would put life and activity into a hundred +industries. It would give employment to many thousands of people, and +homes at last to many millions. It would cause the building of thousands +of miles of branches to open, not only new territory, but to connect +with roads already built. It would double the products of gold and +silver, open new fields to trade, create new industries, and make it +possible for us to supply eight millions of people in the Republic of +Mexico with our products. The construction of this great highway will +enable the Government to dispense with from ten to fifteen regiments of +infantry and cavalry now stationed along the border. People enough will +settle along this line to protect themselves. It will permanently settle +the Indian question, saving the people millions each year. It will +effectually destroy the present monopoly, and in this way greatly +increase production and consumption. It will double our trade with +China and Japan, and with the Pacific States as well. It will settle +the Southern question by filling the Southern States with immigrants, +diversifying the industries of that section, changing and rebuilding the +commercial and social fabric; it will do away with the conservatism of +regret and the prejudice born of isolation. It will transmute to wealth +the unemployed muscle of the country. It will rescue California from +the control of a single corporation, from the government of an oligarchy +united, watchful, despotic, and vindictive. It will liberate the +farmers, the merchants, and even the politicians of the Pacific coast. +Besides, it must not be forgotten so to frame the laws and charters that +Congress shall forever have the control of fares and freights. In this +way the public will be perfectly protected and the Government perfectly +secured. + +Look at the map, and you will see the immense advantages its +construction will give to the entire country, not only to the South, but +to the East and West as well. It is one hundred and fifty miles nearer +from Chicago to San Diego than to San Francisco. You will see that the +whole of Texas, a State containing two hundred and ten thousand square +miles; a State four times as large as Illinois, five times as large +as New York, capable of supporting a population of twenty millions of +people, is put in direct and immediate communication with the whole +country. Territory to the extent of nearly a million square miles +will be given to agriculture, trade, commerce, and mining, by the +construction of this line. + +Let this road be built, and we shall feel again the enthusiasm born +of enterprise. In the vast stagnation there will be at last a current. +Something besides waiting is necessary to secure, or to even hasten, the +return of prosperity. Secure the completion of this line and extend the +time for building the Northern Pacific, and confidence and employment +will return together. + +More men must cultivate the soil. In the older States lands are too +high. It requires too much capital to commence. There are so many +failures in business; so many merchants, traders, and manufacturers have +been wrecked and stranded upon the barren shores of bankruptcy, that +the people are beginning to prefer the small but certain profits of +agriculture to the false and splendid promises of speculation. We must +open new territories; we must give the mechanics now out of employment +an opportunity to cultivate the soil--not as day-laborers but as owners; +not as tenants, but as farmers. Something must be done to develop the +resources of this country. With the best lands of the world; with a +population intellectual, energetic, and ingenious far beyond the average +of mankind; with the richest mines of the globe; with plenty of capital; +with a surplus of labor; with thousands of arms folded in enforced +idleness; with billions of gold asking to be dug; with millions of acres +waiting for the plow, thousands upon thousands are in absolute want. + +New avenues must be opened. All our territory must be given to +immigration. Greater facilities must be offered. Obstacles that cannot +be overcome by individual enterprise must be conquered by the Government +for the good of all. Every man out of employment is impoverishing the +country. Labor transmutes muscle into wealth. Idleness is a rust that +devours even gold. For five years we have been wasting the labor of +millions--wasting it for lack of something to do. Prosperity has been +changed to want and discontent. On every hand the poor are asking for +work. That is a wretched government where the honest and industrious +beg, unsuccessfully, for the right to toil; where those who are willing, +anxious, and able to work, cannot get bread. If everything is to be left +to the blind and heartless working of the laws of supply and demand, why +have governments? If the nation leaves the poor to starve, and the weak +and unfortunate to perish, it is hard to see for what purpose the nation +should be preserved. If our statesmen are not wise enough to foster +great enterprises, and to adopt a policy that will give us prosperity, +it may be that the laboring classes, driven to frenzy by hunger, the +bitterness of which will be increased by seeing others in the midst of +plenty, will seek a remedy in destruction. + +The transcontinental commerce of this country should not be in the +clutch and grasp of one corporation. All sections of the Union should, +as far as possible, be benefited. Cheap rates will come, and can be +maintained only by competition. We should cultivate commercial relations +with China and Japan. Six hundred millions of people are slowly awaking +from a lethargy of six thousand years. In a little while they will have +the wants of civilized men, and America will furnish a large proportion +of the articles demanded by these people. In a few years there will be +as many ships upon the Pacific as upon the Atlantic. In a few years our +trade with China will be far greater than with Europe. In a few years +we will sustain the same relation to the far East that Europe once +sustained to us. America for centuries to come will supply six hundred +millions of people with the luxuries of life. A country that expects to +control the trade of other countries must develop its own resources to +the utmost. We have pursued a small, a mean, and a penurious course. +Demagogues have ridden into office and power upon the cry of economy, +by opposing every measure looking to the improvement of the country, by +endeavoring to see how cheaply nothing could be done. A government, like +an individual, should live up to its privileges; it should husband its +resources, simply that it may use them. A nation that expects to control +the commerce of half a world must have its money equal with gold and +silver. It must have the money of the world. + +Whenever the laboring men are out of employment they begin to hate the +rich. They feel that the dwellers in palaces, the riders in carriages, +the wearers of broadcloth, silk, and velvet have in some way been +robbing them. As a matter of fact, the palace builders are the friends +of labor. The best form of charity is extravagance. When you give a man +money, when you toss him a dollar, although you get nothing, the man +loses his manhood. To help others help themselves is the only real +charity. There is no use in boosting a man who is not climbing. Whenever +I see a splendid home, a palace, a magnificent block, I think of the +thousands who were fed--of the women and children clothed, of the +firesides made happy. + +A rich man living up to his privileges, having the best house, the +best furniture, the best horses, the finest grounds, the most beautiful +flowers, the best clothes, the best food, the best pictures, and all the +books that he can afford, is a perpetual blessing. + +The prodigality of the rich is the providence of the poor. + +The extravagance of wealth makes it possible for the poor to save. + +The rich man who lives according to his means, who is extravagant in the +best and highest sense, is not the enemy of labor. The miser, who lives +in a hovel, wears rags, and hoards his gold, is a perpetual curse. He is +like one who dams a river at its source. + +The moment hard times come the cry of economy is raised. The press, the +platform, and the pulpit unite in recommending economy to the rich. In +consequence of this cry, the man of wealth discharges servants, sells +horses, allows his carriage to become a hen-roost, and after taking +employment and food from as many as he can, congratulates himself that +he has done his part toward restoring prosperity to the country. + +In that country where the poor are extravagant and the rich economical +will be found pauperism and crime; but where the poor are economical and +the rich are extravagant, that country is filled with prosperity. + +The man who wants others to work to such an extent that their lives are +burdens, is utterly heartless. The toil of the world should continually +decrease. Of what use are your inventions if no burdens are lifted from +industry--if no additional comforts find their way to the home of labor; +why should labor fill the world with wealth and live in want? + +Every labor-saving machine should help the whole world. Every one should +tend to shorten the hours of labor. + +Reasonable labor is a source of joy. To work for wife and child, to toil +for those you love, is happiness; provided you can make them happy. But +to work like a slave, to see your wife and children in rags, to sit at +a table where food is coarse and scarce, to rise at four in the morning, +to work all day and throw your tired bones upon a miserable bed at +night, to live without leisure, without rest, without making those you +love comfortable and happy--this is not living--it is dying--a slow, +lingering crucifixion. + +The hours of labor should be shortened. With the vast and wonderful +improvements of the nineteenth century there should be not only the +necessaries of life for those who toil, but comforts and luxuries as +well. + +What is a reasonable price for labor? I answer: Such a price as will +enable the man to live; to have the comforts of life; to lay by a little +something for his declining years, so that he can have his own home, his +own fireside; so that he can preserve the feelings of a man. + +Every man ought to be willing to pay for what he gets. He ought to +desire to give full value received. The man who wants two dollars' worth +of work for one is not an honest man. + +I sympathize with every honest effort made by the children of labor +to improve their condition. That is a poorly governed country in which +those who do the most have the least. There is something wrong when men +are obliged to beg for leave to toil. We are not yet a civilized people; +when we are, pauperism and crime will vanish from our land. + +There is one thing, however, of which I am glad and proud, and that is, +that society is not, in our country, petrified; that the poor are not +always poor. + +The children of the poor of this generation may, and probably will, be +the rich of the next. The sons of the rich of this generation may be the +poor of the next; so that after all, the rich fear and the poor hope. + +I sympathize with the wanderers, with the vagrants out of employment; +with the sad and weary men who are seeking for work. When I see one of +these men, poor and friendless--no matter how bad he is--I think that +somebody loved him once; that he was once held in the arms of a mother; +that he slept beneath her loving eyes, and wakened in the light of her +smile. I see him in the cradle, listening to lullabies sung soft and +low, and his little face is dimpled as though touched by the rosy +fingers of Joy. + +And then I think of the strange and winding paths, the weary roads he +has traveled from that mother's arms to vagrancy and want. + +There should be labor and food for all. We invent; we take advantage of +the forces of nature; we enslave the winds and waves; we put shackles +upon the unseen powers and chain the energy that wheels the world. These +slaves should release from bondage all the children of men. + +By invention, by labor--that is to say, by working and thinking--we +shall compel prosperity to dwell with us. + +Do not imagine that wealth can be created by law; do not for a moment +believe that paper can be changed to gold by the fiat of Congress. + +Do not preach the heresy that you can keep a promise by making another +in its place that is never to be kept. Do not teach the poor that the +rich have conspired to trample them into the dust. + +Tell the workingmen that they are in the majority; that they can make +and execute the laws. + +Tell them that since 1873 the employers have suffered about as much as +the employed. + +Tell them that the people who have the power to make the laws should +never resort to violence. Tell them never to envy the successful. Tell +the rich to be extravagant and the poor to be economical. + +Tell every man to use his best efforts to get him a home. Without a +home, without some one to love, life and country are meaningless words. +Upon the face of the patriot must have fallen the firelight of home. + +Tell the people that they must have honest money, so that when a man has +a little laid by for wife and child, it will comfort him even in death; +so that he will feel that he leaves something for bread, something that, +in some faint degree, will take his place; that he has left the coined +toil of his hands to work for the loved when he is dust. + +Tell your representatives in Congress to improve our rivers and harbors; +to release our transcontinental commerce from the grasp of monopoly; +to open all our territories, and to build up our trade with the whole +world. + +Tell them not to issue a dollar of fiat paper, but to redeem every +promise the nation has made. + +If fiat money is ever issued it will be worthless, for the folly that +would issue has not the honor to pay when the experiment fails. + +Tell them to put their trust in work. Debts can be created by law, but +they must be paid by labor. + +Tell them that "fiat money" is madness and repudiation is death. + + + + +SUFFRAGE ADDRESS. + + * This address was delivered at a Suffrage Meeting in + Washington, D. C., January 24,1880 + + +1880. + +LADIES and Gentlemen: I believe the people to be the only rightful +source of political power, and that any community, no matter where, in +which any citizen is not allowed to have his voice in the making of +the laws he must obey, that community is a tyranny. It is a matter of +astonishment to me that a meeting like this is necessary in the Capital +of the United States. If the citizens of the District of Columbia are +not permitted to vote, if they are not allowed to govern themselves, +and if there is no sound reason why they are not allowed to govern +themselves, then the American idea of government is a failure. I do not +believe that only the rich should vote, or that only the whites should +vote, or that only the blacks should vote. I do not believe that +right depends upon wealth, upon education, or upon color. It depends +absolutely upon humanity. I have the right to vote because I am a man, +because I am an American citizen, and that right I should and am willing +to share equally with every human being. There has been a great deal +said in this country of late in regard to giving the right of suffrage +to women. So far as I am concerned I am willing that every woman in the +nation who desires that privilege and honor shall vote. If any woman +wants to vote I am too much of a gentleman to say she shall not. She +gets her right, if she has it, from precisely the same source that I get +mine, and there are many questions upon which I would deem it desirable +that women should vote, especially upon the question of peace or war. +If a woman has a child to be offered upon the altar of that Moloch, a +husband liable to be drafted, and who loves a heart that can be entered +by the iron arrow of death, she surely has as much right to vote for +peace as some thrice-besotted sot who reels to the ballot-box and +deposits a vote for war. I believe, and always have, that there is +only one objection to a woman voting, and that is, the men are not +sufficiently civilized for her to associate with them, and for several +years I have been doing what little I can to civilize them. The only +question before this meeting, as I understand it, is, Shall the people +of this District manage their own affairs--whether they shall vote their +own taxes and select their own officers who are to execute the laws they +make? and for one, I say there is no human being with ingenuity enough +to frame an argument against this question. It is all very well to say +that Congress will do this, but Congress has a great deal to do +besides. There is enough before that body coming from all the States and +Territories of the Union, and the numberless questions arising in the +conduct of the General Government. I am opposed to a government where +the few govern the many. I am opposed to a government that depends upon +suppers, and upon flattery; upon crooking the hinges of the knee; upon +favors, upon subterfuges. We want to be manly men in this District. We +must direct and control our own affairs, and if we are not capable of +doing it, there is no part of the Union where they are capable. It is +said there is a vast amount of ignorance here. That is true; but that +is also true of every section of the United States. There is too much +ignorance and there will continue to be until the people become great +enough, generous enough, and splendid enough to see that no child shall +grow up in their midst without a good, common-school education. The +people of this District are capable of managing their educational +affairs if they are allowed to do so. The fact is, a man now living in +the District lives under a perpetual flag of truce. He is nobody. He +counts for nothing. He is not noticed except as a suppliant. Nothing as +a citizen. That day should pass away. It will be a perpetual education +for this people to govern themselves, and until they do they cannot +be manly men. They say, though, that there is a vast rabble here. Very +well. Make your election laws so as to exclude the vast rabble. Let it +be understood that no man shall vote who has not lived here at least one +year. + +Let your registration laws prohibit any man from voting unless he has +been registered at least six months. We do not want to be governed by +people who have no abode here--who are political Bedouins of the desert. +We want to be governed by people who live with us--who live somewhere +among us, and whom somebody knows, and if a law is properly framed there +will be no trouble about self-government in the District of Columbia. +Let the experiment be tried here of a perfect, complete and honest +registration; let every man, no matter who he is or where he comes from, +vote only by strict compliance with a good registry law. We can have a +fair election, and wherever there is a fair election there will be +good government. Our Government depends for its stability upon honest +elections. The great principle underlying our system of government is +that the people have the virtue and the patriotism to govern themselves. +That is the foundation stone, the corner and the base of our edifice, +and upon it our Government is on trial to-day. And until a man is +considered infamous who casts an illegal vote, our Government will not +be safe. Whoever casts an illegal vote knowingly is a traitor to the +principle upon which our Government is founded. And whoever deprives a +citizen of his right to vote is also a traitor to our Government. When +these things are understood; when the finger of public scorn shall be +pointed at every man who votes illegally, or unlawfully prevents an +honest vote, then you will have a splendid Government. It is humiliating +for one hundred and seventy-five thousand people to depend simply upon +the right of petition. The few will disregard the petition of the many. + +I have not one word to say against the officers of the District. Not a +word. But let them do as well as they can; that is no justification. It +is no justification of a monarchy that the king is a good man; it is no +justification of a tyranny that the despot does justice. There may come +another who will do injustice; and a free people like ours should not be +satisfied to be governed by strangers. They would better have bad men +of their own choosing than to have good men forced upon them. You +have property here, and you have a right to protect it, and a right to +improve it. You have life and liberty and the right to protect it. You +have a right to say what money shall be assessed and collected and paid +for that protection. You have laws and you have a right to have them +executed by officers of your own selection, and by nobody else. In my +judgment, all that is necessary to have these things done is to have the +subject properly laid before Congress, and let that body thoroughly +and perfectly understand the situation. There is no member there, +who rightly understanding our wishes, will dare continue this +disfranchisement of the people. We have the same right to vote that +their constituents have, precisely--no more and no less. + +This District ought to have one representative in Congress, a +representative with a right to speak--not a tongueless dummy. The idea +of electing a delegate who has simply the privilege of standing around! +We ought to have a representative who has not only the right to +talk, but who will talk. This District has the right to a vote in the +committees of Congress, and not simply the privilege of receiving a +little advice. And more than that, this District ought to have at least +one electoral vote in a selection of a President of the United States. +A smaller population than yours is represented not only in Congress, but +in the Electoral College. If it is necessary to amend the Constitution +to secure these rights let us try and have it amended; and when +that question is put to the people of the whole country they will be +precisely as willing that the people of the District of Columbia shall +have an equal voice as that they themselves should have a voice. + +Let us stop at no half-way ground, but claim, and keep claiming all +our rights until somebody says we shall have them. And let me tell you +another thing: Once have the right of self-government recognized here, +have a delegate in Congress, and an electoral vote for President, +and thousands will be willing to come here and become citizens of +the District. As it is, the moment a man settles here his American +citizenship falls from him like dead leaves from a tree. From that +moment he is nobody. Every American citizen wants a little political +power--wants to cast his vote for the rulers of the nation. He wants to +have something to say about the laws he has to obey, and they are not +willing to come here and disfranchise themselves. The moment it is known +that a man is from the District he has no influence, and no one cares +what his political opinions may be. Now, let us have it so that we can +vote and be on an equality with the rest of the voters of the United +States. This Government was founded upon the idea that the only +source of power is the people. Let us show at the Capital that we have +confidence in that principle; that every man should have a vote and +voice in the South, in the North, everywhere, no matter how low his +condition, no matter that he was a slave, no matter what his color is, +or whether he can read or write, he is clothed with the right to +name those who make the laws he is to obey. While the lowest and most +degraded in every State in this Union have that right, the best and most +intelligent in the District have not that right. It will not do. There +is no sense in it--there is no justice in it--nothing American in it. +If this were the case in some of the capitals of Europe we would not be +surprised; but here in the United States, where we have so much to say +about the right of self-government, that two hundred thousand people +should not have the right to say who shall make, and who shall execute +the laws is at least an anomaly and a contradiction of our theory of +government, and for one, I propose to do what little I can to correct +it. It has been said that you had once here the right of self-government. +If I understand it, the right you had was to elect somebody to some +office, and all the other officers were appointed. You had no control +over your Legislature; you had very little control over your other +officers, and the people of the District were held responsible for what +was actually done by the appointing power. We want no appointing power. +If it is necessary to have a police magistrate, I say the people are +competent to elect that magistrate; and if he is not a good man they +are qualified to select another in his place. You ought to elect your +judges. I do not want the office of the Judiciary so far from the people +that it may feel entirely independent. I want every officer in this +District held-accountable to the people, and, unless he discharges his +duties faithfully, the people will put him out, and select another in +his stead. + +I want it understood that no American citizen can be forced to pay +a dollar in a State or in the district where he lives who is not +represented, and where he has not the right to vote. It is all tyranny, +and all infamous. The people of the United States wonder to-day that you +have submitted to this outrage as long as you have. + +Neither do I believe that only the rich should have the right to vote; +that only they should govern; or that only the educated should govern. +I have noticed among educated men many who did not know enough to +govern themselves. I have known many wealthy men who did not believe +in liberty, in giving the people the same rights they claimed for +themselves. I believe in that government where the ballot of Lazarus +counts as much as the vote of Dives. Let the rich, let the educated, +govern the people by moral suasion and by example and by kindness, and +not by brute force. And in a community like this, where the avenues to +distinction are open alike to all, there will be many more reasons for +acting like men. When you can hold any position, when every citizen can +have conferred upon him honor and responsibility, there is some stimulus +to be a man. But in a community where but the few are clothed with power +by appointment, no incentive exists among the people. If the avenues to +distinction and honor are open to all, such a government is beneficial +on every hand, and the poorest man in the community may say to himself, +"If I pursue the right course the very highest place is open to me." And +the poorest man, with his little tow-headed boy on his knee, can say, +"John, all the avenues are open to you; although I am poor, you may be +rich, and while I am obscure, you may become distinguished." + +That idea sweetens every hour of toil and renders holy every drop of +sweat that rolls down the face of labor. I hate tyranny in every form. +I despise it, and I execrate a tyrant wherever he may be, and in every +country where the people are struggling for the right of self-government +I sympathize with them in their struggle. Wherever the sword of +rebellion is drawn in favor of human rights I am a rebel. I sympathize +with all the people in Europe who are endeavoring to push kings from +thrones and struggling for the right to govern themselves. America ought +to send greeting to every part of the world where such a struggle is +pending, and we of the District of Columbia ought to be able to join +in the greeting, but we never shall be until we have the right of +self-government ourselves. No man who is a good citizen can have any +objection to self-government here. No man can be opposed to it who +believes that our people have enough wisdom, enough virtue, enough +patriotism to govern themselves. The man who doubts the right of the +people to govern themselves casts a little doubt upon the question, +simply because he is not man enough himself to believe in liberty. I +would trust the poor of this country with our liberties as soon as I +would the rich. I will trust the huts and hovels, just as soon as I will +the mansions and palaces. I will trust those who work by the day in the +street as soon as I will the bankers of the United States. I will trust +the ignorant--even the ignorant. Why? Because they want education, and +no people in this country are so anxious to have their children educated +as those who are not educated themselves. I will trust the ignorant with +the liberties of this country quicker than I would some of the educated +who doubt the principles upon which our Government is founded. But +let the intelligent do what they can to instruct the ignorant. Let the +wealthy do what they can to give the blessings of liberty to the poor, +and then this Government will remain forever. The time is passing away +when any man of genius can be respected who will not use that genius +in elevating his fellow-man. The time is passing away when men, however +wealthy, can be respected unless they use their millions for the +elevation of mankind. The time is coming when no man will be called an +honest man who is not willing to give to every other man, be he white or +black, every right that he asks for himself. + +For my part, I am willing to live under a government where all govern, +and am not willing to live under any other. I am willing to live where +I am on an equality with other men, where they have precisely my rights, +and no more; and I despise any government that is not based upon this +principle of human equality. Now, let us go just for that one +thing, that we have the same right as any other people in the +United States--that is, to govern this District ourselves. Let us be +represented in the lawmaking power, and let us advocate a change in the +fundamental law so that the people of this District shall be entitled +to one vote as to who shall be President of the United States. And when +that is done and our people are clothed with the panoply of citizenship, +you will find this District growing not to two hundred thousand, but +in a little while one million of people will live here. Now, for one, I +have not the slightest feeling against members of Congress for what +has been done. I believe when this matter is laid before them fully and +properly you will find few men in that august body who will vote against +the proposition. They have had trouble enough. They do not understand +our affairs. They never did, never will, never can. No one who does not +live here will. The public interests are so many and so conflicting, and +touch the sides of so many, that the people must attend to this matter +themselves. They know when they want a market, a judge, or a collector +of taxes, and nobody else does and nobody else has a right to. + +And instead of going up to Congress and standing around some +committee-room with a long petition in your hands, begging somebody to +wait just one moment, it will be far better that you should go to the +polls and elect your representative, who can attend to your interests in +Congress. But above all things, I want to warn you, charge you, beseech +you, that in any legislation upon this subject you must secure a +registration law that will prevent the casting of an illegal vote. +Do this before it is known whether the District is Republican or +Democratic. I do not care. No matter how much of a Republican I am, +absolutely, I would rather be governed by Democrats who live here than +by Republicans who do not. And now, while it is not known whether this +is a Democratic or Republican community, let us get up a registration +that no one can violate; because the moment you have an election, and +it is ascertained to be either Democratic or Republican, the victorious +party may be opposed to any registration or any legislation that will +put in jeopardy their power. I have lived long enough to be satisfied +that any State in this Union, no matter whether Democratic or +Republican, will be safe as long as the people have the right to vote, +and to see that the ballots will be counted. This country is now upon +trial. In nearly every State in this Union there is liable to happen +just the same thing that only the other day happened in Maine. + +In every State there can be two legislatures, one in the State-house and +the other on the fence. Let us in this District so guard the right +to vote and the counting of the ballots, that we shall know after the +election who has been elected and know with certainty the men who have +been elected by the legal voters of the District. + +It becomes us all, whether Republicans or Democrats, to unite in +securing such a law. Let us act together, Democrats and Republicans, +black and white, rich and poor, educated and ignorant--let us all unite +upon the principle that we have the right to govern ourselves. Then +it will make no difference whether the District of Columbia shall be +Democratic or Republican, provided it is the will of a legal majority of +her people. + +Ladies and gentlemen, I thank you. + + + + +WALL STREET SPEECH. + + * A political demonstration was made in Wall Street + yesterday afternoon that stands without a rival among the + many out-door meetings in that place, which for years have + been memorable features of Presidential campaigns. + + Bankers and brokers, members of the Produce Exchange, and + dry goods merchants assembled at their respective rendezvous + and marched in Imposing processions to the open space in + front of the Sub-Treasury building, from the steps of which + Col. Ingersoll delivered an address. Written words are + entirely inadequate to describe this demonstration of Wall + Street business men. It never was equaled in point of + numbers, respectability or enthusiasm, even during the + excitement caused by the outbreak of the Rebellion. + Throughout the day the business houses, banking offices and + public buildings down town were gay with flags and bunting. + Business was practically suspended all day, and the + principal topic of conversation on the Exchanges and m + offices and stores was the coming meeting. Long before the + hour set, well-dressed people began to gather near the Sub- + Treasury Building and by two o'clock Wall Street, from Broad + and Nassau half way down to William, was passable only with + difficulty. While the crowd was fast gathering on every + hand, Graiulla's band, stationed upon the corner buttress + near the Sub-Treasury, struck up a patriotic air, and in a + few minutes the throngs had swelled to such proportions that + the police had all they could do to maintain a thoroughfare. + A few minutes more ana the distant strains of another band + attracted all eyes toward Broadway, where the head of the + procession was seen turning into Wall Street. Ten abreast + and every man a gentleman, they marched by. At this time + Wall street from half way to William Street to half way to + Broadway, Nassau Street half way to Pine, and Broad Street + as far as the eye could reach, were densely packed with + people from side to side. Everything else, except the + telegraph-poles and the tops of the lamp-posts, was hidden + from view. Every window, roof, stoop, and projecting point + was covered. The Produce Exchange men finding Broad Street + impassable made a detour to the east and marched up Wall + Street, filling that thoroughfare to William. It was a + tremendous crowd In point of numbers, and its composition + was entirely of gentlemen--men with refined, intelligent + faces--bankers, brokers, merchants of all kinds--real + business men. Thousands of millions of dollars were + represented in It. On the left of the Sub-Treasury steps a + platform had been erected, with a sounding board covering + the rear and top. A national flag floated from its roof, and + its railing was draped with other flags. After the arrival + of the several organizations the banners they bore were hung + at the sides by way of further ornamentation. Mr. Jackson S. + Schultz then introduced Col. Ingersoll, the speaker of the + day. The cheering was terrific for several minutes. Raising + his hand for silence, Col. Ingersoll then delivered his + address.--New York Times, October 29th, 1880. + + +N.Y. CITY. + +(Garfield Campaign.) + +1880. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS of the Great City of New York: This is the grandest +audience I ever saw. This audience certifies that General James A. +Garfield is to be the next President of the United States. This audience +certifies that a Republican is to be the next mayor of the city of +New York. This audience certifies that the business men of New York +understand their interests, and that the business men of New York are +not going to let this country be controlled by the rebel South and the +rebel North. In 1860 the Democratic party appealed to force; now it +appeals to fraud. In 1860 the Democratic party appealed to the sword; +now it appeals to the pen. It was treason then, it is forgery now. The +Democratic party cannot be trusted with the property or with the honor +of the people of the United States. + +The city of New York owes a great debt to the country. Every man that +has cleared a farm has helped to build New York; every man that helped +to build a railway helped to build up the palaces of this city. Where +I am now speaking are the termini of all the railways in the United +States. They all come here. New York has been built up by the labor of +the country, and New York owes it to the country to protect the best +interests of the country. + +The farmers of Illinois depend upon the merchants, the brokers and the +bankers, upon the gentlemen of New York, to beat the rabble of New York. +You owe to yourselves; you owe to the great Re public; and this city +that does the business of a hemisphere--this city that will in ten years +be the financial centre of this world--owes it to itself, to be true to +the great principles that have allowed it to exist and flourish. + +The Republicans of New York ought to say that this shall forever be a +free country. The Republicans of New York ought to say that free speech +shall forever be held sacred in the United States. The Republicans of +New York ought to see that the party that defended the Nation shall +still remain in power. The Republicans of New York should see that +the flag is safely held by the hands that defended it in war. The +Republicans of New York know that the prosperity of the country depends +upon good government, and they also know that good government +means protection to the people--rich and poor, black and white. The +Republicans of New York know that a black friend is better than a white +enemy. They know that a negro while fighting for the Government, is +better than any white man who will fight against it. + +The Republicans of New York know that the colored party in the South +which allows every man to vote as he pleases, is better than any white +man who is opposed to allowing a negro to cast his honest vote. A black +man in favor of liberty is better than a white man in favor of slavery. +The Republicans of New York must be true to their friends. This +Government means to protect all its citizens, at home and abroad, or it +becomes a byword in the mouths of the nations of the world. + +Now, what do we want to do? We are going to have an election next +Tuesday, and every Republican knows why he is going to vote the +Republican ticket; while every Democrat votes his without knowing why. +A Republican is a Republican because he loves something; a Democrat is a +Democrat because he hates something. A Republican believes in progress; +a Democrat in retrogression. A Democrat is a "has been." He is a "used +to be." The Republican party lives on hope; the Democratic on memory. +The Democrat keeps his back to the sun and imagines himself a great man +because he casts a great shadow. Now, there are certain things we want +to preserve--that the business men of New York want to preserve--and, +in the first place, we want an honest ballot. And where the Democratic +party has power there never has been an honest ballot. You take the +worst ward in this city, and there is where you will find the greatest +Democratic majority. You know it, and so do I. + +There is not a university in the North, East or West that has not in it +a Republican majority. There is not a penitentiary in the United States +that has not in it a Democratic majority--and they know it. Two +years ago, about two hundred and eighty-three convicts were in +the penitentiary of Maine. Out of that whole number there was one +Republican, and only one. [A voice--"Who was the man?"] Well, I do +not know, but he broke out. He said that he did not mind being in the +penitentiary, but the company was a little more than he could stand. + +You cannot rely upon that party for an honest ballot. Every law that +has been passed in this country in the last twenty years, to throw +a safeguard around the ballot-box, has been passed by the Republican +party. Every law that has been defeated has been defeated by the +Democratic party. And you know it. Unless we have an honest ballot the +days of the Republic are numbered; and the only way to get an honest +ballot is to beat the Democratic party forever. And that is what we are +going to do. That party can never carry its record; that party is loaded +down with the infamies of twenty years; yes, that party is loaded down +with the infamies of fifty years. It will never elect a President in +this world. I give notice to the Democratic party to-day that it will +have to change its name before the people of the United States will +change the administration. You will have to change your natures; you +will have to change your personnel, and you will have to get enough +Republicans to join you and tell you how to run a campaign. If you want +an honest ballot--and every honest man does--then you will vote to keep +the Republican party in power. What else do you want? You want honest +money, and I say to the merchants and to the bankers and to the brokers, +the only party that will give you honest money is the party that resumed +specie payments. The only party that will give you honest money is the +party that said a greenback is a broken promise until it is redeemed +with gold. You can only trust the party that has been honest in +disaster. From 1863 to 1879--sixteen long years--the Republican party +was the party of honor and principle, and the Republican party saved the +honor of the United States. And you know it. + +During that time the Democratic party did what it could to destroy our +credit at home and abroad. + +We are not only in favor of free speech, and an honest ballot and honest +money, but we are for law and order. What part of this country believes +in free speech--the South or the North? The South would never give free +speech to the country; there was no free speech in the city of New York +until the Republican party came into power. The Democratic party has +not intelligence enough to know that free speech is the germ of this +Republic. The Democratic party cares little for free speech because it +has no argument to make--no reasons to offer. Its entire argument is +summed up and ended in three words--"Hurrah for Hancock!" The Republican +party believes in free speech because it has something to say; because +it believes in argument; because it believes in moral suasion; because +it believes in education. Any man that does not believe in free speech +is a barbarian. Any State that does not support it is not a civilized +State. + +I have a right to express my opinion, in common with every other human +being, and I am willing to give to every other human being the right +that I claim for myself. Republicanism means justice in politics. +Republicanism means progress in civilization. Republicanism means that +every man shall be an educated patriot and a gentleman. I want to say to +you to-day that it is an honor to belong to the Republican party. It +is an honor to have belonged to it for twenty years; it is an honor to +belong to the party that elected Abraham Lincoln President. And let +me say to you that Lincoln was the greatest, the best, the purest, the +kindest man that has ever sat in the presidential chair. It is an honor +to belong to the Republican party that gave four millions of men the +rights of freemen; it is an honor to belong to the party that broke the +shackles from four millions of men, women and children. It is an honor +to belong to the party that declared that bloodhounds were not the +missionaries of civilization. It is an honor to belong to the party that +said it was a crime to steal a babe from its mother's breast. It is an +honor to belong to the party that swore that this is a Nation forever, +one and indivisible. It is an honor to belong to the party that elected +U. S. Grant President of the United States. It is an honor to belong to +the party that issued thousands and thousands of millions of dollars +in promises--that issued promises until they became as thick as the +withered leaves of winter; an honor to belong to the party that issued +them to put down a rebellion; an honor to belong to the party that put +it down; an honor to belong to the party that had the moral courage +and honesty to make every one of the promises made in war, as good +as shining, glittering gold in peace. And I tell you that if there is +another life, and if there is a day of judgment, all you need say upon +that solemn occasion is, "I was in life and in my death a good square +Republican." + +I hate the doctrine of State Sovereignty because it fostered State +pride; because it fostered the idea that it is more to be a citizen of a +State than a citizen of this glorious country. I love the whole country. +I like New York because it is a part of the country, and I like the +country because it has New York in it. I am not standing here to-day +because the flag of New York floats over my head, but because that flag +for which more heroic blood has been shed than for any other flag that +is kissed by the air of heaven, waves forever over my head. That is the +reason I am here. + +The doctrine of State Sovereignty was appealed to in defence of the +slave-trade; the next time in defence of the slave trade as between the +States; the next time in defence of the Fugitive Slave Law; and if +there is a Democrat in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law he should be +ashamed--if not of himself--of the ignorance of the time in which he +lived. + +That Fugitive Slave Law was a compromise so that we might be friends of +the South. They said in 1850-52: "If you catch the slave we will be your +friend;" and they tell us now: "If you let us trample upon the rights of +the black man in the South, we will be your friend." I do not want their +friendship upon such terms. I am a friend of my friend, and an enemy +of my enemy. That is my doctrine. We might as well be honest about +it. Under that doctrine of State Rights, such men as I see before +me--bankers, brokers, merchants, gentlemen--were expected to turn +themselves into hounds and chase a poor fugitive that had been lured by +the love of liberty and guided by the glittering North Star. + +The Democratic party wanted you to keep your trade with the South, no +matter to what depths of degradation you had to sink, and the Democratic +party to-day says if you want to sell your goods to the Southern people, +you must throw your honor and manhood into the streets. The patronage of +the splendid North is enough to support the city of New York. + +There is another thing: Why is this city filled with palaces, covered +with wealth? Because American labor has been protected. I am in favor +of protection to American labor, everywhere. I am in favor of protecting +American brain and muscle; I am in favor of giving scope to American +ingenuity and American skill. We want a market at home, and the only +way to have it is to have mechanics at home; and the only way to have +mechanics is to have protection; and the only way to have protection is +to vote the Republican ticket. You, business men of New York, know that +General Garfield understands the best interests not only of New York, +but of the entire country. And you want to stand by the men who will +stand by you. What does a simple soldier know about the wants of the +city of New York? What does he know about the wants of this great and +splendid country? If he does not know more about it than he knows about +the tariff he does not know much. I do not like to hit the dead. My +hatred stops with the grave, and I tell you we are going to bury the +Democratic party next Tuesday. The pulse is feeble now, and if that +party proposes to take advantage of the last hour, it is time it should +go into the repenting business. Nothing pleases me better than to see +the condition of that party to-day. What do the Democrats know on the +subject of the tariff? They are frightened; they are rattled. + +They swear their plank and platform meant nothing. They say in effect: +"When we put that in we lied; and now having made that confession we +hope you will have perfect confidence in us from this out." Hancock says +that the object of the party is to get the tariff out of politics. That +is the reason, I suppose, why they put that plank in the platform. I +presume he regards the tariff as a little local issue, but I tell you +to-day that the great question of protecting American labor never will +be taken out of politics. As long as men work, as long as the laboring +man has a wife and family to support, just so long will he vote for the +man that will protect his wages. + +And you can no more take it out of politics than you can take the +question of Government out of politics. I do not want any question +taken out of politics. I want the people to settle these questions for +themselves, and the people of this country are capable of doing it. If +you do not believe it, read the returns from Ohio and Indiana. There +are other persons who would take the question of office out of politics. +Well, when we get the tariff and office both out of politics, then, I +presume, we will see two parties on the same side. It will not do. + +David A. Wells has come to the rescue of the Democratic party on the +tariff, and shed a few pathetic tears over scrap iron. But it will not +do. You cannot run this country on scraps. + +We believe in the tariff because it gives skilled labor good pay. +We believe in the tariff because it allows the laboring man to have +something to eat. We believe in the tariff because it keeps the hands +of the producer close to the mouth of the devourer. We believe in the +tariff because it developed American brain; because it builds up our +towns and cities; because it makes Americans self-supporting; because it +makes us an independent Nation. And we believe in the tariff because the +Democratic party does not. + +That plank in the Democratic party was intended for a dagger to +assassinate the prosperity of the North. The Northern people have become +aroused and that is the plank that is broken in the Democratic platform; +and that plank was wide enough when it broke to let even Hancock +through. + +Gentlemen, they are gone. They are gone--honor bright. Look at the +desperate means that have been resorted to by the Democratic party, +driven to the madness of desperation. Not satisfied with having worn the +tongue of slander to the very tonsils, not satisfied with attacking the +private reputation of a splendid man, not satisfied with that, they +have appealed to a crime; a deliberate and infamous forgery has been +committed. That forgery has been upheld by some of the leaders of +the Democratic party; that forgery has been defended by men calling +themselves respectable. Leaders of the Democratic party have stood by +and said that they were acquainted with the handwriting of James A. +Garfield; and that the handwriting in the forged letter was his, when +they knew that it was absolutely unlike his. They knew it, and no man +has certified that that was the writing of James A. Garfield who did not +know that in his throat of throats he told a falsehood. + +Every honest man in the city of New York ought to leave such a party +if he belongs to it. Every honest man ought to refuse to belong to the +party that did such an infamous crime. + +Senator Barnum, chairman of the Democratic Committee, has lost control. +He is gone, and I will tell you what he puts me in mind of. There was an +old fellow used to come into town every Saturday and get drunk. He had a +little yoke of oxen, and the boys out of pity used to throw him into the +wagon and start the oxen for home. Just before he got home they had +to go down a long hill, and the oxen, when they got to the brow of it, +commenced to run. Now and then the wagon struck a stone and gave the old +fellow an awful jolt, and that would wake him up. After he had looked +up and had one glance at the cattle he would fall helplessly back to +the bottom, and always say, "Gee a little, if anything." And that is the +only order Barnum has been able to give for the last two weeks--"Gee a +little, if anything." I tell you now that forgery makes doubly sure the +election of James A. Garfield. The people of the North believe in honest +dealing; the people of the North believe in free speech and an honest +ballot. The people of the North believe that this is a Nation; the +people of the North hate treason; the people of the North hate forgery; +the people of the North hate slander. The people of the North have made +up their minds to give to General Garfield a vindication of which any +American may be forever proud. + +James A. Garfield is to-day a poor man, and you know that there is not +money enough in this magnificent street to buy the honor and manhood of +James A. Garfield. Money cannot make such a man, and I will swear to you +that money cannot buy him. James A. Garfield to-day wears the glorious +robe of honest poverty. He is a poor man; I like to say it here in Wall +Street; I like to say it surrounded by the millions of America; I like +to say it in the midst of banks and bonds and stocks; I love to say it +where gold is piled--that although a poor man, he is rich in honor; in +integrity he is wealthy, and in brain he is a millionaire. I know him, +and I like him. So do you all, gentlemen. Garfield was a poor boy, he +is a certificate of the splendid form of our Government. Most of these +magnificent buildings have been built by poor boys; most of the success +of New York began almost in poverty. You know it. The kings of this +street were once poor, and they may be poor again; and if they are fools +enough to vote for Hancock they ought to be. Garfield is a certificate +of the splendor of our Government, that says to every poor boy, "All the +avenues of honor are open to you." I know him, and I like him. He is a +scholar; he is a statesman; he is a soldier; he is a patriot; and above +all, he is a magnificent man; and if every man in New York knew him as +well as I do, Garfield would not lose a hundred votes in this city. + +Compare him with Hancock, and then compare General Arthur with William +H. English. If there ever was a pure Republican in this world, General +Arthur is one. + +You know in Wall Street, there are some men always prophesying disaster, +there are some men always selling "short." That is what the Democratic +party is doing to-day. You know as well as I do that if the Democratic +party succeeds, every kind of property in the United States will +depreciate. You know it. There is not a man on the street, who if he +knew Hancock was to be elected would not sell the stocks and bonds of +every railroad in the United States "short." I dare any broker here to +deny it. There is not a man in Wall or Broad Street, or in New York, +but what knows the election of Hancock will depreciate every share +of railroad stock, every railroad bond, every Government bond, in the +United States of America. And if you know that, I say it is a crime to +vote for Hancock and English. + +I belong to the party that is prosperous when the country is prosperous. +I belong to the party that believes in good crops; that is glad when a +fellow finds a gold mine; that rejoices when there are forty bushels of +wheat to the acre; that laughs when every railroad declares dividends, +that claps both its hands when every investment pays; when the rain +falls for the farmer, when the dew lies lovingly on the grass. I belong +to the party that is happy when the people are happy; when the laboring +man gets three dollars a day; when he has roast beef on his table; when +he has a carpet on the floor; when he has a picture of Garfield on the +wall. I belong to the party that is happy when everybody smiles, when +we have plenty of money, good horses, good carriages; when our wives +are happy and our children feel glad. I belong to the party whose banner +floats side by side with the great flag of the country; that does not +grow fat on defeat. + +The Democratic party is a party of famine; it is a good friend of an +early frost, it believes in the Colorado beetle and the weevil. When the +crops are bad the Democratic mouth opens from ear to ear with smiles of +joy; it is in partnership with bad luck; a friend of empty pockets; rags +help it. I am on the other side. The Democratic party is the party of +darkness. I believe in the party of sunshine; and in the party that even +in darkness believes that the stars are shining and waiting for us. + +Now, gentlemen, I have endeavored to give you a few reasons for voting +the Republican ticket; and I have given enough to satisfy any reasonable +man. And you know it. Do not go with the Democratic party, young man. +You have a character to make. + +You cannot make it, as the Democratic party does, by passing a +resolution. + +If your father voted the Democratic ticket, that is disgrace enough for +one family. Tell the old man you can stand it no longer. Tell the old +gentleman that you have made up your mind to stand with the party of +human progress; and if he asks you why you cannot vote the Democratic +ticket you tell him: "Every man that tried to destroy the Government, +every man that shot at the holy flag in heaven, every man that starved +our soldiers, every keeper of Libby, Andersonville and Salisbury, every +man that wanted to burn the negro, every one that wanted to scatter +yellow fever in the North, every man that opposed human liberty, that +regarded the auction-block as an altar and the howling of the bloodhound +as the music of the Union, every man who wept over the corpse of +slavery, that thought lashes on the naked back were a legal tender for +labor performed, every one willing to rob a mother of her child--every +solitary one was a Democrat." + +Tell him you cannot stand that party. Tell him you have to go with the +Republican party, and if he asks you why, tell him it destroyed slavery, +it preserved the Union, it paid the national debt; it made our credit as +good as that of any nation on the earth. + +Tell him it makes every dollar in a four per cent, bond worth a +dollar and ten cents; that it satisfies the demands of the highest +civilization. Tell the old man that the Republican party preserved the +honor of the Nation; that it believes in education; that it looks upon +the schoolhouse as a cathedral. Tell him that the Republican party +believes in absolute intellectual liberty; in absolute religious +freedom; in human rights, and that human rights rise above States. +Tell him that the Republican party believes in humanity, justice, human +equality, and that the Republican party believes this is a Nation and +will be forever and ever; that an honest ballot is the breath of the +Republic's life; that honest money is the blood of the Republic; +and that nationality is the great throbbing beat of the heart of the +Republic. Tell him that. And tell him that you are going to stand by +the flag that the patriots of the North carried upon the battle-field of +death. Tell him you are going to be true to the martyred dead; that you +are going to vote exactly as Lincoln would have voted were he living. +Tell him that if every traitor dead were living now, there would issue +from his lips of dust, "Hurrah for Hancock!" that could every patriot +rise, he would cry for Garfield and liberty; for union and for human +progress everywhere. Tell him that the South seeks to secure by the +ballot what it lost by the bayonet; to whip by the ballot those who +fought it in the field. But we saved the country; and we have the heart +and brains to take care of it. I will tell you what we are going to do. +We are going to treat them in the South just as well as we treat the +people in the North. Victors cannot afford to have malice. The North is +too magnanimous to have hatred. We will treat the South precisely as we +treat the North. There are thousands of good people there. Let us give +them money to improve their rivers and harbors; I want to see the sails +of their commerce filled with the breezes of prosperity; their fences +rebuilt; their houses painted. I want to see their towns prosperous; I +want to see schoolhouses in every town; I want to see books in the hands +of every child, and papers and magazines in every house; I want to see +all the rays of light, of civilization of the nineteenth century, enter +every home of the South; and in a little while you will see that country +full of good Republicans. We can afford to be kind; we cannot afford to +be unkind. + +I will shake hands cordially with every believer in human liberty; I +will shake hands with every believer in Nationality; I will shake hands +with every man who is the friend of the human race. That is my doctrine. +I believe in the great Republic; in this magnificent country of ours. +I believe in the great people of the United States. I believe in the +muscle and brain of America, in the prairies and forests. I believe in +New York. I believe in the brains of your city. I believe that you +know enough to vote the Republican ticket. I believe that you are grand +enough to stand by the country that has stood by you. But whatever +you do, I never shall cease to thank you for the great honor you have +conferred upon me this day. + + Note.--This being a newspaper report it is necessarily + incomplete. + + + + +BROOKLYN SPEECH. + + * The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and Colonel Robert G. + Ingersoll spoke from the same platform last night, and the + great preacher introduced the great orator and free-thinker + to the grandest political audience that was ever assembled + in Brooklyn. The reverend gentleman presided over the + Republican mass meeting held in the Academy of Music. When + he introduced Ingersoll he did it with a warmth and + earnestness of compliment that brought the six thousand + lookers-on to their feet to applaud. When the expounder of + the Gospel of Christ took the famous atheist by the hand, + and shook it fervently, saying that while he respected and + honored him for the honesty of his convictions and his + splendid labors for patriotism and the country, the + enthusiasm knew no bounds, and the great building trembled + and vibrated with the storm of applause. With such a scene + to harmonize the multitude at the outstart it is not strange + that the meeting continued to the end such a one as has no + parallel even in these days of feverish political excitement + and turmoil. The orator spoke in his best vein and his + audience was responsive to the wonderful magical spell of + his eloquence. And when his last glowing utterance had lost + its echo in the wild storm of applause that rewarded him at + the close, Mr. Beecher again stepped forward and, as if to + emphasize the earnestness of his previous compliments, + proposed a vote of thanks to the distinguished speaker. The + vote was a roar of affirmation, whose voice was not stronger + when Mr. Ingersoll in turn called upon the audience to give + three cheers for the great preacher. They were given, and + repeated three times over. Men waved their ats and + umbrellas, ladies, of whom there were many hundreds present, + waved their handkerchiefs, and men, strangers to each other, + shook hands with the fervency of brotherhood. It was indeed + a strange scene, and the principal actors in it seemed not + less than the most wildly excited man there to appreciate + its peculiar import and significance. Standing at the front + of the stage, underneath a canopy of nags, at either side + great baskets of flowers, they clasped each other's hands, + and stood thus for several minutes, while the excited + thousands cheered themselves hoarse and applauded wildly. + + As Mr. Beecher began to speak, however, the applause that + broke out was deafening. + + In substance Mr. Beecher spoke as follows:--"I am not + accustomed to preside at meetings like this; only the + exigency of the times could induce me to do It. I am not + here either to make a speech, but more especially to + introduce the eminent orator of the evening. * * * I stand + not as a minister, but as a man among men, pleading the + cause of fellowship and equal rights. We are not here as + mechanics, as artists, merchants, or professional men, but + as fellow-citizens. The gentleman who will speak to-night is + in no Conventicle or Church. He is to speak to a great body + of citizens, and I take the liberty of saying that I respect + him as the man that for a full score and more of years has + worked for the right in the great, broad field of humanity, + and for the cause of human rights. I consider it an honor to + extend to him, as I do now, the warm, earnest, right hand of + fellowship." (As Mr. Beecher said this he turned to Mr. + Ingersoll and extended his hand. The palms of the two men + met with a clasp that was heard all over the house, and was + the signal for tumultuous cheering and applause, which + continued for several minutes.) + + "I now introduce to you," continued Mr. Beecher, leading Mr. + Ingersoll forward, "a man who--and I say it not + flatteringly--is the most brilliant speaker of the English + tongue of all men on this globe. But as under the brilliancy + of the blaze or light we find the living coals of fire, + under the lambent flow of his wit and magnificent antithesis + we find the glorious flame of genius and honest thought. + Ladies and gentlemen, Mr. Ingersoll."--New York Herald, + October 81st, 1880. + + +(Garfield Campaign.) + +1880. + +LADIES and Gentlemen: Years ago I made up my mind that there was no +particular argument in slander. I made up my mind that for parties, as +well as for individuals, honesty in the long-run is the best policy. +I made up my mind that the people were entitled to know a man's honest +thoughts, and I propose to-night to tell you exactly what I think. And +it may be well enough, in the first place, for me to say that no party +has a mortgage on me. I am the sole proprietor of myself. No party, no +organization, has any deed of trust on what little brains I have, and as +long as I can get my part of the common air I am going to tell my honest +thoughts. One man in the right will finally get to be a majority. I am +not going to say a word to-night that every Democrat here will not know +is true, and, whatever he may say, I will compel him in his heart to +give three cheers. + +In the first place, I wish to admit that during the war there were +hundreds of thousands of patriotic Democrats. I wish to admit that if it +had not been for the War Democrats of the North, we never would have put +down the Rebellion. Let us be honest. I further admit that had it +not been for other than War Democrats there never would have been a +rebellion to put down. War Democrats! + +Why did we call them War Democrats? Did you ever hear anybody talk about +a War Republican? We spoke of War Democrats to distinguish them from +those Democrats who were in favor of peace upon any terms. + +I also wish to admit that the Republican party is not absolutely +perfect. While I believe that it is the best party that ever existed, +while I believe it has, within its organization, more heart, more brain, +more patriotism than any other organization that ever existed beneath +the sun, I still admit that it is not entirely perfect. I admit, in its +great things, in its splendid efforts to preserve this nation, in its +grand effort to keep our flag in heaven, in its magnificent effort to +free four millions of slaves, in its great and sublime effort to save +the financial honor of this Nation, I admit that it has made some +mistakes. In its great effort to do right it has sometimes by mistake +done wrong. And I also wish to admit that the great Democratic party, +in its effort to get office has sometimes by mistake done right. You see +that I am inclined to be perfectly fair. + +I am going with the Republican party because it is going my way; but if +it ever turns to the right or left, I intend to go straight ahead. + +In every government there is something that ought to be preserved, in +every government there are many things that ought to be destroyed. +Every good man, every patriot, every lover of the human race, wishes to +preserve the good and destroy the bad; and every one in this audience +who wishes to preserve the good will go with that section of our common +country--with that party in our country that he honestly believes will +preserve the good and destroy the bad. It takes a great deal of trouble +to raise a good Republican. It is a vast deal of labor. The Republican +party is the fruit of all ages--of self-sacrifice and devotion. The +Republican party is born of every good thing that was ever done in +this world. The Republican party is the result of all martyrdom, of +all heroic blood shed for the right. It is the blossom and fruit of the +great world's best endeavor. In order to make a Republican you have to +have schoolhouses. You have to have newspapers and magazines. A good +Republican is the best fruit of civilization, of all there is of +intelligence, of art, of music and of song. If you want to make +Democrats, let them alone. The Democratic party is the settlings of +this country. Nobody hoes weeds. Nobody takes especial pains to raise +dog-fennel, and yet it grows under the very hoof of travel, The seeds +are sown by accident and gathered by chance. But if you want to raise +wheat and corn you must plough the ground. You must defend and you must +harvest the crop with infinite patience and toil. It is precisely that +way--if you want to raise a good Republican you must work. If you wish +to raise a Democrat give him wholesome neglect. The Democratic party +flatters the vices of mankind. That party says to the ignorant man, "You +know enough." It says to the vicious man, "You are good enough." + +The Republican party says, "You must be better next year than you are +this." A Republican takes a man by the collar and says, "You must do +your best, you must climb the infinite hill of human progress as long as +you live." Now and then one gets tired. He says, "I have climbed enough +and so much better than I expected to do that I do not wish to travel +any farther." Now and then one gets tired and lets go all hold, and he +rolls down to the very bottom, and as he strikes the mud he springs upon +his feet transfigured, and says: "Hurrah for Hancock!" + +There are things in this Government that I wish to preserve, and there +are things that I wish to destroy; and in order to convince you that you +ought to go the way that I am going: it is only fair that I give to +you my reasons. This is a Republic founded upon intelligence and +the patriotism of the people, and in every Republic it is absolutely +necessary that there should be free speech. Free speech is the gem of +the human soul. Words are the bodies of thought, and liberty gives to +those words wings, and the whole intellectual heavens are filled with +light. In a Republic every individual tongue has a right to the general +ear. In a Republic every man has the right to give his reasons for the +course he pursues to all his fellow-citizens, and when you say that a +man shall not speak, you also say that others shall not hear. When +you say a man shall not express his honest thought you say his +fellow-citizens shall be deprived of honest thoughts; for of what use +is it to allow the attorney for the defendant to address the jury if the +jury has been bought? Of what use is it to allow the jury to bring in a +verdict of "not guilty," if the defendant is to be hung by a mob? I ask +you to-night, is not every solitary man here in favor of free speech? Is +there a solitary Democrat here who dares say he is not in favor of free +speech? In which part of this country are the lips of thought free--in +the South or in the North? Which section of our country can you trust +the inestimable gem of free speech with? Can you trust it to the +gentlemen of Mississippi or to the gentlemen of Massachusetts? Can you +trust it to Alabama or to New York? Can you trust it to the South or +can you trust it to the great and splendid North? Honor bright--honor +bright, is there any freedom of speech in the South? There never was and +there is none to-night--and let me tell you why. + +They had the institution of human slavery in the South, which could +not be defended at the bar of public reason. It was an institution that +could not be defended in the high forum of human conscience. No man +could stand there and defend the right to rob the cradle--none to defend +the right to sell the babe from the breast of the agonized mother--none +to defend the claim that lashes on a bare back are a legal tender for +labor performed. Every man that lived upon the unpaid labor of another +knew in his heart that he was a thief. And for that reason he did not +wish to discuss that question. Thereupon the institution of slavery +said, "You shall not speak; you shall not reason," and the lips of free +thought were manacled. You know it. Every one of you. Every Democrat +knows it as well as every Republican. There never was free speech in the +South. + +And what has been the result? And allow me to admit right here, because +I want to be fair, there are thousands and thousands of most excellent +people in the South--thousands of them. There are hundreds and hundreds +of thousands there who would like to vote the Republican ticket. And +whenever there is free speech there and whenever there is a free ballot +there, they will vote the Republican ticket. I say again, there are +hundreds of thousands of good people in the South; but the institution +of human slavery prevented free speech, and it is a splendid fact in +nature that you cannot put chains upon the limbs of others without +putting corresponding manacles upon your own brain. When the South +enslaved the negro, it also enslaved itself, and the result was an +intellectual desert. No book has been produced, with one exception, that +has added to the knowledge of mankind; no paper, no magazine, no poet, +no philosopher, no philanthropist, was ever raised in that desert. Now +and then some one protested against that infamous institution, and +he came as near being a philosopher as the society in which he lived +permitted. Why is it that New England, a rock-clad land, blossoms like a +rose? Why is it that New York is the Empire State of the great Union? +I will tell you. Because you have been permitted to trade in ideas. +Because the lips of speech have been absolutely free for twenty years. + +We never had free speech in any State in this Union until the Republican +party was born. That party was rocked in the cradle of intellectual +liberty, and that is the reason I say it is the best party that ever +existed in the wide, wide world. I want to preserve free speech, and, as +an honest man, I look about me and I say, "How can I best preserve +it?" By giving it to the South or North; to the Democracy or to the +Republican party? And I am bound, as an honest man, to say free speech +is safest with its earliest defenders. Where is there such a thing as +a Republican mob to prevent the expression of an honest thought? Where? +The people of the South are allowed to come to the North; they are +allowed to express their sentiments upon every stump in the great East, +the great West, and in the great Middle States; they go to Maine, to +Vermont, and to all our States, and they are allowed to speak, and we +give them a respectful hearing, and the meanest thing we do is to answer +their arguments. + +I say to-night that we ought to have the same liberty to discuss these +questions in the South that Southerners have in the North. And I say +more than that, the Democrats of the North ought to compel the Democrats +of the South to treat the Republicans of the South as well as the +Republicans of the North treat them. We treat the Democrats well in the +North; we treat them like gentlemen in the North; and yet they go into +partnership with the Democracy of the South, knowing that the Democracy +of the South will not treat Republicans in that section with fairness. A +Democrat ought to be ashamed of that. + +If my friends will not treat other people as well as the friends of the +other people treat me, I'll swap friends. + +First, then, I am in favor of free speech, and I am going with that +section of my country that believes in free speech; I am going with +that party that has always upheld that sacred right. When you stop +free speech, when you say that a thought shall die in the womb of the +brain,--why, it would have the same effect upon the intellectual world +that to stop springs at their sources would have upon the physical +world. Stop the springs at their sources and they cease to gurgle, +the streams cease to murmur, and the great rivers cease rushing to the +embrace of the sea. So you stop thought. Stop thought in the brain in +which it is born, and theory dies; and the great ocean of knowledge to +which all should be permitted to contribute, and from which all should +be allowed to draw, becomes a vast desert of ignorance. + +I have always said, and I say again, that the more liberty there is +given away, the more you have. I endeavor to be consistent in my life +and action. I am a believer in intellectual liberty, and wherever the +torch of knowledge burns the whole horizon is filled with a glorious +halo. I am a free man. I would be less than a man if I did not wish +to hand this flame to my child with the flame increased rather than +diminished. + +Whom will we trust to take care of free speech? Let us consider and be +honest with one another. The gem of the brain is the innocence of the +soul. + +I am not only in favor of free speech, but I am also in favor of an +absolutely honest ballot. There is only one emperor in this country; +there is one czar; only one supreme crown and king, and that is the +will, the legally expressed will of the majority. Every American citizen +is a sovereign. The poorest and humblest may wear that crown, the beggar +holds in his hand that sceptre equally with the proudest and richest, +and so far as his sovereignty is concerned, the poorest American, he +who earns but one dollar a day, has the same voice in controlling the +destiny of the United States as the millionaire. The man who casts an +illegal vote, the man who refuses to count a legal vote, poisons the +fountain of power, poisons the springs of justice, and is a traitor +to the only king in this land. The Government is upon the edge of +Mexicanization through fraudulent voting. The ballot-box is the throne +of America; the ballot-box is the ark of the covenant. Unless we see to +it that every man who has a right to vote, votes, and unless we see +to it that every honest vote is counted, the days of this Republic are +numbered. + +When you suspect that a Congressman is not elected; when you suspect +that a judge upon the bench holds his place by fraud, then the people +will hold the law in contempt and will laugh at the decisions of courts, +and then come revolution and chaos. + +It is the duty of every good man to see to it that the ballot-box is +kept absolutely pure. It is the duty of every patriot, whether he is +a Democrat or Republican--and I want further to admit that I believe +a large majority of Democrats are honest in their opinions, and I know +that all Republicans _must_ be honest in their opinions. It is the duty, +then, of all honest men of both parties to see to it that only honest +votes are cast and counted. Now, honor bright, which section of this +Union can you trust the ballot-box with? + +Do you wish to trust Louisiana, or do you wish to trust Alabama that +gave, in 1872, thirty-four thousand eight hundred and eighty-eight +Republican majority and now gives ninety-two thousand Democratic +majority? And of that ninety-two thousand majority, every one is a lie! +A contemptible, infamous lie! Because if every voter had been allowed +to vote, there would have been forty thousand Republican majority. +Honor bright, can you trust it with the masked murderers who rode in +the darkness of night to the hut of the freedman and shot him down, +notwithstanding the supplication of his wife and the tears of his babe? +Can you trust it to the men who since the close of our war have killed +more men, simply because those men wished to vote, simply because they +wished to exercise a right with which they had been clothed by the +sublime heroism of the North--who have killed more men than were killed +on both sides in the Revolutionary war; than were killed on both sides +during the War of 1812; than were killed on both sides in both wars? +Can you trust them? Can you trust the gentlemen who invented the +tissue ballot? Do you wish to put the ballot-box in the keeping of the +shot-gun, of the White-Liners, of the Ku Klux? Do you wish to put the +ballot-box in the keeping of men who openly swear that they will not be +ruled by a majority of American citizens if a portion of that majority +is made of black men? And I want to tell you right here, I like a black +man who loves this country better than I do a white man who hates it. I +think more of a black man who fought for our flag than for any white man +who endeavored to tear it out of heaven! + +I say, can you trust the ballot-box to the Democratic party? Read the +history of the State of New York. Read the history of this great and +magnificent city--the Queen of the Atlantic--read her history and tell +us whether you can implicitly trust Democratic returns? Honor bright! + +I am not only, then, for free speech, but I am for an honest ballot; +and in order that you may have no doubt left upon your minds as to which +party is in favor of an honest vote, I will call your attention to this +striking fact. Every law that has been passed in every State of this +Union for twenty long years, the object of which was to guard the +American ballot-box, has been passed by the Republican party, and in +every State where the Republican party has introduced such a bill for +the purpose of making it a law; in every State where such a bill has +been defeated, it has been defeated by the Democratic party. That ought +to satisfy any reasonable man to satiety. + +I am not only in favor of free speech and an honest ballot, but I am in +favor of collecting and disbursing the revenues of the United States. I +want plenty of money to collect and pay the interest on our debt. I want +plenty of money to pay our debt and to preserve the financial honor of +the United States. I want money enough to be collected to pay pensions +to widows and orphans and to wounded soldiers. And the question is, +which section in this country can you trust to collect and disburse that +revenue? Let us be honest about it. Which section can you trust? In the +last four years we have collected four hundred and sixty-eight million +dollars of the internal revenue taxes. We have collected principally +from taxes upon high wines and tobacco, four hundred and sixty-eight +million dollars, and in those four years we have seized, libeled and +destroyed in the Southern States three thousand eight hundred and +seventy-four illicit distilleries. And during the same time the Southern +people have shot to death twenty-five revenue officers and wounded +fifty-five others, and the only offence that the wounded and dead +committed was an honest effort to collect the revenues of this country. +Recollect it--don't you forget it. And in several Southern States +to-day every revenue collector or officer connected with the revenue is +furnished by the Internal Revenue Department with a breech-loading +rifle and a pair of revolvers, simply for the purpose of collecting the +revenue. + +I don't feel like trusting such people to collect the revenue of my +Government. + +During the same four years we have arrested and have indicted seven +thousand and eighty-four Southern Democrats for endeavoring to defraud +the revenue of the United States. Recollect--three thousand eight +hundred and seventy-four distilleries seized. Twenty-five revenue +officers killed, fifty-five wounded, and seven thousand and eighty-four +Democrats arrested. Can we trust them? + +The State of Alabama in its last Democratic convention passed a +resolution that no man should be tried in a Federal Court for a +violation of the revenue laws--that he should be tried in a State Court. +Think of it--he should be tried in a State Court! Let me tell you how it +will come out if we trust the Southern States to collect this revenue. A +couple of Methodist ministers had been holding a revival for a week, and +at the end of the week one said to the other that he thought it time to +take up a collection. When the hat was returned he found in it pieces of +slate-pencils and nails and buttons, but not a single solitary cent--not +one--and his brother minister got up and looked at the contribution, and +said, "Let us thank God!" And the owner of the hat said, "What for?" And +the brother replied, "Because you got your hat back." If we trust the +South we shan't get our hats back. + +I am next in favor of honest money. I am in favor of gold and silver, +and paper with gold and silver behind it. I believe in silver, because +it is one of the greatest of American products, and I am in favor of +anything that will add to the value of an American product. But I want +a silver dollar worth a gold dollar, even if you make it or have to make +it four feet in diameter. No government can afford to be a clipper of +coin. A great Republic cannot afford to stamp a lie upon silver or gold. +Honest money, an honest people, an honest Nation. When our money is only +worth eighty cents on the dollar, we feel twenty per cent, below par. +When our money is good we feel good. When our money is at par, that is +where we are. I am a profound believer in the doctrine that for nations +as well as men, honesty is the best policy, always, everywhere, and +forever. + +What section of this country, what party, will give us honest +money--honor bright--honor bright? I have been told that during the war, +we had plenty of money. I never saw it. I lived years without seeing a +dollar. I saw promises for dollars, but not dollars. And the greenback, +unless you have the gold behind it, is no more a dollar than a bill +of fare is a dinner. You cannot make a paper dollar without taking a +dollar's worth of paper. We must have paper that represents money. I +want it issued by the Government, and I want behind every one of these +dollars either a gold or silver dollar, so that every greenback under +the flag can lift up its hand and swear, "I know that my redeemer +liveth." + +When we were running into debt, thousands of people mistook that for +prosperity, and when we began paying they regarded it as adversity. Of +course we had plenty when we bought on credit. No man has ever starved +when his credit was good, if there were no famine in that country. As +long as we buy on credit we shall have enough. The trouble commences +when the pay-day arrives. And I do not wonder that after the war +thousands of people said, "Let us have another inflation." Which party +said, "No, we must pay the promise made in war"? Honor bright! The +Democratic party had once been a hard money party, but it drifted from +its metallic moorings and floated off in the ocean of inflation, and you +know it. They said, "Give us more money;" and every man that had bought +on credit and owed a little something on what he had purchased, when the +property went down commenced crying, or many of them did, for inflation. +I understand it. + +A man, say, bought a piece of land for six thousand dollars; paid five +thousand dollars on it; gave a mortgage for one thousand dollars, and +suddenly, in 1873, found that the land would not pay the other thousand. +The land had resumed, and then he said, looking lugubriously at his note +and mortgage, "I want another inflation." And I never heard a man call +for it that did not also say, "If it ever comes, and I don't unload, you +may shoot me." + +It was very much as it is sometimes in playing poker, and I make this +comparison knowing that hardly a person here will understand it. I have +been told that along toward morning the man that is ahead suddenly +says, "I have got to go home. The fact is, my wife is not well." And the +fellow who is behind says, "Let us have another deal; I have my opinion +of the fellow that will jump a game." And so it was in the hard times +of 1873. They said: "Give us another deal; let us get our driftwood back +into the centre of the stream." And they cried out for more money. +But the Republican party said: "We do want more money, but not more +promises. We have got to pay this first, and if we start out again +upon that wide sea of promise we may never touch the shore." A thousand +theories were born of want; a thousand theories were born of the fertile +brain of trouble; and these people said, "After all, what is money? Why, +it is nothing but a measure of value, just the same as a half bushel or +yardstick." True; and consequently it makes no difference whether your +half bushel is of wood or gold or silver or paper; and it makes no +difference whether your yardstick is gold or paper. But the trouble +about that statement is this: A half bushel is not a measure of value; +it is a measure of quantity, and it measures rubies, diamonds and pearls +precisely the same as corn and wheat. The yardstick is not a measure of +value; it is a measure of length, and it measures lace worth one hundred +dollars a yard precisely as it does cent tape. And another reason why it +makes no difference to the purchaser whether the half bushel is gold or +silver, or whether the yardstick is gold or paper, you do not buy the +yardstick; you do not get the half bushel in the trade. And if it were +so with money--if the people that had the money at the start of the +trade, kept it after the consummation of the bargain--then it would not +make any difference what you made your money of. But the trouble is the +money changes hands. And let me say to-night, money is a thing--it is a +product of nature--and you can no more make a "fiat" dollar than you +can make a fiat star. I am in favor of honest money. Free speech is the +brain of the Republic; an honest ballot is the breath of its life, and +honest money is the blood that courses through its veins. + +If I am fortunate enough to leave a dollar when I die, I want it to be +a good one. I do not wish to have it turn to ashes in the hands of +widowhood, or become a Democratic broken promise in the pocket of the +orphan; I want it money. I want money that will outlive the Democratic +party. They told us--and they were honest about it--they said, "When +we have plenty of money, we are prosperous." And I said, "When we are +prosperous, we have plenty of money." When we are prosperous, then we +have credit, and credit inflates the currency. Whenever a man buys a +pound of sugar and says, "Charge it," he inflates the currency; whenever +he gives his note, he inflates the currency; whenever his word takes the +place of money, he inflates the currency. The consequence is that when +we are prosperous, credit takes the place of money, and we have what we +call "plenty." + +But you cannot increase prosperity simply by using promises to pay. +Suppose you should come to a river that was about dry, so dry that the +turtle had to help the catfish over the shoals, and there you would see +the ferryboat, and the gentleman who kept the ferry, up on the sand, +high and dry, and the cracks all opening in the sun, filled with +loose oakum, looking like an average Democratic mouth listening to a +constitutional argument, and you should say to him, "How is business?" +And he would say, "Dull." And then you would say to him, "Now, what you +want is more boat." He would probably answer, "If I had a little more +water I could get along with this one." + +Suppose I next came to a man running a railroad, complaining of hard +times. "Why," said he, "I did a million dollars' worth of business the +first year and used five hundred thousand dollars' worth of grease. The +second year I did five hundred thousand dollars' worth of business and +used four hundred thousand dollars' worth of grease." "Well," said +I, "the reason your road fell off was because you did not use enough +grease." + +But I want to be fair, and I wish to-night to return my thanks to the +Democratic party. You did a great and splendid work. You went all over +the United States and you said upon every stump that a greenback was +better than gold. You said, "We have at last found the money of the poor +man. Gold loves the rich; gold haunts banks and safes and vaults; but we +have money that will go around inquiring for a man that is dead broke. +We have finally found money that will stay in a pocket with holes in +it." But, after all, do you know that money is the most social thing +in this world? If a fellow has one dollar in his pocket, and he meets +another with two, do you know that dollar is absolutely homesick until +it gets where the other two are? And yet the Greenbackers told us that +they had finally invented money that would be the poor mans friend. They +said, "It is better than gold, better than silver," and they got so many +men to believe it that when we resumed and said, "Here is your gold for +your greenback," the fellows who had the greenback said, "We don't want +it. The greenbacks are good enough for us." Do you know, if they had +wanted it we could not have given it to them? And so I return my thanks +to the Greenback party. But allow me to say in this connection, the days +of their usefulness have passed forever. + +Now, I am not foolish enough to claim that the Republican party resumed. +I am not silly enough to say that John Sherman resumed. But I will tell +you what I do say. I say that every man who raised a bushel of corn or a +bushel of wheat or a pound of beef or pork for sale helped to resume. I +say that the gentle rain and the loving dew helped to resume. The soil +of the United States impregnated by the loving sun helped to resume. The +men that dug the coal and the iron and the silver and the copper and the +gold helped to resume. And the men upon whose foreheads fell the light +of furnaces helped to resume. And the sailors who fought with the waves +of the seas helped to resume. + +I admit to-night that the Democrats earned their share of the money +to resume with. All I claim is that the Republican party furnished the +honesty to pay it over. That is what I claim; and the Republican party +set the day, and the Republican party worked to the promise. That is +what I say. And had it not been for the Republican party this Nation +would have been financially dishonored. I am for honest money, and I am +for the payment of every dollar of our debt, and so is every Democrat +now, I take it. But what did you say a little while ago? Did you say we +could resume? No; you swore we could not, and you swore our bonds would +be worthless as the withered leaves of winter. And now when a Democrat +goes to England and sees an American four per cent, quoted at one +hundred and ten he kind of swells up, and says: "That's the kind of man +I am." In that country he pretends he was a Republican in this. And I do +not blame him. I do not begrudge him enjoying respectability when away +from home. The Republican party is entitled to the credit for keeping +this Nation grandly and splendidly honest. I say, the Republican party +is entitled to the credit of preserving the honor of this Nation. + +In 1873 came the crash, and all the languages of the world cannot +describe the agonies suffered by the American people from 1873 to 1879. +A man who thought he was a millionaire came to poverty; he found +his stocks and bonds ashes in the paralytic hand of old age. Men who +expected to live all their lives in the sunshine of joy found themselves +beggars and paupers. The great factories were closed, the workmen were +demoralized, and the roads of the United States were filled with tramps. +In the hovel of the poor and the palace of the rich came the serpent +of temptation and whispered in the American ear the terrible word +"Repudiation." But the Republican party said, "No; we will pay every +dollar. No; we have started toward the shining goal of resumption and we +never will turn back." And the Republican party struggled until it had +the happiness of seeing upon the broad shining forehead of American +labor the words "Financial Honor." + +The Republican party struggled until every paper promise was as good +as gold. And the moment we got back to gold then we commenced to rise +again. We could not jump until our feet touched something that they +could be pressed against. And from that moment to this we have been +going, going, going higher and higher, more prosperous every hour. And +now they say, "Let us have a change." When I am sick I want a change; +when I am poor I want a change; and if I were a Democrat I would have a +personal change. We are prosperous to-day, and must keep so. We are back +to gold and silver. Let us stay there; and let us stay with the party +that brought us there. + +Now, I am not only in favor of free speech and an honest ballot-box and +an honest collection of the revenue of the United States, and an honest +money, but I am in favor of the idea, of the great and splendid +truth, that this is a Nation one and indivisible. I deny that we are a +confederacy bound together with ropes of cloud and chains of mist. This +is a Nation, and every man in it owes his first allegiance to the grand +old flag for which more brave blood was shed than for any other flag +that waves in the sight of heaven. There is another thing; we all want +to live in a land where the law is supreme. We desire to live beneath a +flag that will protect every citizen beneath its folds. We desire to be +citizens of a Government so great and so grand that it will command +the respect of the civilized world. Most of us are convinced that our +Government is the best upon this earth. It is the only Government +where manhood, and manhood alone, is not made simply a condition of +citizenship, but where manhood, and manhood alone, permits its possessor +to have his equal share in control of the Government. It is the only +Government in the world where poverty is upon an exact equality with +wealth, so far as controlling the destiny of the Republic is concerned. +It is the only Nation where the man clothed in rags stands upon an +equality with the one wearing purple. It is the only country in the +world where, politically, the hut is upon an equality with the palace. + +For that reason every poor man should stand by this Government, and +every poor man who does not is a traitor to the best interests of his +children; every poor man who does not is willing his children should +bear the badge of political inferiority; and the only way to make this +Government a complete and perfect success is for the poorest man to +think as much of his manhood as the millionaire does of his wealth. A +man does not vote in this country simply because he is rich; he does +not vote in this country simply because he has an education; he does +not vote simply because he has talent or genius; we say that he votes +because he is a man, and that he has his manhood to support; and we +admit in this country that nothing can be more valuable to any human +being than his manhood, and for that reason we put poverty on an +equality with wealth. We say in this country manhood is worth more than +gold. We say in this country that without Liberty the Nation is not +worth preserving. Now, I appeal to-day to every poor man; I appeal +to-day to every laboring man, and I ask him, is there another country on +this globe where you can have equal rights with others? There is another +thing; do you want a Government of law or of brute force? In which part +of this country do you find law supreme? In which part of this country +can a man find justice in the courts; in the North or in the South? +Where is crime punished? Where is innocence protected, in the North or +in the South? Which section of this country will you trust? + +You can tell what a man is by the way he treats persons in his power, +and the man that will sneak and crawl in the presence of greatness, will +trample the weak when he gets them in his power. What class of people +does the State have in its power? Criminals and creditors; and you +can judge of a State by the way it treats its criminals and creditors. +Georgia is the best State in the South. They have a penitentiary system +by which they hire out their convict labor. Only two years ago the whole +thing was examined by a friend of mine, Col. Allston. He had been in the +rebel army and was my good friend. He used to come to my house day after +day to see me. He got converted and had the grit to say so. Being +a member of the Legislature, he had a committee of investigation +appointed. Now, in order that you may understand the difference, you +must know that in the Northern penitentiaries the average annual death +rate is one per cent.; that is, of one thousand convicts, ten will +die in a year, on the average. That low death rate is because we are +civilized, because we do not kill; but in the Georgia penitentiary it +was as high as fifteen, twenty-seven and forty-seven per cent., at a +time when there was no typhoid or yellow fever, or epidemic of any kind. +They died for four months at a rate of ten per cent, per month. They +crowded the convicts in together, regardless of sex. They treated them +precisely as wild beasts, and many of them were shot down. Persons high +in authority, Senators of the United States, held interests in those +contracts, and Robert Allston denounced them. When on a visit he said, +"I believe when I get home I shall be killed." I told him not to go +back to Georgia, but to stay in the civilized North; but no, he would go +back, and on the very day of his arrival he was murdered in cold blood. +Do you want to trust such men? * * * + +The Southern people say this is a Confederacy and they are honest in it. +They fought for it, they believed it. They believe in the doctrine of +State Sovereignty, and many Democrats of the North believe in the same +doctrine. No less a man than Horatio Seymour--standing it may be at the +head of Democratic statesmen--said, if he has been correctly reported, +only the other day, that he despised the word "Nation." I bless that +word. I owe my first allegiance to this Nation, and it owes its first +protection to me. I am talking here to-night, not because I am protected +by the flag of New York. I would not know that flag if I should see it. +I am talking here, and have the right to talk here, because the flag of +my country is above us. I have the same right as though I had been born +upon this very platform. I am proud of New York because it is a part of +my country. I am proud of my country because it has such a State as +New York in it, and I will be prouder of New York on a week from next +Tuesday than ever before in my life. I despise the doctrine of State +Sovereignty. I believe in the rights of the States, but not in the +sovereignty of the States. States are political conveniences. Rising +above States, as the Alps above valleys, are the rights of man. Rising +above the rights of the Government, even in this Nation, are the sublime +rights of the people. Governments are good only so long as they protect +human rights. But the rights of a man never should be sacrificed upon +the altar of the State, or upon the altar of the Nation. + +Let me tell you a few objections that I have to State Sovereignty. That +doctrine has never been appealed to for any good. The first time it was +appealed to was when our Constitution was made. And the object then was +to keep the slave-trade open until the year 1808. The object then was +to make the sea the highway of piracy--the object then was to allow +American citizens to go into the business of selling men and women and +children, and feed their cargo to the sharks of the sea, and the sharks +of the sea were as merciful as they. That was the first time that the +appeal to the doctrine of State Sovereignty was made, and the next time +was for the purpose of keeping alive the interstate slave-trade, so that +a gentleman in Virginia could sell the slave who had nursed him, and rob +the cradles of their babes. Think of it! It was made so they could rob +the cradle in the name of law. Think of it! Think of it! And the next +time they appealed to the doctrine of State Sovereignty was in favor of +the Fugitive Slave Law--a law that made a bloodhound of every Northern +man; that made charity a crime; a law that made love a state-prison +offence; that branded the forehead of charity as if it were a felon. +Think of it! + +It is a part of my honor to hate such principles. I have no respect +for any man who is so mean, cruel and wicked, as to allow himself to be +transformed into a bloodhound to bay upon the tracks of innocent human +prey. I will follow my logic, no matter where it goes, after it has +consulted with my heart. If you ever come to a conclusion without +calling the heart in, you will come to a bad conclusion. + +A good man is pretty apt to be right; a perfectly honest man is like the +surface of the stainless mirror, that gives back by simply looking at +him, the image of the one who looks. + +The next time they appealed to the doctrine of State Sovereignty was to +increase the area of human slavery, so that the bloodhound, with clots +of blood dropping from his loose and hanging jaws, might traverse the +billowy plains of Kansas. Think of it! + +The Democratic party then said the Federal Government had a right to +cross the State line. And the next time they appealed to that infamous +doctrine was in defence of secession and treason; a doctrine that cost +us six thousand millions of dollars; a doctrine that cost four hundred +thousand lives; a doctrine that filled our country with widows, our +homes with orphans. And I tell you, the doctrine of State Sovereignty +is the viper in the bosom of this Republic, and if we do not kill that +viper it will kill us. + +The Democrats tell us that in the olden time the Federal Government had +a right to cross a State line to put shackles upon the limbs of men. It +had the right to cross a State line to trample upon the rights of human +beings, but now it has no right to cross those lines upon an errand +of mercy or justice. We are told that now, when the Federal Government +wishes to protect a citizen, a State line rises like a Chinese wall, +and the sword of Federal power turns to air the moment it touches one of +those lines. I deny it and I despise, abhor and execrate the doctrine of +State Sovereignty. The Democrats tell us if we wish to be protected by +the Federal Government we must leave home. I wish they would try it for +about ten days. They say the Federal Government can defend a citizen +in England, France, Spain or Germany, but cannot defend a child of the +Republic sitting around the family hearth. I deny it. A Government that +cannot protect its citizens at home is unfit to be called a Government. +I want a Government with an ear so good that it can hear the faintest +cry of the oppressed wherever its flag floats. I want a Government with +an arm long enough and a sword sharp enough to cut down treason wherever +it may raise its serpent head. I want a Government that will protect +a freedman, standing by his little log hut, with the same alacrity and +with the same efficiency that it would protect Vanderbilt, living in a +palace of marble and gold. Humanity is a sacred thing, and manhood is a +thing to be preserved. Let us look at it. For instance, here is a war, +and the Federal Government says to a man, "We want you," and he says, +"No, I don't want to go," and then they put a lot of pieces of paper in +a wheel and on one of those pieces is his name, and another man turns +the crank, and then they pull it out and there is his name, and +they say, "Come," and so he goes. And they stand him in front of the +brazen-throated guns; they make him fight for his native land, and when +the war is over he goes home and he finds the war has been unpopular +in his neighborhood, and they trample on his rights, and he says to the +Federal Government, "Protect me." And he says to the Government, "I owe +my allegiance to you. You must protect me." What will you say of +that Government if it says to him, "You must look to your State for +protection"? "Ah, but," he says, "my State is the very power trampling +upon me," and, of course, the robber is not going to send for the +police, It is the duty of the Government to defend even its drafted +men; and if that is the duty of the Government, what shall I say of the +volunteer, who for one moment holds his wife in a tremulous and agonized +embrace, kisses his children, shoulders his musket, goes to the field +and says, "Here I am, ready to die for my native land"? A Nation that +will not defend its volunteer defenders is a disgrace to the map of this +world. This is a Nation. Free speech is the brain of the Republic; an +honest ballot is the breath of its life; honest money is the blood of +its veins; and the idea of nationality is its great, beating, throbbing +heart. I am for a Nation. And yet the Democrats tell me that it is +dangerous to have centralized power. How would you have it? I believe in +the localization of power; I believe in having enough of it localized in +one place to be effectively used; I believe in a localization of brain. +I suppose Democrats would like to have it spread all over your body, and +they act as though theirs was. + +There is another thing in which I believe: I believe in the protection +of American labor. The hand that holds Aladdin's lamp must be the hand +of toil. This Nation rests upon the shoulders of its workers, and I want +the American laboring man to have enough to wear; I want him to have +enough to eat: + +I want him to have something for the ordinary misfortunes of life; I +want him to have the pleasure of seeing his wife well-dressed; I want +him to see a few blue ribbons fluttering about his children; I want him +to see the flags of health flying in their beautiful cheeks; I want him +to feel that this is his country, and the shield of protection is above +his labor. + +And I will tell you why I am for protection, too. If we were all farmers +we would be stupid. If we were all shoemakers we would be stupid. If +we all followed one business, no matter what it was, we would become +stupid. Protection to American labor diversifies American industry, +and to have it diversified touches and develops every part of the human +brain. Protection protects ingenuity; it protects intelligence; and +protection raises sense; and by protection we have greater men, better +looking women and healthier children. Free trade means that our laborer +is upon an equality with the poorest paid labor of this world. And allow +me to tell you that for an empty stomach, "Hurrah for Hancock!" is a +poor consolation. I do not think much of a Government where the people +do not have enough to eat. I am a materialist to that extent; I want +something to eat. I have been in countries where the laboring man had +meat once a year; sometimes twice--Christmas and Easter. And I have seen +women carrying upon their heads a burden that no man in this audience +could carry, and at the same time knitting busily with both hands, +and those women lived without meat; and when I thought of the American +laborer, I said to myself, "After all, my country is the best in the +world." And when I came back to the sea and saw the old flag flying, it +seemed to me as though the air from pure joy had burst into blossom. + +Labor has more to eat and more to wear in the United States than in +any other land of this earth. I want America to produce everything that +Americans need. I want it so that if the whole world should declare war +against us, if we were surrounded by walls of cannon and bayonets and +swords, we could supply all our material wants in and of ourselves. I +want to live to see the American woman dressed in American silk; the +American man in everything, from hat to boots, produced in America by +the cunning hand of American toil. I want to see the workingman have +a good house, painted white, grass in the front yard, carpets on the +floor, pictures on the wall. I want to see him a man, feeling that he is +a king by the divine right of living in the Republic. And every man here +is just a little bit a king, you know. Every man here is a part of the +sovereign power. Every man wears a little of purple; every man has a +little of crown and a little of sceptre; and every man that will sell +his vote for money or be ruled by prejudice is unfit to be an American +citizen. + +I believe in American labor, and I will tell you why. The other day a +man told me that we had produced in the United States of America one +million tons of steel rails. How much are they worth? Sixty dollars a +ton. In other words, the million tons are worth sixty million dollars. +How much is a ton of iron worth in the ground? Twenty-five cents. +American labor takes twenty-five cents worth of iron in the ground and +adds to it fifty-nine dollars and seventy-five cents. One million tons +of rails, and the raw material not worth twenty-four thousand dollars! +We build a ship in the United States worth five hundred thousand +dollars, and the value of the ore in the earth, of the trees in the +great forest, of all that enters into the composition of that ship +bringing five hundred thousand dollars in gold is only twenty thousand +dollars; four hundred and eighty thousand dollars by American labor, +American muscle, coined into gold; American brains made a legal tender +the world round. + +I propose to stand by the Nation. I want the furnaces kept hot. I want +the sky to be filled with the smoke of American industry, and upon that +cloud of smoke will rest forever the bow of perpetual promise. That is +what I am for. Where did this doctrine of a tariff for revenue only come +from? From the South. The South would like to stab the prosperity of the +North. They would rather trade with Old England than with New England. +They would rather trade with the people who were willing to help them in +war than with those who conquered the Rebellion. They knew what gave us +our strength in war. They knew that all the brooks and creeks and rivers +of New England were putting down the Rebellion. They knew that every +wheel that turned, every spindle that revolved, was a soldier in the +army of human progress. It won't do! They were so lured by the greed of +office that they were willing to trade upon the misfortunes of a Nation. +It won't do! I do not wish to belong to a party that succeeds only when +my country fails. I do not wish to belong to a party whose banner went +up with the banner of rebellion. I do not wish to belong to a party that +was in partnership with defeat and disaster. I do not. And there is not +a Democrat here who does not know that a failure of the crops this year +would have helped his party. You know that an early frost would have +been a godsend to them. You know that the potato-bug could have done +them more good than all their speakers. + +I wish to belong to that party which is prosperous when the country is +prosperous. I belong to that party which is not poor when the golden +billows are running over the seas of wheat. I belong to that party which +is prosperous when there are oceans of corn, and when the cattle are +upon the thousand hills. I belong to that party which is prosperous when +the furnaces are aflame, and when you dig coal and iron and silver; when +everybody has enough to eat; when everybody is happy; when the children +are all going to school, and when joy covers my Nation as with a +garment. That party which is prosperous then, is my party. + +Now, then, I have been telling you what I am for. I am for free speech, +and so ought you to be. I am for an honest ballot, and if you are not +you ought to be. I am for the collection of the revenue. I am for honest +money. I am for the idea that this is a Nation forever. I believe in +protecting American labor. I want the shield of my country above every +anvil, above every furnace, above every cunning head and above every +deft hand of American labor. + +Now, then, which section of this country will be the more apt to carry +these ideas into execution? Which party will be the more apt to achieve +these grand and splendid things? Honor bright? Now we have not only +to choose between sections of the country; we have to choose between +parties. Here is the Democratic party, and I admit there are thousands +of good Democrats who went to the war, and some of those that stayed at +home were good men; and I want to ask you, and I want you to tell me +in reply what that party did during the war when the War Democrats were +away from home. What did they do? That is the question. I say to you, +that every man who tried to tear our flag out of heaven was a Democrat. +The men who wrote the ordinances of secession, who fired upon Fort +Sumter; the men who starved our soldiers, who fed them with the crumbs +that the worms had devoured before, they were Democrats. The keepers +of Libby, the keepers of Andersonville, were Democrats--Libby and +Andersonville, the two mighty wings that will bear the memory of the +Confederacy to eternal infamy! The men who wished to scatter yellow +fever in the North and who tried to fire the great cities of the +North--they were all Democrats. He who said that the greenback would +never be paid and he who slandered sixty cents out of every dollar of +the Nation's promises were Democrats. Who were joyful when your brothers +and your sons and your fathers lay dead on a field of battle that the +country had lost? They were Democrats. The men who wept when the old +banner floated in triumph above the ramparts of rebellion--they were +Democrats. You know it. The men who wept when slavery was destroyed, who +believed slavery to be a divine institution, who regarded bloodhounds as +apostles and missionaries, and who wept at the funeral of that infernal +institution--they were Democrats. Bad company--bad company! + +And let me implore all the young men here not to join that party. Do not +give new blood to that institution. The Democratic party has a yellow +passport. On one side it says "dangerous." They imagine they have not +changed, and that is because they have not intellectual growth. That +party was once the enemy of my country, was once the enemy of our flag, +and more than that, it was once the enemy of human liberty, and that +party to-night is not willing that the citizens of the Republic should +exercise all their rights irrespective of their color. And allow me to +say right here that I am opposed to that party. + +We have not only to choose between parties, but to choose between +candidates. The Democracy have put forward as the bearers of their +standard General Hancock and William H. English. The Democrats have at +last nominated a Union soldier. They nominated George B. McClellan once, +because he failed to whip the South; they nominated Mr. Greeley, when +they despised him, and now they have nominated General Hancock. Do they +think the South loves him? At Gettysburg they say he fought against +them, and that is one great reason why he should be President--that he +shot rebels. Do the men that fought at Gettysburg still believe in +State Sovereignty? Wade Hampton says, "We must vote as Lee and Jackson +fought." They fought for State Sovereignty. Has the South changed? +Hancock went to kill them then; they want to vote for him now. Who +has changed? [A voice: "Hancock."] I think so. They are using him as a +figure-head. They have dressed him in the noble blue, with the patriotic +coat and Union buttons, and they do not like him any better than they +did at Gettysburg. It would be just as consistent for the Republicans +to have nominated Wade Hampton. Did General Hancock believe in State +Sovereignty when he was at Gettysburg? If he did, he was a murderer, and +not a Union soldier--he was killing men he believed to be in the right, +and a man cannot fight unless his conscience approves of what his sword +does, and if he was honest at that time, he did not believe in State +Sovereignty, and it seems to me he would hate to have the men who tried +to destroy this Government cheering him. All the glory he ever got was +in the service of the Republican party, and if he does not look out +he will lose it all in the service of the Democratic party. He had +a conversation with General Grant. It was a time when he had +been appointed at the head of the Department of the Gulf. In that +conversation he stated to General Grant that he was opposed to "nigger +domination." Grant said to him, "We must obey the laws of Congress. +We are soldiers." And that meant, the military is not above the civil +authority. And I tell you to-night, that the army and the navy are the +right and left hands of the civil power. Grant said to him: "Three or +four million ex-slaves, without property and without education, cannot +dominate over thirty or forty millions of white people, with education +and property." General Hancock replied to that: "I am opposed to 'nigger +domination.'" Allow me to say that I do not believe any man fit for +the presidency of the great Republic, who is capable of insulting a +down-trodden race. I never meet a negro that I do not feel like asking +his forgiveness for the wrongs that my race has inflicted on his. I +remember that from the white man he received for two hundred years agony +and tears; I remember that my race sold a child from the agonized breast +of a mother; I remember that my race trampled with the feet of greed +upon all the holy relations of life; and I do not feel like insulting +the colored man; I feel rather like asking the forgiveness of his race +for the crimes that my race have put upon him. "Nigger domination!" What +a fine scabbard that makes for the sword of Gettysburg! It won't do! + +What is General Hancock for, besides the presidency? How does he stand +upon the great questions affecting American prosperity? He told us the +other day that the tariff is a local question. The tariff affects every +man and woman, live they in hut, hovel or palace; it affects every man +that has a back to be covered or a stomach to be filled, and yet he says +it is a local question. So is death. He also told us that he heard +that question discussed once, in Pennsylvania. He must have been +eavesdropping. And he tells us that his doctrine of the tariff will +continue as long as Nature lasts. Then Senator Randolph wrote him a +letter. I do not know whether Senator Randolph answered it or not; but +that answer was worse than the first interview; and I understand +now that another letter is going through a period of incubation at +Governor's Island, upon the great subject of the tariff. It won't do! + +They say one thing they are sure of, he is opposed to paying Southern +pensions and Southern claims. He says that a man that fought against +this Government has no right to a pension. Good! I say a man that fought +against this Government has no right to office. If a man cannot earn +a pension by tearing our flag out of the sky, he cannot earn power. [A +Voice--"How about Longstreet?"] Longstreet has repented of what he did. +Longstreet admits that he was wrong. And there was no braver officer in +the Southern Confederacy. Every man of the South who will say, "I made a +mistake"--I do not want him to say that he knew he was wrong--all I +ask him to say is that he now thinks he was wrong; and every man of the +South to-day who says he was wrong, and who says from this day forward, +henceforth and forever, he is for this being a Nation. + +I will take him by the hand. But while he is attempting to do at the +ballot-box what he failed to accomplish upon the field of battle, I am +against him; while he uses a Northern general to bait a Southern trap, +I won't bite. I will forgive men when they deserve to be forgiven; but +while they insist that they were right, while they insist that State +Sovereignty is the proper doctrine, I am opposed to their climbing into +power. + +Hancock says that he will not pay these claims; he agrees to veto a +bill that his party may pass; he agrees in advance that he will defeat +a party that he expects will elect him; he, in effect, says to the +people, "You can not trust that party, but you can trust me." He says, +"Look at them; I admit they are a hungry lot; I admit that they haven't +had a bite in twenty years; I admit that an ordinary famine is satiety +compared to the hunger they feel. But between that vast appetite known +as the Democratic party, and the public treasury, I will throw the +shield of my veto." No man has a right to say in advance what he will +veto, any more than a judge has a right to say in advance how he +will decide a case. The veto power is a distinction with which the +Constitution has clothed the Executive, and no President has a right to +say that he will veto until he has heard both sides of the question. But +he agrees in advance. + +I would rather trust a party than a man. Death may veto Hancock, and +Death has not been a successful politician in the United States. +Tyler, Fillmore, Andy Johnson--I do not wish Death to elect any more +Presidents; and if he does, and if Hancock is elected, William H. +English becomes President of the United States. No, no, no! All I need +to say about him is simply to pronounce his name; that is all. You do +not want him. Whether the many stories that have been told about him are +true or not I do not know, and I will not give currency to a solitary +word against the reputation of an American citizen unless I know it to +be true. What I have against him is what he has done in public life. +When Charles Sumner, that great and splendid publicist--Charles Sumner, +the philanthropist, one who spoke to the conscience of his time and to +the history of the future--when he stood up in the United States Senate +and made a great and glorious plea for human liberty, there crept into +the Senate a villain and struck him down as though he had been a wild +beast. That man was a member of Congress, and when a resolution was +introduced in the House, to expel that man, William H. English voted +"No." All the stories in the world could not add to the infamy of that +public act. That is enough for me, and whatever his private life may be, +let it be that of an angel, never, never, never would I vote for a man +that would defend the assassin of free speech. General Hancock, they +tell me, is a statesman; that what little time he has had to spare from +war he has given to the tariff, and what little time he could spare +from the tariff he has given to the Constitution of his country; +showing under what circumstances a Major-General can put at defiance the +Congress of the United States. It won't do! + +But while I am upon that subject it may be well for me to state that he +never will be President of the United States. Now, I say that a man who +in time of peace prefers peace, and prefers the avocations of peace; a +man who in the time of peace would rather look at the corn in the air of +June, rather listen to the hum of bees, rather sit by his door with his +wife and children; the man who in time of peace loves peace, and yet +when the blast of war blows in his ears, shoulders a musket and goes to +the field of war to defend his country, and when the war is over goes +home and again pursues the avocations of peace--that man is just as +good, to say the least of it, as a man who in a time of profound peace +makes up his mind that he would like to make his living killing other +folks. To say the least of it, he is as good. + +The Republicans have named as their standard bearers James A. Garfield +and Chester A. Arthur. James A. Garfield was a volunteer soldier, and +he took away from the field of Chickamauga as much glory as any one +man could carry. He is not only a soldier--7-he is a statesman. He has +studied and discussed all the great questions that affect the prosperity +and well-being of the American people. His opinions are well known, and +I say to you tonight that there is not in this Nation, there is not in +this Republic a man with greater brain and greater heart than James A. +Garfield. I know him and I like him. I know him as well as any other +public man, and I like him. The Democratic party say that he is not +honest. I have been reading some Democratic papers to-day, and you would +say that every one of their editors had a private sewer of his own into +which has been emptied for a hundred years the slops of hell. They tell +me that James A. Garfield is not honest. Are you a Democrat? Your +party tried to steal nearly half of this country. Your party stole the +armament of a nation. Your party was willing to live upon the unpaid +labor of four millions of people. You have no right to the floor for the +purpose of making a motion of honesty. James A. Garfield has been at the +head of the most important committees of Congress; he is a member of the +most important one of the whole House. He has no peer in the Congress of +the United States. And you know it. He is the leader of the House. +With one wave of his hand he can take millions from the pocket of one +industry and put it into the pocket of another; with a motion of his +hand he could have made himself a man of wealth, but he is to-night a +poor man. I know him and I like him. He is as genial as May and he is as +generous as Autumn. And the men for whom he has done unnumbered favors, +the men whom he had pity enough not to destroy with an argument, the men +who, with his great generosity, he has allowed, intellectually, to live, +are now throwing filth at the reputation of that great and splendid man. + +Several ladies and gentlemen were passing a muddy place around which +were gathered ragged and wretched urchins. And these little wretches +began to throw mud at them; and one gentleman said, "If you don't stop +I will throw it back at you." And a little fellow said, "You can't do it +without dirtying your hands, and it doesn't hurt us anyway." + +I never was more profoundly happy than on the night of that 12th day +of October when I found that between an honest and a kingly man and his +maligners, two great States had thrown their shining shields. When Ohio +said, "Garfield is my greatest son, and there never has been raised in +the cabins of Ohio a grander man"--and when Indiana held up her hands +and said, "Allow me to indorse that verdict," I was profoundly happy, +because that said to me, "Garfield will carry every Northern State;" +that said to me, "The Solid South will be confronted by a great and +splendid North." + +I know Garfield--I like him. Some people have said, "How is it that you +support Garfield, when he was a minister?" "How is it that you support +Garfield when he is a Christian?" I will tell you. There are two +reasons. The first is I am not a bigot; and secondly, James A. Garfield +is not a bigot. He believes in giving to every other human being every +right he claims for himself. He believes in freedom of speech and +freedom of thought; untrammeled conscience and upright manhood. He +believes in an absolute divorce between church and state. He believes +that every religion should rest upon its morality, upon its reason, +upon its persuasion, upon its goodness, upon its charity, and that love +should never appeal to the sword of civil power. He disagrees with me in +many things; but in the one thing, that the air is free for all, we do +agree. I want to do equal and exact justice everywhere. + +I want the world of thought to be without a chain, without a wall, and I +wish to say to you, [turning toward Mr. Beecher and directly addressing +him] that I thank you for what you have said to-night, and to +congratulate the people of this city and country that you have +intellectual horizon enough, intellectual sky enough to take the hand +of a man, howsoever much he may disagree in some things with you, on the +grand platform and broad principle of citizenship. James A. Garfield, +believing with me as he does, disagreeing with me as he does, is +perfectly satisfactory to me. I know him, and I like him. + +Men are to-day blackening his reputation, who are not fit to blacken +his shoes. He is a man of brain. Since his nomination he must have made +forty or fifty speeches, and every one has been full of manhood and +genius. He has not said a word that has not strengthened him with the +American people. He is the first candidate who has been free to express +himself and who has never made a mistake. I will tell you why he does +not make a mistake; because he spoke from the inside out. Because he was +guided by the glittering Northern Star of principle. Lie after lie has +been told about him. Slander after slander has been hatched and put in +the air, with its little short wings, to fly its day, and the last lie +is a forgery. + +I saw to-day the fac-simile of a letter that they pretend he wrote upon +the Chinese question. I know his writing; I know his signature; I am +well acquainted with his writing. I know handwriting, and I tell you +to-night, that letter and that signature are forgeries. A forgery +for the benefit of the Pacific States; a forgery for the purpose of +convincing the American workingman that Garfield is without heart. I +tell you, my fellow-citizens, that cannot take from him a vote. But Ohio +pierced their centre and Indiana rolled up both flanks and the rebel +line cannot re-form with a forgery for a standard. They are gone! + +Now, some people say to me, "How long are you going to preach the +doctrine of hate?" I never did preach it. In many States of this Union +it is a crime to be a Republican. I am going to preach my doctrine until +every American citizen is permitted to express his opinion and vote +as he may desire in every State of this Union. I am going to preach my +doctrine until this is a civilized country. That is all. + +I will treat the gentlemen of the South precisely as we do the gentlemen +of the North. I want to treat every section of the country precisely as +we do ours-. I want to improve their rivers and their harbors; I want +to fill their land with commerce; I want them to prosper; I want them to +build schoolhouses; I want them to open the lands to immigration to all +people who desire to settle upon their soil. I want to be friends with +them; I want to let the past be buried forever; I want to let bygones +be bygones, but only upon the basis that we are now in favor of absolute +liberty and eternal justice. I am not willing to bury nationality or +free speech in the grave for the purpose of being friends. Let us +stand by our colors; let the old Republican party that has made this a +Nation--the old Republican party that has saved the financial honor of +this country--let that party stand by its colors. + +Let that party say, "Free speech forever!" Let that party say, "An +honest ballot forever!" Let that party say, "Honest money forever! the +Nation and the flag forever!" And let that party stand by the great men +carrying her banner, James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur. I +would rather trust a party than a man. If General Garfield dies, the +Republican party lives; if General Garfield dies, General Arthur will +take his place--a brave, honest, and intelligent gentleman, upon whom +every Republican can rely. And if he dies, the Republican party lives, +and as long as the Republican party does not die, the great Republic +will live. As long as the Republican party lives, this will be the +asylum of the world. Let me tell you, Mr. Irishman, this is the only +country on the earth where Irishmen have had enough to eat. Let me tell +you, Mr. German, that you have more liberty here than you had in the +Fatherland. Let me tell you, all men, that this is the land of humanity. + +Oh! I love the old Republic, bounded by the seas, walled by the wide +air, domed by heaven's blue, and lit with the eternal stars. I love the +Republic; I love it because I love liberty. Liberty is my religion, and +at its altar I worship, and will worship. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE 86TH ILLINOIS REGIMENT. + + * This is only a fragment of a speech made by Col. Ingersoll + at Peoria, 111., in 1866, to the 86th Illinois Regiment, at + their anniversary meeting. + + +PEORIA, ILLS. + +1865. + +THE history of the past four years seems to me like a terrible dream. +It seems almost impossible that the events that have now passed into +history ever happened. That hundreds of thousands of men, born and +reared under one flag, with the same history, the same future, and, in +truth, the same interests, should have met upon the terrible field of +death, and for four long years should have fought with a bitterness and +determination never excelled; that they should have filled our land with +orphans and widows, and made our country hollow with graves, is +indeed wonderful; but that the people of the South should have thus +fought--thus attempted to destroy and overthrow the Government founded +by the heroes of the Revolution--merely for the sake of perpetuating the +infamous institution of slavery, is wonderful almost beyond belief. + +Strange that people should be found in this, the nineteenth century, to +fight against freedom and to die for slavery! It is most wonderful that +the terrible war ceased as suddenly as it did, and that the soldiers of +the Republic, the moment that the angel of peace spread her white wings +over our country, dropped from their hands the instruments of war +and eagerly went back to the plough, the shop and the office, and are +to-day, with the same determination that characterized them in battle, +engaged in effacing every vestige of the desolation and destruction of +war. But the progress we have made as a people is if possible still more +astonishing. We pretended to be the lovers of freedom, yet we defended +slavery. We quoted the Declaration of Independence and voted for the +compromise of 1850. + +From servility and slavishness we have marched to heroism. We were +tyrants. We are liberators. We were slave-catchers. We are now the +chivalrous breakers of chains. + +From slavery, over a bloody and terrible path, we have marched to +freedom. Hirelings of oppression, we have become the champions of +justice--the defenders of the right--the pillar upon which rests the +hope of the world. To whom are we indebted for this wonderful change? +Most of all to you, the soldiers of the great Republic. We thank you +that the hands of time were not turned back a thousand years--that the +Dark Ages did not again come upon the world--that Prometheus was +not again chained--that the river of progress was not stopped or +stayed--that the dear blood shed during all the past was not rendered +vain--that the sublime faith of all the grand and good did not become +a bitter dream, but a reality more glorious than ever entered into the +imagination of the rapt heroes of the past. Soldiers of the Eighty-sixth +Illinois, we thank you, and through you all the defenders of the +Republic, living and dead. We thank you that the deluge of blood has +subsided, that the ark of our national safety is at rest, that the dove +has returned with the olive branch of peace, and that the dark clouds of +war are in the far distance, covered with the beautiful bow. + +In the name of humanity, in the name of progress, in the name of +freedom, in the name of America, in the name of the oppressed of the +whole world, we thank you again and again. We thank you, that in the +darkest hour you never despaired of the Republic, that you were not +dismayed, that through disaster and defeat, through cruelty and famine, +through the serried ranks of the enemy, in spite of false friends, you +marched resolutely, unflinchingly and bravely forward. Forward through +shot and shell! Forward through fire and sword! Forward past the corpses +of your brave comrades, buried in shallow graves by the hurried hands +of heroes! Forward past the scattered bones of starved captives! Forward +through the glittering bayonet lines, and past the brazen throats of the +guns! Forward through the din and roar and smoke and hell of war! Onward +through blood and fire to the shining, glittering mount of perfect and +complete victory, and from the top your august hands unfurled to the +winds the old banner of the stars, and it waves in triumph now, and +shall forever, from the St. Lawrence to the Rio Grande, and from the +Atlantic to the Pacific! + +We thank you that our waving fields of golden wheat and rustling corn +are not trodden down beneath the bloody feet of invasion--that our homes +are not ashes--that our hearthstones are not desolate--that our towns +and cities still stand, that our temples and institutions of learning +are secure, that prosperity covers us as with a mantle, and, more than +all, we thank you that the Republic still lives; that law and order +reign supreme; that the Constitution is still sacred; that a republican +government has ceased to be only an experiment, and has become a +certainty for all time; that we have by your heroism established the +sublime and shining truth that a government by the people, for the +people, can and will stand until governments cease among men; that you +have given the lie to the impudent and infamous prophecy of tyranny, and +that you have firmly established the Republic upon the great ideas of +National Unity and Human Liberty. + +We thank you for our commerce on the high seas, upon our lakes and +beautiful rivers, for the credit of our nation, for the value of our +money, and for the grand position that we now occupy among the nations +of the earth. We thank you for every State redeemed, for every star +brought back to glitter again upon the old flag, and we thank you +for the grand future that you have opened for us and for our children +through all the ages yet to come; and, not only for us and our children, +but for mankind. + +Thanks to your efforts our country is still an asylum for the oppressed +of the Old World; the arms of our charity are still open, we still +beckon them across the sea, and they come in multitudes,'leaving home, +the graves of their sires, and the dear memories of the heart, and with +their wives and little ones come to this, the only free land upon which +the sun shines--and with their countless hands of labor add to the +wealth, the permanence and the glory of our country. And let them come +from the land of Luther, of Hampden and Emmett. Whoever is for freedom +and the sacred rights of man is a true American, and as such, we welcome +them all. We thank you to-day in the name of four millions of people, +whose shackles you have so nobly and generously broken, and who, from +the condition of beasts of burden, have by your efforts become men. We +thank you in the name of this poor and hitherto despised and insulted +race, and say that their emancipation was, and is, the crowning glory +of this most terrible war. Peace without liberty could have been only a +bloody delusion and a snare. Freedom is peace; Slavery is war. + +We must act justly and honorably with these emancipated men, knowing +that the eyes of the civilized world are upon us. We must do what is +best for both races. We must not be controlled merely by party. + +If the Government is founded upon principle, it will stand against the +shock of revolution and foreign war as long as liberty is sacred, the +rights of man respected, and honor dwells in the hearts of men. + +We thank you for the lesson that has been taught the Old World by your +patriotism and valor; believing that when the people shall have learned +that sublime and divine lesson, thrones will become kingless, kings +crownless, royalty an epitaph, the purple of power the shroud of death, +the chains of tyranny will fall from the bodies of men, the shackles +of superstition from the souls of the people, the spirit of persecution +will fly from the earth, and the banner of Universal Freedom, with the +words "Civil and Religious Liberty for the World" written upon every +fold, blazing from every star, will float over every land and sea under +the whole heavens. + +We thank you for the glorious past, for the still more glorious future, +and will continue to thank you while our hearts are warm with life. We +will gather around you in the hour of your death and soothe your last +moments with our gratitude. We will follow you tearfully to the narrow +house of the dead, and over your sacred remains erect the whitest and +purest marble. The hands of love will adorn your last abode, and the +chisel will record that beneath rests the sacred dust of the Heroic +Saviors of the Great Republic. Such ground will be holy, and future +generations will draw inspiration from your tombs, courage from your +heroic examples, patience and fortitude from your sufferings, and +strength eternal from your success. + +I cannot stop without speaking of the heroic dead. It seems to me as +though their spirits ought to hover over you to-day--that they might +join with us in giving thanks for the great victory,--that their faces +might grow radiant to think that their blood was not shed in vain,--that +the living are worthy to reap the benefits of their sacrifices, their +sufferings and death, and it almost seems as if their sightless eyes are +suffused with tears. Then we think of the dear mothers waiting for their +sons, of the devoted wives waiting for their husbands, of the orphans +asking for fathers whose returning footsteps they can never hear; that +while they can say "my country," they cannot say "my son," "my husband," +or "my father." + +My heart goes out to all the slain, to those heroic corpses sleeping far +away from home and kindred in unknown and lonely graves, to those poor +pieces of dear, bleeding earth that won for me the blessings I enjoy +to-day. + +Shall I recount their sufferings? They were starved day by day with +a systematic and calculating cruelty never equaled by the most savage +tribes. They were confined in dens as though they had been beasts, and +then they slowly faded and wasted from life. Some were released from +their sufferings by blessed insanity, until their parched and fevered +lips, their hollow and glittering eyes, were forever closed by the angel +of death. And thus they died, with the voices of loved ones in their +ears; the faces of the dear absent hovering over them; around them their +dying comrades, and the fiendish slaves of slavery. + +And what shall I say more of the regiment before me? It is enough that +you were a part of the great army that accomplished so much for America +and mankind. + +It is but just, however, to say that you were at the bloody field of +Perryville, that you stood with Thomas at Chickamauga and kept at bay +the rebel host, that you marched to the relief of Knoxville through +bitter cold, hunger and privations, and had the honor of relieving that +heroic garrison. + +It is but just to say that you were with Sherman in his wonderful march +through the heart of the Confederacy; that you were in the terrible +charge at Kenesaw Mountain, and held your ground for days within a few +steps of the rebel fortifications; that you were at Atlanta and took +part in the terrible conflict before that city and marched victoriously +through her streets; that you were at Savannah; that you had the honor +of being present when Johnson surrendered, and his ragged rebel horde +laid down their arms; that from there you marched to Washington and +beneath the shadow of the glorious dome of our Capitol, that lifts from +the earth as though jealous of the stars, received the grandest national +ovation recorded in the annals of the world. + + + + +DECORATION DAY ORATION. + + + * At the Memorial Celebration of the Grand Army of the + Republic last evening the Academy of Music was filled to + overflowing, within a few minutes after the opening of the + doors. + + Gen. Hancock was the first arrival of importance. The + Governor's Island band accepted this as a signal for the + overture. The Academy was tastefully decorated. The three + balconies were covered, the first with blue cloth, the + second with white and national bunting, studded with the + insignia of the original thirteen States, and the family + circle with red. Over the centre of the stage the national + flag and device hung suspended, and was held In its place by + flying streamers extending to the boxes. The latter were + draped with flags, relieved by antique armor and weapons-- + shields, casques and battle axes and crossed swords and + pikes. + + At 8.05 the curtain slowly rose, and discovered to the view + of the audience, a second audience reaching back to the + farthest depths of the scenes. These were the fortunate + holders of stage tickets, and comprised a great number of + distinguished men. + + Among them were noticed Gen. Horace Porter, Gen. Lloyd + Aspinwall, Gen. Daniel Butterfield, Gen. D. D. Wylie, Gen. + Charles Roome, Gen. W. Palmer, Gen. John Cochrane, Gen. H. + G. Tremaine, the Hon. Edward Pierrepont, Dep't. Commander + James M. Fraser, the Hon. Carl Schurz, August Belmont, Henry + Clews, Dr. Lewis A. Sayre, Charles Scribner, Jesse Seligman, + William Dowa, Henry Bergh and George William Curtis. Gen. + Bamum came upon the stage followed by President Arthur, + Gen's. Grant and Hancock, Secretaries Folger and Brewster, + ex-Senator Roscoe Conkling, Mayor Grace and the Rev. J. P. + Newman. Gen. Hancock's brilliant uniform made him a very + conspicuous figure, and he served as a foil to the plain + evening dress of Gen. Grant, who was separated from him by + the portly form of the President. + + Gen. James McQuade, the President of the day, rose and + uncovering a flag which draped a sort of patriotic altar in + front of him, announced that It was the genuine flag upon + which was written the famous order, "If any man pull down + the American flag, shoot him on the spot.' * This was the + signal for round after round of applause, while Gen. McQuade + waved this precious relic of the past. The time had now come + for the introduction of the orator of the evening, Col. + Robert G. Ingersoll. Col. Ingersoll stepped across the stage + to the reading desk, and was received with an ovation of + cheering and waving of handkerchiefs. + + After the enthusiasm had somewhat abated, a gentleman in one + of the boxes shouted: "Three-cheers for Ingersoll." + These were given with a will, the excitement quieted down + and the orator spoke as follows '.--The New York Times. May + 31st, 1883. + + +New York City. + + +1882. + +THIS day is sacred to our heroes dead. Upon their tombs we have lovingly +laid the wealth of Spring. + +This is a day for memory and tears. A mighty Nation bends above its +honored graves, and pays to noble dust the tribute of its love. + +Gratitude is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume in the heart. + +To-day we tell the history of our country's life--recount the lofty +deeds of vanished years--the toil and suffering, the defeats and +victories of heroic men,--of men who made our Nation great and free. + +We see the first ships whose prows were gilded by the western sun. We +feel the thrill of discovery when the New World was found. We see the +oppressed, the serf, the peasant and the slave, men whose flesh had +known the chill of chains--the adventurous, the proud, the brave, +sailing an unknown sea, seeking homes in unknown lands. We see the +settlements, the little clearings, the blockhouse and the fort, the rude +and lonely huts. Brave men, true women, builders of homes, fellers of +forests, founders of States. + +Separated from the Old World,--away from the heartless distinctions +of caste,--away from sceptres and titles and crowns, they governed +themselves. They defended their homes; they earned their bread. Each +citizen had a voice, and the little villages became republics. Slowly +the savage was driven back. The days and nights were filled with fear, +and the slow years with massacre and war, and cabins' earthen floors +were wet with blood of mothers and their babes. + +But the savages of the New World were kinder than the kings and nobles +of the Old; and so the human tide kept coming, and the places of the +dead were filled. Amid common dangers and common hopes, the prejudiced +and feuds of Europe faded slowly from their hearts. From every land, +of every speech, driven by want and lured by hope, exiles and emigrants +sought the mysterious Continent of the West. + +Year after year the colonists fought and toiled and suffered and +increased. They began to talk about liberty--to reason of the rights of +man. They * t asked no help from distant kings, and they began to doubt +the use of paying tribute to the useless. They lost respect for dukes +and lords, and held in high esteem all honest men. There was the dawn +of a new day. They began to dream of independence. They found that +they could make and execute the laws. They had tried the experiment of +self-government. They had succeeded. The Old World wished to dominate +the New. In the care and keeping of the colonists was the destiny of +this Continent--of half the world. + +On this day the story of the great struggle between colonists and kings +should be told. We should tell our children of the contest--first +for justice, then for freedom. We should tell them the history of +the Declaration of Independence--the chart and compass of all human +rights:--All men are equal, and have the right to life, to liberty and +joy. + +This Declaration uncrowned kings, and wrested from the hands of titled +tyranny the sceptre of usurped and arbitrary power. It superseded royal +grants, and repealed the cruel statutes of a thousand years. It gave the +peasant a career; it knighted all the sons of toil; it opened all the +paths to fame, and put the star of hope above the cradle of the poor +man's babe. + +England was then the mightiest of nations--mistress of every sea--and +yet our fathers, poor and few, defied her power. + +To-day we remember the defeats, the victories, the disasters, the weary +marches, the poverty, the hunger, the sufferings, the agonies, and above +all, the glories of the Revolution. We remember all--from Lexington to +Valley Forge, and from that midnight of despair to Yorktown's cloudless +day. We remember the soldiers and thinkers--the heroes of the sword and +pen. They had the brain and heart, the wisdom and courage to utter +and defend these words: "Governments derive their just powers from the +consent of the governed." In defence of this sublime and self-evident +truth the war was waged and won. + +To-day we remember all the heroes, all the generous and chivalric men +who came from other lands to make ours free. Of the many thousands who +shared the gloom and glory of the seven sacred years, not one remains. +The last has mingled with the earth, and nearly all are sleeping now +in unmarked graves, and some beneath the leaning, crumbling stones from +which their names have been effaced by Time's irreverent and relentless +hands. But the Nation they founded remains. The United States are still +free and independent. The "government derives its just power from +the consent of the governed," and fifty millions of free people remember +with gratitude the heroes of the Revolution. + +Let us be truthful; let us be kind. When peace came, when the +independence of a new Nation was acknowledged, the great truth for +which our fathers fought was half denied, and the Constitution was +inconsistent with the Declaration. The war was waged for liberty, and +yet the victors forged new fetters for their fellow-men. The chains our +fathers broke were put by them upon the limbs of others. "Freedom for +All" was the cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night, through seven +years of want and war. In peace the cloud was forgotten and the pillar +blazed unseen. + +Let us be truthful; all our fathers were not true to themselves. In +war they had been generous, noble and self-sacrificing; with peace came +selfishness and greed. They were not great enough to appreciate the +grandeur of the principles for which they fought. They ceased to regard +the great truths as having universal application. "Liberty for +All" included only themselves. They qualified the Declaration. They +interpolated the word "white." They obliterated the word "All." + +Let us be kind. We will remember the age in which they lived. We will +compare them with the citizens of other nations. They made merchandise +of men. They legalized a crime. They sowed the seeds of war. But they +founded this Nation. + +Let us gratefully remember. + +Let us gratefully forget. + +To-day we remember the heroes of the second war with England, in which +our fathers fought for the freedom of the seas--for the rights of the +American sailor. We remember with pride the splendid victories of Erie +and Champlain and the wondrous achievements upon the sea--achievements +that covered our navy with a glory that neither the victories nor +defeats of the future can dim. We remember the heroic services and +sufferings of those who fought the merciless savage of the frontier. +We see the midnight massacre, and hear the war-cries of the allies of +England. We see the flames climb around the happy homes, and in the +charred and blackened ruins the mutilated bodies of wives and children. +Peace came at last, crowned with the victory of New Orleans--a victory +that "did redeem all sorrows" and all defeats. + +The Revolution gave our fathers a free land--the War of 1812 a free sea. + +To-day we remember the gallant men who bore our flag in triumph from the +Rio Grande to the heights of Chapultepec. + +Leaving out of question the justice of our cause--the necessity for +war--we are yet compelled to applaud the marvelous courage of our +troops. A handful of men, brave, impetuous, determined, irresistible, +conquered a nation. Our history has no record of more daring deeds. + +Again peace came, and the Nation hoped and thought that strife was at +an end. We had grown too powerful to be attacked. Our resources were +boundless, and the future seemed secure. The hardy pioneers moved to the +great West. Beneath their ringing strokes the forests disappeared, and +on the prairies waved the billowed seas of wheat and corn. The great +plains were crossed, the mountains were conquered, and the foot of +victorious adventure pressed the shore of the Pacific. In the great +North all the streams went singing to the sea, turning wheels and +spindles, and casting shuttles back and forth. Inventions were springing +like magic from a thousand brains. From Labor's holy altars rose and +leaped the smoke and flame, and from the countless forges ran the chant +of rhythmic stroke. + +But in the South, the negro toiled unpaid, and mothers wept while babes +were sold, and at the auction-block husbands and wives speechlessly +looked the last good-bye. Fugitives, lighted by the Northern Star, +sought liberty on English soil, and were, by Northern men, thrust back +to whip and chain. The great statesmen, the successful politicians, +announced that law had compromised with crime, that justice had been +bribed, and that time had barred appeal. A race was left without a +right, without a hope. The future had no dawn, no star--nothing but +ignorance and fear, nothing but work and want. This, was the conclusion +of the statesmen, the philosophy of the politicians--of constitutional +expounders:--this was decided by courts and ratified by the Nation. + +We had been successful in three wars. We had wrested thirteen colonies +from Great Britain. We had conquered our place upon the high seas. We +had added more than two millions of square miles to the national domain. +We had increased in population from three to thirty-one millions. We +were in the midst of plenty. We were rich and free. Ours appeared to +be the most prosperous of Nations. But it was only appearance. The +statesmen and the politicians were deceived. Real victories can be won +only for the Right. The triumph of Justice is the only Peace. Such is +the nature of things. He who enslaves another cannot be free. He who +attacks the right, assaults himself. The mistake our fathers made had +not been corrected. The foundations of the Republic were insecure. The +great dome of the temple was clad in the light of prosperity, but +the corner-stones were crumbling. Four millions of human beings were +enslaved. Party cries had been mistaken for principles--partisanship +for patriotism--success for justice. + +But Pity pointed to the scarred and bleeding backs of slaves; Mercy +heard the sobs of mothers reft of babes, and Justice held aloft the +scales, in which one drop of blood shed by a master's lash, outweighed a +Nation's gold. There were a few men, a few women, who had the courage to +attack this monstrous crime. They found it entrenched in constitutions, +statutes, and decisions--barricaded and bastioned by every department +and by every party. Politicians were its servants, statesmen its +attorneys, judges its menials, presidents its puppets, and upon its +cruel altar had been sacrificed our country's honor. It was the crime of +the Nation--of the whole country--North and South responsible alike. + +To-day we reverently thank the abolitionists. Earth has no grander +men--no nobler women. They were the real philanthropists, the true +patriots. When the will defies fear, when the heart applauds the +brain, when duty throws the gauntlet down to fate, when honor scorns to +compromise with death,--this is heroism. The abolitionists were heroes. +He loves his country best who strives to make it best. The bravest men +are those who have the greatest fear of doing wrong. Mere politicians +wish the country to do something for them. True patriots desire to do +something for their country. Courage without conscience is a wild beast. +Patriotism without principle is the prejudice of birth, the animal +attachment to place. These men, these women, had courage and conscience, +patriotism and principle, heart and brain. + +The South relied upon the bond,--upon a barbarous clause that stained, +disfigured and defiled the Federal pact, and made the monstrous claim +that slavery was the Nation's ward. The spot of shame grew red in +Northern cheeks, and Northern men declared that slavery had poisoned, +cursed and blighted soul and soil enough, and that the Territories must +be free. The radicals of the South cried: "No Union without Slavery!" +The radicals of the North replied: "No Union without Liberty!" The +Northern radicals were right. Upon the great issue of free homes for +free men, a President was elected by the free States. The South appealed +to the sword, and raised the standard of revolt. For the first time in +history the oppressors rebelled. + +But let us to-day be great enough to forget individuals,--great enough +to know that slavery was treason, that slavery was rebellion, that +slavery fired upon our flag and sought to wreck and strand the mighty +ship that bears the hope and fortune of this world. The first shot +liberated the North. Constitution, statutes and decisions, compromises, +platforms, and resolutions made, passed, and ratified in the interest of +slavery became mere legal lies, base and baseless. Parchment and paper +could no longer stop or stay the onward march of man. The North was +free. Millions instantly resolved that the Nation should not die--that +Freedom should not perish, and that Slavery should not live. + +Millions of our brothers, our sons, our fathers, our husbands, answered +to the Nation's call. + +The great armies have desolated the earth. The greatest soldiers have +been ambition's dupes. They waged war for the sake of place and pillage, +pomp and power,--for the ignorant applause of vulgar millions,--for the +flattery of parasites, and the adulation of sycophants and slaves. + +Let us proudly remember that in our time the greatest, the grandest, the +noblest army of the world fought, not to enslave, but to free; not to +destroy, but to save; not for conquest, but for conscience; not only for +us, but for every land and every race. + +With courage, with enthusiasm, with a devotion' never excelled, with an +exaltation and purity of purpose never equaled, this grand army fought +the battles of the Republic. For the preservation of this Nation, for +the destruction of slavery, these soldiers, these sailors, on land and +sea, disheartened by no defeat, discouraged by no obstacle, appalled by +no danger, neither paused nor swerved until a stainless flag, without +a rival, floated over all our wide domain, and until every human being +beneath its folds was absolutely free. + +The great victory for human rights--the greatest of all the years--had +been won; won by the Union men of the North, by the Union men of the +South, and by those who had been slaves. Liberty was national, Slavery +was dead. + +The flag for which the heroes fought, for which they died, is the symbol +of all we are, of all we hope to be. + +It is the emblem of equal rights. + +It means free hands, free lips, self-government and the sovereignty of +the individual. + +It means that this continent has been dedicated to freedom. + +It means universal education,--light for every mind, knowledge for every +child. + +It means that the schoolhouse is the fortress of Liberty. + +It means that "Governments derive their just powers from the consent of +the governed;" that each man is accountable to and for the Government; +that responsibility goes hand in hand with liberty. + +It means that it is the duty of every citizen to bear his share of the +public burden,--to take part in the affairs of his town, his county, his +State and his country. + +It means that the ballot-box is the Ark of the Covenant; that the source +of authority must not be poisoned. + +It means the perpetual right of peaceful revolution. It means that every +citizen of the Republic--native or naturalized--must be protected; at +home, in every State,--abroad, in every land, on every sea. + +It means that all distinctions based on birth or blood, have perished +from our laws; that our Government shall stand between labor and +capital, between the weak and the strong, between the individual and the +corporation, between want and wealth, and give the guarantee of simple +justice to each and all. + +It means that there shall be a legal remedy for every wrong. + +It means national hospitality,--that we must welcome to our shores the +exiles of the world, and that we may not drive them back. Some may +be deformed by labor, dwarfed by hunger, broken in spirit, victims of +tyranny and caste,--in whose sad faces may be read the touching record +of a weary life; and yet their children, born of liberty and love, will +be symmetrical and fair, intelligent and free. + +That flag is the emblem of a supreme will--of a Nation's power. Beneath +its folds the weakest must be protected and the strongest must obey. It +shields and canopies alike the loftiest mansion and the rudest hut. +That flag was given to the air in the Revolution's darkest days. It +represents the sufferings of the past, the glories yet to be; and like +the bow of heaven, it is the child of storm and sun. + +This day is sacred to the great heroic host who kept this flag above +our heads,--sacred to the living and the dead--sacred to the scarred and +maimed,--sacred to the wives who gave their husbands, to the mothers who +gave their sons. + +Here in this peaceful land of ours,--here where the sun shines, where +flowers grow, where children play, millions of armed men battled for the +right and breasted on a thousand fields the iron storms of war. + +These brave, these incomparable men, founded the first Republic. They +fulfilled the prophecies; they brought to pass the dreams; they realized +the hopes, that all the great and good and wise and just have made and +had since man was man. + +But what of those who fell? There is no language to express the debt we +owe, the love we bear, to all the dead who died for us. Words are but +barren sounds. We can but stand beside their graves and in the hush and +silence feel what speech has never told. + +They fought, they died; and for the first time since man has kept a +record of events, the heavens bent above and domed a land without a +serf, a servant or a slave. + + + + +DECORATION DAY ADDRESS. + + * Empty sleeves worn by veterans with scanty locks and + grizzled mustaches graced the Metropolitan Opera House last + night. On the breasts of their faded uniforms glittered the + badges of the legions in which they had fought and suffered, + and beside them sat the wives and daughters, whose hearts + had ached at home while they served their country at the + front. + + Every seat in the great Opera House was filled, and hundreds + stood, glad to And any place where they could see and hear. + And the gathering and the proceedings were worthy of the + occasion. + + Mr. Depew upon taking the chair said that he had the chief + treat of the evening to present to the audience, and that + was Robert G. Ingersoll, the greatest living orator, and one + of the great controversialists of the age. + + Then came the orator of the occasion Col. Ingersoll, whose + speech is printed herewith. + + Enthusiastic cheers greeted all his points, and his audience + simply went wild at the end. It was a grand oration, and it + was listened to by enthusiastic and appreciative hearers, + upon whom not a single word was lost, and in whose hearts + every word awoke a responsive echo. + + Nor did the enthusiasm which Col. Ingersoll created end + until the very last, when the whole assemblage arose and + sang "America" in a way which will never be forgotten by any + one present. It was a great ending of a great evening.--The + New York Times, May 31st, 1888. + + +New York City. + +1888. + +THIS is a sacred day--a day for gratitude and love. + +To-day we commemorate more than independence, more than the birth of +a nation, more than the fruits of the Revolution, more than physical +progress, more than the accumulation of wealth, more than national +prestige and power. + +We commemorate the great and blessed victory over ourselves--the triumph +of civilization, the reformation of a people, the establishment of a +government consecrated to the preservation of liberty and the equal +rights of man. + +Nations can win success, can be rich and powerful, can cover the earth +with their armies, the seas with their fleets, and yet be selfish, small +and mean. Physical progress means opportunity for doing good. It means +responsibility. Wealth is the end of the despicable, victory the purpose +of brutality. + +But there is something nobler than all these--something that rises above +wealth and power--something above lands and palaces--something above +raiment and gold--it is the love of right, the cultivation of the moral +nature, the desire to do justice, the inextinguishable love of human +liberty. + +Nothing can be nobler than a nation governed by conscience, nothing more +infamous than power without pity, wealth without honor and without the +sense of justice. + +Only by the soldiers of the right can the laurel be won or worn. + +On this day we honor the heroes who fought to make our Nation just and +free--who broke the shackles of the slave, who freed the masters of the +South and their allies of the North. We honor chivalric men who made +America the hope and beacon of the human race--the foremost Nation of +the world. + +These heroes established the first republic, and demonstrated that +a government in which the legally expressed will of the people is +sovereign and supreme is the safest, strongest, securest, noblest and +the best. + +They demonstrated the human right of the people, and of all the people, +to make and execute the laws--that authority does not come from the +clouds, or from ancestry, or from the crowned and titled, or from +constitutions and compacts, laws and customs--not from the admissions of +the great, or the concessions of the powerful and victorious--not from +graves, or consecrated dust--not from treaties made between successful +robbers--not from the decisions of corrupt and menial courts--not from +the dead, but from the living--not from the past but from the present, +from the people of to-day--from the brain, from the heart and from the +conscience of those who live and love and labor. + +The history of this world for the most part is the history of conflict +and war, of invasion, of conquest, of victorious wrong, of the many +enslaved by the few. + +Millions have fought for kings, for the destruction and enslavement of +their fellow-men. Millions have battled for empire, and great armies +have been inspired by the hope of pillage; but for the first time in the +history of this world millions of men battled for the right, fought to +free not themselves, but others, not for prejudice, but for principle, +not for conquest, but for conscience. + +The men whom we honor were the liberators of a Nation, of a whole +country, North and South--of two races. They freed the body and the +brain, gave liberty to master and to slave. They opened all the highways +of thought, and gave to fifty millions of people the inestimable legacy +of free speech. + +They established the free exchange of thought. They gave to the air a +flag without a stain, and they gave to their country a Constitution +that honest men can reverently obey. They destroyed the hateful, the +egotistic and provincial--they established a Nation, a national spirit, +a national pride and a patriotism as broad as the great Republic. + +They did away with that ignorant and cruel prejudice that human rights +depend on race or color, and that the superior race has the right +to oppress the inferior. They established the sublime truth that the +superior are the just, the kind, the generous, and merciful--that the +really superior are the protectors, the defenders, and the saviors of +the oppressed, of the fallen, the unfortunate, the weak and helpless. +They established that greatest of all truths that nothing is nobler than +to labor and suffer for others. + +If we wish to know the extent of our debt to these heroes, these +soldiers of the right, we must know what we were and what we are. A few +years ago we talked about liberty, about the freedom of the world, and +while so talking we enslaved our fellow-men. We were the stealers +of babes and the whippers of women. We were in partnership with +bloodhounds. We lived on unpaid labor. We held manhood in contempt. +Honest toil was disgraceful--sympathy was a crime--pity was +unconstitutional--humanity contrary to law, and charity was treason. Men +were imprisoned for pointing out in heaven's dome the Northern Star--for +giving food to the hungry, water to the parched lips of thirst, shelter +to the hunted, succor to the oppressed. In those days criminals and +courts, pirates and pulpits were in partnership--liberty was only a +word standing for the equal rights of robbers. + +For many years we insisted that our fathers had founded a free +Government, that they were the lovers of liberty, believers in equal +rights. We were mistaken. The colonists did not believe in the freedom +of to-day. Their laws were filled with intolerance, with slavery and +the infamous spirit of caste. They persecuted and enslaved. Most of them +were narrow, ignorant and cruel. For the most part, their laws were more +brutal than those of the nations from which they came. They branded the +forehead of intelligence, bored with hot irons the tongue of truth. They +persecuted the good and enslaved the helpless. They were believers in +pillories and whipping-posts for honest, thoughtful men. + +When their independence was secured they adopted a Constitution that +legalized slavery, and they passed laws making it the duty of free men +to prevent others from becoming free. They followed the example of kings +and nobles. They knew that monarchs had been interested in the slave +trade, and that the first English commander of a slave-ship divided his +profits with a queen. + +They forgot all the splendid things they had said--the great principles +they had so proudly and eloquently announced. The sublime truths faded +from their hearts. The spirit of trade, the greed for office, took +possession of their souls. The lessons of history were forgotten. The +voices coming from all the wrecks of kingdoms, empires and republics on +the shores of the great river were unheeded and unheard. + +If the foundation is not justice, the dome cannot be high enough, or +splendid enough, to save the temple. + +But above everything in the minds of our fathers was the desire for +union--to create a Nation, to become a Power. + +Our fathers compromised. + +A compromise is a bargain in which each party defrauds the other, and +himself. + +The compromise our fathers made was the coffin of honor and the cradle +of war. + +A brazen falsehood and a timid truth are the parents of compromise. + +But some--the greatest and the best--believed in liberty for all. They +repeated the splendid sayings of the Roman: "By the law of nature all +men are free;"--of the French King: "Men are born free and equal;"--of +the sublime Zeno: "All men are by nature equal, and virtue alone +establishes a difference between them." + +In the year preceding the Declaration of Independence, a society for the +abolition of slavery was formed in Pennsylvania and its first President +was one of the wisest and greatest of men--Benjamin Franklin. A society +of the same character was established in New York in 1785; its first +President was John Jay--the second, Alexander Hamilton. + +But in a few years these great men were forgotten. Parties rivaled each +other in the defence of wrong. Politicians cared only for place and +power. In the clamor of the heartless, the voice of the generous was +lost. Slavery became supreme. It dominated legislatures, courts and +parties; it rewarded the faithless and little; it degraded the honest +and great. + +And yet, through all these hateful years, thousands and thousands of +noble men and women denounced the degradation and the crime. Most of +their names are unknown. They have given a glory to obscurity. They have +filled oblivion with honor. + +In the presence of death it has been the custom to speak of the +worthlessness, and the vanity, of life. I prefer to speak of its value, +of its importance, of its nobility and glory. + +Life is not merely a floating shadow, a momentary spark, a dream that +vanishes. Nothing can be grander than a life filled with great and noble +thoughts--with brave and honest deeds. Such a life sheds light, and the +seeds of truth sown by great and loyal men bear fruit through all the +years to be. To have lived and labored and died for the right--nothing +can be sublimer. + +History is but the merest outline of the exceptional--of a few great +crimes, calamities, wars, mistakes and dramatic virtues. A few mountain +peaks are touched, while all the valleys of human life, where countless +victories are won, where labor wrought with love--are left in the +eternal shadow. + +But these peaks are not the foundation of nations. The forgotten words, +the unrecorded deeds, the unknown sacrifices, the heroism, the industry, +the patience, the love and labor of the nameless good and great have for +the most part founded, guided and defended States. The world has +been civilized by the unregarded poor, by the untitled nobles, by the +uncrowned kings who sleep in unknown graves mingled with the common +dust. + +They have thought and wrought, have borne the burdens of the world. The +pain and labor have been theirs--the glory has been given to the few. + +The conflict came. The South unsheathed the sword. Then rose the +embattled North, and these men who sleep to-night beneath the flowers of +half the world, gave all for us. + +They gave us a Nation--a republic without a slave--a republic that is +sovereign, and to whose will every citizen and every State must bow. +They gave us a Constitution for all--one that can be read without shame +and defended without dishonor. They freed the brain, the lips and hands +of men. + +All that could be done by force was done. All that could be accomplished +by the adoption of constitutions was done. The rest is left to +education--the innumerable influences of civilization--to the +development of the intellect, to the cultivation of the heart and the +imagination. + +The past is now a hideous dream. + +The present is filled with pride, with gratitude, and hope. + +Liberty is the condition of real progress. The free man works for wife +and child--the slave toils from fear. Liberty gives leisure and leisure +refines, beautifies and ennobles. Slavery gives idleness and idleness +degrades, deforms and brutalizes. + +Liberty and slavery--the right and wrong--the joy and grief--the day and +night--the glory and the gloom of all the years. + +Liberty is the word that all the good have spoken. + +It is the hope of every loving heart--the spark and flame in every noble +breast--the gem in every splendid soul--the many-colored dream in every +honest brain. + +This word has filled the dungeon with its holy light,--has put the halo +round the martyr's head,--has raised the convict far above the king, +and clad even the scaffold with a glory that dimmed and darkened every +throne. + +To the wise man, to the wise nation, the mistakes of the past are the +torches of the present. The war is over. The institution that caused it +has perished. The prejudices that fanned the flames are only ashes now. +We are one people. We will stand or fall together. At last, with clear +eyes we see that the triumph of right was a triumph for all. Together we +reap the fruits of the great victory. We are all conquerors. Around the +graves of the heroes--North and South, white and colored--together +we stand and with uncovered heads reverently thank the saviors of our +native land. + +We are now far enough away from the conflict--from its hatreds, its +passions, its follies and its glories, to fairly and philosophically +examine the causes and in some measure at least to appreciate the +results. + +States and nations, like individuals, do as they must. Back of +revolution, of rebellion, of slavery and freedom, are the efficient +causes. Knowing this, we occupy that serene height from which it is +possible to calmly pronounce a judgment upon the past. + +We know now that the seeds of our war were sown hundreds and thousands +of years ago--sown by the vicious and the just, by prince and peasant, +by king and slave, by all the virtues and by all the vices, by all the +victories and all the defeats, by all the labor and the love, the loss +and gain, by all the evil and the good, and by all the heroes of the +world. + +Of the great conflict we remember only its glory and its lessons. We +remember only the heroes who made the Republic the first of nations, and +who laid the foundation for the freedom of mankind. + +This will be known as the century of freedom. Slowly the hosts of +darkness have been driven back. + +In 1808 England and the United States united for the suppression of the +slave-trade. The Netherlands joined in this holy work in 1818. France +lent her aid in 1819 and Spain in 1820. In the same year the United +States declared the traffic to be piracy, and in 1825 the same law was +enacted by Great Britain. In 1826 Brazil agreed to suppress the traffic +in human flesh. In 1833 England abolished slavery in the West Indies, +and in 1843 in her East Indian possessions, giving liberty to more than +twelve millions of slaves. In 1846 Sweden abolished slavery, and in +1848 it was abolished in the colonies of Denmark and France. In 1861 +Alexander II., Czar of all the Russias, emancipated the serfs, and on +the first day of January, 1863, the shackles fell from millions of +the citizens of this Republic. This was accomplished by the heroes +we remember to-day--this, in accordance with the Proclamation of +Emancipation signed by Lincoln,--greatest of our mighty dead--Lincoln +the gentle and the just--and whose name will be known and honored to +"the last syllable of recorded time." And this year, 1888, has been made +blessed and memorable forever--in the vast empire of Brazil there stands +no slave. + +Let us hope that when the next century looks from the sacred portals of +the East, its light will only fall upon the faces of the free. + + * By request, Col. Ingersoll closed this address with his + "Vision of War," to which he added "A Vision of the + Future." This accounts for its repetition in this volume. + +The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great +struggle for national life. We hear the sounds of preparation--the +music of boisterous drums--the silver voices of heroic bugles. We see +thousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators. We see +the pale cheeks of women, and the flushed faces of men; and in those +assemblages we see all the dead whose dust we have covered with flowers. +We lose sight of them no more. We are with them when they enlist in the +great army of freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are +walking for the last time in quiet, woody places, with the maidens they +adore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love as +they lingeringly part forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing +babes that are asleep. Some are receiving the blessings of old men. Some +are parting with mothers who hold them and press them to their +hearts again and again, and say nothing. Kisses and tears, tears and +kisses--divine mingling of agony and love! And some are talking with +wives, and endeavoring with brave words, spoken in the old tones, to +drive from their hearts the awful fear. We see them part. We see the +wife standing in the door with the babe in her arms--standing in the +sunlight sobbing. At the turn of the road a hand waves--she answers by +holding high in her loving arms the child. He is gone, and forever. + +We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting flags, +keeping time to the grand, wild music of war--marching-down the streets +of the great cities--through the towns and across the prairies--down to +the fields of glory, to do and to die for the eternal right. + +We go with them, one and all. We are by their side on all the gory +fields--in all the hospitals of pain--on all the weary marches. We stand +guard with them in the wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are with +them in ravines running with blood--in the furrows of old fields. We are +with them between contending hosts, unable to move, wild with thirst, +the life ebbing slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them +pierced by balls and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and +in the whirlwind of the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of +steel. + +We are with them in the prisons of hatred and famine; but human speech +can never tell what they endured. + +We are at home when the news comes that they are dead. We see the maiden +in the shadow of her first sorrow. We see the silvered head of the old +man bowed with the last grief. + +The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human beings +governed by the lash--we see them bound hand and foot--we hear the +strokes of cruel whips--we see the hounds tracking women through +tangled swamps. We see babes sold from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty +unspeakable! Outrage infinite! + +Four million bodies in chains--four million souls in fetters. All the +sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child trampled beneath +the brutal feet of might. And all this was done under our own beautiful +banner of the free. + +The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the bursting +shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We look. Instead of +slaves we see men and women and children. The wand of progress touches +the auction block, the slave pen, the whipping post, and we see homes +and firesides and school-houses and books, and where all was want and +crime and cruelty and fear, we see the faces of the free. + +These heroes are dead. They died for liberty--they died for us. They +are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under the flag +they rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, the +tearful willows, and the embracing vines. + +They sleep beneath the shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine +or of storm, each in the windowless Palace of Rest. Earth may run red +with other wars--they are at peace. In the midst of battle, in the roar +of conflict, they found the serenity of death. I have one sentiment for +soldiers living and dead: Cheers for the living; tears for the dead. + +A vision of the future rises: + +I see our country filled with happy homes, with firesides of +content,--the foremost land of all the earth. + +I see a world where thrones have crumbled and where kings are dust. The +aristocracy of idleness has perished from the earth. + +I see a world without a slave. Man at last is free. Nature's forces have +by Science been enslaved. Lightning and light, wind and wave, frost +and flame, and all the secret, subtle powers of earth and air are the +tireless toilers for the human race. + +I see a world at peace, adorned with every form of art, with music's +myriad voices thrilled, while lips are rich with words of love and +truth; a world in which no exile sighs, no prisoner mourns; a world on +which the gibbet's shadow does not fall; a world where labor reaps its +full reward, where work and worth go hand in hand, where the poor girl +trying to win bread with the needle--the needle that has been called +"the asp for the breast of the poor,"--is not driven to the desperate +choice of crime or death, of suicide or shame. + +I see a world without the beggar's outstretched palm, the miser's +heartless, stony stare, the piteous wail of want, the livid lips of +lies, the cruel eyes of scorn. + +I see a race without disease of flesh or brain,--shapely and fair,--the +married harmony of form and function,--and, as I look, life lengthens, +joy deepens, love canopies the earth; and over all, in the great dome, +shines the eternal star of human hope. + + + + +RATIFICATION SPEECH. + + + * Delivered at the Metropolitan Opera House, New York, June + 29,1688. + +Harrison and Morton. + +1888. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS, Ladies and Gentlemen--The speaker who is perfectly +candid, who tells his honest thought, not only honors himself, but +compliments his audience. It is only to the candid that man can afford +to absolutely open his heart. Most people, whenever a man is nominated +for the presidency, claim that they were for him from the very start--as +a rule, claim that they discovered him. They are so anxious to be with +the procession, so afraid of being left, that they insist that they got +exactly the man they wanted. + +I will be frank enough with you to say that the convention did not +nominate my choice. I was for the nomination of General Gresham, +believing that, all things considered, he was the best and most +available man--a just judge, a soldier, a statesman. But there is +something in the American blood that bows to the will of the majority. +There is that splendid fealty and loyalty to the great principle upon +which our Government rests; so that when the convention reached its +conclusion, every Republican was for the nominee. There were good men +from which to select this ticket. I made my selection, and did the best +I could to induce the convention to make the same. Some people think, +or say they think, that I made a mistake in telling the name of the man +whom I was for. But I always know whom I am for, I always know what I am +for, and I know the reasons why I am for the thing or for the man. + +And it never once occurred to me that we could get a man nominated, or +elected, and keep his name a secret. When I am for a man I like to stand +by him, even while others leave, no matter if at last I stand alone. I +believe in doing things above board, in the light, in the wide air. +No snake ever yet had a skin brilliant enough, no snake ever crawled +through the grass secretly enough, silently or cunningly enough, to +excite my admiration. My admiration is for the eagle, the monarch of the +empyrean, who, poised on outstretched pinions, challenges the gaze of +all the world. Take your position in the sunlight; tell your neighbors +and your friends what you are for, and give your reasons for your +position; and if that is a mistake, I expect to live making only +mistakes. I do not like the secret way, but the plain, open way; and I +was for one man, not because I had anything against the others, who were +all noble, splendid men, worthy to be Presidents of the United States. + +Now, then, leaving that subject, two parties again confront each other. +With parties as with persons goes what we call character. They have +built up in the nation in which they live reputation, and the reputation +of a party should be taken into consideration as well as the reputation +of a man. What is this party? What has it done? What has it endeavored +to do? What are the ideas in its brain? What are the hopes, the emotions +and the loves in its heart? Does it wish to make the world grander and +better and freer? Has it a high ideal? Does it believe in sunrise, or +does it keep its back to the sacred east of eternal progress? These +are the questions that every American should ask. Every man should +take pride in this great Nation--America, with a star of glory in her +forehead!--and every man should say, "I hope when I lie down in death I +shall leave a greater and grander country than when I was born." + +This is the country of humanity. This is the Government of the poor. +This is where man has an even chance with his fellow-man. In this +country the poorest man holds in his hand at the day of election the +same unit, the same amount, of political power as the owner of a hundred +millions. That is the glory of the United States. + +A few days ago our party met in convention. Now, let us see who we are. +Let us see what the Republican party is. Let us see what is the spirit +that animates this great and splendid organization. + +And I want you to think one moment, just one moment: What was this +country when the first Republican President was elected? Under the +law then, every Northern man was a bloodhound, pledged to catch human +beings, who, led by the light of the Northern Star, were escaping +to free soil. Remember that. And remember, too, that when our first +President was elected we found a treasury empty, the United States +without credit, the great Republic unable to borrow money from day to +day to pay its current expenses. Remember that. Think of the glory and +grandeur of the Republican party that took the country with an empty +exchequer, and then think of what the Democratic party says to-day of +the pain and anguish it has suffered administering the Government with a +surplus! + +We must remember what the Republican party has done--what it has +accomplished for nationality, for liberty, for education and for the +civilization of our race. We must remember its courage in war, its +honesty in peace. Civil war tests to a certain degree the strength, the +stability and the patriotism of a country. After the war comes a greater +strain. It is a great thing to die for a cause, but it is a greater +thing to live for it. We must remember that the Republican party not +only put down a rebellion, not only created a debt of thousands and +thousands of millions, but that it had the industry and the intelligence +to pay that debt, and to give to the United States the best financial +standing of any nation. + +When this great party came together in Chicago what was the first thing +the convention did? What was the first idea in its mind? It was to honor +the memory of the greatest and grandest men the Republic has produced. +The first name that trembled upon the lips of the convention was that of +Abraham Lincoln--Abraham Lincoln, one of the greatest and grandest men +who ever lived, and, in my judgment, the greatest man that ever sat +in the presidential chair. And why the greatest? Because the kindest, +because he had more mercy and love in his heart than were in the heart +of any other President. And so the convention paid its tribute to the +great soldier, to the man who led, in company with others, the great +army of freedom to victory, until the old flag floated over every inch +of American soil and every foot of that territory was dedicated to the +eternal freedom of mankind. + +And what next did this convention do? The next thing was to send +fraternal greetings to the Americans of Brazil. Why? Because Brazil +had freed every slave, and because that act left the New World, this +hemisphere, without a slave--left two continents dedicated to the +freedom of man--so that with that act of Brazil the New World, +discovered only a few years ago, takes the lead in the great march of +human progress and liberty. That is the second thing the convention did. +Only a little while ago the minister to this country from Brazil, acting +under instructions from his government, notified the President of the +United States that this sublime act had been accomplished--notified +him that from the bodies of millions of men the chains of slavery had +fallen--an act great enough to make the dull sky of half the world glow +as though another morning had risen upon another day. + +And what did our President say? Was he filled with enthusiasm? Did his +heart beat quicker? Did the blood rush to his cheek? He simply said, +as it is reported, "that he hoped time would justify the wisdom of the +measure." It is precisely the same as though a man should quit a life of +crime, as though some gentleman in the burglar business should finally +announce to his friends: "I have made up my mind never to break into +another house," and the friend should reply: "I hope that time will +justify the propriety of that resolution." + +That was the first thing, with regard to the condition of the world, +that came into the mind of the Republican convention. And why was that? +Because the Republican party has fought for liberty from the day of its +birth to the present moment. + +And what was the next? The next resolution passed by the convention was, +"that we earnestly hope, we shall soon congratulate our fellow-citizens +of Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of home rule in Ireland." + +Wherever a human being wears a chain, there you will find the sympathy +of the Republican party. Wherever one languishes in a dungeon for having +raised the standard of revolt in favor of human freedom, there you will +find the sympathy of the Republican party. I believe in liberty for +Ireland, not because it is Ireland, but because they are human beings, +and I am for liberty, not as a prejudice, but as a principle. + +The man rightfully in jail who wants to get out is a believer in liberty +as a prejudice; but when a man out of jail sees a man wrongfully in jail +and is willing to risk his life to give liberty to the man who ought to +have it, that is being in favor of liberty as a principle. So I am in +favor of liberty everywhere, all over the world, and wherever one man +tries to govern another simply because he has been born a lord or a duke +or a king, or wherever one governs another simply by brute force, I say +that that is oppression, and it is the business of Americans to do all +they can to give liberty to the oppressed everywhere. + +Ireland should govern herself. Those who till the soil should own the +soil, or have an opportunity at least of becoming the owners. A few +landlords should not live in extravagance and luxury while those +who toil live on the leavings, on parings, on crumbs and crusts. The +treatment of Ireland by England has been one continuous crime. There is +no meaner page in history. + +What is the next thing in this platform? And if there is anything in it +that anybody can object to, we will find it out to-night. The next thing +is the supremacy of the Nation.-Why, even the Democrats now believe in +that, and in their own platform are willing to commence that word with +a capital N. They tell us that they are in favor of an indissoluble +Union--just as I presume they always have been. But they now believe in +a Union. So does the Republican party. What else? The Republican party +believes, not in State Sovereignty, but in the preservation of all the +rights reserved to the States by the Constitution. + +Let me show you the difference: For instance, you make a contract with +your neighbor who lives next door--equal partners--and at the bottom of +the contract you put the following addition: "If there is any dispute +as to the meaning of this contract, my neighbor shall settle it, and any +settlement he shall make shall be final." Is there any use of talking +about being equal partners any longer? Any use of your talking about +being a sovereign partner? So, the Constitution of the United States +says: "If any question arises between any State and the Federal +Government it shall be decided by a Federal Court." That is the end of +what they call State Sovereignty. + +Think of a sovereign State that can make no treaty, that cannot levy +war, that cannot coin money. But we believe in maintaining the rights +of the States absolutely in their integrity, because we believe in local +self-government. We deny, however, that a State has any right to deprive +a citizen of his vote. We deny that the State has any right to violate +the Federal law, and we go further and we say that it is the duty of the +General Government to see to it that every citizen in every State shall +have the right to exercise all of his privileges as a citizen of the +United States--"the right of every lawful citizen," says our platform, +"native or foreign, white or black, to cast a free ballot." + +Let me say one word about that. + +The ballot is the king, the emperor, the ruler of America; it is the +only rightful sovereign of the Republic; and whoever refuses to count +an honest vote, or whoever casts a dishonest vote, is a traitor to the +great principle upon which our Government is founded. The man poisons, +or endeavors to poison, the springs of authority, the fountains of +justice, of rightful dominion and power; and until every citizen can +cast his vote everywhere in this land and have that vote counted, we are +not a republican people, we are not a civilized nation. The Republican +party will not have finished its mission until this country is +civilized. That is its business. It was born of a protest against +barbarism. + +The Republican party was the organized conscience of the United States. +It had the courage to stand by what it believed to be right. There is +something better even than success in this world; or in other words, +there is only one kind of success, and that is to be for the right. Then +whatever happens, you have succeeded. + +Now, comes the next question. The Republican party not only wants to +protect every citizen in his liberty, in his right to vote, but it wants +to have that vote counted. And what else? + +The next thing in this platform is protection for American labor. + +I am going to tell you in a very brief way why I am in favor of +protection. First, I want this Republic substantially independent of +the rest of the world. You must remember that while people are +civilized--some of them--so that when they have a quarrel they leave it +to the courts to decide, nations still occupy the position of savages +toward each other. There is no national court to decide a question, +consequently the question is decided by the nations themselves, and you +know what selfishness and greed and power and the ideas of false glory +will do and have done. So that this Nation is not safe one moment from +war. I want the Republic so that it can live although at war with all +the world. + +We have every kind of climate that is worth having. Our country embraces +the marriage of the pine and palm; we have all there is of worth; it +is the finest soil in the world and the most ingenious people that ever +contrived to make the forces of nature do their work. I want this Nation +substantially independent, so that if every port were blockaded we would +be covered with prosperity as with a mantle. Then, too, the Nation that +cannot take care of itself in war is always at a disadvantage in peace. +That is one reason. Let me give you the next. + +The next reason is that whoever raises raw material and sells it will be +eternally poor. There is no State in this Union where the farmer raises +wheat and sells it, that the farmer is not poor. Why? He only makes one +profit, and, as a rule, that is a loss. The farmer that raises corn does +better, because he can sell, not corn, but pork and beef and horses. In +other words, he can make the second or third profit, and those farmers +get rich. There is a vast difference between the labor necessary to +raise raw material and the labor necessary to make the fabrics used +by civilized men. Remember that; and if you are confined simply to raw +material your labor will be unskilled; unskilled labor will be cheap, +the raw material will be cheap, and the result is that your country will +grow poorer and poorer, while the country that buys your raw material, +makes it into fabrics and sells it back to you, will grow intelligent +and rich. I want you to remember this, because it lies at the foundation +of this whole subject. Most people who talk on this point bring forward +column after column of figures, and a man to understand it would have to +be a walking table of logarithms. I do not care to discuss it that +way. I want to get at the foundation principles, so that you can give a +reason, as well as myself, why you are in favor of protection. + +Let us take another step. We will take a locomotive--a wonderful +thing--that horse of progress, with its flesh of iron and steel and +breath of flame--a wonderful thing. Let us see how it is made. Did you +ever think of the deft and cunning hands, of the wonderfully accurate +brains, that can make a thing like that? Did you ever think about it? +How much do you suppose the raw material lying in the earth was worth +that was changed into that locomotive? A locomotive that is worth, we +will say, twelve thousand dollars; how much was the raw material worth +lying in the earth, deposited there millions of years ago? Not as much +as one dollar. Let us, just for the sake of argument, say five dollars. +What, then, has labor added to the twelve thousand dollar locomotive? +Eleven thousand nine hundred and ninety-five dollars. Now, why? Because, +just to the extent that thought is mingled with labor, wages increase; +just to the extent you mix mind with muscle, you give value to labor; +just to the extent that the labor is skilled, deft, apt, just to that +extent or in that proportion, is the product valuable. Think about it. +Raw material! There is a piece of canvas five feet one way, three the +other. Raw material would be to get a man to whitewash it; that is raw +material. Let a man of genius paint a picture upon it; let him put in +that picture the emotions of his heart, the landscapes that have made +poetry in his brain, the recollection of the ones he loves, the prattle +of children, a mother's tear, the sunshine of her smile, and all the +sweet and sacred memories of his life, and it is worth five thousand +dollars--ten thousand dollars. + +Noise is raw material, but the great opera of "Tristan and Isolde" is +the result of skilled labor. There is the same difference between simple +brute strength and skilled labor that there is between noise and the +symphonies of Beethoven. I want you to get this in your minds. + +Now, then, whoever sells raw material gives away the great profit. You +raise cotton and sell it; and just as long as the South does it and does +nothing more the South will be poor, the South will be ignorant, and it +will be solidly Democratic. + +Now, do not imagine that I am saying anything against the Democratic +party. I believe the Democratic party is doing the best it can under the +circumstances. You know my philosophy makes me very charitable. You find +out all about a man, all about his ancestors, and you can account for +his vote always. Why? Because there are causes and effects in nature. +There are sometimes antecedents and subsequents that have no relation +to each other, but at the same time, all through the web and woof of +events, you find these causes and effects, and if you only look far +enough, you will know why a man does as he does. + +I have nothing to say against the Democratic party. I want to talk +against ideas, not against people. I do not care anything about their +candidates, whether they are good, bad or indifferent. What, gentlemen, +are your ideas? What do you propose to do? What is your policy? That +is what I want to know, and I am willing to meet them upon the field of +intellectual combat. They are in possession; they are in the rifle pits +of office; we are in the open field, but we will plant our standard, the +flag that we love, without a stain, and under that banner, upon which +so many dying men have looked in the last hour when they thought of +home and country--under that flag we will carry the Democratic +fortifications. + +Another thing; we want to get at this business so that we will +understand what we are doing. I do not believe in protecting American +industry for the sake of the capitalist, or for the sake of any class, +but for the sake of the whole Nation. And if I did not believe that it +was for the best interests of the whole Nation I should be opposed to +it. + +Let us take this next step. Everybody, of course, cannot be a farmer. +Everybody cannot be a mechanic. All the people in the world cannot go at +one business. We must have a diversity of industry. I say, the greater +that diversity, the greater the development of brain in the country. We +then have what you might call a mental exchange; men are then pursuing +every possible direction in which the mind can go, and the brain is +being developed upon all sides; whereas, if you all simply cultivated +the soil, you would finally become stupid. If you all did only one +business you would become ignorant; but by pursuing all possible +avocations that call for taste, genius, calculation, discovery, +ingenuity, invention--by having all these industries open to the +American people, we will be able to raise great men and great women; and +I am for protection, because it will enable us to raise greater men and +greater women. Not only because it will make more money in less time, +but because I would rather have greater folks and less money. + +One man of genius makes a continent sublime. Take all the men of wealth +from Scotland--who would know it? Wipe their names from the pages of +history, and who would miss them? Nobody. Blot out one name, Robert +Burns, and how dim and dark would be the star of Scotland. The great +thing is to raise great folks. That is what we want to do, and we want +to diversify all the industries and protect them all. How much? Simply +enough to prevent the foreign article from destroying the domestic. But +they say, then the manufacturers will form a trust and put the prices +up. If we depend upon the foreign manufacturers will they not form +trusts? We can depend on competition. What do the Democrats want to do? +They want to do away with the tariff, so as to do away with the surplus. +They want to put down the tariff to do away with the surplus. If you put +down the tariff a small per cent, so that the foreign article comes to +America, instead of decreasing, you will increase the surplus. Where you +get a dollar now, you will get five then. If you want to stop getting +anything from imports, you want to put the tariff higher, my friend. + +Let every Democrat understand this, and let him also understand that I +feel and know that he has the same interest in this great country that I +have, and let me be frank enough and candid enough and honest enough +to say that I believe the Democratic party advocates the policy it does +because it believes it will be the best for the country. But we differ +upon a question of policy, and the only way to argue it is to keep cool. +If a man simply shouts for his side, or gets mad, he is a long way from +any intellectual improvement. + +If I am wrong in this, I want to be set right. If it is not to the +interest of America that the shuttle shall keep flying, that wheels +shall keep turning, that cloth shall be woven, that the forges shall +flame and that the smoke shall rise from the numberless chimneys--if +that is not to the interest of America, I want to know it. But I believe +that upon the great cloud of smoke rising from the chimneys of the +manufactories of this country, every man who will think can see the bow +of national promise. + +"Oh, but," they say, "you put the prices so high." Let me give you two +or three facts: Only a few years ago I know that we paid one hundred and +twenty-five dollars a ton for Bessemer steel. At that time the tariff +was twenty-eight dollars a ton, I believe. I am not much on figures. I +generally let them add it up, and I pay it and go on about my business. +With the tariff at twenty-eight dollars a ton, that being a sufficient +protection against Great Britain, the ingenuity of America went to work. +Capital had the courage to try the experiment, and the result was that, +instead of buying thousands and thousands and thousands and tens of +thousands and hundreds of thousands and millions of tons of steel from +Great Britain, we made it here in our own country, and it went down as +low as thirty dollars a ton. Under this "rascally protection" it went +down to one-fourth of what free trade England was selling it to us for. + +And so I might go on all night with a thousand other articles; all I +want to show you is that we want these industries here, and we want +them protected just as long as they need protection. We want to rock the +cradle just as long as there is a child in it. When the child gets to +be seven or eight feet high, and wears number twelve boots, we will say: +"Now you will have to shift for yourself." What we want is not simply +for the capitalist, not simply for the workingmen, but for the whole +country. + +If there is any object worthy the attention of this or any other +government, it is the condition of the workingmen. What do they do? They +do all that is done. They are the Atlases upon whose mighty shoulders +rests the fabric of American civilization. The men of leisure are simply +the vines that run round this great sturdy oak of labor. If there is +anything noble enough, and splendid enough to claim the attention of a +nation, it is this question, and I hope the time will come when labor +will receive far more than it does to-day. I want you all to think of +it--how little, after all, the laboring man, even in America, receives. + +[A voice: "Under protection."] + +Yes, sir, even under protection. Take away that protection, and he is +instantly on a level with the European serf. And let me ask that good, +honest gentleman one question. If the laborer is better off in other +countries, why does not the American laborer emigrate to Europe? + +There is no place in the wide world where, in my judgment, labor reaps +its true reward. There never has been. But I hope the time will come +when the American laborer will not only make a living for himself, for +his wife and children, but lay aside something to keep the roof above +his head when the winter of age may come. My sympathies are all with +them, and I would rather see thousands of... '' palaces of millionaires +unroofed than to see desolation in the cabins of the poor. I know that +this world has been made beautiful by those who have labored and those +who have suffered. I know that we owe to them the conveniences of life, +and I have more conveniences, I live a more luxurious life, than any +monarch ever lived one hundred years ago. I have more conveniences than +any emperor could have purchased with the revenue of his empire one +hundred years ago. It is worth something to live in this age of the +world. + +And what has made us such a great and splendid and progressive and +sensible people? + +[A voice: "Free thought."] + +Free thought, of course. Back of every invention is free thought. Why +does a man invent? Slavery never invents; freedom invents. A slave +working for his master tries to do the least work in the longest space +of time, but a free man, working for wife and children, tries to do the +most work in the shortest possible time. He is in love with what he is +doing, consequently his head and his hands go in partnership; muscle and +brain unite, and the result is that the head invents something to help +the hands, and out of the brain leaps an invention that makes a slave +of the forces of nature--those forces that have no backs to be whipped, +those forces that shed no tears, those forces that are destined to work +forever for the happiness of the human race. + +Consequently I am for the protection of American labor, American genius, +American thought. I do not want to put our workingmen on a level with +the citizens of despotisms. Why do not the Democrats and others want the +Chinese to come here? Are they in favor of being protected? Why is it +that the Democrats and others object to penitentiary labor? I will tell +you. They say that a man in the penitentiary can produce cheaper. He has +no family to support, he has no children to look after; and they say, it +is hardly fair to make the father of a family and an honest man compete +with a criminal within the walls of a penitentiary. So they ask to be +protected. + +What is the difference whether a man is in the penitentiary, or whether +he is in the despotism of some European state? "Ah, but," they say, "you +let the laborer of Europe come here himself." Yes, and I am in favor of +it always. Why? This world belongs to the human race. And when they come +here, in a little while they have our wants, and if they do not their +children do, and you will find the second generation of Irishmen or +Germans or of any other nationality just as patriotic as the tenth +generation from the first immigrant. I want them to come. Then they get +our habits. + +Who wants free trade? Only those who want us for their customers, who +would like to sell us everything that we use--England, Germany, all +those countries. And why? Because one American will buy more than one +thousand, yes, five thousand Asiatics. America consumes more to-day +than China and India, more than ten billion would of semi-civilized and +barbarous peoples. What do they buy--what does England sell? A little +powder, a little whiskey, cheap calico, some blankets--a few things of +that kind. What does the American purchase? Everything that civilized +man uses or that civilized man can want. + +England wants this market. Give her free trade, and she will become the +most powerful, the richest nation that ever had her territories marked +upon the map of the world. And what do we become? Nobodies. Poor. +Invention will be lost, our minds will grow clumsy, the wondrous, +deft hand of the mechanic paralyzed--a great raw material producing +country--ignorant, poor, barbaric. I want the cotton that is raised in +this country to be spun here, to be woven into cloth. I want everything +that we use to be made by Americans. We can make the cloth, we can raise +the food to feed and to clothe this Nation, and the Nation is now only +in its infancy. + +Somehow people do not understand this. They really think we are getting +filled up. Look at the map of this country. See the valley of the +Mississippi. Put your hand on it. Trace the rivers coming from the Rocky +Mountains and the Alleghanies, and sweeping down to the Gulf, and know +that in the valley of the Mississippi, with its wondrous tributaries, +there can live and there can be civilized and educated five hundred +millions of human beings. + +Let us have some sense. I want to show you how far this goes beyond the +intellectual horizon of some people who hold office. For instance: We +have a tariff on lead, and by virtue of that tariff on lead nearly every +silver mine is worked in this country. Take the tariff from lead and +there would remain in the clutch of the rocks, of the quartz misers, +for all time, millions and millions of silver; but when that is put with +lead, and lead runs with silver, they can make enough on lead and silver +to pay for the mining, and the result is that millions and millions are +added every year to the wealth of the United States. + +Let me tell you another thing: There is not a State in the Union but +has something it wants protected. And Louisiana--a Democratic State, +and will be just as long as Democrats count the votes--Louisiana has the +impudence to talk about free trade and yet it wants its sugar protected. +Kentucky says free trade, except hemp; and if anything needs protection +it is hemp. Missouri says hemp and lead. Colorado, lead and wool; and so +you can make the tour of the States and every one is for free trade with +an exception--that exception being to the advantage of that State, and +when you put the exceptions together you have protected the industries +of all the States. + +Now, if the Democratic party is in favor of anything, it is in favor of +free trade. If President Clevelands message means anything it means free +trade. And why? Because it says to every man that gets protection: If +you will look about you, you will find that you pay for something +else that is protected more than you receive in benefits for what is +protected of yours; consequently the logic of that is free trade. They +believe in it I have no doubt. When the whole world is civilized, when +men are everywhere free, when they all have something like the same +tastes and ambitions, when they love their families and their children, +when they want the same kind of food and roofs above them--if that day +shall ever come--the world can afford to have its trade free, but do not +put the labor of America on a par with the labor of the Old World. + +Now, about taxes--internal revenue. That was resorted to in time of war. +The Democratic party made it necessary. We had to tax everything to beat +back the Democratic hosts, North and South. Now, understand me. I know +that thousands and hundreds of thousands of individual Democrats were +for this country, and were as pure patriots as ever marched beneath the +flag. I know that--hundreds of thousands of them. I am speaking of the +party organization that staid at home and passed resolutions that every +time the Union forces won a victory the Constitution had been violated. +I understand that. Those taxes were put on in time of war, because it +was necessary. Direct taxation is always odious. A government dislikes, +to be represented among all the people by a tax gatherer, by an official +who visits homes carrying consternation and grief wherever he goes. +Everybody, from the most ancient times of which I have ever read, until +the present moment, dislikes a tax gatherer. I have never yet seen in +any cemetery a monument with this inscription: "Sacred to the memory of +the man who loved to pay his taxes." It is far better if we can collect +the needed revenue of this Government indirectly. But, they say, you +must not take the taxes off tobacco; you must not take the taxes off +alcohol or spirits or whiskey. Why? Because it is immoral to take off +the taxes. Do you believe that there was, on the average, any more +drunkenness in this country before the tax was put on than there is now? +I do not. I believe there is as much liquor drank to-day, per capita, +as there ever was in the United States. I will not blame the Democratic +party. I do not care what they drink. What they think is what I have to +do with. I will be plain with them, because I know lots of fellows +in the Democratic party, and that is the only bad thing about +them--splendid fellows. And I know a good many Republicans, and I am +willing to take my oath that that is the only good thing about them. So, +let us all be fair. + +I want the taxes taken from tobacco and whiskey; and why? Because it is +a war measure that should not be carried on in peace; and in the second +place, I do not want that system inaugurated in this country, unless +there is an absolute necessity for it, and the moment the necessity is +gone, stop it. + +The moral side of this question? Only a couple of years ago, I think +it was, the Prohibitionists said that they wanted this tax taken from +alcohol. Why? Because as long as the Government licensed, as long as the +Government taxed and received sixty millions of dollars in revenue, just +so long the Government would make this business respectable, just so +long the Government would be in partnership with this liquor crime. That +is what they said then. Now we say take the tax off, and they say it is +immoral. Now, I have a little philosophy about this. I may be entirely +wrong, but I am going to give it to you. You never can make great men +and great women, by keeping them out of the way of temptation. You have +to educate them to withstand temptation. It is all nonsense to tie a +man's hands behind him and then praise him for not picking pockets. I +believe that temperance walks hand in hand with liberty. Just as life +becomes valuable, people take care of it. Just as life is great, and +splendid and noble, as long as the future is a kind of gallery filled +with the ideal, just so long will we take care of ourselves and avoid +dissipation of every kind. Do you know, I believe, as much as I believe +that I am living, that if the Mississippi itself were pure whiskey and +its banks loaf sugar, and all the flats covered with mint, and all +the bushes grew teaspoons and tumblers, there would not be any more +drunkenness than there is now! + +As long as you say to your neighbor "you must not" there is something in +that neighbor that says, "Well I will determine that for myself, and you +just say that again and I will take a drink if it kills me." There is no +moral question involved in it, except this: Let the burden of government +rest as lightly as possible upon the shoulders of the people, and let it +cause as little irritation as possible. Give liberty to the people. I +am willing that the women who wear silks, satins and diamonds; that the +gentlemen who smoke Havana cigars and drink champagne and Chateau Yquem; +I am perfectly willing that they shall pay my taxes and support this +Government, and I am willing that the man who does not do that, but is +willing to take the domestic article, should go tax free. + +Temperance walks hand in hand with liberty. You recollect that little +old story about a couple of men who were having a discussion on +this prohibition question, and the man on the other side said to the +Prohibitionist: "How would you like to live in a community where +every body attended to his own business, where every body went to bed +regularly at night, got up regularly in the morning; where every man, +woman and child was usefully employed during the day; no backbiting, +no drinking of whiskey, no cigars, and where they all attended divine +services on Sunday, and where no profane language was used?" "Why," said +he, "such a place would be a paradise, or heaven; but there is no such +place." "Oh," said the other man, "every well regulated penitentiary is +that way." So much for the moral side of the question. + +Another point that the Republican party calls the attention of the +country to is the use that has been made of the public land. Oh, say the +Democratic party, see what States, what empires have been given away +by the Republican party--and see what the Republican party did with it. +Road after road built to the great Pacific. Our country unified--the two +oceans, for all practical purposes, washing one shore. That is what +it did, and what else? It has given homes to millions of people in a +civilized land, where they can get all the conveniences of civilization. +And what else? Fifty million acres have been taken back by the +Government. How was this done? It was by virtue of the provisions put in +the original grants by the Republican party. + +There is another thing to which the Republican party has called the +attention of the country, and that is the admission of new States where +there are people enough to form a State. Now, with a solid South, with +the assistance of a few Democrats from the North, comes a State, North +Dakota, with plenty of population, a magnificent State, filled with +intelligence and prosperity. It knocks at the door for admission, and +what is the question asked by this administration? Not "Have you the +land, have you the wealth, have you the men and women?" but "Are you +Democratic or Republican?" And being intelligent people, they answer: +"We are Republicans." And the solid South, assisted by the Democrats +of the North, says to that people: "The door is shut; we will not have +you." Why? "Because you would add two to the Republican majority in +the Senate." Is that the spirit in which a nation like this should be +governed? When a State asks for admission, no matter what the politics +of its people may be, I say, admit that State; put a star on the flag +that will glitter for her. + +The next thing the Republican party says is, gold and silver shall both +be money. You cannot make every thing payable in gold--that would +be unfair to the poor man. You shall not make every thing payable in +silver--that would be unfair to the capitalist; but it shall be payable +in gold and silver. And why ought we to be in favor of silver? Because +we are the greatest silver producing nation in the world; and the value +of a thing, other things being equal, depends on its uses, and being +used as money adds to the value of silver. And why should we depreciate +one of our own products by saying that we will not take it as money? I +believe in bimetalism, gold and silver, and you cannot have too much +of either or both. No nation ever died of a surplus, and in all the +national cemeteries of the earth you will find no monument erected to a +nation that died from having too much silver. Give me all the silver I +want and I am happy. + +The Republican party has always been sound on finance. It always knew +you could not pay a promise with a promise. The Republican party always +had sense enough to know that money could not be created by word +of mouth, that you could not make it by a statute, or by passing +resolutions in a convention. It always knew that you had to dig it out +of the ground by good, honest work. The Republican party always knew +that money is a commodity, exchangeable for all other commodities, but a +commodity just as much as wheat or corn, and you can no more make money +by law than you can make wheat or corn by law. You can by law, make a +promise that will to a certain extent take the place of money until the +promise is paid. It seems to me that any man who can even understand the +meaning of the word democratic can understand that theory of money. + +Another thing right in this platform. Free schools for the education of +all the children in the land. The Republican party believes in looking +out for the children. It knows that the a, b, c's are the breastworks of +human liberty. They know that every schoolhouse is an arsenal, a fort, +where missiles are made to hurl against the ignorance and prejudice of +mankind; so they are for the free school. + +And what else? They are for reducing the postage one-half. Why? Simply +for the diffusion of intelligence. What effect will that have? It will +make us more and more one people. The oftener we communicate with each +other the more homogeneous we become. The more we study the same books +and read the same papers the more we swap ideas, the more we become true +Americans, with the same spirit in favor of liberty, progress and the +happiness of the human race. + +What next? The Republican party says, let us build ships for +America--for American sailors. Let our fleets cover the seas, and let +our men-of-war protect the commerce of the Republic--not that we can +wrong some weak nation, but so that we can keep the world from doing +wrong to us. This is all. I have infinite contempt for civilized people +who have guns carrying balls weighing several hundred pounds, who go and +fight poor, naked savages that can only throw boomerangs and stones. + +I hold such a nation in infinite contempt. + +What else is in this platform? You have no idea of the number of things +in it till you look them over. It wants to cultivate friendly feelings +with all the governments in North, Central and South America, so that +the great continents can be one--instigated, moved, pervaded, inspired +by the same great thoughts. In other words, we want to civilize this +continent and the continent of South America. And what else? This great +platform is in favor of paying--not giving, but paying--pensions to +every man who suffered in the great war. What would we have said at the +time? What, if the North could have spoken, would it have said to the +heroes of Gettysburg on the third day? "Stand firm! We will empty the +treasures of the Nation at your feet." They had the courage and the +heroism to keep the hosts of rebellion back without that promise, and is +there an American to-day that can find it in his heart to begrudge +one solitary dollar that has found its way into the pocket of a maimed +soldier, or into the hands of his widow or his orphan? + +What would we have offered to the sailors under Farragut on condition +that they would pass Forts St. Phillip and Jackson? What would we have +offered to the soldiers under Grant in the Wilderness? What to the +followers of Sherman and Sheridan? Do you know, I can hardly conceive of +a spirit contemptible enough--and I am not now alluding to the President +of the United States--I can hardly conceive of a spirit contemptible +enough to really desire to keep a maimed soldier from the bounty of this +Nation. It would be a disgrace and a dishonor if we allowed them to +die in poorhouses, to drop by life's highway and to see their children +mourning over their poor bodies, glorious with scars, maimed into +immortality. I may do a great many bad things before I die, but I give +you my word that so long as I live I will never vote for any President +that vetoed a pension bill unless upon its face it was clear that the +man was not a wounded soldier. + +What next in this platform? For the protection of American homes. I am +a believer in the home. I have said, and I say again--the hearthstone is +the foundation of the great temple; the fireside is the altar where the +true American worships. I believe that the home, the family, is the unit +of good government, and I want to see the aegis of the great Republic +over millions of happy homes. + +That is all there is in this world worth living for. Honor, place, fame, +glory, riches--they are ashes, smoke, dust, disappointment, unless there +is somebody in the world you love, somebody who loves you; unless there +is some place that you can call home, some place where you can feel the +arms of children around your neck, some place that is made absolutely +sacred by the love of others. + +So I am for this platform. I am for the election of Harrison and Morton, +and although I did nothing toward having that ticket nominated, because, +I tell you, I was for Gresham, yet I will do as much toward electing the +candidates, within my power, as any man who did vote on the winning +side. + +We have a good ticket, a noble, gallant soldier at the head; that is +enough for me. He is in favor of liberty and progress. And you have +for Vice-President a man that you all know better than I do, but a good, +square, intelligent, generous man. That is enough for me. And these +men are standing on the best platform that was ever adopted by the +Republican party--a platform that stands for education, liberty, the +free ballot, American industry; for the American policy that has made us +the richest and greatest Nation of the globe. + + + + +REUNION ADDRESS. + + * The Elmwood Reunion, participated in by six regiments, + came to a glorious close last evening. There were thousands + of people present. The city was gayly decorated with flags + and hunting, while pictures and busts of Col. Ingersoll were + in every show window. From early in the morning until noon, + delegations kept coming in, A special train arrived from + Peoria at 10.50 o'clock, bearing a large delegation of old + soldiers together with Col. Ingersoll and his daughter Maud. + He was met by the reception committee, and marched up the + street escorted by an army of veterans. When he arrived on + the west side of the public square, the lines were opened, + and he marched between, in review of his old friends and + comrades. The parade started as soon as it could be formed, + after the arrival of the special train. + + Col. Ingersoll was greeted by a salute of thirteen guns from + Peoria's historic cannon, as he was escorted to the grand + stand by Spencer's band and the Peoria Veterans. + + The reviewing stand was on the west side of the park. Here + the parade was seen by Col. Ingersoll and the other + distinguished guests, among whom were Congressmen Graff and + Prince, Mayor Day, Judges N. E. Worthington and I. C. + Pinkney, and the Hon. Clark E. Carr, who also made a speech + saying that the people cannot estimate the majesty of the + eloquence of Col. Robert G. Ingersoll, keeping alive the + flame of patriotism from 1860 to the present time. . + + The parade was an imposing one, there were fully two + thousand five hundred old veterans in line who passed In + review before Col. Ingersoll, each one doffing his hat as he + marched by. The most pleasing feature of the exercises of + the day was the representation of the Living Flag by one + hundred and fifty little girls of Elmwood, at ten o' clock + under the direction of Col. Lem. H. Wiley, of Peoria. The + flag was presented on a large Inclined amphitheatre at the + left of the grand stand, and was the finest thing ever + witnessed lu this part of the country. + + Following the presentation of the Living Flag, Chairman + Brown called the Reunion to order, and Col. Lem. H. Wiley, + National Bugler gave the assembly call. + + Following the assembly call a male chorus rendered a song, + "Ring O Bells." The song was composed for the occasion by + Mr. E. R. Brown and was as follows: + + "Welcome now that leader fearless, + Free of thought and grand of brain, + King of hearts and speaker peerless, + Hail our Ingersoll again." *** + + Then Chairman, E. R. Brown, took charge of the meeting and + introduced Col. Ingersoll as the greatest of living orators, + referring to the time that the Colonel declared, a quarter + of a century ago, in Rouse's Hall, Peoria, that from that + time forth there would be one free man in Illinois, and + expressing Indebtedness to him for what had been done since + for the freedom and happiness of mankind, by his mighty + brain, his great spirit and his gentle heart. + + He then spoke of Col. Ingersoll's residence in Peoria + county, paying an eloquent tribute to him, and concluded by + leading the distinguished gentleman to the front of the + stand. The appearance of Col. Ingersoll was a signal for a + mighty shout, which was heartily joined in by everybody + present, even the little girls composing the living flag, + cheering and waving their banners. + + It was fully ten minutes before the cheering had subsided, + and when Col. Ingersoll commenced to speak it was renewed + and he was forced to wait for several minutes more. When + quiet was restored, he opened his address, and for an hour + and a half he held the vast audience spell-bound with his + eloquence and wit. + + After Col. Ingersoll's speech the veterans crowded around + the stand to meet and grasp the hand of their comrade, and + the boys of the Eleventh Illinois Cavalry, his old regiment, + were especially profuse in their congratulations and thanks + for the splendid address he had delivered. His speeeh was + off-hand, only occasional reference being made to his short + notes. The Colonel then left the Park amid the yells of + delight of the old soldiers, every man of whom endeavored to + grasp his hand. + + In the afternoon the veterans assembled in Liberty Hall by + themselves, the room being filled. Col. Ingersoll appeared + and was greeted with such cheers as he had not received + during the entire day. He then said good-bye to his old + comrades.--Chicago Inter-ocean and Peoria papers, Sept. 6th, + 1896. + + +Elmwood, Ills. + +1895. + +LADIES and Gentlemen, Fellow-citizens, Old Friends and Comrades: + +It gives me the greatest pleasure to meet again those with whom I became +acquainted in the morning of my life. It is now afternoon. The sun of +life is slowly sinking in the west, and, as the evening comes, nothing +can be more delightful than to see again the faces that I knew in youth. + +When first I knew you the hair was brown; it is now white. The lines +were not quite so deep, and the eyes were not quite so dim. Mingled with +this pleasure is sadness,--sadness for those who have passed away--for +the dead. + +And yet I am not sure that we ought to mourn for the dead. I do not know +which is better--life or death. It may be that death is the greatest +gift that ever came from nature's open hands. We do not know. + +There is one thing of which I am certain, and that is, that if we could +live forever here, we would care nothing for each other. The fact +that we must die, the fact that the feast must end, brings our souls +together, and treads the weeds from out the paths between our hearts. + +And so it may be, after all, that love is a little flower that grows +on the crumbling edge of the grave. So it may be, that were it not +for death there would be no love, and without love all life would be a +curse. + +I say it gives me great pleasure to meet you once again; great pleasure +to congratulate you on your good fortune--the good fortune of being a +citizen of the first and grandest republic ever established upon the +face of the earth. + +That is a royal fortune. To be an heir of all the great and brave men +of this land, of all the good, loving and patient women; to be in +possession of the blessings that they have given, should make every +healthy citizen of the United States feel like a millionaire. + +This, to-day, is the most prosperous country on the globe; and it is +something to be a citizen of this country. + +It is well, too, whenever we meet, to draw attention to what has been +done by our ancestors. It is well to think of them and to thank them for +all their work, for all their courage, for all their toil. + +Three hundred years ago our country was a vast wilderness, inhabited by +a few savages. Three hundred years ago--how short a time; hardly a tick +of the great clock of eternity--three hundred years; not a second in the +life even of this planet--three hundred years ago, a wilderness; three +hundred years ago, inhabited by a few savages; three hundred years ago +a few men in the Old World, dissatisfied, brave and adventurous, trusted +their lives to the sea and came to this land. + +In 1776 there were only three millions of people all told. These men +settled on the shores of the sea. These men, by experience, learned to +govern themselves. These men, by experience, found that a man should +be respected in the proportion that he was useful. They found, by +experience, that titles were of no importance; that the real thing was +the man, and that the real things in the man were heart and brain. They +found, by experience, how to govern themselves, because there was nobody +else here when they came. The gentlemen who had been in the habit of +governing their fellow-men staid at home, and the men who had been in +the habit of being governed came here, and, consequently, they had to +govern themselves. + +And finally, educated by experience, by the rivers and forests, by the +grandeur and splendor of nature, they began to think that this continent +should not belong to any other; that it was great enough to count one, +and that they had the intelligence and manhood to lay the foundations of +a nation. + +It would be impossible to pay too great and splendid a tribute to the +great and magnificent souls of that day. They saw the future. They saw +this country as it is now, and they endeavored to lay the foundation +deep; they endeavored to reach the bed-rock of human rights, the +bed-rock of justice. And thereupon they declared that all men were born +equal; that all the children of nature had at birth the same rights, and +that all men had the right to pursue the only good,--happiness. + +And what did they say? They said that men should govern men; that the +power to govern should come from the consent of the governed, not +from the clouds, not from some winged phantom of the air, not from the +aristocracy of ether. They said that this power should come from +men; that the men living in this world should govern it, and that the +gentlemen who were dead should keep still. + +They took another step, and said that church and state should forever be +divorced. That is no harm to real religion. It never was, because real +religion means the doing of justice; real religion means the giving to +others every right you claim for yourself; real religion consists in +duties of man to man, in feeding the hungry, in clothing the naked, in +defending the innocent, and in saying what you believe to be true. + +Our fathers had enough sense to say that, and a man to do that in 1776 +had to be a pretty big fellow. It is not so much to say it now, because +they set the example; and, upon these principles of which I have spoken, +they fought the war of the Revolution. + +At no time, probably, were the majority of our forefathers in favor +of independence, but enough of them were on the right side, and they +finally won a victory. And after the victory, those that had not been +even in favor of independence became, under the majority rule, more +powerful than the heroes of the Revolution. + +Then it was that our fathers made a mistake. We have got to praise them +for what they did that was good, and we will mention what they did that +was wrong. + +They forgot the principles for which they fought. They forgot the +sacredness of human liberty, and, in the name of freedom, they made a +mistake and put chains on the limbs of others. + +That was their error; that was the poison that entered the American +blood; that was the corrupting influence that demoralized presidents +and priests; that was the influence that corrupted the United States of +America. + +That mistake, of course, had to be paid for, as all mistakes in nature +have to be paid for. And not only do you pay for your mistake itself, +but you pay at least ten per cent, compound interest. Whenever you do +wrong, and nobody finds it out, do not imagine you have gotten over it; +you have not. Nature knows it. + +The consequences of every bad act are the invisible police that no +prayers can soften, and no gold can bribe. + +Recollect that. Recollect, that for every bad act, there will be laid +upon your shoulder the arresting hand of the consequences; and it is +precisely the same with a nation as it is with an individual. You have +got to pay for all of your mistakes, and you have got to pay to the +uttermost farthing. That is the only forgiveness known in nature. Nature +never settles unless she can give a receipt in full. + +I know a great many men differ with me, and have all sorts of bankruptcy +systems, but Nature is not built that way. + +Finally, slavery took possession of the Government. Every man who wanted +an office had to be willing to step between a fugitive slave and his +liberty. + +Slavery corrupted the courts, and made judges decide that the child born +in the State of Pennsylvania, whose mother had been a slave, could not +be free. + +That was as infamous a decision as was ever rendered, and yet the +people, in the name of the law, did this thing, and the Supreme Court of +the United States did not know right from wrong. + +These dignified gentlemen thought that labor could be paid by lashes on +the back--which was a kind of legal tender--and finally an effort was +made to subject the new territory--the Nation--to the institution of +slavery. + +Then we had a war with Mexico, in which we got a good deal of glory and +one million square miles of land, but little honor. I will admit that we +got but little honor out of that war. That territory they wanted to give +to the slaveholder. + +In 1803 we purchased from Napoleon the Great, one million square miles +of land, and then, in 1821, we bought Florida from Spain. So that, when +the war came, we had about three million square miles of new land. The +object was to subject all this territory to slavery. + +The idea was to go on and sell the babes from their mothers until time +should be no more. The idea was to go on with the branding-iron and the +whip. The idea was to make it a crime to teach men, human beings, +to read and write; to make every Northern man believe that he was a +bulldog, a bloodhound to track down men and women, who, with the light +of the North Star in their eyes, were seeking the free soil of Great +Britain. + +Yes, in these times we had lots of mean folks. Let us remember that. + +And all at once, under the forms of law, under the forms of our +Government, the greatest man under the flag was elected President. That +man was Abraham Lincoln. And then it was that those gentlemen of the +South said: "We will not be governed by the majority; we will be a law +unto ourselves." + +And let me tell you here to-day--I am somewhat older than I used to be; +I have a little philosophy now that I had not at the nine o'clock in the +morning portion of my life--and I do not blame anybody. I do not blame +the South; I do not blame the Confederate soldier. + +She--the South--was the fruit of conditions. She was born to +circumstances stronger than herself; and do you know, according to my +philosophy, (which is not quite orthodox), every man and woman in the +whole world are what conditions have made them. + +So let us have some sense. The South said, "We will not submit; this is +not a nation, but a partnership of States." I am willing to go so far as +to admit that the South expressed the original idea of the Government. + +But now the question was, to whom did the newly acquired property +belong? New States had been carved out of that territory; the soil of +these States had been purchased with the money of the Republic, and had +the South the right to take these States out of the Republic? That was +the question. + +The great West had another interest, and that was that no enemy, no +other nation, should control the mouth of the Mississippi. I regard +the Mississippi River as Nature's protest against secession. The old +Mississippi River says, and swears to it, that this country shall be +one, now and forever. + +What was to be done? The South said, "We will never remain," and the +North said, "You shall not go." It was a little slow about saying it, +it is true. Some of the best Republicans in the North said, "Let it go." +But the second, sober thought of the great North said, "No, this is our +country and we are going to keep it on the map of the world." + +And some who had been Democrats wheeled into line, and hundreds and +thousands said, "This is our country," and finally, when the Government +called for volunteers, hundreds and thousands came forward to offer +their services. Nothing more sublime was ever seen in the history of +this world. + +I congratulate you to-day that you live in a country that furnished the +greatest army that ever fought for human liberty in any country round +the world. I want you to know that. I want you to know that the North, +East and West furnished the greatest army that ever fought for human +liberty. I want you to know that Gen. Grant commanded more men, men +fighting for the right, not for conquest, than any other general who +ever marshaled the hosts of war. + +Let us remember that, and let us be proud of it. The millions who poured +from the North for the defence of the flag--the story of their heroism +has been told to you again and again. I have told it myself many times. +It is known to every intelligent man and woman in the world. Everybody +knows how much we suffered. Everybody knows how we poured out money like +water; how we spent it like leaves of the forest. Everybody knows how +the brave blood was shed. Everybody knows the story of the great, the +heroic struggle, and everybody knows that at last victory came to our +side, and how the last sword of the Rebellion was handed to Gen. Grant. +There is no need to tell that story again. + +But the question now, as we look back, is, was this country worth +saving? Was the blood shed in vain? Were the lives given for naught? +That is the question. + +This country, according to my idea, is the one success of the world. Men +here have more to eat, more to wear, better houses, and, on the average, +a better education than those of any other nation now living, or any +that has passed away. + +Was the country worth saving? + +See what we have done in this country since 1860. We were not much of a +people then, to be honor bright about it. We were carrying, in the great +race of national life, the weight of slavery, and it poisoned us; it +paralyzed our best energies; it took from our politics the best minds; +it kept from the bench the greatest brains. + +But what have we done since 1860, since we really became a free people, +since we came to our senses, since we have been willing to allow a man +to express his honest thoughts on every subject? + +Do you know how much good we did? The war brought men together from +every part of the country and gave them an opportunity to compare their +foolishness. It gave them an opportunity to throw away their prejudices, +to find that a man who differed with them on every subject might be the +very best of fellows. That is what the war did. We have been broadening +ever since. + +I sometimes have thought it did men good to make the trip to California +in 1849. As they went over the plains they dropped their prejudices on +the way. I think they did, and that's what killed the grass. + +But to come back to my question, what have we done since 1860? + +From 1860 to 1880, in spite of the waste of war, in spite of all the +property destroyed by flame, in spite of all the waste, our profits were +one billion three hundred and seventy-four million dollars. Think of it! +From 1860 to 1880! That is a vast sum. + +From 1880 to 1890 our profits were two billion one hundred and +thirty-nine million dollars. + +Men may talk against wealth as much as they please; they may talk about +money being the root of all evil, but there is little real happiness in +this world without some of it. It is very handy when staying at home +and it is almost indispensable when you travel abroad. Money is a good +thing. It makes others happy; it makes those happy whom you love, and +if a man can get a little together, when the night of death drops the +curtain upon him, he is satisfied that he has left a little to keep the +wolf from the door of those who, in life, were dear to him. Yes, money +is a good thing, especially since special providence has gone out of +business. + +I can see to-day something beyond the wildest dream of any patriot who +lived fifty years ago. The United States to-day is the richest nation +on the face of the earth. The old nations of the world, Egypt, India, +Greece, Rome, every one of them, when compared with this great Republic, +must be regarded as paupers. + +How much do you suppose this Nation is worth to-day? I am talking about +land and cattle, products, manufactured articles and railways. Over +seventy thousand million dollars. Just think of it. + +Take a thousand dollars and then take nine hundred and ninety-nine +thousand; so you will have one thousand piles of one thousand each. That +makes only a million, and yet the United States today is worth seventy +thousand millions. This is thirty-five percent, more than Great Britain +is worth. + +We are a great Nation. We have got the land. This land was being made +for many millions of years. Its soil was being made by the great lakes +and rivers, and being brought down from the mountains for countless +ages. + +This continent was standing like a vast pan of milk, with the cream +rising for millions of years, and we were the chaps that got there when +the skimming commenced. + +We are rich, and we ought to be rich. It is our own fault if we are not. +In every department of human endeavor, along every path and highway, +the progress of the Republic has been marvelous, beyond the power of +language to express. + +Let me show you: In 1860 the horse-power of all the engines, the +locomotives and the steamboats that traversed the lakes and rivers--the +entire power--was three million five hundred thousand. In 1890 the +horse-power of engines and locomotives and steamboats was over seventeen +million. + +Think of that and what it means! Think of the forces at work for the +benefit of the United States, the machines doing the work of thousands +and millions of men! + +And remember that every engine that puffs is puffing for you; every road +that runs is running for you. I want you to know that the average man +and woman in the United States to-day has more of the conveniences of +life than kings and queens had one hundred years ago. + +Yes, we are getting along. + +In 1860 we used one billion eight hundred million dollars' worth +of products, of things manufactured and grown, and we sent to other +countries two hundred and fifty million dollars' worth. + +In 1893 we used three billion eighty-nine million dollars' worth, and +we sent to other countries six hundred and fifty-four million dollars' +worth. + +You see, these vast sums are almost inconceivable. There is not a +man to-day with brains large enough to understand these figures; to +understand how many cars this money put upon the tracks, how much coal +was devoured by the locomotives, how many men plowed and worked in the +fields, how many sails were given to the wind, how many ships crossed +the sea. + +I tell you, there is no man able to think of the ships that were built, +the cars that were made, the mines that were opened, the trees that were +felled--no man has imagination enough to grasp the meaning of it all. No +man has any conception of the sea till he crosses it. I knew nothing of +how broad this country is until I went over it in a slow train. + +Since 1860 the productive power of the United States has more than +trebled. + +I like to talk about these things, because they mean good houses, +carpets on the floors, pictures on the walls, some books on the shelves. +They mean children going to school with their stomachs full of good +food, prosperous men and proud mothers. + +All my life I have taken a much deeper interest in what men produce than +in what nature does. I would rather see the prairies, with the oats and +the wheat and the waving corn, and the schoolhouse, and hear the thrush +sing amid the happy homes of prosperous men and women--I would rather +see these things than any range of mountains in the world. Take it as +you will, a mountain is of no great value. + +In 1860 our land was worth four billion five hundred million dollars; in +1890 it was worth fourteen billion dollars. + +In 1860 all the railroads in the United States were worth four hundred +million dollars, now they are worth a little less than ten thousand +million dollars. + +I want you to understand what these figures mean. + +For thirty years we spent, on an average, one million dollars a day in +building railroads.--I want you to think what that means. All that money +had to be dug out of the ground. It had to be made by raising something +or manufacturing something. We did not get it by writing essays on +finance, or discussing the silver question. It had to be made with the +ax, the plow, the reaper, the mower; in every form of industry; all to +produce these splendid results. + +We have railroads enough now to make seven tracks around the great +globe, and enough left for side tracks. That is what we have done here, +in what the European nations are pleased to call "the new world." + +I am telling you these things because you may not know them, and I did +not know them myself until a few days ago. I am anxious to give away +information, for it is only by giving it away that you can keep it. When +you have told it, you remember it. It is with information as it is +with liberty, the only way to be dead sure of it is to give it to other +people. + +In 1860 the houses in the United States, the cabins on the frontier, the +buildings in the cities, were worth six thousand million dollars. Now +they are worth over twenty-two thousand million dollars. To talk about +figures like these is enough to make a man dizzy. + +In 1860 our animals of all kinds, including the Illinois deer--commonly +called swine--the oxen and horses, and all others, were worth about one +thousand million dollars; now they are worth about four thousand million +dollars. + +Are we not getting rich? Our national debt today is nothing. It is like +a man who owes a cent and has a dollar. + +Since 1860 we have been industrious. We have created two million five +hundred thousand new farms. Since 1860 we have done a good deal of +plowing; there have been a good many tired legs. I have been that way +myself. Since 1860 we have put in cultivation two hundred million acres +of land. Illinois, the best State in the Union, has thirty-five million +acres of land, and yet, since 1860, we have put in cultivation enough +land to make six States of the size of Illinois. That will give you some +idea of the quantity of work we have done. I will admit I have not done +much of it myself, but I am proud of it. + +In 1860 we had four million five hundred and sixty-five thousand farmers +in this country, whose land and implements were worth over sixteen +thousand million dollars. The farmers of this country, on an average, +are worth five thousand dollars, and the peasants of the Old World, who +cultivate the soil, are not worth, on an average, ten dollars beyond the +wants of the moment. The farmers of our country produce, on an average, +about one million four hundred thousand dollars' worth of stuff a day. + +What else? Have we in other directions kept pace with our physical +development? Have we developed the mind? Have we endeavored to develop +the brain? Have we endeavored to civilize the heart? I think we have. + +We spend more for schools per head than any nation in the world. And the +common school is the breath of life. + +Great Britain spends one dollar and thirty cents per head on the common +schools; France spends eighty cents; Austria, thirty cents; Germany, +fifty cents; Italy, twenty-five cents, and the United States over two +dollars and fifty cents. + +I tell you the schoolhouse is the fortress of liberty. Every schoolhouse +is an arsenal, filled with weapons and ammunition to destroy the +monsters of ignorance and fear. + +As I have said ten thousand times, the school-house is my cathedral. The +teacher is my preacher. + +Eighty-seven per cent, of all the people of the United States, over ten +years of age, can read and write. There is no parallel for this in the +history of the wide world. + +Over forty-two millions of educated citizens, to whom are opened all the +treasures of literature! + +Forty-two millions of people, able to read and write! I say, there is +no parallel for this. The nations of antiquity were very ignorant when +compared with this great Republic of ours. There is no other nation in +the world that can show a record like ours. We ought to be proud of +it. We ought to build more schools, and build them better. Our teachers +ought to be paid more, and everything ought to be taught in the public +school that is worth knowing. + +I believe that the children of the Republic, no matter whether their +fathers are rich or poor, ought to be allowed to drink at the fountain +of education, and it does not cost more to teach everything in the free +schools than it does teaching reading and writing and ciphering. + +Have we kept up in other ways? The post office tells a wonderful story. +In Switzerland, going through the post office in each year, are letters, +etc., in the proportion of seventy-four to each inhabitant. In England +the number is sixty; in Germany, fifty-three; in France, thirty-nine; in +Austria, twenty-four; in Italy, sixteen, and in the United States, our +own home, one hundred and ten. Think of it. In Italy only twenty-five +cents paid per head for the support of the public schools and only +sixteen letters. And this is the place where God's agent lives. I would +rather have one good schoolmaster than two such agents. + +There is another thing. A great deal has been said, from time to time, +about the workingman. I have as much sympathy with the workingman as +anybody on the earth--who does not work. There has always been a desire +in this world to let somebody else do the work, nearly everybody having +the modesty to stand back whenever there is anything to be done. In +savage countries they make the women do the work, so that the weak +people have always the bulk of the burdens. In civilized communities +the poor are the ones, of course, that work, and probably they are never +fully paid. It is pretty hard for a manufacturer to tell how much he +can pay until he sells the stuff which he manufactures. Every man who +manufactures is not rich. I know plenty of poor corporations; I know +tramp railroads that have not a dollar. And you will find some of them +as anarchistic as you will find their men. What a man can pay, depends +upon how much he can get for what he has produced. What the farmer can +pay his help depends upon the price he receives for his stock, his corn +and his wheat. + +But wages in this country are getting better day by day. We are getting +a little nearer to being civilized day by day, and when I want to make +up my mind on a subject I try to get a broad view of it, and not decide +it on one case. + +In 1860 the average wages of the workingman were, per year, two hundred +and eighty-nine dollars. In 1890 the average was four hundred and +eighty-five. Thus the average has almost doubled in thirty years. The +necessaries of life are far cheaper than they were in 1860. Now, to my +mind, that is a hopeful sign. And when I am asked how can the dispute +between employer and employee be settled, I answer, it will be settled +when both parties become civilized. + +It takes a long time to educate a man up to the point where he does not +want something for nothing. Yet, when a man is civilized, he does not. + +He wants for a thing just what it is worth; he wants to give labor its +legitimate reward, and when he has something to sell he never wants more +than it is worth. I do not claim to be civilized myself; but all these +questions between capital and labor will be settled by civilization. + +We are to-day accumulating wealth at the rate of more than seven million +dollars a day. Is not this perfectly splendid? + +And in the midst of prosperity let us never forget the men who helped +to save our country, the men whose heroism gave us the prosperity we now +enjoy. + +We have one-seventh of the good land of this world. You see there is a +great deal of poor land in the world. I know the first time I went to +California, I went to the Sink of the Humboldt, and what a forsaken look +it had. There was nothing there but mines of brimstone. On the train, +going over, there was a fellow who got into a dispute with a minister +about the first chapter of Genesis. And when they got along to the Sink +of the Humboldt the fellow says to the minister: + +"Do you tell me that God made the world in six days, and then rested on +the seventh?" + +He said, "I do." + +"Well," said the fellow, "don't you think he could have put in another +day here to devilish good advantage?" + +But, as I have said, we have got about one-seventh of the good land of +the world. I often hear people say that we have too many folks here; +that we ought to stop immigration; that we have no more room. The people +who say this know nothing of their country. They are ignorant of their +native land. I tell you that the valley of the Mississippi and the +valleys of its tributaries can support a population of five hundred +millions of men, women, and children. Don't talk of our being +overpopulated; we have only just started. + +Here, in this land of ours, five hundred million men and women and +children can be supported and educated without trouble. We can afford to +double two or three times more. But what have we got to do? We have got +to educate them when they come. That is to say, we have got to educate +their children, and in a few generations we will have them splendid +American citizens, proud of the Republic. + +We have no more patriotic men under the flag than the men who came from +other lands, the hundreds and thousands of those who fought to preserve +this country. And I think just as much of them as I would if they had +been born on American soil. What matters it where a man was born? It is +what is inside of him you have to look at--what kind of a heart he has, +and what kind of a head. I do not care where he was born; I simply ask, +Is he a man? Is he willing to give to others what he claims for himself? +That is the supreme test. + +Now, I have got a hobby. I do not suppose any of you have heard of it. +I think the greatest thing for a country is for all of its citizens to +have a home. I think it is around the fireside of home that the virtues +grow, including patriotism. We want homes. + +Until a few years ago it was the custom to put men in prison for debt. +The authorities threw a man into jail when he owed something which he +could not pay, and by throwing him into jail they deprived him of an +opportunity to earn what would pay it. After a little time they got +sense enough to know that they could not collect a debt in this way, +and that it was better to give him his freedom and allow him to earn +something, if he could. Therefore, imprisonment for debt was done away +with. + +At another time, when a man owed anything, if he was a carpenter, a +blacksmith or a shoemaker, and not able to pay it, they took his tools, +on a writ of sale and execution, and thus incapacitated him so that he +could do nothing. Finally they got sense enough to abolish that law, +to leave the mechanic his tools and the farmer his plows, horses and +wagons, and after this, debts were paid better than ever they were +before. + +Then we thought of protecting the home-builder, and we said: "We will +have a homestead exemption. We will put a roof over wife and child, +which shall be exempt from execution and sale," and so we preserved +hundreds of thousands and millions of homes, while debts were paid just +as well as ever they were paid before. + +Now, I want to take a step further. I want, the rich people of this +country to support it. I want the people who are well off to pay the +taxes. I want the law to exempt a homestead of a certain value, say from +two thousand dollars to two thousand five hundred, and to exempt it, not +only from sale on judgment and execution, but to exempt it from taxes of +all sorts and kinds. I want to keep the roof over the heads of children +when the man himself is gone. I want that homestead to belong not only +to the man, but to wife and children. I would like to live to see a roof +over the heads of all the families of the Republic. I tell you, it does +a man good to have a home. You are in partnership with nature when you +plant a hill of corn. When you set out a tree you have a new interest in +this world. When you own a little tract of land you feel as if you and +the earth were partners. All these things dignify human nature. + +Bad as I am, I have another hobby. There are thousands and thousands of +criminals in our country. I told you a little while ago I did not blame +the South, because of the conditions which prevailed in the South. The +people of the South did as they must. I am the same about the criminal. +He does as he must. + +If you want to stop crime you must treat it properly. The conditions of +society must not be such as to produce criminals. + +When a man steals and is sent to the penitentiary he ought to be sent +there to be reformed and not to be brutalized; to be made a better man, +not to be robbed. + +I am in favor, when you put a man in the penitentiary, of making him +work, and I am in favor of paying him what his work is worth, so that +in five years, when he leaves the prison cell, he will have from two +hundred dollars to three hundred dollars as a breastwork between him and +temptation, and something for a foundation upon which to build a nobler +life. + +Now he is turned out and before long he is driven back. Nobody will +employ him, nobody will take him, and, the night following the day of +his release he is without a roof over his head and goes back to his old +ways. I would allow him to change his name, to go to another State with +a few hundred dollars in his pocket and begin the world again. + +We must recollect that it is the misfortune of a man to become a +criminal. + +I have hobbies and plenty of them. + +I want to see five hundred millions of people living here in peace. If +we want them to live in peace, we must develop the brain, civilize the +heart, and above all things, must not forget education. Nothing should +be taught in the school that somebody does not know. + +When I look about me to-day, when I think of the advance of my country, +then I think of the work that has been done. + +Think of the millions who crossed the mysterious sea, of the thousands +and thousands of ships with their brave prows towards the West. + +Think of the little settlements on the shores of the ocean, on the banks +of rivers, on the edges of forests. + +Think of the countless conflicts with savages--of the midnight +attacks--of the cabin floors wet with the blood of dead fathers, mothers +and babes. + +Think of the winters of want, of the days of toil, of the nights of +fear, of the hunger and hope. + +Think of the courage, the sufferings and hardships. + +Think of the homesickness, the disease and death. + +Think of the labor; of the millions and millions of trees that were +felled, while the aisles of the great forests were filled with the +echoes of the ax; of the many millions of miles of furrows turned by the +plow; of the millions of miles of fences built; of the countless logs +changed to lumber by the saw--of the millions of huts, cabins and +houses. + +Think of the work. Listen, and you will hear the hum of wheels, the +wheels with which our mothers spun the flax and wool. Listen, and you +will hear the looms and flying shuttles with which they wove the cloth. + +Think of the thousands still pressing toward the West, of the roads they +made, of the bridges they built; of the homes, where the sunlight fell, +where the bees hummed, the birds sang and the children laughed; of the +little towns with mill and shop, with inn and schoolhouse; of the old +stages, of the crack of the whips and the drivers' horns; of the canals +they dug. + +Think of the many thousands still pressing toward the West, passing over +the Alleghanies to the shores of the Ohio and the great lakes--still +onward to the Mississippi--the Missouri. + +See the endless processions of covered wagons drawn by horses, by +oxen,--men and boys and girls on foot, mothers and babes inside. See the +glimmering camp fires at night; see the thousands up with the sun and +away, leaving the perfume of coffee on the morning air, and sometimes +leaving the new-made grave of wife or child. Listen, and you will hear +the cry of "Gold!" and you will see many thousands crossing the great +plains, climbing the mountains and pressing on to the Pacific. + +Think of the toil, the courage it has taken to possess this land! + +Think of the ore that was dug, the furnaces that lit the nights with +flame; of the factories and mills by the rushing streams. + +Think of the inventions that went hand in hand with the work; of the +flails that were changed to threshers; of the sickles that became +cradles, and the cradles that were changed to reapers and headers--of +the wooden plows that became iron and steel; of the spinning wheel that +became the jennie, and the old looms transformed to machines that almost +think--of the steamboats that traversed the rivers, making the towns +that were far apart neighbors and friends; of the stages that became +cars, of the horses changed to locomotives with breath of flame, and the +roads of dust and mud to highways of steel, of the rivers spanned and +the mountains tunneled. + +Think of the inventions, the improvements that changed the hut to the +cabin, the cabin to the house, the house to the palace, the earthen +floors and bare walls to carpets and pictures--that changed famine to +feast--toil to happy labor and poverty to wealth. + +Think of the cost. + +Think of the separation of families--of boys and girls leaving the old +home--taking with them the blessings and kisses of fathers and mothers. +Think of the homesickness, of the tears shed by the mothers left by the +daughters gone. Think of the millions of brave men deformed by labor now +sleeping in their honored graves. + +Think of all that has been wrought, endured and accomplished for our +good, and let us remember with gratitude, with love and tears the brave +men, the patient loving women who subdued this land for us. + +Then think of the heroes who served this country; who gave us this +glorious present and hope of a still more glorious future; think of the +men who really made us free, who secured the blessings of liberty, not +only to us, but to billions yet unborn. + +This country will be covered with happy homes and free men and free +women. + +To-day we remember the heroic dead, those whose blood reddens the paths +and highways of honor; those who died upon the field, in the charge, +in prison-pens, or in famine's clutch; those who gave their lives that +liberty should not perish from the earth. And to-day we remember the +great leaders who have passed to the realm of silence, to the land of +shadow. Thomas, the rock of Chickamauga, self-poised, firm, brave, +faithful; Sherman, the reckless, the daring, the prudent and the +victorious; Sheridan, a soldier fit to have stood by Julius Caesar and +to have uttered the words of command; and Grant, the silent, the +invincible, the unconquered; and rising above them all, Lincoln, the +wise, the patient, the merciful, the grandest figure in the Western +world. We remember them all today and hundreds of thousands who are +not mentioned, but who are equally worthy, hundreds of thousands of +privates, deserving of equal honor with the plumed leaders of the host. + +And what shall I say to you, survivors of the death-filled days? To you, +my comrades, to you whom I have known in the great days, in the time +when the heart beat fast and the blood flowed strong; in the days of +high hope--what shall I say? All I can say is that my heart goes out to +you, one and all. To you who bared your bosoms to the storms of war; to +you who left loved ones to die, if need be, for the sacred cause. May +you live long in the land you helped to save; may the winter of your +age be as green as spring, as full of blossoms as summer, as generous as +autumn, and may you, surrounded by plenty, with your wives at your sides +and your grandchildren on your knees, live long. And when at last the +fires of life burn low; when you enter the deepening dusk of the last +of many, many happy days; when your brave hearts beat weak and slow, +may the memory of your splendid deeds; deeds that freed your fellow-men; +deeds that kept your country on the map of the world; deeds that kept +the flag of the Republic in the air--may the memory of these deeds fill +your souls with peace and perfect joy. Let it console you to know that +you are not to be forgotten. Centuries hence your story will be told in +art and song, and upon your honored graves flowers will be lovingly laid +by millions' of men and women now unborn. + +Again expressing the joy that I feel in having met you, and again saying +farewell to one and all, and wishing you all the blessings of life, I +bid you goodbye.* + + * At the last reunion of the Eleventh Illinois Cavalry, the + Colonel's old regiment, and the soldiers of Peoria county, + which Mr. Ingersoll attended, a little incident happened + which let us into the inner circle of his life. The meeting + was held at Elmwood. While the soldier were passing in + review the citizens and young people filled all the seats in + the park and crowded around the speaker's stand, so as to + occupy all available space. When the soldiers had finished + their parade and returned to the park, they found it + impossible to get near the speaker. Of course we were all + disappointed, but were forced to stand on the outskirts of + the vast throng. + + As soon as he ceased speaking, Mr. Ingersoll said to a + soldier that he would like to meet his comrades in the hall + at a certain hour in the afternoon. The word spread quickly, + and at the appointed hour the hall was crowded with + soldiers. The guard stationed at tue door was ordered to let + none but soldiers pass into the hall. Some of the comrades, + however, brought their wives. The guards, true to their + orders, refused to let the ladies pass. Just as Mr. + Ingersoll was ready to speak, word came to him that some of + the comrades' wives were outside and wanted permission to + pass the guard. The hall was full, but Mr. Ingersoll + requested all comrades whose wives were within reach to go + and get them. When his order had been complied with even + standing room was at a premium. When Mr. Ingersoll arose to + speak to that great assemblage of white-haired veterans and + their aged companions his voice was unusually tender, and the + wave of emotion that passed through the hall cannot be told + in words. Tears and cheers blended as Mr. Ingersoll arose + and began his speech with the statement that all present + were nearing the setting sun of life, and in all probability + that was the last opportunity many of them would have of + taking each other by the hand. + + In this half-hour impromptu speech the great-hearted man, + Robert G. Ingersoll, was seen at his best. It was not a + clash of opinions over party or creed, but it was a meeting + of hearts and communion together In the holy of holies of + human life. The address was a series of word-pictures that + still hang on the walls of memory. The speaker, in his most + sympathetic mood, drew a picture of the service of the G. A. + R., of the women of the republic, and then paid a beautiful + tribute to home and invoked the kindest and greatest + influence to guard his comrades and their companions during + the remainder of life's journey. + + We got very close to the man that day, where we could see + the heart of Mr. Ingersoll. I have often wished that a + reporter could have been present to preserve the address. + Imagine four beautiful word-paintings entitled, "The Service + of the G. A. R.," "The Influence of Noble Womanhood," "The + Sacredness of Home," and "The Pilgrimage of Life." Imagine + these word-paintings as drawn by Mr. Ingersoll under the + most favorable circumstances, and you have an idea of that + address. Mr. Ingersoll the Agnostic is a very different man + from Mr. Ingersoll the man and patriot. I cannot share the + doubts of this Agnostic. I cannot help admiring the man and + patriot.--The Rev. Frank McAlpine, Peoria Star, August 1, + 1895. + + + + +THE CHICAGO AND NEW YORK GOLD SPEECH. + + * "This world will see but one Ingersoll." + + Such was the terse, laconic, yet potent utterance that came + spontaneously from a celebrated statesman whose head is now + pillowed in the dust of death, as he stood in the lobby of + the old Burnet House in Cincinnati after the famous + Republican Convention in that city in 1876, at which Colonel + Robert G. Ingersoll made that powerful speech nominating + Blaine for the Presidency, one which is read and reread to- + day, and will be read in the future, as an example of the + highest art of the platform. + + That same sentiment in thought, emotion or vocal expression + emanated from upward of twenty thousand citizens last night + who heard the eloquent and magic Ingersoll in the great + tent stretched near the corner of Sacramento avenue and Lake + street as he expounded the living gospel of true + Republicanism. + + The old warhorse, silvered by long years of faithful service + to his country, aroused the same all-pervading enthusiasm as + he did in the campaigns of Grant and Hayes and Garfield. + + He has lost not one whit, not one iota of his striking + physical presence, his profound reasoning, his convincing + logic, his rollicking wit, grandiloquence--in fine, all the + graces of the orator of old, reenforced by increased + patriotism and the ardor of the call to battle for his + country, are still his in the fullest measure. + + Ingersoll in his powerful speech at Cincinnati, spoke in + behalf of a friend; last night he plead for his country. In + 1876 he eulogized a man; last night, twenty years afterward, + he upheld the principles of democratic government. Such was + the difference in his theme; the logic, the eloquence of his + utterances was the more profound In the same ratio. + + He came to the ground floor of human existence and talked as + man to man. His patriotism, be it religion, sentiment, or + that lofty spirit inseparable from man's soul, is his life. + Last night he sought to inspire those who heard him with the + same loyalty, and he succeeded. + + Those passionate outbursts of eloquence, the wit that fairly + scintillated, the logic as Inexorable as heaven's decrees, + his rich rhetoric and immutable facts driven straight to his + hearers with the strength of bullets, aroused applause that + came as spontaneous as sunlight. + + Now eliciting laughter, now silence, now cheers, the great + orator, with the singular charm of presence, manner and + voice, swayed his immense audience at his own volition. + Packed with potency was every sentence, each word a living + thing, and with them he flayed financial heresy, laid bare + the dire results of free trade, and exposed the dangers of + Populism. + + It was an immense audience that greeted him. The huge tent + was packed from center-pole to circumference, and thousands + went away because they could not gain entrance. The houses + in the vicinity were beautifully illuminated decorated. + + The Chairman, Wm. P. McCabe, in a brief but forcible speech, + presented Colonel Ingersoll to the vast audience. As the old + veteran of rebellion days arose from his seat, one + prolonged, tremendous cheer broke forth from the twenty + thousand throats. And it was fully fifteen minutes before + the great orator could begin to deliver his address. + + In his introductory speech Mr. McCabe said: + + "Friends and Fellow-Citizens: I have no set speech to make + to-night. My duty Is to introduce to you one whose big heart + and big brain is filled with love and patriotic care for the + things that concern the country he fought for and loved so + well. I now have the honor of introducing to you Hon. Robert + G. Ingersoll."--The Intrr-Ocean, Chicago, 111., October 9th, + 1895. + + +1896. + +LADIES and Gentlemen: This is our country. + +The legally expressed will of the majority is the supreme law of the +land. We are responsible for what our Government does. We cannot excuse +ourselves because of the act of some king, or the opinions of nobles. We +are the kings. We are the nobles. We are the aristocracy of America, and +when our Government does right we are honored, and when our Government +does wrong the brand of shame is on the American brow. + +Again we are on the field of battle, where thought contends with +thought, the field of battle where facts are bullets and arguments are +swords. + +To-day there is in the United States a vast congress consisting of the +people, and in that congress every man has a voice, and it is the duty +of every man to inquire into all questions presented, to the end that he +may vote as a man and as a patriot should. + +No American should be dominated by prejudice. No man standing under our +flag should follow after the fife and drum of a party. He should say to +himself: "I am a free man, and I will discharge the obligations of an +American citizen with all the intelligence I possess." + +I love this country because the people are free; and if they are not +free it is their own fault. + +To-night I am not going to appeal to your prejudices, if you have any. +I am going to talk to the sense that you have. I am going to address +myself to your brain and to your heart. I want nothing of you except +that you will preserve the institutions of the Republic; that you will +maintain her honor unstained. That is all I ask. + +I admit that all the parties who disagree with me are honest. Large +masses of mankind are always honest, the leader not always, but the mass +of people do what they believe to be right. Consequently there is no +argument in abuse, nothing calculated to convince in calumny. To be +kind, to be candid, is far nobler, far better, and far more American. We +live in a Democracy, and we admit that every other human being has the +same right to think, the same right to express his thought, the same +right to vote that we have, and I want every one who hears me to vote +in exact accord with his sense, to cast his vote in accordance with +his conscience. I want every one to do the best he can for the great +Republic, and no matter how he votes, if he is honest, I shall find no +fault. + +But the great thing is to understand what you are going to do; the great +thing is to use the little sense that we have. In most of us the capital +is small, and it ought to be turned often. We ought to pay attention, we +ought to listen to what is said and then think, think for ourselves. + +Several questions have been presented to the American people for their +solution, and I propose to speak a little about those questions, and I +do not want you to pretend to agree with me. I want no applause unless +you honestly believe I am right. + +Three great questions are presented: First, as to money; second, as +to the tariff, and third, whether this Government has the right of +self-defence. Whether this is a Government of law, or whether there +shall be an appeal from the Supreme Court to a mob. These are the three +questions to be answered next Tuesday by the American people. + +First, let us take up this money question. Thousands and thousands of +speeches have been made on the subject. Pamphlets thick as the leaves +of autumn have been scattered from one end of the Republic to the other, +all about money, as if it were an exceedingly metaphysical question, as +though there were something magical about it. + +What is money? Money is a product of nature. Money is a part of nature. +Money is something that man cannot create. All the legislatures and +congresses of the world cannot by any possibility create one dollar, any +more than they could suspend the attraction of gravitation or hurl a +new constellation into the concave sky. Money is not made. It has to be +found. It is dug from the crevices of rocks, washed from the sands of +streams, from the gravel of ancient valleys; but it is not made. It +cannot be created. Money is something that does not have to be redeemed. +Money is the redeemer. And yet we have a man running for the presidency +on three platforms with two Vice-Presidents, who says that money is the +creature of law. It may be that law sometimes is the creature of money, +but money was never the creature of law. + +A nation can no more create money by law than it can create corn and +wheat and barley by law, and the promise to pay money is no nearer money +than a warehouse receipt is grain, or a bill of fare is a dinner. If you +can make money by law, why should any nation be poor? + +The supply of law is practically unlimited. Suppose one hundred people +should settle on an island, form a government, elect a legislature. They +would have the power to make law, and if law can make money, if money +is the creature of law, why should not these one hundred people on the +island be as wealthy as Great Britain? What is to hinder? And yet we are +told that money is the creature of law. In the financial world that +is as absurd as perpetual motion in mechanics; it is as absurd as the +fountain of eternal youth, the philosopher's stone, or the transmutation +of metals. + +What is a dollar? People imagine that a piece of paper with pictures on +it, with signatures, is money. The greenback is not money--never was; +never will be. It is a promise to pay money; not money. The note of the +nation is no nearer money than the note of an individual. A bank note is +not money. It is a promise to pay money; that is all. + +Well, what is a dollar? In the civilized world it is twenty-three grains +and twenty-two one hundredths of pure gold. That is a dollar. Well, +cannot we make dollars out of silver? Yes, I admit it, but in order to +make a silver dollar you have got to put a dollars worth of silver in +the silver dollar, and you have to put as much silver in it as you can +buy for twenty-three grains and twenty-two one-hundredths' of a grain +of pure gold. It takes a dollar's worth of silver to make a dollar. +It takes a dollar's worth of paper to make a paper dollar. It takes a +dollar's worth of iron to make an iron dollar; and there is no way of +making a dollar without the value. + +And let me tell you another thing. You do not add to the value of gold +by coining it any more than you add to the value of wheat by measuring +it; any more than you add to the value of coal by weighing it. Why do +you coin gold? Because every man cannot take a chemist's outfit with +him. He cannot carry a crucible and retort, scales and acids, and so +the Government coins it, simply to certify how much gold there is in the +piece. + +Ah, but, says this same gentleman, what gives our money--our silver--its +value? It is because it is a legal tender, he says. Nonsense; nonsense. +Gold was not given value by being made a legal tender, but being +valuable it was made a legal tender. And gold gets no value to-day from +being a legal tender. I not only say that, but I will prove it; and I +will not only prove it, but I will demonstrate it. Take a twenty dollar +gold piece, hammer it out of shape, mar the Goddess of Liberty, pound +out the United States of America and batter the eagle, and after you get +it pounded how much is it worth? + +It is worth exactly twenty dollars. Is it a legal tender? No. Has its +value been changed? No. Take a silver dollar. It is a legal tender; now +pound it into a cube, and how much is it worth? A little less than fifty +cents. What gives it the value of a dollar? The fact that it is a legal +tender? No; but the promise of the Government to keep it on an equality +with gold. I will not only say this, but I will demonstrate it. I do not +ask you to take my word; just use the sense you have. + +The Mexican silver dollar has a little more silver in it than one of our +dollars, and the Mexican silver dollar is a legal tender in Mexico. If +there is any magic about legal tender it ought to work as well in Mexico +as in the United States. I take an American silver dollar and I go +to Mexico. I buy a dinner for a dollar and I give to the Mexican the +American dollar and he gives me a Mexican dollar in change. Yet both of +the dollars are legal tender. Why is it that the Mexican dollar is worth +only fifty cents? Because the Mexican Government has not agreed to keep +it equal with gold; that is all, that is all. + +We want the money of the civilized world, and I will tell you now that +in the procession of nations every silver nation lags behind--every one. +There is not a silver nation on the globe where decent wages are paid +for human labor--not one. The American laborer gets ten times as much +here in gold as a laborer gets in China in silver, twenty times as much +as a laborer does in India, four times as much as a laborer gets in +Russia; and yet we are told that the man who will "follow England" with +the gold standard lacks patriotism and manhood. What then shall we +say of the man that follows China, that follows India in the silver +standard? + +Does that require patriotism? + +It certainly requires self-denial. + +And yet these gentlemen say that our money is too good. They might as +well say the air is too pure; they might as well say the soil is too +rich. How can money be too good? Mr. Bryan says that it is so good, +people hoard it; and let me tell him they always will. Mr. Bryan wants +money so poor that everybody will be anxious to spend it. He wants money +so poor that the rich will not have it. Then he thinks the poor can get +it. We are willing to toil for good money. Good money means the comforts +and luxuries of life. Real money is always good. Paper promises and +silver substitutes may be poor; words and pictures may be cheap and may +fade to worthlessness--but gold shines on. + +In Chicago, many years ago, there was an old colored man at the Grand +Pacific. I met him one morning, and he looked very sad, and I said to +him, "Uncle, what is the matter?" "Well," he said, "my wife ran away +last night. Pretty good looking woman; a good deal younger than I am; +but she has run off." And he says: "Colonel, I want to give you my idea +about marriage. If a man wants to marry a woman and have a good time, +and be satisfied and secure in his mind, he wants to marry some woman +that no other man on God's earth would have." + +That is the kind of money these gentlemen want in the United States. +Cheap money. Do you know that the words cheap money are a contradiction +in terms? Cheap money is always discounted when people find out that it +is cheap. We want good money, and I do not care how much we get. But we +want good money. Men are willing to toil for good money; willing to +work in the mines; willing to work in the heat and glare of the furnace; +willing to go to the top of the mast on the wild sea; willing to work +in tenements; women are willing to sew with their eyes filled with tears +for the sake of good money. And if anything is to be paid in good money, +labor is that thing. If any man is entitled to pure gold, it is the man +who labors. Let the big fellows take cheap money. Let the men living +next the soil be paid in gold. But I want the money of this country as +good as that of any other country. + +When our money is below par we feel below par. I want our money, no +matter how it is payable, to have the gold behind it. That is the money +I want in the United States. + +I want to teach the people of the world that a Democracy is honest. I +want to teach the people of the world that America is not only capable +of self-government, but that it has the self-denial, the courage, the +honor, to pay its debts to the last farthing. + +Mr. Bryan tells the farmers who are in debt that they want cheap money. +What for? To pay their debts. And he thinks that is a compliment to the +tillers of the soil. The statement is an insult to the farmers, and the +farmers of Maine and Vermont have answered him. + +And if the farmers of those States with their soil can be honest, I +think a farmer in Illinois has no excuse for being a rascal. I regard +the farmers as honest men, and when the sun shines and the rains fall +and the frosts wait, they will pay their debts. They are good men, and I +want to tell you to-night that all the stories that have been told about +farmers being Populists are not true. + +You will find the Populists in the towns, in the great cities, in +the villages. All the failures, no matter for what reason, are on the +Populist's side. They want to get rich by law. They are tired of work. + +And yet Mr. Bryan says vote for cheap money so that you can pay your +debts in fifty cent dollars. Will an honest man do it? + +Suppose a man has borrowed a thousand bushels of wheat of his neighbor, +of sixty pounds to the bushel, and then Congress should pass a law +making thirty pounds of wheat a bushel. Would that farmer pay his debt +with five hundred bushels and consider himself an honest man? + +Mr. Bryan says, "Vote for cheap money to pay your debts," and thereupon +the creditor says, "What is to become of me?" Mr. Bryan says, "We will +make it one dollar and twenty-nine cents an ounce, and make it of the +ratio of sixteen to one, make it as good as gold." And thereupon the +poor debtor says, "How is that going to help me?" And in nearly all the +speeches that this man has made he has taken the two positions, first, +that we want cheap money to pay debts, and second, that the money would +be just as good as gold for creditors. + +Now, the question is: Can Congress make fifty cents' worth of silver +worth one dollar? That is the question, and if Congress can, then I +oppose the scheme on account of its extravagance. What is the use of +wasting all that silver? Think about it. If Congress can make fifty +cents' worth of silver worth a dollar by law, why can it not make one +cent's worth of silver worth a dollar by law. Let us save the silver and +use it for forks and spoons. The supply even of silver is limited--the +supply of law is inexhaustible. Do not waste silver, use more law. You +cannot fix values by law any more than you can make cooler summers by +shortening thermometers. + +There is another trouble. If Congress, by the free coinage of silver, +can double its value, why should we allow an Englishman with a million +dollars' worth of silver bullion at the market price, to bring it to +America, have it coined free of charge, and make it exactly double the +value? Why should we put a million dollars in his pocket? That is too +generous. Why not buy the silver from him in the open market and let the +Government make the million dollars? Nothing is more absurd; nothing is +more idiotic. I admit that Mr. Bryan is honest. I admit it. If he were +not honest his intellectual pride would not allow him to make these +statements. + +Well, another thing says our friend, "Gold has been cornered"; and +thousands of people believe it. + +You have no idea of the credulity of some folks. I say that it has not +been cornered, and I will not only prove it, I will demonstrate it. +Whenever the Stock Exchange or some of the members have a corner on +stocks, that stock goes up, and if it does not, that corner bursts. +Whenever gentlemen in Chicago get up a corner on wheat in the Produce +Exchange, wheat goes up or the corner bursts. And yet they tell me there +has been a corner in gold for all these years, yet since 1873 to the +present time the rate of interest has steadily gone down. + +If there had been a corner the rate of interest would have steadily +advanced. There is a demonstration. But let me ask, for my own +information, if they corner gold what will prevent their cornering +silver? Or are you going to have it so poor that it will not be worth +cornering? + +Then they say another thing, and that is that the demonetization of +silver is responsible for all the hardships we have endured, for all the +bankruptcy, for all the panics. That is not true, and I will not only +prove it, but I will demonstrate it. The poison of demonetization +entered the American veins, as they tell us, in 1873, and has been busy +in its hellish work from that time to this; and yet, nineteen years +after we were vaccinated, 1892, was the most prosperous year ever known +by this Republic. All the wheels turning, all the furnaces aflame, +work at good wages, everybody prosperous. How, Mr. Bryanite, how do you +account for that? Just be honest a minute and think about it. + +Then there is another thing. In 1816 Great Britain demonetized silver, +and that wretched old government has had nothing but gold from that day +to this as a standard. And to show you the frightful results of that +demonetization, that government does not own now above one-third of +the globe, and all the winds are busy floating her flags. There is a +demonstration. + +Mr. Bryan tells us that free coinage will bring silver 16 to 1. What is +the use of stopping there? Why not make it 1 to 1? Why not make it equal +with gold and be done with it? And why should it stop at exactly one +dollar and twenty-nine cents? I do not know. I am not well acquainted +with all the facts that enter into the question of value, but why should +it stop at exactly one dollar and twenty-nine cents? I do not know. And +I guess if he were cross-examined along toward the close of the trial he +would admit that he did not know. + +And yet this statesman calls this silver the money of our fathers. Well, +let us see. Our fathers did some good things. In 1792 they made gold and +silver the standards, and at a ratio of 15 to 1. But where you have two +metals and endeavor to make a double standard it is very hard to keep +them even. They vary, and, as old Dogberry says, "An two men ride of a +horse, one must ride behind." They made the ratio 15 to 1, and who did +it? Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton. Jefferson, the greatest +man, with one exception, that ever sat in the presidential chair. With +one exception. [A voice: "Who was that?"] Abraham Lincoln. Alexander +Hamilton, with more executive ability than any other man that ever +stood under the flag. And how did they fix the ratio? They found the +commercial value in the market; that is how they did it. And they went +on and issued American dollars 15 to 1; and in 1806, when Jefferson was +President, the coinage was stopped. Why? There was too much silver in +the dollars, and people instead of passing them around put them aside +and sold them to the silversmiths. + +Then in 1834 the ratios changed; not quite sixteen to one. That was +based again on the commercial value, and instead of sixteen to one they +went into the thousands in decimals. It was not quite sixteen to one. +They wanted to fix it absolutely on the commercial value. Then a few +more dollars were coined; and our fathers coined of these sacred dollars +up to 1873, eight millions, and seven millions had been melted. + +In 1853 the gold standard was in fact adopted, and, as I have told you, +from 1792 to 1873 only eight millions of silver had been coined. + +What have the "enemies of silver" done since that time? Under the act +of 1878 we have coined over four hundred and thirty millions of these +blessed dollars. We bought four million ounces of silver in the open +market every month, and in spite of the vast purchases silver continued +to go down. We are coining about two millions a month now, and silver is +still going down. Even the expectation of the election of Bryan cannot +add the tenth of one per cent, to the value of silver bullion. It is +going down day by day. + +But what I want to say to-night is, if you want silver money, measure it +by the gold standard. + +I wish every one here would read the speech of Senator Sherman, +delivered at Columbus a little while ago, in which he gives the history +of American coinage, and every man who will read it will find +that silver was not demonetized in 1873. You will find that it was +demonetized in 1853, and if he will read back he will find that the +apostles of silver now were in favor of the gold standard in 1873. +Senator Jones of Nevada in 1873 voted for the law of 1873. He said from +his seat in the Senate, that God had made gold the standard. He said +that gold was the mother of civilization. Whether he has heard from God +since or not I do not know. But now he is on the other side. Senator +Stewart of Nevada was there at the time; he voted for the act of 1873, +and said that gold was the only standard. He has changed his mind. So +they have said of me that I used to talk another way, and they have +published little portions of speeches, without publishing all that was +said. I want to tell you to-night that I have never changed on the money +question. + +On many subjects I have changed. I am very glad to feel that I have +grown a little in the last forty or fifty years. And a man should allow +himself to grow, to bud and blossom and bear new fruit, and not be +satisfied with the rotten apples under the tree. + +But on the money question I have not changed. Sixteen years ago in this +city at Cooper Union, in 1880, in discussing this precise question, I +said that I wanted gold and silver and paper; that I wanted the paper +issued by the General Government, and back of every paper dollar I +wanted a gold dollar or a silver dollar worth a dollar in gold. I said +then, "I want that silver dollar worth a dollar in gold if you have +to make it four feet in diameter." I said then, "I want our paper so +perfectly secure that when the savage in Central Africa looks upon a +Government bill of the United States his eyes will gleam as though he +looked at shining gold." I said then, "I want every paper dollar of the +Union to be able to hold up its hand and swear, 'I know that my Redeemer +liveth.'" I said then, "The Republic cannot afford to debase money; +cannot afford to be a clipper of coin; an honest nation, honest +money; for nations as well as individuals, honesty is the best policy +everywhere and forever." I have not changed on that subject. As I told +a gentleman the other day, "I am more for silver than you are because I +want twice as much of it in a dollar as you do." + +Ah, but they say, "free coinage would bring prosperity." I do not +believe it, and I will tell you why. Elect Bryan, come to the silver +standard, and what would happen? We have in the United States about six +hundred million dollars in gold. Every dollar would instantly go out +of circulation. Why? No man will use the best money when he can use +cheaper. Remember that. No carpenter will use mahogany when his contract +allows pine. Gold will go out of circulation, and what next would +happen? All the greenbacks would fall to fifty cents on the dollar. The +only reason they are worth a dollar now is because the Government has +agreed to pay them in gold. When you come to a silver basis they fall to +fifty cents. What next? All the national bank notes would be cut square +in two. Why? Because they are secured by United States bonds, and when +we come to a silver basis, United States bonds would be paid in silver, +fifty cents on the dollar. And what else would happen? What else? These +sacred silver dollars would instantly become fifty cent pieces, because +they would no longer be redeemable in gold; because the Government would +no longer be under obligation to keep them on a parity with gold. And +how much currency and specie would that leave for us in the United +States? In value three hundred and fifty million dollars. That is five +dollars per capita. We have twenty dollars per capita now, and yet +they want to go to five dollars for the purpose of producing prosperous +times! + +What else would happen? Every human being living on an income would lose +just one-half. Every soldiers' pension would be cut in two. Every human +being who has a credit in the savings bank would lose just one-half. +All the life insurance companies would pay just one-half. All the fire +insurance companies would pay just one-half, and leave you the ashes for +the balance. That is what they call prosperity. + +And what else? The Republic would be dishonored. The believers in +monarchy--in the divine right of kings--the aristocracies of the Old +World--would say, "Democracy is a failure, freedom is a fraud, and +liberty is a liar;" and we would be compelled to admit the truth. No; +we want good, honest money. We want money that will be good when we are +dead. We want money that will keep the wolf from the door, no matter +what Congress does. We want money that no law can create; that is what +we want. There was a time when Rome was mistress of the world, and there +was a time when the arch of the empire fell, and the empire was buried +in the dust of oblivion; and before those days the Roman people coined +gold, and one of those coins is as good to-night as when Julius Caesar +rode at the head of his legions. That is the money we want. We want +money that is honest. + +But Mr. Bryan hates the bondholders. Who are the bondholders? Let us be +honest; let us have some sense. When this Government was in the flame +of civil war it was compelled to sell bonds, and everybody who bought a +bond bought it because he believed the great Republic would triumph at +last. Every man who bought a bond was our friend, and every bond that +he purchased added to the chances of our success. They were our friends, +and I respect them all. Most of them are dead, and the bonds they bought +have been sold and resold maybe hundreds of times, and the men who have +them now paid a hundred and twenty in gold, and why should they not be +paid in gold? Can any human being think of any reason? And yet Mr. Bryan +says that the debt is so great that it cannot be paid in gold. How much +is the Republic worth? Let me tell you? This Republic to-day--its +lands in cultivation, its houses, railways, canals, and money--is worth +seventy thousand million dollars. And what do we owe? One billion five +hundred million dollars, and what is the condition of the country? It is +the condition of a man who has seventy dollars and owes one dollar and +a half. This is the richest country on the globe. Have we any excuse for +being thieves? Have we any excuse for failing to pay the debt? No, sir; +no, sir. Mr. Bryan hates the bondholders of the railways. Why? I do not +know. What did those wretches do? They furnished the money to build the +one hundred and eighty thousand miles of railway in the United States; +that is what they did. + +They paid the money that threw up the road-bed, that shoveled the +gravel; they paid the men that turned the ore into steel and put it in +form for use; they paid the men that cut down the trees and made the +ties, that manufactured the locomotives and the cars. That is what they +did. No wonder that a presidential failure hates them. + +So this man hates bankers. Now, what is a banker? Here is a little town +of five thousand people, and some of them have a little money. They do +not want to keep it in the house because some Bryan man might find it; I +mean if it were silver. So one citizen buys a safe and rents a room +and tells all the people, "You deposit the overplus with me to hold it +subject to your order upon your orders signed as checks;" and so they +do, and in a little while he finds that he has on hand continually about +one hundred thousand dollars more than is called for, and thereupon he +loans it to the fellow who started the livery stable and to the chap +that opened the grocery and to the fellow with the store, and he makes +this idle money work for the good and prosperity of that town. And that +is all he does. And these bankers now, if Mr. Bryan becomes President, +can pay the depositors in fifty cent dollars; and yet they are such +rascally wretches that they say, "We prefer to pay back gold." You can +see how mean they are. + +Mr. Bryan hates the rich. Would he like to be rich? He hates the +bondholders. Would he like to have a million? He hates the successful +man. Does he want to be a failure? If he does, let him wait until +the third day of November. We want honest money because we are honest +people; and there never was any real prosperity for a nation or an +individual without honesty, without integrity, and it is our duty to +preserve the reputation of the great Republic. + +Better be an honest bankrupt than a rich thief. Poverty can hold in its +hand the jewel, honor--a jewel that outshines all other gems. A thousand +times better be poor and noble than rich and fraudulent. + +Then there is another question--the question of the tariff. I admit that +there are a great many arguments in favor of free trade, but I assert +that all the facts are the other way. I want American people as far as +possible to manufacture everything that Americans use. + +The more industries we have the more we will develop the American brain, +and the best crop you can raise in every country is a crop of good men +and good women--of intelligent people. And another thing, I want to keep +this market for ourselves. A nation that sells raw material will grow +ignorant and poor; a nation that manufactures will grow intelligent and +rich. It only takes muscle to dig ore. It takes mind to manufacture +a locomotive, and only that labor is profitable that is mixed with +thought. Muscle must be in partnership with brain. I am in favor of +keeping this market for ourselves, and yet some people say: "Give us the +market of the world." Well, why don't you take it? There is no export +duty on anything. You can get things out of this country cheaper than +from any other country in the world. Iron is as cheap here in the +ground, so are coal and stone, as any place on earth. The timber is as +cheap in the forest. Why don't you make things and sell them in Central +Africa, in China and Japan? Why don't you do it? I will tell you why. +It is because labor is too high; that is all. Almost the entire value is +labor. You make a ton of steel rails worth twenty-five dollars; the ore +in the ground is worth only a few cents, the coal in the earth only a +few cents, the lime in the cliff only a few cents--altogether not +one dollar and fifty cents; but the ton is worth twenty-five dollars; +twenty-three dollars and fifty cents labor! That is the trouble. The +steamship is worth five hundred thousand dollars, but the raw material +is not worth ten thousand dollars. The rest is labor. Why is labor +higher here than in Europe? Protection. And why do these gentlemen ask +for the trade of the world? Why do they ask for free trade? Because +they want cheaper labor. That is all; cheaper labor. The markets of +the world! We want our own markets. I would rather have the market +of Illinois than all of China with her four hundred millions. I would +rather have the market of one good county in New York than all of +Mexico. What do they want in Mexico? A little red calico, a few +sombreros and some spurs. They make their own liquor and they live on +red pepper and beans. What do you want of their markets? We want to keep +our own. In other words, we want to pursue the policy that has given us +prosperity in the past. We tried a little bit of free trade in 1892 when +we were all prosperous. I said then: "If Grover Cleveland is elected it +will cost the people five hundred million dollars." I am no prophet, nor +the son of a prophet, nor a profitable son, but I placed the figure too +low. His election has cost a thousand million dollars. There is an old +song, "You Put the Wrong Man off at Buffalo;" we took the wrong man on +at Buffalo. We tried just a little of it, not much. We tried the +Wilson bill--a bill, according to Mr. Cleveland, born of perfidy and +dishonor--a bill that he was not quite foolish enough to sign and +not brave enough to veto. We tried it and we are tired of it, and if +experience is a teacher the American people know a little more than they +did. We want to do our own work, and we want to mingle our thought with +our labor. We are the most inventive of all the peoples. We sustain the +same relation to invention that the ancient Greeks did to sculpture. We +want to develop the brain; we want to cultivate the imagination, and we +want to cover our land with happy homes. A thing is worth sometimes the +thought that is in it, sometimes the genius. Here is a man buys a little +piece of linen for twenty-five cents, he buys a few paints for fifteen +cents, and a few brushes, and he paints a picture; just a little one; a +picture, maybe, of a cottage with a dear old woman, white hair, +serene forehead and satisfied eyes; at the corner a few hollyhocks in +bloom--may be a tree in blossom, and as you listen you seem to hear the +songs of birds--the hum of bees, and your childhood all comes back to +you as you look. You feel the dewy grass beneath your bare feet once +again, and you go back in your mind until the dear old woman on the +porch is once more young and fair. There is a soul there. Genius has +done its work. And the little picture is worth five, ten, may be fifty +thousand dollars. All the result of labor and genius. + +And another thing we want is to produce great men and great women here +in our own country; then again we want business. Talk about charity, +talk about the few dollars that fall unconsciously from the hand of +wealth, talk about your poorhouses and your sewing societies and your +poor little efforts in the missionary line in the worst part of your +town! Ah, there is no charity like business. Business gives work to +labor's countless hands; business wipes the tears from the eyes of +widows and orphans; business dimples with joy the cheek of sorrow; +business puts a roof above the heads of the homeless; business covers +the land with happy homes. + +We do not want any populistic philanthropy. We want no fiat philosophy. +We want no silver swindles. We want business. Wind and wave are our +servants; let them work. Steam and electricity are our slaves; let them +toil. Let all the wheels whirl; let all the shuttles fly. Fill the air +with the echoes of hammer and saw. Fill the furnace with flame; the +moulds with liquid iron. Let them glow. + +Build homes and palaces of trade. Plow the fields, reap the waving +grain. Create all things that man can use. Business will feed the +hungry, clothe the naked, educate the ignorant, enrich the world with +art--fill the air with song. Give us Protection and Prosperity. Do not +cheat us with free trade dreams. Do not deceive us with debased coin. +Give us good money--the life blood of business--and let it flow through +the veins and arteries of commerce. + +And let me tell you to-night the smoke arising from the factories' great +plants forms the only cloud on which has ever been seen the glittering +bow of American promise. We want work, and I tell you to-night that my +sympathies are with the men who work, with the women who weep. I +know that labor is the Atlas on whose shoulders rests the great +superstructure of civilization and the great dome of science adorned +with all there is of art. Labor is the great oak, labor is the great +column, and labor, with its deft and cunning hands, has created the +countless things of art and beauty. I want to see labor paid. I want to +see capital civilized until it will be willing to give labor its share, +and I want labor intelligent enough to settle all these questions in the +high court of reason. And let me tell the workingman to-night: You will +never help your self by destroying your employer. You have work to sell. +Somebody has to buy it, if it is bought, and somebody has to buy it that +has the money. Who is going to manufacture something that will not sell. +Nobody is going into the manufacturing business through philanthropy, +and unless your employer makes a profit, the mill will be shut down and +you will be out of work. The interest of the employer and the employed +should be one. Whenever the employers of the continent are successful, +then the workingman is better paid, and you know it. I have some hope in +the future for the workingman. I know what it is to work. I do not think +my natural disposition runs in that direction, but I know what it is +to work, and I have worked with all my might at one dollar and a half a +week. I did the work of a man for fifty cents a day, and I was not sorry +for it. In the horizon of my future burned and gleamed the perpetual +star of hope. I said to myself: I live in a free country, and I have +a chance; I live in a free country, and I have as much liberty as any +other man beneath the flag, and I have enjoyed it. + +Something has been done for labor. Only a few years ago a man worked +fifteen or sixteen hours a day, but the hours have been reduced to at +least ten and are on the way to still further reduction. And while the +hours have been decreased the wages have as certainly been increased. In +forty years--in less--the wages of American workingmen have doubled. A +little while ago you received an average of two hundred and eighty-five +dollars a year; now you receive an average of more than four hundred and +ninety dollars; there is the difference. So it seems to me that the star +of hope is still in the sky for every workingman. Then there is another +thing: every workingman in this country can take his little boy on his +knee and say, "John, all the avenues to distinction, wealth, and glory +are open to you. There is the free school; take your chances with the +rest." And it seems to me that that thought ought to sweeten every drop +of sweat that trickles down the honest brow of toil. + +So let us have protection! How much? Enough, so that our income at least +will equal our outgo. That is a good way to keep house. I am tired of +depression and deficit. I do not like to see a President pawning bonds +to raise money to pay his own salary. I do not like to see the great +Republic at the mercy of anybody, so let us stand by protection. + +There is another trouble. The gentleman now running for the +presidency--a tireless talker--oh, if he had a brain equal to his vocal +chords, what a man! And yet when I read his speeches it seems to me +as though he stood on his head and thought with his feet. This man is +endeavoring to excite class against class, to excite the poor against +the rich. Let me tell you something. We have no classes in the United +States. There are no permanent classes here. The millionaire may be a +mendicant, the mendicant may be a millionaire. The man now working for +the millionaire may employ that millionaire's sons to work for him. +There is a chance for us all. Sometimes a numskull is born in the +mansion, and a genius rises from the gutter. Old Mother Nature has a +queer way of taking care of her children. You cannot tell. You cannot +tell. Here we have a free open field of competition, and if a man passes +me in the race I say: "Good luck. Get ahead of me if you can, you are +welcome." + +And why should I hate the rich? Why should I make my heart a den of +writhing, hissing snakes of envy? Get rich. I do not care. I am glad I +live in a country where somebody can get rich. It is a spur in the flank +of ambition. Let them get rich. I have known good men that were +quite rich, and I have known some mean men who were in straitened +circumstances. So I have known as good men as ever breathed the air, who +were poor. We must respect the man; what is inside, not what is outside. + +That is why I like this country. That is why I do not want it +dishonored. I want no class feeling. The citizens of America should be +friends. Where capital is just and labor intelligent, happiness dwells. +Fortunate that country where the rich are extravagant and the poor +economical. Miserable that country where the rich are economical and the +poor are extravagant. A rich spendthrift is a blessing. A rich miser is +a curse. Extravagance is a splendid form of charity. Let the rich spend, +let them build, let them give work to their fellow-men, and I will find +no fault with their wealth, provided they obtained it honestly. + +There was an old fellow by the name of Socrates. He happened to be +civilized, living in a barbarous time, and he was tried for his life. +And in his speech in which he defended himself is a paragraph that ought +to remain in the memory of the human race forever. + +He said to those judges, "During my life I have not sought ambition, +wealth. I have not sought to adorn my body, but I have endeavored to +adorn my soul with the jewels of patience and justice, and above all, +with the love of liberty." Such a man rises above all wealth. + +Why should we envy the rich? Why envy a man who has no earthly needs? +Why envy a man that carries a hundred canes? Why envy a man who has that +which he cannot use? I know a great many rich men and I have read about +a great many others, and I do not envy them. They are no happier than +I am. You see, after all, few rich men own their property. The property +owns them. It gets them up early in the morning. It will not let them +sleep; it makes them suspect their friends. Sometimes they think their +children would like to attend a first-class funeral. Why should we +envy the rich? They have fear; we have hope. They are on the top of the +ladder; we are close to the ground. They are afraid of falling, and we +hope to rise. + +Why should we envy the rich? They never drank any colder water than I +have. They never ate any lighter biscuits or any better corn bread. They +never drank any better Illinois wine, or felt better after drinking it, +than I have; than you have. They never saw any more glorious sunsets +with the great palaces of amethyst and gold, and they never saw the +heavens thicker with constellations; they never read better poetry. They +know no more about the ecstasies of love than we do. They never got any +more pleasure out of courting than I did. Why should we envy the rich? +I know as much about the ecstasies of love of wife and child and friends +as they. They never had any better weather in June than I have, or you +have. They can buy splendid pictures. I can look at them. And who owns +a great picture or a great statue? The man who bought it? Possibly, and +possibly not. The man who really owns it, is the man who understands +it, that appreciates it, the man into whose heart its beauty and genius +come, the man who is ennobled and refined and glorified by it. + +They have never heard any better music than I have. + +When the great notes, winged like eagles, soar to the great dome of +sound, I have felt just as good as though I had a hundred million +dollars. + +Do not try to divide this country into classes. The rich man that +endeavors to help his fellow-man deserves the honor and respect of the +great Republic. I have nothing against the man that got rich in the +free and open field of competition. Where they combine to rob their +fellow-men, then I want the laws enforced. That is all. Let them play +fair and they are welcome to all they get. + +And why should we hate the successful? Why? We cannot all be first. The +race is a vast procession; a great many hundred millions are back of the +center, and in front there is only one human being; that is all. Shall +we wait for the other fellows to catch up? Shall the procession stop? +I say, help the fallen, assist the weak, help the poor, bind up the +wounds, but do not stop the procession. + +Why should we envy the successful? Why should we hate them? And why +should we array class against class? It is all wrong. For instance, here +is a young man, and he is industrious. He is in love with a girl around +the corner. She is in his brain all day--in his heart all night, and +while he is working he is thinking. He gets a little ahead, they get +married. He is an honest man, he gets credit, and the first thing you +know he has a good business of his own and he gets rich; educates his +children, and his old age is filled with content and love. Good! His +companions bask in the sunshine of idleness. They have wasted their +time, wasted their wages in dissipation, and when the winter of life +comes, when the snow falls on the barren fields of the wasted days, then +shivering with cold, pinched with hunger, they curse the man who has +succeeded. Thereupon they all vote for Bryan. + +Then there is another question, and that is whether the Government has +a right to protect itself? And that is whether the employees of railways +shall have a right to stop the trains, a right to prevent interstate +commerce, a right to burn bridges and shoot engineers? Has the United +States the right to protect commerce between the States? I say, yes. + +It is the duty of the President to lay the mailed hand of the Republic +upon the mob. We want no mobs in this country. This is a Government of +the people and by the people, a Government of law, and these laws +should be interpreted by the courts in judicial calm. We have a supreme +tribunal. Undoubtedly it has made some bad decisions, but it has made +a vast number of good ones. The judges do the best they can. Of course +they are not like Mr. Bryan, infallible. But they are doing the best +they can, and when they make a decision that is wrong it will be +attacked by reason, it will be attacked by argument, and in time it will +be reversed, but I do not believe in attacking it with a torch or by a +mob. I hate the mob spirit. Civilized men obey the law. Civilized men +believe in order. Civilized men believe that a man that makes property +by industry and economy has the right to keep it. Civilized men believe +that that man has the right to use it as he desires, and they will judge +of his character by the manner in which he uses it. If he endeavors to +assist his fellow-man he will have the respect and admiration of his +fellow-men. But we want a Government of law. We do not want labor +questions settled by violence and blood. + +I want to civilize the capitalist so that he will be willing to give +what labor is worth. I want to educate the workingman so that he will be +willing to receive what labor is worth. I want to civilize them both to +that degree that they can settle all their disputes in the high court of +reason. + +But when you tell me that they can stop the commerce of the Nation, then +you preach the gospel of the bludgeon, the gospel of torch and bomb. I +do not believe in that religion. I believe in a religion of kindness, +reason and law. The law is the supreme will of the supreme people, and +we must obey it or we go back to savagery and black night. I stand +by the courts. I stand by the President who endeavors to preserve the +peace. I am against mobs; I am against lynchings, and I believe it is +the duty of the Federal Government to protect all of its citizens at +home and abroad; and I want a Government powerful enough to say to the +Governor of any State where they are murdering American citizens without +process of law--I want the Federal Government to say to the Governor of +that State: "Stop; stop shedding the blood of American citizens. And if +you cannot stop it, we can." I believe in a Government that will protect +the lowest, the poorest and weakest as promptly as the mightiest and +strongest. That is my Government. This old doctrine of State Sovereignty +perished in the flame of civil war, and I tell you to-night that that +infamous lie was surrendered to Grant with Lee's sword at Appomattox. + +I believe in a strong Government, not in a Government that can make +money, but in a strong Government. + +Oh, I forgot to ask the question, "If the Government can make money why +should it collect taxes?" + +Let us be honest. Here is a poor man with a little yoke of cattle, +cultivating forty acres of stony ground, working like a slave in the +heat of summer, in the cold blasts of winter, and the Government makes +him pay ten dollars taxes, when, according to these gentlemen, it could +issue a one hundred thousand dollar bill in a second. Issue the bill and +give the fellow with the cattle a rest. Is it possible for the mind to +conceive anything more absurd than that the Government can create money? + +Now, the next question is, or the next thing is, you have to choose +between men. Shall Mr. Bryan be the next President or shall McKinley +occupy that chair? Who is Mr. Bryan? He is not a tried man. If he had +the capacity to reason, if he had logic, if he could spread the wings of +imagination, if there were in his heart the divine flower called pity, +he might be an orator, but lacking all these, he is as he is. + +When Major McKinley was fighting under the flag, Bryan was in his +mother's arms, and judging from his speeches he ought to be there still. +What is he? He is a Populist. He voted for General Weaver. + +Only a little while ago he denied being a Democrat. His mind is filled +with vagaries. A fiat money man. His brain is an insane asylum without a +keeper. + +Imagine that man President. Whom would he call about him? Upon whom +would he rely? Probably for Secretary of State he would choose Ignatius +Donnelly of Minnesota; for Secretary of the Interior, Henry George; for +Secretary of War, Tillman with his pitchforks; for Postmaster-General, +Peffer of Kansas. Once somebody said: "If you believe in fiat money, +why don't you believe in fiat hay, and you can make enough hay out of +Peffer's whiskers to feed all the cattle in the country." For Secretary +of the Treasury, Coin Harvey. For Secretary of the Navy, Coxey, and then +he could keep off the grass. And then would come the millennium. The +great cryptogram and the Bacon cipher; the single tax, State saloons, +fiat money, free silver, destruction of banks and credit, bondholders +and creditors mobbed, courts closed, debts repudiated and the rest of +the folks made rich by law. + +And suppose Bryan should die, and then think, think of Thomas Watson +sitting in the chair of Abraham Lincoln. That is enough to give a +patriot political nightmare. + +If McKinley dies there is an honest capable man to take his place. A man +who believes in business, in prosperity. A man who knows what money is. +A man who would never permit the laying of a land warrant on a cloud. A +man of good sense, a man of level head. A man that loves his country, a +man that will protect its honor. + +And is McKinley a tried man? Honest, candid, level-headed, putting on +no airs, saying not what he thinks somebody else thinks, but what he +thinks, and saying it in his own honest, forcible way. He has made +hundreds of speeches during this campaign, not to people whom he ran +after, but to people who came to see him. Not from the tail end of cars, +but from the doorstep of his home, and every speech has been calculated +to make votes. Every speech has increased the respect of the American +people for him, every one. He has never slopped over. Four years ago +I read a speech made by him at Cleveland, on the tariff. I tell you +to-night that he is the best posted man on the tariff under the flag. +I tell you that he knows the road to prosperity. I read that speech. It +had foundation, proportion, dome, and he handled his facts as skillfully +as Caesar marshaled his hosts on the fields of war, and ever since +I read it I have had profound respect for the intelligence and +statesmanship of William McKinley. + +He will call about him the best, the wisest, and the most patriotic +men, and his cabinet will respect the highest and loftiest interests and +aspirations of the American people. + +Then you have to make another choice. You have to choose between +parties, between the new Democratic and the old Republican. And I want +to tell you the new Democratic is worse than the old, and that is a +good deal for me to say. In 1861 hundreds and hundreds of thousands of +Democrats thought more of country than of party. Hundreds and hundreds +of thousands shouldered their muskets, rushed to the rescue of the +Republic, and sustained the administration of Abraham Lincoln. With +their help the Rebellion was crushed, and now hundreds and hundreds of +thousands of Democrats will hold country above party and will join +with the Republicans in saving the honor, the reputation, of the United +States; and I want to say to all the National Democrats who feel that +they cannot vote for Bryan, I want to say to you, vote for McKinley. +This is no war for blank cartridges. Your gun makes as much noise, but +it does not do as much execution. + +If you vote for Palmer it is not to elect him, it is simply to defeat +Bryan, and the sure way to defeat Bryan is to vote for McKinley. You +have to choose between parties. The new Democratic party, with its +allies, the Populists and Socialists and Free Silverites, represents the +follies, the mistakes, and the absurdities of a thousand years. They are +in favor of everything that cannot be done. Whatever is, is wrong. They +think creditors are swindlers, and debtors who refuse to pay their debts +are honest men. Good money is bad and poor money is good. A promise is +better than a performance. They desire to abolish facts, punish success, +and reward failure. They are worse than the old. And yet I want to be +honest. I am like the old Dutchman who made a speech in Arkansas. He +said: "Ladies and Gentlemen, I must tell you the truth. There are +good and bad in all parties except the Democratic party, and in the +Democratic party there are bad and worse." The new Democratic party, a +party that believes in repudiation, a party that would put the stain of +dishonesty on every American brow and that would make this Government +subject to the mob. + +You have to make your choice. I have made mine. I go with the party that +is traveling my way. + +I do not pretend to belong to anything or that anything belongs to me. +When a party goes my way I go with that party and I stick to it as long +as it is traveling my road. And let me tell you something. The +history of the Republican party is the glory of the United States. The +Republican party has the enthusiasm of youth and the wisdom of old age. +The Republican party has the genius of administration. The Republican +party knows the wants of the people. The Republican party kept this +country on the map of the world and kept our flag in the air. The +Republican party made our country free, and that one fact fills all the +heavens with light. The Republican party is the pioneer of progress; the +grandest organization that has ever existed among men. The Republican +party is the conscience of the nineteenth century. I am proud to belong +to it. Vote the Republican ticket and you will be happy here, and if +there is another life you will be happy there. + +I had an old friend down in Woodford County, Charley Mulidore. He won +a coffin on Lincoln's election. He took it home and every birthday he +called in his friends. They had a little game of "sixty-six" on the +coffin lid. When the game was over they opened the coffin and took out +the things to eat and drink and had a festival, and the minister in +the little town, hearing of it, was scandalized, and he went to Charley +Mulidore and he said: "Mr. Mulidore, how can you make light of such +awful things?" "What things?" "Why," he said, "Mr. Mulidore, what did +you do with that coffin? In a little while you die, and then you come +to the day of judgment." "Well, Mr. Preacher, when I come to that day of +judgment they will say, 'What is your name?' I will tell them, 'Charley +Mulidore.' And they will say, 'Mr. Mulidore, are you a Christian?' 'No, +sir, I was a Republican, and the coffin I got out of this morning I won +on Abraham Lincoln's election.' And then they will say, 'Walk in, Mr. +Mulidore, walk in, walk in; here is your halo and there is your harp.'" + +If you want to live in good company vote the Republican ticket. Vote +for Black for Governor of the State of New York--a man in favor of +protection and honest money; a man that believes in the preservation of +the honor of the Nation. Vote for members of Congress that are true to +the great principles of the Republican party. Vote for every Republican +candidate from the lowest to the highest. This is a year when we mean +business. Vote, as I tell you, the Republican ticket if you want good +company. + +If you want to do some good to your fellow-men, if you want to say when +you die--when the curtain falls--when the music of the orchestra grows +dim--when the lights fade; if you want to live so at that time you can +say "the world is better because I lived," vote the Republican ticket +in 1896. Vote with the party of Lincoln--greatest of our mighty dead; +Lincoln the Merciful. Vote with the party of Grant, the greatest soldier +of his century; a man worthy to have been matched against Caesar for the +mastery of the world; as great a general as ever planted on the field +of war the torn and tattered flag of victory. Vote with the party of +Sherman and Sheridan and Thomas. But the time would fail me to repeat +even the names of the philosophers, the philanthropists, the thinkers, +the orators, the statesmen, and the soldiers who made the Republican +party glorious forever. + +We love our country; dear to us for its reputation throughout the world. +We love our country for her credit in all the marts of the world. We +love our country, because under her flag we are free. It is our duty +to hand down the American institutions to our children unstained, +unimpaired. It is our duty to preserve them for ourselves, for our +children, and for their fair children yet to be. + +This is the last speech that I shall make in this campaign, and to-night +there comes upon me the spirit of prophecy. On November 4th you will +find that by the largest majorities in our history, William McKinley has +been elected President of the United States.* + + * The final rally of the McKinley League for the present + campaign, was held last night in Carnegie Music Hall, ana + the orator chosen to present the doctrines of the + Republican party was Robert G. Ingersoll. The meeting will + remain notable for the high character of the audience. The + great hall was filled to its utmost capacity. It was crowded + from the rear of the stage to the last row of seats in the + deep gallery. + + The boxes were occupied by brilliantly attired women, and + hundreds of other women vied with the sterner sex In the + applause that greeted the numerous telling points of the + speaker. The audience was a very fashionable and exclusive + one, for admission was only to be had by ticket, and tickets + were hard to get. + + On the stage a great company of men and women were gathered, + and over them waved rich masses of color, the American + colors, of course, predominating in the display Flags hung + from all the gallery rails, and the whole scheme of + decoration was consistent and beautiful. At 8.80 o'clock Mr. + John E. Milholland appeared upon the stage followed by Col. + Ingersoll. + + Without any delay Mr. Milholland was presented as the + chairman of the meeting. He spoke briefly of the purpose of + the party and then said; "There is no Intelligent audience + under the flag or in any civilized country to whom it would + be necessary for me to introduce Robert G. Ingersoll." And + the cheers with which the audience greeted the orator proved + the truth of his words. + + Col. Ingersoll rose impressively and advanced to the front + of the stage, from which the speaker's desk had been removed + in order to allow him full opportunity to indulge in his + habit of walking to and fro as he talked. He was greeted + with tremendous applause; the men cheered him and the women + waved their handkerchiefs and fans for several minutes. + + He was able to secure instant command of his audience, and + while the applause was wildest, he waved his hand, and the + gesture was followed by a silence that was oppressive. Still + the speaker waited. He did not intend to waste any of his + ammunition. Then, convinced that every eye was centred upon + him, he spoke, declaring "This is our country." The assembly + was his from that instant. He followed it up with a summary + of the issues of the campaign. They were "money, the tariff, + and whether this Government has the right of self-defence." + As he said later on in his address, the Colonel has changed + in a good many things, but he has not changed his politics, + and he has not altered one whit in his masterful command of + forceful sayings.--New York Tribune, October 80th, 1896. + + + Note:--This was Col. Ingersoll's last political address. + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. +9 (of 12), by Robert G. 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Ingersoll, Volume 9 (of 12) by Robert +G. Ingersoll</title> + +<style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[*/ + <!-- + body { text-align:justify} + P { margin:15%; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + hr.full { width: 100%; } + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + .play { margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; text-align: justify; font-size: 100%; } + img {border: 0;} + blockquote {font-size: 97%; margin-left: 30%; margin-right: 20%;} + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 1%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: left; + color: gray; + } /* page numbers */ + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 10%; margin-left: 1%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; + margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 35%; margin-bottom: .75em; font-size: 110%;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 5%;} + .indent {font-style: italic; font-size: 100%; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + PRE { font-family: Times; font-style: italic; font-size: 100%; margin-left: 25%;} + --> +/*]]>*/ +</style> +</head> +<body> +<div style="height: 8em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<a name="title" id="title"></a> +<h1>THE WORKS OF ROBERT G. INGERSOLL</h1> +<br /> +<h2>By Robert G. Ingersoll</h2> +<br /> +<br /> +<center>"HE LOVES HIS COUNTRY BEST WHO STRIVES TO MAKE IT +BEST."</center> +<br /> +<br /> +<h3>IN TWELVE VOLUMES, VOLUME IX.</h3> +<br /> +<h2>POLITICAL</h2> +<h3>DRESDEN EDITION</h3> +<br /> +<center><img alt="titlepage (62K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" +height="1116" width="680" /></center> +<br /> +<br /> +<center><img alt="portrait (64K)" src="images/portrait.jpg" height= +"1090" width="710" /></center> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> +<br /> +<h2>Contents</h2> +<p class="toc"><a href="#linkTOC">CONTENTS OF VOLUME IX.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0001">AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED +PEOPLE.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0002">SPEECH AT INDIANAPOLIS.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0003">CENTENNIAL ORATION.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0004">BANGOR SPEECH.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0005">COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW +YORK.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0006">INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0007">CHICAGO SPEECH.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0008">EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0009">HARD TIMES AND THE WAY +OUT.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0010">SUFFRAGE ADDRESS.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0011">WALL STREET SPEECH.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0012">BROOKLYN SPEECH.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0013">ADDRESS TO THE 86TH ILLINOIS +REGIMENT.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0014">DECORATION DAY ORATION.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0015">DECORATION DAY ADDRESS.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0016">RATIFICATION SPEECH.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0017">REUNION ADDRESS.</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0018">THE CHICAGO AND NEW YORK GOLD +SPEECH.</a></p> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="linkTOC" id="linkTOC"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>CONTENTS OF VOLUME IX.</h2> +<blockquote> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0001">AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED +PEOPLE.</a></p> +<br /> +(1867.)<br /> +Slavery and its Justification by Law and Religion—Its +Destructive<br /> +Influence upon Nations—Inauguration of the Modern Slave Trade +by the<br /> +Portuguese Gonzales—Planted upon American Soil—The +Abolitionists,<br /> +Clarkson, Wilberforce, and Others—The Struggle in +England—Pioneers<br /> +in San Domingo, Oge and Chevannes—Early Op-posers of Slavery +in<br /> +America—William Lloyd Garrison—Wendell Phillips, +Charles Sumner, John<br /> +Brown—The Fugitive Slave Law—The Emancipation +Proclamation—Dread of<br /> +Education in the South—Advice to the Colored People.<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0006">INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH.</a></p> +<br /> +(1868.)<br /> +Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus—Precedent Established +by the<br /> +Revolutionary Fathers—Committees of Safety appointed by +the<br /> +Continental Congress—Arrest of Disaffected Persons in +Pennsylvania<br /> +and Delaware—Interference with Elections—Resolution of +Continental<br /> +Congress with respect to Citizens who Opposed the sending of +Deputies<br /> +to the Convention of New York—Penalty for refusing to take +Continental<br /> +Money or Pray for the American Cause—Habeas Corpus Suspended +during the<br /> +Revolution—Interference with Freedom of the +Press—Negroes Freed and<br /> +allowed to Fight in the Continental Army—Crispus +Attacks—An Abolition<br /> +Document issued by Andrew Jackson—Majority rule—Slavery +and the<br /> +Rebellion—Tribute to General Grant.<br /> +SPEECH NOMINATING BLAINE.<br /> +(1876.)<br /> +Note descriptive of the Occasion—Demand of the Republicans of +the<br /> +United States—Resumption—The Plumed Knight.<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0003">CENTENNIAL ORATION.</a></p> +<br /> +(1876.)<br /> +One Hundred Years ago, our Fathers retired the Gods from +Politics—The<br /> +Declaration of Independence—Meaning of the +Declaration—The Old Idea<br /> +of the Source of Political Power—Our Fathers Educated by +their<br /> +Surroundings—The Puritans—Universal Religious +Toleration declared by<br /> +the Catholics of Maryland—Roger Williams—Not All of our +Fathers in<br /> +favor of Independence—Fortunate Difference in Religious +Views—Secular<br /> +Government—Authority derived from the People—The +Declaration and<br /> +the Beginning of the War—What they Fought +For—Slavery—Results of<br /> +a Hundred Years of Freedom—The Declaration Carried out in +Letter and<br /> +Spirit.<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0004">BANGOR SPEECH.</a></p> +<br /> +(1876.)<br /> +The Hayes Campaign—Reasons for Voting the Republican +Ticket—Abolition<br /> +of Slavery—Preservation of the Union—Reasons for Not +Trusting the<br /> +Democratic Party—Record of the Republican +Party—Democrats Assisted<br /> +the South—Paper Money—Enfranchisement of the +Negroes—Samuel J.<br /> +Tilden—His Essay on Finance.<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0005">COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW +YORK.</a></p> +COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK.<br /> +(1876.)<br /> +All Citizens Stockholders in the United States of +America—The<br /> +Democratic Party a Hungry Organization—Political +Parties<br /> +Contrasted—The Fugitive Slave Law a Disgrace to Hell in its +Palmiest<br /> +Days—Feelings of the Democracy Hurt on the Subject of +Religion—Defence<br /> +of Slavery in a Resolution of the Presbyterians, South—State +of the<br /> +Union at the Time the Republican Party was Born—Jacob +Thompson—The<br /> +National Debt—Protection of Citizens Abroad—Tammany +Hall: Its Relation<br /> +to the Penitentiary—The Democratic Party of New York +City—"What<br /> +Hands!"—Free Schools.<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0006">INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH.</a></p> +<br /> +(1876.)<br /> +Address to the Veteran Soldiers of the Rebellion—Objections +to<br /> +the Democratic Party—The Men who have been +Democrats—Why I am a<br /> +Republican—Free Labor and Free Thought—A Vision of +War—Democratic<br /> +Slander of the Greenback—Shall the People who Saved the +Country Rule<br /> +It?—On Finance—Government Cannot Create Money—The +Greenback Dollar<br /> +a Mortgage upon the Country—Guarantees that the Debt will be +Paid-'The<br /> +Thoroughbred and the Mule—The Column of July, Paris—The +Misleading<br /> +Guide Board, the Dismantled Mill, and the Place where there had +been a<br /> +Hotel,<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0007">CHICAGO SPEECH.</a></p> +<br /> +(1876.)<br /> +The Plea of "Let Bygones be Bygones"—Passport of the +Democratic<br /> +Party—Right of the General Government to send Troops into +Southern<br /> +States for the Protection of Colored People—Abram S. +Hewitt's<br /> +Congratulatory Letter to the Negroes—The Demand for Inflation +of the<br /> +Currency—Record of Rutherford B. Hayes—Contrasted with +Samuel J.<br /> +Tilden—Merits of the Republican Party—Negro and +Southern White—The<br /> +Superior Man—"No Nation founded upon Injustice can +Permanently Stand."<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0008">EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS.</a></p> +<br /> +(1877.)<br /> +On the Electoral Commission—Reminiscences of the Hayes-Tilden +Camp—<br /> +Constitution of the Electoral College—Characteristics of the +Members—<br /> +Frauds at the Ballot Box Poisoning the Fountain of +Power—Reforms<br /> +Suggested—Elections too Frequent—The Professional +Office-seeker—A<br /> +Letter on Civil Service Reform—Young Men Advised against +Government<br /> +Clerkships—Too Many Legislators and too Much +Legislation—Defect in the<br /> +Constitution as to the Mode of Electing a +President—Protection of<br /> +Citizens by State and General Governments—The Dual Government +in South<br /> +Carolina—Ex-Rebel Key in the President's +Cabinet—Implacables and<br /> +Bourbons South and North—"I extend to you each and all the +Olive Branch<br /> +of Peace."<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0009">HARD TIMES AND THE WAY +OUT.</a></p> +<br /> +(1878.)<br /> +Capital and Labor—What is a Capitalist?—The Idle and +the Industrious<br /> +Artisans—No Conflict between Capital and Labor—A Period +of Inflation<br /> +and Speculation—Life and Fire Insurance Agents—Business +done on<br /> +Credit—The Crash, Failure, and Bankruptcy—Fall in the +Price of Real<br /> +Estate a Form of Resumption—Coming back to +Reality—Definitions of<br /> +Money Examined—Not Gold and Silver but Intelligent Labor the +Measure<br /> +of Value—Government cannot by Law Create Wealth—A Bill +of Fare not<br /> +a Dinner—Fiat Money—American Honor Pledged to the +Maintenance of the<br /> +Greenbacks—The Cry against Holders of Bonds—Criminals +and Vagabonds to<br /> +be supported—Duty of Government to Facilitate +Enterprise—More Men must<br /> +Cultivate the Soil—Government Aid for the Overcoming of +Obstacles too<br /> +Great for Individual Enterprise—The Palace Builders the +Friends of<br /> +Labor—Extravagance the best Form of Charity—Useless to +Boost a Man<br /> +who is not Climbing—The Reasonable Price for Labor—The +Vagrant and his<br /> +strange and winding Path—What to tell the Working Men.<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0010">SUFFRAGE ADDRESS.</a></p> +<br /> +(1880.)<br /> +The Right to Vote—All Women who desire the Suffrage should +have<br /> +It—Shall the People of the District of Columbia Manage their +Own<br /> +Affairs—Their Right to a Representative in Congress and an +Electoral<br /> +Vote—Anomalous State of Affairs at the Capital of the +Republic—Not the<br /> +Wealthy and Educated alone should Govern—The Poor as +Trustworthy as the<br /> +Rich—Strict Registration Laws Needed.<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0011">WALL STREET SPEECH.</a></p> +<br /> +(1880.)<br /> +Obligation of New York to Protect the Best Interests of the<br /> +Country—Treason and Forgery of the Democratic Party in its +Appeal to<br /> +Sword and Pen—The One Republican in the Penitentiary of +Maine—The<br /> +Doctrine of State Sovereignty—Protection for American Brain +and<br /> +Muscle—Hancock on the Tariff—A Forgery (the Morey +letter) Committed<br /> +and upheld—The Character of James A. Garfield.<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0012">BROOKLYN SPEECH.</a></p> +<br /> +(1880.)<br /> +Introduced by Henry Ward Beecher (note)—Some Patriotic<br /> +Democrats—Freedom of Speech North and South—An Honest +Ballot—<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0013">ADDRESS TO THE 86TH ILLINOIS +REGIMENT.</a></p> +<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0014">DECORATION DAY ORATION.</a></p> +<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0015">DECORATION DAY ADDRESS.</a></p> +<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0016">RATIFICATION SPEECH.</a></p> +<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0017">REUNION ADDRESS.</a></p> +<br /> +<p class="toc"><a href="#link0018">THE CHICAGO AND NEW YORK GOLD +SPEECH.</a></p> +<br /></blockquote> +<a name="link0001" id="link0001"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>AN ADDRESS TO THE COLORED PEOPLE.</h2> +<pre> + * An address delivered to the colored people at Galesburg, + Illinois, 1867. +</pre> +<p>FELLOW-CITIZENS—Slavery has in a thousand forms existed in +all ages, and among all people. It is as old as theft and +robbery.</p> +<p>Every nation has enslaved its own people, and sold its own flesh +and blood. Most of the white race are in slavery to-day. It has +often been said that any man who ought to be free, will be. The men +who say this should remember that their own ancestors were once +cringing, frightened, helpless slaves.</p> +<p>When they became sufficiently educated to cease enslaving their +own people, they then enslaved the first race they could conquer. +If they differed in religion, they enslaved them. If they differed +in color, that was sufficient. If they differed even in language, +it was enough. If they were captured, they then pretended that +having spared their lives, they had the right to enslave them. This +argument was worthless. If they were captured, then there was no +necessity for killing them. If there was no necessity for killing +them, then they had no right to kill them. If they had no right to +kill them, then they had no right to enslave them under the +pretence that they had saved their lives.</p> +<p>Every excuse that the ingenuity of avarice could devise was +believed to be a complete justification, and the great argument of +slaveholders in all countries has been that slavery is a divine +institution, and thus stealing human beings has always been +fortified with a "Thus saith the Lord."</p> +<p>Slavery has been upheld by law and religion in every country. +The word Liberty is not in any creed in the world. Slavery is right +according to the law of man, shouted the judge. It is right +according to the law of God, shouted the priest. Thus sustained by +what they were pleased to call the law of God and man, slaveholders +never voluntarily freed the slaves, with the exception of the +Quakers. The institution has in all ages been clung to with the +tenacity of death; clung to until it sapped and destroyed the +foundations of society; clung to until all law became violence; +clung to until virtue was a thing only of history; clung to until +industry folded its arms—until commerce reefed every +sail—until the fields were desolate and the cities silent, +except where the poor free asked for bread, and the slave for +mercy; clung to until the slave forging the sword of civil war from +his fetters drenched the land in the master's blood. Civil war has +been the great liberator of the world.</p> +<p>Slavery has destroyed every nation that has gone down to death. +It caused the last vestige of Grecian civilization to disappear +forever, and it caused Rome to fall with a crash that shook the +world. After the disappearance of slavery in its grossest forms in +Europe, Gonzales pointed out to his countrymen, the Portuguese, the +immense profits that they could make by stealing Africans, and thus +commenced the modern slave-trade—that aggregation of all +horror—that infinite of all cruelty, prosecuted only by +demons, and defended only by fiends. And yet the slave-trade has +been defended and sustained by every civilized nation, and by each +and all has been baptized "Legitimate commerce," in the name of the +Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost:</p> +<p>It was even justified upon the ground that it tended to +Christianize the negro.</p> +<p>It was of the poor hypocrites who had used this argument that +Whittier said,</p> +<pre> + "They bade the slaveship speed from coast to coast, + Fanned by the wings of the Holy Ghost." +</pre> +<p>Backed and supported by such Christian and humane arguments +slavery was planted upon our soil in 1620, and from that day to +this it has been the cause of all our woes, of all the +bloodshed—of all the heart-burnings—hatred and horrors +of more than two hundred years, and yet we hated to part with the +beloved institution. Like Pharaoh we would not let the people go. +He was afflicted with vermin, with frogs—with water turned to +blood—with several kinds of lice, and yet would not let the +people go. We were afflicted with worse than all these +combined—the Northern Democracy—before we became grand +enough to say, "Slavery shall be eradicated from the soil of the +Republic." When we reached this sublime moral height we were +successful. The Rebellion was crushed and liberty established.</p> +<p>A majority of the civilized world is for freedom—nearly +all the Christian denominations are for liberty. The world has +changed—the people are nobler, better and purer than +ever.</p> +<p>Every great movement must be led by heroic and self-sacrificing +pioneers. In England, in Christian England, the soul of the +abolition cause was Thomas Clarkson. To the great cause of human +freedom he devoted his life. He won over the eloquent and glorious +Wilberforce, the great Pitt, the magnificent orator, Burke, and +that far-seeing and humane statesman, Charles James Fox.</p> +<p>In 1788 a resolution was introduced in the House of Commons +declaring that the slave trade ought to be abolished. It was +defeated. Learned lords opposed it. They said that too much capital +was invested by British merchants in the slave-trade. That if it +were abolished the ships would rot at the wharves, and that English +commerce would be swept from the seas. Sanctified +Bishops—lords spiritual—thought the scheme fanatical, +and various resolutions to the same effect were defeated.</p> +<p>The struggle lasted twenty years, and yet during all those years +in which England refused to abolish the hellish trade, that nation +had the impudence to send missionaries all over the world to make +converts to a religion that in their opinion, at least, allowed man +to steal his brother man—that allowed one Christian to rob +another of his wife, his child, and of that greatest of all +blessings—his liberty. It was not until the year 1808 that +England was grand and just enough to abolish the slave-trade, and +not until 1833 that slavery was abolished in all her colonies.</p> +<p>The name of Thomas Clarkson should be remembered and honored +through all coming time by every black man, and by every white man +who loves liberty and hates cruelty and injustice.</p> +<p>Clarkson, Wilberforce, Pitt, Fox, Burke, were the Titans that +swept the accursed slaver from that highway—the sea.</p> +<p>In St. Domingo the pioneers were Oge and Chevannes; they headed +a revolt; they were unsuccessful, but they roused the slaves to +resistance. They were captured, tried, condemned and executed. They +were made to ask forgiveness of God, and of the King, for having +attempted to give freedom to their own flesh and blood. They were +broken alive on the wheel, and left to die of hunger and pain. The +blood of these martyrs became the seed of liberty; and afterward in +the midnight assault, in the massacre and pillage, the infuriated +slaves shouted their names as their battle-cry, until Toussaint, +the greatest of the blacks, gave freedom to them all.</p> +<p>In the United States, among the Revolutionary fathers, such men +as John Adams, and his son John Quincy—such men as Franklin +and John Jay were opposed to the institution of slavery. Thomas +Jefferson said, speaking of the slaves, "When the measure of their +tears shall be full—when their groans shall have involved +heaven itself in darkness—doubtless a God of justice will +awaken to their distress, and by diffusing light and liberality +among their oppressors, or at length by his exterminating thunder +manifest his attention to the things of this world, and that they +are not left to the guidance of a blind fatality."</p> +<p>Thomas Paine said, "No man can be happy surrounded by those +whose happiness he has destroyed." And a more self-evident +proposition was never uttered.</p> +<p>These and many more Revolutionary heroes were opposed to slavery +and did what they could to prevent the establishment and spread of +this most wicked and terrible of all institutions.</p> +<p>You owe gratitude to those who were for liberty as a principle +and not from mere necessity. You should remember with more than +gratitude that firm, consistent and faithful friend of your +downtrodden race, Wm. Lloyd Garrison. He has devoted his life to +your cause. Many years ago in Boston he commenced the publication +of a paper devoted to liberty. Poor and despised—friendless +and almost alone, he persevered in that grandest and holiest of all +possible undertakings. He never stopped, or stayed, or paused until +the chain was broken and the last slave could lift his toil-worn +face to heaven with the light of freedom shining down upon him, and +say, I am a Free Man.</p> +<p>You should not forget that noble philanthropist, Wendell +Phillips, and your most learned and eloquent defender, Charles +Sumner.</p> +<p>But the real pioneer in America was old John Brown. Moved not by +prejudice, not by love of his blood, or his color, but by an +infinite love of Liberty, of Right, of Justice, almost +single-handed, he attacked the monster, with thirty million people +against him. His head was wrong. He miscalculated his forces; but +his heart was right. He struck the sublimest blow of the age for +freedom. It was said of him that, he stepped from the gallows to +the throne of God. It was said that he had made the scaffold to +Liberty what Christ had made the cross to Christianity. The sublime +Victor Hugo declared that John Brown was greater than Washington, +and that his name would live forever.</p> +<p>I say, that no man can be greater than the man who bravely and +heroically sacrifices his life for the good of others. No man can +be greater than the one who meets death face to face, and yet will +not shrink from what he believes to be his highest duty. If the +black people want a patron saint, let them take the brave old John +Brown. And as the gentleman who preceded me said, at all your +meetings, never separate until you have sung the grand song,</p> +<pre> + "John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave, + But his soul goes marching on." +</pre> +<p>You do not, in my opinion, owe a great debt of gratitude to many +of the white people.</p> +<p>Only a few years ago both parties agreed to carry out the +Fugitive Slave Law. If a woman ninety-nine one-hundredths white had +fled from slavery—had traveled through forests, crossed +rivers, and through countless sufferings had got within one step of +Canada—of free soil—with the light of the North Star +shining in her eyes, and her babe pressed to her withered breast, +both parties agreed to clutch her and hand her back to the dominion +of the hound and lash. Both parties, as parties, were willing to do +this when the Rebellion commenced.</p> +<p>The truth is, we had to give you your liberty. There came a time +in the history of the war when, defeated at the ballot box and in +the field—driven to the shattered gates of eternal +chaos—we were forced to make you free; and on the first day +of January, 1863, the justice so long delayed was done, and four +millions of people were lifted from the condition of beasts of +burden to the sublime heights of freedom. Lincoln, the immortal, +issued, and the men of the North sustained the great +proclamation.</p> +<p>As in the war there came a time when we were forced to make you +free, so in the history of reconstruction came a time when we were +forced to make you citizens; when we were forced to say that you +should vote, and that you should have and exercise all the rights +that we claim for ourselves.</p> +<p>And to-day I am in favor of giving you every right that I claim +for myself.</p> +<p>In reconstructing the Southern States, we could take our choice, +either give the ballot to the negro, or allow the rebels to rule. +We preferred loyal blacks to disloyal whites, because we believed +liberty safer in the hands of its friends than in those of its +foes.</p> +<p>We must be for freedom everywhere. Freedom is +progress—slavery is desolation, cruelty and want.</p> +<p>Freedom invents—slavery forgets. The problem of the slave +is to do the least work in the longest space of time. The problem +of free men is to do the greatest amount of work in the shortest +space of time. The free man, working for wife and children, gets +his head and his hands in partnership.</p> +<p>Freedom has invented every useful machine, from the lowest to +the highest, from the simplest to the most complex. Freedom +believes in education—the salvation of slavery is +ignorance.</p> +<p>The South always dreaded the alphabet. They looked upon each +letter as an abolitionist, and well they might. With a scent keener +than their own bloodhounds they detected everything that could, +directly or indirectly, interfere with slavery. They knew that when +slaves begin to think, masters begin to tremble. They knew that +free thought would destroy them; that discussion could not be +endured; that a free press would liberate every slave; and so they +mobbed free thought, and put an end to free discussion and +abolished a free press, and in fact did all the mean and infamous +things they could, that slavery might live, and that liberty might +perish from among men.</p> +<p>You are now citizens of many of the States, and in time you will +be of all. I am astonished when I think how long it took to abolish +the slave-trade, how long it took to abolish slavery in this +country. I am also astonished to think that a few years ago +magnificent steamers went down the Mississippi freighted with your +fathers, mothers, brothers, and sisters, and maybe some of you, +bound like criminals, separated from wives, from husbands, every +human feeling laughed at and outraged, sold like beasts, carried +away from homes to work for another, receiving for pay only the +marks of the lash upon the naked back. I am astonished at these +things. I hate to think that all this was done under the +Constitution of the United States, under the flag of my country, +under the wings of the eagle.</p> +<p>The flag was not then what it is now. It was a mere rag in +comparison. The eagle was a buzzard, and the Constitution +sanctioned the greatest crime of the world.</p> +<p>I wonder that you—the black people—have forgotten +all this. I wonder that you ask a white man to address you on this +occasion, when the history of your connection with the white race +is written in your blood and tears—is still upon your flesh, +put there by the branding-iron and the lash.</p> +<p>I feel like asking your forgiveness for the wrongs that my race +has inflicted upon yours. If, in the future, the wheel of fortune +should take a turn, and you should in any country have white men in +your power, I pray you not to execute the villainy we have taught +you.</p> +<p>One word in conclusion. You have your liberty—use it to +benefit your race. Educate yourselves, educate your children, send +teachers to the South. Let your brethren there be educated. Let +them know something of art and science. Improve yourselves, stand +by each other, and above all be in favor of liberty the world +over.</p> +<p>The time is coming when you will be' allowed to be good and +useful citizens of the Great Republic. This is your country as much +as it is mine. You have the same rights here that I have—the +same interest that I have. The avenues of distinction will be open +to you and your children. Great advances have been made. The rebels +are now opposed to slavery—the Democratic party is opposed to +slavery, <i>as they say</i>. There is going to be no war of races. +Both parties want your votes in the South, and there will be just +enough negroes without principle to join the rebels to make them +think they will get more, and so the rebels will treat the negroes +well. And the Republicans will be sure to treat them well in order +to prevent any more joining the rebels.</p> +<p>The great problem is solved. Liberty has solved it—and +there will be no more slavery. On the old flag, on every fold and +on every star will be liberty for all, equality before the law. The +grand people are marching forward, and they will not pause until +the earth is without a chain, and without a throne.</p> +<a name="link0002" id="link0002"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>SPEECH AT INDIANAPOLIS.</h2> +<pre> + * Hon. Robert G. Ingersoll, Attorney-General of Illinois, + spoke at the Rink last night to a large and appreciative + audience among whom were many ladies. The distinguished + speaker was escorted to the Rink by the battalion of the + Fighting Boys in Blue. Col. Ingersoll spoke at a great + disadvantage in having so large a hall to fill, but he has a + splendid voice and so overcame the difficulty. The audience + liberally applauded the numerous passages of eloquence and + humor in Col. Ingersoll's speeeh, and listened with the best + attention to his powerful argument, nor could they have done + otherwise, for the speaker has a national reputation and did + himself full justice last night—The Journal, Indianapolis, + Indiana, September 23, 1868. +</pre> +<center>GRANT CAMPAIGN</center> +<p>THE Democratic party, so-called, have several charges which they +make against the Republican party. They give us a variety of +reasons why the Republican party should no longer be entrusted with +the control of this country. Among other reasons they say that the +Republican party during the war was guilty of arresting citizens +without due process of law—that we arrested Democrats and put +them in jail without indictment, in Lincoln bastiles, without +making an affidavit before a Justice of the Peace—that on +some occasions we suspended the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>, that +we put some Democrats in jail without their being indicted. I am +sorry we did not put more. I admit we arrested some of them without +an affidavit filed before a Justice of the Peace. I sincerely +regret that we did not arrest more. I admit that for a few hours on +one or two occasions we interfered with the freedom of the press; I +sincerely regret that the Government allowed a sheet to exist that +did not talk on the side of this Government.</p> +<p>I admit that we did all these things.</p> +<p>It is only proper and fair that we should answer these charges. +Unless the Republican party can show that they did these things +either according to the strict letter of law, according to the +highest precedent, or from the necessity of the case, then we must +admit that our party did wrong. You know as well as I that every +Democratic orator talks about the fathers, about Washington and +Jackson, Madison, Jefferson, and many others; they tell us about +the good old times when politicians were pure, when you could get +justice in the courts, when Congress was honest, when the political +parties differed, and differed kindly and honestly; and they are +shedding crocodile tears day after day—praying that the good +old honest times might return again. They tell you that the members +of this radical party are nothing like the men of the Revolution. +Let us see.</p> +<p>I lay this down as a proposition, that we had a right to do +anything to preserve this Government that our fathers had a right +to do to found it. If they had a right to put Tories in jail, to +suspend the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>, and on some occasions +<i>corpus</i>, in order to found this Government, we had a right to +put rebels and Democrats in jail and to suspend the writ of +<i>habeas corpus</i> in order to preserve the Government they thus +formed. If they had a right to interfere with the freedom of the +press in order that liberty might be planted upon this soil, we had +a right to do the same thing to prevent the tree from being +destroyed. In a word, we had a right to do anything to preserve +this Government which they had a right to do to found it.</p> +<p>Did our fathers arrest Tories without writs, without +indictments—did they interfere with the personal rights of +Tories in the name of liberty—did they have Washington +bastiles, did they have Jefferson jails—did they have +dungeons in the time of the Revolution in which they put men that +dared talk against this country and the liberties of the colonies? +I propose to show that they did—that where we imprisoned one +they imprisoned a hundred—that where we interfered with +personal liberty once they did it a hundred times—that they +carried on a war that <i>was</i> a war—that they knew that +when an appeal was made to force that was the end of law—that +they did not attempt to gain their liberties through a Justice of +the Peace or through a Grand Jury; that they appealed to force and +the God of battles, and that any man who sought their protection +and at the same time was against them and their cause they took by +the nape of the neck and put in jail, where he ought to have +been.</p> +<p>The old Continental Congress in 1774 and 1776 had made up their +minds that we ought to have something like liberty in these +colonies, and the first step they took toward securing that end was +to provide for the selection of a committee in every county and +township, with a view to examining and finding out how the people +stood touching the liberty of the colonies, and if they found a man +that was not in favor of it, the people would not have anything to +do with him politically, religiously, or socially. That was the +first step they took, and a very sensible step it was.</p> +<p>What was the next step? They found that these men were so lost +to every principle of honor that they did not hurt them any by +disgracing them.</p> +<p>So they passed the following resolution which explains +itself:</p> +<p><i>Resolved</i>. That it be recommended to the several +provincial assemblies or conventions or councils, or committees of +safety, to arrest and secure every person in their respective +colonies whose going at large, may, in their opinion, endanger the +safety of the colony or the liberties of America.—Journal of +Congress, vol. 1, page 149.</p> +<p>What was the Committee of Safety? Was it a Justice of the Peace? +No. Was it a Grand Jury? No. It was simply a committee of five or +seven persons, more or less, appointed to watch over the town or +county and see that these Tories were attending to their business +and not interfering with the rights of the colonies. Whom were they +to thus arrest and secure? Every man that had committed +murder—that had taken up arms against America, or voted the +Democratic or Tory ticket? No. "Every person whose going at large +might in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony or the +liberties of America." It was not necessary that they had committed +any overt act, but if in the opinion of this council of safety, it +was dangerous to let them run at large they were locked up. Suppose +that we had done that during the last war? You would have had to +build several new jails in this county. What a howl would have gone +up all over this State if we had attempted such a thing as that, +and yet we had a perfect right to do anything to preserve our +liberties, which our fathers had a right to do to obtain them.</p> +<p>What more did they do? In 1777 the same Congress that signed the +immortal Declaration of Independence (and I think they knew as much +about liberty and the rights of men as any Democrat in Marion +county) adopted another resolution:</p> +<p><i>Resolved</i>. That it be recommended to the Executive powers +of the several States, forthwith to apprehend and secure all +persons who have in their general conduct and conversation evinced +a disposition inimical to the cause of America, and that the +persons so seized be confined in such places and treated in such +manner as shall be consistent with their several characters and +security of their persons.—-Journal of Congress, vol. 2, p. +246.</p> +<p>If they had talked as the Democrats talked during the late +war—if they had called the soldiers, "Washington hirelings," +and if when they allowed a few negroes to help them fight, had +branded the struggle for liberty as an abolition war, they would be +"apprehended and confined in such places and treated in such manner +as was consistent with their characters and security of their +persons," and yet all they did was to show a disposition inimical +to the independence of America. If we had pursued a policy like +that during the late war, nine out of ten of the members of the +Democratic party would have been in jail—there would not have +been jails and prisons enough on the face of the whole earth to +hold them. .</p> +<p>Now, when a Democrat talks to you about Lincoln bastiles, just +quote this to him:</p> +<p><i>Whereas</i>, The States of Pennsylvania and Delaware are +threatened with an immediate invasion from a powerful army, who +have already landed at the head of Chesapeake Bay; and whereas, The +principles of sound policy and self-preservation require that +persons who may be reasonably suspected of aiding or abetting the +cause of the enemy may be prevented from pursuing measures +injurious to the general weal,</p> +<p><i>Resolved</i>, That the executive authorities of the States of +Pennsylvania and Delaware be requested to cause all persons within +their respective States, notoriously disaffected, to be +apprehended, disarmed and secured until such time as the respective +States think they may be released without injury to the common +cause.—-Journal of Congress, vol. 2, p. 240.</p> +<p>That is what they did with them. When there was an invasion +threatened the good State of Indiana, if we had said we will +imprison all men who by their conduct and conversation show that +they are inimical to our cause, we would have been obliged to +import jails and corral Democrats as we did mules in the army. Our +fathers knew that the flag was never intended to protect any man +who wanted to assail it.</p> +<p>What more did they do? There was a man by the name of David +Franks, who wrote a letter and wanted to send it to England. In +that letter he gave it as his opinion that the colonies were +becoming disheartened and sick of the war. The heroic and chivalric +fathers of the Revolution violated the mails, took the aforesaid +letter and then they took the aforesaid David Franks by the collar +and put him in jail. Then they passed a resolution in Congress that +inasmuch as the said letter showed a disposition inimical to the +liberties of the United States, Major General Arnold be requested +to cause the said David Franks to be forthwith arrested, put in +jail and confined till the further order of Congress. (Jour. Cong., +vol. 3, p. 96 and 97.)</p> +<p>How many Democrats wrote letters during the war declaring that +the North never could conquer the South? How many wrote letters to +the soldiers in the army telling them to shed no more fraternal +blood in that suicidal and unchristian war? It would have taken all +the provost marshals in the United States to arrest the Democrats +in Indiana who were guilty of that offence. And yet they are +talking about our fathers being such good men, while they are +cursing us fordoing precisely what they did, only to a less extent +than they did.</p> +<p>We are still on the track of the old Continental Congress. I +want you to understand the spirit that animated those men. They +passed a resolution which is particularly applicable to the +Democrats during the war:</p> +<p>With respect to all such unworthy Americans as, regardless of +their duty to their Creator, their country, and their posterity, +have taken part with our oppressors, and, influenced by the hope or +possession of ignominious rewards, strive to recommend themselves +to the bounty of the administration by misrepresenting and +traducing the conduct and principles of the friends of American +liberty, and opposing every measure formed for its preservation and +security,</p> +<p><i>Resolved</i>, That it be recommended to the different +assemblies, conventions and committees or councils of safety in the +United Colonies, by the most speedy and effectual measures, to +frustrate the mischievous machinations and restrain the wicked +practices of these men. And it is the opinion of this Congress that +they ought to be disarmed and the more dangerous among them either +kept in safe custody or bound with sufficient sureties for their +good behavior.</p> +<p>And in order that the said assemblies, conventions, committees +or councils of safety may be enabled with greater ease and facility +to carry this resolution into execution,</p> +<p><i>Resolved</i>, That they be authorized to call to their aid +whatever Continental troops stationed in or near their respective +colonies that may be conveniently spared from their more immediate +duties, and commanding officers of such troops are hereby directed +to afford the said assemblies, conventions, committees or councils +of safety, all such assistance in executing this resolution as they +may require, and which, consistent with the good of the service, +may be supplied—Journal of Congress, vol. i, p. 22,</p> +<p>Do you hear that, Democrat? The old Continental Congress said to +these committees and councils of safety: "Whenever you want to +arrest any of these scoundrels, call on the Continental troops." +And General Washington, the commander-in-chief of the army, and the +officers under him, were directed to aid in the enforcement of all +the measures adopted with reference to disaffected and dangerous +persons. And what had these persons done? Simply shown by their +conversation, and letters directed to their friends, that they were +opposed to the cause of American liberty. They did not even spare +the Governors of States. They were not appalled by any official +position that a Tory might hold. They simply said, "If you are not +in favor of American liberty, we will put you 'where the dogs won't +bite you.'" One of these men was Governor Eden of Maryland. +Congress passed a resolution requesting the Council of Safety of +Maryland to seize and secure his person and papers, and send such +of them as related to the American dispute to Congress without +delay. At the same time the person and papers of another man, one +Alexander Ross, were seized in the same manner. Ross was put in +jail, and his papers transmitted to Congress.</p> +<p>There was a fellow by the name of Parke and another by the name +of Morton, who presumed to undertake a journey from Philadelphia to +New York without getting a pass. Congress ordered them to be +arrested and imprisoned until further orders. They did not wait to +have an affidavit filed before a Justice of the Peace. They took +them by force and put them in jail, and that was the end of it. So +much for the policy of the fathers, in regard to arbitrary +arrests.</p> +<p>During the war there was a great deal said about our +occasionally interfering with the elections. Let us see how the +fathers stood upon that question.</p> +<p>They held a convention in the State of New York in Revolutionary +times, and there were some gentlemen in Queens County that were +playing the role of Kentucky—they were going to be +neutral—they refused to vote to send deputies to the +convention—they stood upon their dignity just as Kentucky +stood upon hers—a small place to stand on, the Lord knows. +What did our fathers do with them? They denounced them as unworthy +to be American citizens and hardly fit to live. Here is a +resolution adopted by the Continental Congress on the 3d of +January, 1776:</p> +<p><i>Resolved</i>, That all such persons in Queens County +aforesaid as voted against sending deputies to the present +Convention of New York, and named in a list of delinquents in +Queens County, published by the Convention of New York, be put out +of the protection of the United Colonies, and that all trade and +intercourse with them cease; that none of the inhabitants of that +county be permitted to travel or abide in any part of these United +Colonies out of their said colony without a certificate from the +Convention or Committee of Safety of the Colony of New York, +setting forth that such inhabitant is a friend of the American +cause, and not of the number of those who voted against sending +deputies to the said Convention, and that such of the inhabitants +as shall be found out of the said county without such certificate, +be apprehended and imprisoned three months.</p> +<p><i>Resolved</i>, That no attorney or lawyer ought to commence, +prosecute or defend any action at law of any kind, for any of the +said inhabitants of Queens County, who voted against sending +deputies to the Convention as aforesaid, and such attorney or +lawyer as shall countenance this revolution, are enemies to the +American cause, and shall be treated accordingly.</p> +<p>What had they done? Simply voted against sending delegates to +the convention, and yet the fathers not only put them out of the +protection of law, but prohibited any lawyer from appearing in +their behalf in a court. Democrats, don't you wish we had treated +you that way during the war?</p> +<p>What more did they do? They ordered a company of troops from +Connecticut, and two or three companies from New Jersey, to go into +the State of New York, and take away from every person who had +voted against sending deputies to the convention, all his arms, and +if anybody refused to give up his arms, they put him in jail. Don't +you wish you had lived then, my friend Democrat? Don't you wish you +had prosecuted the war as our fathers prosecuted the +Revolution?</p> +<p>I now want to show you how far they went in this direction. A +man by the name of Sutton, who lived on Long Island, had been going +around giving his constitutional opinions upon the war. They had +him arrested, and went on to resolve that he should be taken from +Philadelphia, pay the cost of transportation himself, be put in +jail there, and while in jail should board himself. Wouldn't a +Democrat have had a hard scramble for victuals if we had carried +out that idea? Just see what outrageous and terrible things the +fathers did. And why did they do it? Because they saw that in order +to establish the liberties of America it was necessary they should +take the Tory by the throat just as it was necessary for us to take +rebels by the throat during the late war.</p> +<p>They had paper money in those days—shin-plasters—and +some of the Democrats of those times had legal doubts about this +paper currency. One of these Democrats, Thomas Harriott, was called +before a Committee of Safety of New York, and there convicted of +having refused to receive in payment the Continental bills. The +committee of New York conceiving that he was a dangerous person, +informed the Provincial Congress of the facts in the case, and +inquired whether Congress thought he ought to go at large. Upon +receipt of this information by Congress an order for the +imprisonment of the offender was passed, as follows:</p> +<p><i>Resolved</i>, That the General Committee of the city of New +York be requested and authorized, and are hereby requested and +authorized to direct that Thomas Harriott be committed to close +jail in this city, there to remain until further orders of this +Congress.—Amer. Archives, 4th series, vol. 6, P. i, 344.</p> +<p>And yet all that he had done was to refuse to take Continental +money. He had simply given his opinion on the legal tender law, +just as the Democrats of Indiana did in regard to greenbacks, and +as a few circuit judges decided when they declared the Legal Tender +Act unconstitutional. It would have been perfectly proper and right +that they, every man of them, should be, like Thomas Harriott, +"committed to close jail, there to remain until further +orders."</p> +<p>Did our forefathers ever interfere with religion? Yes, they did +with a preacher by the name of Daniels, because he would not pray +for the American cause. He thought he could coax the Lord to beat +us. They said to him, "You pray on our side, sir." He would not do +it, and so they put him in jail and gave him work enough to pray +himself out, and it took him some time to do it. They interfered +with a <i>lack</i> of religion. They believed that a Tory or +traitor in the pulpit was no better than anybody else. That is the +way I have sometimes felt during the war. I have thought that I +would like to see some of those white cravatted gentlemen "snaked" +right out of the pulpits where they had dared to utter their +treason, and set to playing checkers through a grated window.</p> +<p>It is not possible that our fathers ever interfered with the +writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>, is it? Yes sir. Our fathers advocated +the doctrine that the good of the people is the supreme law of the +land. They also advocated the doctrine that in the midst of armies +law falls to the ground; the doctrine that when a country is in war +it is to be governed by the laws of war. They thought that laws +were made for the protection of good citizens, for the punishment +of citizens that were bad, when they were not too bad or too +numerous; then they threw the law-book down while they took the +cannon and whipped the badness out of them; that is the next step, +when the stones you throw, and kind words, and grass have failed. +They said, why did we not appeal to law? We did; but it did no +good. A large portion of the people were up in arms in defiance of +law, and there was only one way to put them down, and that was by +force of arms; and whenever an appeal is made to force, that force +is governed by the law of war.</p> +<p>The fathers suspended the writ in the case of a man who had +committed an offence in the State of New York. They sent him to the +State of Connecticut to be confined, just as men were sent from +Indiana to Fort Lafayette. The attorneys came before the convention +of New York to hear the matter inquired into, but the committee of +the convention to whom the matter was referred refused to inquire +into the original cause of commitment—a direct denial of the +authority of the writ. The writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> merely +brings the body before the judge that he may inquire why he is +imprisoned. They refused to make any such inquiry. Their action was +endorsed by the convention and the gentleman was sent to +Connecticut and put in jail. They not only did these things in one +instance, but in a thousand. They took men from Maryland and put +them in prison in Pennsylvania, and they took men from Pennsylvania +and confined them in Maryland, Whenever they thought the Tories +were so thick at one point that the rascals might possibly be +released, they took them somewhere else.</p> +<p>They did not interfere with the freedom of the press, did they? +Yes, sir. They found a gentleman who was speaking and writing +against the liberties of the colonies, and they just took his paper +away from him, and gave it to a man who ran it in the interest of +the colonies, using the Tory's type and press. [A voice—That +was right.] Right! of course it was right. What right has a +newspaper in Indiana to talk against the cause for which your son +is laying down his life on the field of battle? What right has any +man to make it take thousands of men more to crush a rebellion? +What right has any man protected by the American flag to do all in +his power to put it in the hands of the enemies of his country? The +same right that any man has to be a rascal, a thief and +traitor—no other right under heaven. Our fathers had sense +enough to see that, and they said, "One gentleman in the rear +printing against our noble cause, will cost us hundreds of noble +lives at the front." Why have you a right to take a rebel's horse? +Because it helps you and weakens the enemy. That is by the law of +war. That is the principle upon which they seized the Tory printing +press. They had the right to do it. And if I had had the power in +this country, no man should have said a word, or written a line, or +printed anything against the cause for which the heroic men of the +North sacrificed their lives. I would have enriched the soil of +this country with him before he should have done it. A man by the +name of James Rivington undertook to publish a paper against the +country. They would not speak to him; they denounced him, seized +his press, and made him ask forgiveness and promise to print no +more such stuff before they would let him have his sheet again. No +person but a rebel ever thought that was wrong. There is no common +sense in going to the field to fight and leaving a man at home to +undo all that you accomplish.</p> +<p>Our fathers did not like these Tories, and when the war was over +they confiscated their estates—took their land and gave it +over to good Union men.</p> +<p>How did they do it? Did they issue summons, and have a trial? +No, sir. They did it by wholesale—they did it by resolution, +and the estates of hundreds of men were taken from them without +their having a day in court or any notice or trial whatever. They +said to the Tories: "You cast your fortunes with the other side, +let them pay you. The flag you fought against protects the land you +owned and it will prevent you from having it." Nor is that all. +They ran thousands of them out of the country away up into Nova +Scotia, and the old blue-nosed Tories are there yet.</p> +<p>In his letter to Governor Cooke of Rhode Island, Washington +enumerates an act of that colony, declaring that "none should +speak, write, or act against the proceedings of Congress or their +Acts of Assembly, under penalty of being disarmed and disqualified +from holding any office, and being further punished by +imprisonment," as one that met his approbation, and which should +exist in other colonies. There is the doctrine for you Democrats. +So I could go on by the hour or by the day. I could show you how +they made domiciliary visits, interfered with travel, imprisoned +without any sort of writ or affidavit—in other words, did +whatever they thought was necessary to whip the enemy and establish +their independence.</p> +<p>What next do they charge against us? That we freed negroes. So +we did. That we allowed those negroes to fight in the army. Yes, we +did, That we allowed them to vote. We did that too. That we have +made them citizens. Yes, we have, and what are you Democrats going +to do about it?</p> +<p>Now, what did our fathers do? Did they free any of the negroes? +Yes, sir. Did they allow any of them to fight in the army? Yes, +sir. Did they permit any of them to vote? Yes, sir. Did they make +them citizens? Yes, sir. Let us see whether they did or not.</p> +<p>Before we had the present Constitution we had what were called +Articles of Confederation. The fourth of those articles provided +that every free inhabitant of the colony should be a citizen. It +did not make any difference whether he was white or black; and +negroes voted by the side of Washington and Jefferson. Just here +the question arises, if negroes were good enough in 1787 and 1790 +to vote by the side of such men, whether rebels and their +sympathizers are good enough now to vote alongside of the +negro.</p> +<p>Did they let any of these negroes fight? In 1750, when +Massachusetts had slaves, there appeared in the Boston Gazette the +following notice:</p> +<p>"Ran away from his master, Wm. Brown, of Framingham, on the 30th +September last, a mulatto fellow, about 27 years of age, named +Crispus, about 6 feet high, short curly hair, had on a light +colored bear-skin coat, brown jacket, new buckskin breeches, blue +yarn stockings and check woolen shirt," etc.</p> +<p>This "mulatto fellow" did not come back, and so they advertised +the next week and the week following, but still the toes of the +blue yarn socks pointed the other way. That was in 1750. 1760 came +and 1770, and the people of this continent began to talk about +having their liberties. And while wise and thoughtful men were +talking about it, making petitions for popular rights and laying +them at the foot of the throne, the King's troops were in Boston. +One day they marched down King street, on their way to arrest some +citizen. The soldiery were attacked by a mob, and at its head was a +"mulatto fellow" who shouted "here they are," and it was observed +that this "mulatto fellow" was about six feet high—that his +knees were nearer together than common, and that he was about 47 +years of age. The soldiers fired upon the mob and he fell, shot +through with five balls—the first man that led a charge +against British aggression—the first martyr whose blood was +shed for American liberty upon this soil. They took up that poor +corpse, and as it lay in Faneuil Hall it did more honor to the +place than did Daniel Webster defending the Fugitive Slave Law.</p> +<p>They allowed him to fight. Would our fathers have been brutal +enough, if he had not been killed, to put him back into slavery? +No! They would have said that a man who fights for liberty should +enjoy it. If a man fights for that flag it shall protect him. +Perish forever from the heavens the flag that will not defend its +defenders, be they white or black.</p> +<p>Thus our fathers felt. They raised negro troops by the company +and the regiment, and gave his liberty to every man that fought for +liberty. Not only that, but they allowed them to vote. They voted +in the Carolinas, in Tennessee, in New York, in all the New England +States. Our fathers had too much decency to act upon the Democratic +doctrine.</p> +<p>In the war of 1812, negroes fought at Lake Erie and at New +Orleans, and then the fathers, as in the Revolution, were too +magnanimous to turn them back into slavery. You need not get mad, +my Democratic friends, because you hate Ben. Butler. Let me read +you an abolition document.</p> +<p>You will all say it is right; you cannot say anything else when +you hear it. Butler, you know, was down in New Orleans, and he made +some of those rebels dance a tune that they did not know, and he +made them keep pretty good time too:</p> +<p><i>To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana:</i></p> +<p>Through a mistaken policy you have heretofore been deprived of a +participation in the glorious struggle for national rights in which +our country is engaged. This shall no longer exist. As sons of +freedom you are now called upon to defend our most inestimable +blessing. As Americans, your country looks with confidence to her +adopted children for a valorous support as a faithful return for +the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable government. As +fathers, husbands and brothers you are summoned to rally around the +standard of the eagle—to defend all which is dear in +existence. Your country, although calling for your exertions, does +not wish you to engage in her cause without amply remunerating you +for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds can not be led +away by false representations. Your love of honor would cause you +to despise a man who should attempt to deceive you. In the +sincerity of a soldier and the language of truth I address you. To +every noble-hearted, generous free man of color volunteering to +serve during the present contest and no longer, there will be paid +the same bounty in money and lands now received by the white +soldiers of the United States, viz: $124 in money and one hundred +and sixty acres of land. The noncommissioned officers and privates +will also be entitled to the same monthly pay and daily rations and +clothing furnished any American soldier.</p> +<p>On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major General +commanding will select officers for your government from your white +fellow-citizens. Your non-commissioned officers will be appointed +from among yourselves. Due regard will be paid to their feelings as +freemen and soldiers. You will not by being associated with white +men in the same corps, be exposed to improper companions or unjust +sarcasm. As a distinct battalion or regiment pursuing the path of +glory, you will undivided receive the applause and gratitude of +your countrymen.</p> +<p>To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions and my anxiety +to engage your valuable services to our country, I have +communicated my wishes to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully +informed as to the manner of enrollment, and give you every +necessary information on the subject of this address.</p> +<p>This is a terrible document to a Democrat. Let us look back over +it a little. "Through a mistaken policy." We had not sense enough +to let the negroes fight during the first part of the war. "As sons +of freedom" we had got sense by this time. "Americans." Oh! +shocking! Think of calling negroes Americans. "Your country!" Is +that not enough to make a Democrat sick? "As fathers, husbands, +brothers." Negro brothers. That is too bad. "Your intelligent +minds." Now, just think of a negro having an intelligent mind. "Are +not to be led away by false representations." Then precious few of +them will vote the Democratic ticket. "Your sense of honor will +lead you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive you." +Then how they will hate the Democratic party. Then he goes on to +say that the same bounty, money and land that the white soldiers +receive will be paid to these negroes. Not only that, but they are +to have the same pay, clothing and rations. Only think of a negro +having as much land, as much to eat and as many clothes to wear as +a white man. Is not this a vile abolition document? And yet there +is not a Democrat in Indiana that dare open his mouth against it, +full of negro equality as it is. Now, let us see when and by whom +this proclamation was issued. You will find that it is dated, +"Headquarters 7th Military District, Mobile, September 21st, 1814," +and signed "Andrew Jackson, Major General Commanding."</p> +<p>Oh, you Jackson Democrats. You gentlemen that are descended from +Washington and Jackson—great heavens, what a descent! Do you +think. Jackson was a Democrat? He generally passed for a good +Democrat; yet he issued that abominable abolition proclamation and +put negroes on an equality with white men. That is not the worst of +it, either; for after he got these negroes into the army he made a +speech to them, and what did he say in that speech? Here it is in +full:</p> +<p><i>To the Men of Color:</i></p> +<p>Soldiers—From the shores of Mobile I called you to arms. I +invited you to share in the perils and to divide the glory with +your white countrymen. I expected much from you, for I was not +uninformed of those qualities which must render you so formidable +to an invading foe. I knew that you could endure hunger, thirst, +and all the hardships of war. I knew that you loved the land of +your nativity, and that like ourselves you had to defend all that +is most dear to man. But you surpass my hopes. I have found in you +united to these qualities that noble enthusiasm which impels to +great deeds. Soldiers, the President of the United States shall be +informed of your conduct on the present occasion and the voice of +the representatives of the American nation shall applaud your valor +as your General now praises your ardor. The enemy is near. His +sails cover the lakes. But the brave are united, and if he finds' +us contending among ourselves, it will be only for the prize of +valor, its noblest reward.</p> +<p>There is negro equality for you. There is the first man since +the heroes of the Revolution died that issued a proclamation and +put negroes on an equality with white men, and he was as good a +Democrat as ever lived in Indiana. I could go on and show where +they voted, and who allowed them to vote, but I have said enough on +that question, and also upon the question of their fighting in the +army, and of their being citizens, and have established, I think +conclusively, this:</p> +<p><i>First</i>. That our fathers, in order to found this +Government, arrested men without warrant, indictment or affidavit +by the hundred and by the thousand; that we, in order to preserve +the Government that they thus founded, arrested a few people +without warrant.</p> +<p><i>Second</i>. That our fathers, for the purpose of founding the +Government, suspended the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>; that we, +for the purpose of preserving the same Government, did the same +thing.</p> +<p><i>Third</i>. That they, for the purpose of inaugurating this +Government, interfered with the liberty of the press; that we, on +one or two occasions, for the purpose of preserving the Government, +interfered with the liberty of the press.</p> +<p><i>Fourth</i>. That our fathers allowed negroes to fight in +order that they might secure the liberties of America; that we, in +order to preserve those liberties, allow negroes to fight.</p> +<p><i>Fifth</i>. That our fathers, out of gratitude to the negroes +in the Revolutionary war, allowed them to vote; that we have done +the same. That they made them citizens, and we have followed their +example.</p> +<p>As far as I have gone, I have shown that the fathers of the +Revolution and the War of 1812 set us the example for everything we +have done. Now, Mr. Democrat, if you want to curse us, curse them +too. Either quit yawping about the fathers, or quit yawping about +us.</p> +<p>Now, then, was there any necessity, during this war, to follow +the example of our fathers? The question was put to us in 1861: +"Shall the majority rule?" and also the balance of that question: +"Shall the minority submit?" The minority said they would not. Upon +the right of the majority to rule rests the entire structure of our +Government. Had we, in 1861, given up that principle, the +foundations of our Government would have been totally destroyed. In +fact there would have been no Government, even in the North. It is +no use to say the majority shall rule if the minority consents. +Therefore, if, when a man has been duly elected President, anybody +undertakes to prevent him from being President, it is your duty to +protect him and enforce submission to the will of the majority. In +1861 we had presented to us the alternative, either to let the +great principle that lies at the foundation of our Government go by +the board, or to appeal to arms, and to the God of battles, and +fight it through.</p> +<p>The Southern people said they were going out of the Union; we +implored them to stay, by the common memories of the Revolution, by +an apparent common destiny; by the love of man, but they refused to +listen to us—rushed past us, and appealed to the arbitrament +of the sword; and now I, for one, say by the decision of the sword +let them abide.</p> +<p>Now, I want to show how mean the American people were in 1861. +The vile and abominable institution of slavery had so corrupted us +that we did not know right from wrong. It crept into the pulpit +until the sermon became the echo of the bloodhound's bark. It crept +upon the bench, and the judge could not tell whether the corn +belonged to the man that raised it, or to the fellow that did not, +but he rather thought it belonged to the latter. We had lost our +sense of justice. Even the people of Indiana were so far gone as to +agree to carry out the Fugitive Slave Law. Was it not low-lived and +contemptible? We agreed that if we found a woman ninety-nine one +hundredths white, who, inspired by the love of liberty, had run +away from her masters, and had got within one step of free soil, we +would clutch her and bring her back to the dominion of the +Democrat, the bloodhound and the lash. We were just mean enough to +do it. We used to read that some hundreds of years ago a lot of +soldiers would march into a man's house, take him out, tie him to a +stake driven into the earth, pile fagots around him, and let the +thirsty flames consume him, and all because they differed from him +about religion. We said it was horrible; it made our blood run cold +to think of it; yet at the same time many a magnificent steamboat +floated down the Mississippi with wives and husbands, fragments of +families torn asunder, doomed to a life of toil, requited only by +lashes upon the naked back, and branding irons upon the quivering +flesh, and we thought little of it. When we set out to put down the +Rebellion the Democratic party started up all at once and said, +"You are not going to interfere with slavery, are you?" Now, it is +remarkable that whenever we were going to do a good thing, we had +to let on that we were going to do a mean one. If we had said at +the outset, "We will break the shackles from four millions of +slaves" we never would have succeeded. We had to come at it by +degrees. The Democrats scented it out. They had a scent keener than +a bloodhound when anything was going to be done to affect slavery. +"Put down rebellion," they said, "but don't hurt slavery." We said, +"We will not; we will restore the Union as it was and the +Constitution as it is." We were in good faith about it. We had no +better sense then than to think that it was worth fighting for, to +preserve the cause of quarrel—the bone of contention—so +as to have war all the time. Every blow we struck for slavery was a +blow against us. The Rebellion was simply slavery with a mask on. +We never whipped anybody but once so long as we stood upon that +doctrine; that was at Donelson; and the victory there was not owing +to the policy, but to the splendid genius of the next President of +the United States. After a while it got into our heads that slavery +was the cause of the trouble, and we began to edge up slowly toward +slavery. When Mr. Lincoln said he would destroy slavery if +absolutely necessary for the suppression of the Rebellion, people +thought that was the most radical thing that ever was uttered. But +the time came when it was necessary to free the slaves, and to put +muskets into their hands. The Democratic party opposed us with all +their might until the draft came, and they wanted negroes for +substitutes; and I never heard a Democrat object to arming the +negroes after that.</p> +<pre> + [The speaker from this point presented the history of the + Republican policy of reconstruction, and touched lightly on + the subject of the national debt. He glanced at the + finances, reviewing in the most scathing manner the history + and character of Seymour, paid a most eloquent tribute to + the character and public services of General Grant, and + closed with the following words: ] +</pre> +<p>The hero of the Rebellion, who accomplished at Shiloh what +Napoleon endeavored at Waterloo; who captured Vicksburg by a series +of victories unsurpassed, taking the keystone from the rebel arch; +who achieved at Missionary Ridge a success as grand as it was +unexpected to the country; who, having been summoned from the +death-bed of rebellion in the West, marched like an athlete from +the Potomac to the James, the grandest march in the history of the +world. This was all done without the least flourish upon his part. +No talk about destiny—without faith in a star—with the +simple remark that he would "fight it out on that line," without a +boast, modest to bashfulness, yet brave to audacity, simple as +duty, firm as war, direct as truth—this hero, with so much +common sense that he is the most uncommon man of his time, will be, +in spite of Executive snares and Cabinet entanglements, of +competent false witnesses of the Democratic party, the next +President of the United States. He will be trusted with the +Government his genius saved.</p> +<center>SPEECH AT CINCINNATI.*</center> +<pre> + * The nomination of Blaine was the passionately dramatic + scene of the day. Robert G. Ingersoll had been fixed upon to + present Blaine's name to the Convention, and, as the result + proved, a more effective champion could not have been + selected in the whole party conclave. + + As the clerk, running down the list, reached Maine, an + extraordinary event happened. The applause and cheers which + had heretofore broken out in desultory patches of the + galleries and platform, broke in a simultaneous, thunderous + outburst from every part of the house. + + Ingersoll moved out from the obscure corner and advanced to + the central stage. As he walked forward the thundering + cheers, sustained and swelling, never ceased. As he reached + the platform they took on an increased volume of sound, and + for ten minutes the surging fury of acclamation, the wild + waving of fans, hats, and handkerchiefs transformed the + scene from one of deliberation to that of a bedlam of + rapturous delirium. Ingersoll waited with unimpaired + serenity, until he should get a chance to be heard. * * * + And then began an appeal, impassioned, artful, brilliant, + and persuasive. * * * + + Possessed of a fine figure, a face of winning, cordial + frankness, Ingersoll had half won his audience before he + spoke a word. It is the attestation of every man that heard + him, that so brilliant a master stroke was never uttered + before a political Convention. Its effect was indescribable. + The coolest-headed in the hall were stirred to the wildest + expression. The adversaries of Blaine, as well as his + friends, listened with unswerving, absorbed attention. + Curtis sat spell-bound, his eyes and mouth wide open, his + figure moving in unison to the tremendous periods that fell + in a measured, exquisitely graduated flow from the + Illinoisan's smiling lips. The matchless method and manner + of the man can never be imagined from the report in type. To + realize the prodigious force, the inexpressible power, the + irrestrainable fervor of the audience requires actual sight. + + Words can do but meagre justice to the wizard power of this + extraordinary man. He swayed and moved and impelled and + restrained and worked in all ways with the mass before him + as if he possessed some key to the innermost mechanism that + moves the human heart, and when he finished, his fine, frank + face as calm as when he began, the overwrought thousands + sank back in an exhaustion of unspeakable wonder and + delight.—Chicago Times, June 16, 1876. +</pre> +<center>SPEECH NOMINATING BLAINE.</center> +<p>June 75, 1876.</p> +<p>MASSACHUSETTS may be satisfied with the loyalty of Benjamin H. +Bristow; so am I; but if any man nominated by this convention can +not carry the State of Massachusetts, I am not satisfied with the +loyalty of that State. If the nominee of this convention cannot +carry the grand old Commonwealth of Massachusetts by seventy-five +thousand majority, I would advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as +a Democratic headquarters. I would advise them to take from Bunker +Hill that old monument of glory.</p> +<p>The Republicans of the United States demand as their leader in +the great contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of +integrity, a man of well-known and approved political opinions. +They demand a statesman; they demand a reformer after as well as +before the election. They demand a politician in the highest, +broadest and best sense—a man of superb moral courage. They +demand a man acquainted with public affairs—with the wants of +the people; with not only the requirements of the hour, but with +the demands of the future. They demand a man broad enough to +comprehend the relations of this Government to the other nations of +the earth. They demand a man well versed in the powers, duties and +prerogatives of each and every department of this Government. They +demand a man who will sacredly preserve the financial honor of the +United States; one who knows enough to know that the national debt +must be paid through the prosperity of this people; one who knows +enough to know that all the financial theories in the world cannot +redeem a single dollar; one who knows enough to know that all the +money must be made, not by law, but by labor; one who knows enough +to know that the people of the United States have the industry to +make the money, and the honor to pay it over just as fast as they +make it.</p> +<p>The Republicans of the United States demand a man who knows that +prosperity and resumption, when they come, must come together; that +when they come, they will come hand in hand through the golden +harvest fields; hand in hand by the whirling spindles and the +turning wheels; hand in hand past the open furnace doors; hand in +hand by the flaming forges; hand in hand by the chimneys filled +with eager fire, greeted and grasped by the countless sons of +toil.</p> +<p>This money has to be dug out of the earth. You cannot make it by +passing resolutions in a political convention.</p> +<p>The Republicans of the United States want a man who knows that +this Government should protect every citizen, at home and abroad; +who knows that any government that will not defend its defenders, +and protect its protectors, is a disgrace to the map of the world. +They demand a man who believes in the eternal separation and +divorcement of church and school. They demand a man whose political +reputation is spotless as a star; but they do not demand that their +candidate shall have a certificate of moral character signed by a +Confederate congress. The man who has, in full, heaped and rounded +measure, all these splendid qualifications, is the present grand +and gallant leader of the Republican party—James G. +Blaine.</p> +<p>Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous achievements of +its first century, asks for a man worthy of the past, and prophetic +of her future; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks +for a man who is the grandest combination of heart, conscience and +brain beneath her flag—such a man is James G. Blaine.</p> +<p>For the Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be +no defeat.</p> +<p>This is a grand year—a year filled with recollections of +the Revolution; filled with proud and tender memories of the past; +with the sacred legends of liberty—a year in which the sons +of freedom will drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; a year in +which the people call for the man who has preserved in Congress +what our soldiers won upon the field; a year in which they call for +the man who has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of +slander—for the man who has snatched the mask of Democracy +from the hideous face of rebellion; for the man who, like an +intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena of debate and +challenged all comers, and who is still a total stranger to +defeat.</p> +<p>Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine +marched down the halls of the American Congress and threw his +shining lance full and fair against the brazen foreheads of the +defamers of his country and the maligners of his honor. For the +Republican party to desert this gallant leader now, is as though an +army should desert their general upon the field of battle.</p> +<p>James G. Blaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the +sacred standard of the Republican party. I call it sacred, because +no human being can stand beneath its folds without becoming and +without remaining free.</p> +<p>Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great Republic, +the only republic that ever existed upon this earth; in the name of +all her defenders and of all her supporters; in the name of all her +soldiers living; in the name of all her soldiers dead upon the +field of battle, and in the name of those who perished in the +skeleton clutch of famine at Andersonville and Libby, whose +sufferings he so vividly remembers, Illinois—Illinois +nominates for the next President of this country, that prince of +parliamentarians—that leader of leaders—James G. +Blaine.</p> +<a name="link0003" id="link0003"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>CENTENNIAL ORATION.</h2> +<pre> + * Delivered on the one hundredth Anniversary of the + Declaration of Independence, at Peoria, Ill., July 4, 1876. +</pre> +<p>July 4, 1876.</p> +<p>THE Declaration of Independence is the grandest, the bravest, +and the profoundest political document that was ever signed by the +representatives of a people. It is the embodiment of physical and +moral courage and of political wisdom.</p> +<p>I say of physical courage, because it was a declaration of war +against the most powerful nation then on the globe; a declaration +of war by thirteen weak, unorganized colonies; a declaration of war +by a few people, without military stores, without wealth, without +strength, against the most powerful kingdom on the earth; a +declaration of war made when the British navy, at that day the +mistress of every sea, was hovering along the coast of America, +looking after defenceless towns and villages to ravage and destroy. +It was made when thousands of English soldiers were upon our soil, +and when the principal cities of America were in the substantial +possession of the enemy. And so, I say, all things considered, it +was the bravest political document ever signed by man. And if it +was physically brave, the moral courage of the document is almost +infinitely beyond the physical. They had the courage not only, but +they had the almost infinite wisdom, to declare that all men are +created equal.</p> +<p>Such things had occasionally been said by some political +enthusiast in the olden time, but, for the first time in the +history of the world, the representatives of a nation, the +representatives of a real, living, breathing, hoping people, +declared that all men are created equal. With one blow, with one +stroke of the pen, they struck down all the cruel, heartless +barriers that aristocracy, that priestcraft, that kingcraft had +raised between man and man. They struck down with one immortal blow +that infamous spirit of caste that makes a god almost a beast, and +a beast almost a god. With one word, with one blow, they wiped away +and utterly destroyed, all that had been done by centuries of +war—centuries of hypocrisy—centuries of injustice.</p> +<p>One hundred years ago our fathers retired the gods from +politics.</p> +<p>What more did they do? They then declared that each man has a +right to live. And what does that mean? It means that he has the +right to make his living. It means that he has the right to breathe +the air, to work the land, that he stands the equal of every other +human being beneath the shining stars; entitled to the product of +his labor—the labor of his hand and of his brain.</p> +<p>What more? That every man has the right to pursue his own +happiness in his own way. Grander words than these have never been +spoken by man.</p> +<p>And what more did these men say? They laid down the doctrine +that governments were instituted among men for the purpose of +preserving the rights of the people. The old idea was that people +existed solely for the benefit of the state—that is to say, +for kings and nobles.</p> +<p>The old idea was that the people were the wards of king and +priest—that their bodies belonged to one and their souls to +the other.</p> +<p>And what more? That the people are the source of political +power. That was not only a revelation, but it was a revolution. It +changed the ideas of people with regard to the source of political +power. For the first time it made human beings men. What was the +old idea? The old idea was that no political power came from, or in +any manner belonged to, the people. The old idea was that the +political power came from the clouds; that the political power came +in some miraculous way from heaven; that it came down to kings, and +queens, and robbers. That was the old idea. The nobles lived upon +the labor of the people; the people had no rights; the nobles stole +what they had and divided with the kings, and the kings pretended +to divide what they stole with God Almighty. The source, then, of +political power was from above. The people were responsible to the +nobles, the nobles to the king, and the people had no political +rights whatever, no more than the wild beasts of the forest. The +kings were responsible to God; not to the people. The kings were +responsible to the clouds; not to the toiling millions they robbed +and plundered.</p> +<p>And our forefathers, in this Declaration of Independence, +reversed this thing, and said: No; the people, they are the source +of political power, and their rulers, these presidents, these kings +are but the agents and servants of the great sublime people. For +the first time, really, in the history of the world, the king was +made to get off the throne and the people were royally seated +thereon. The people became the sovereigns, and the old sovereigns +became the servants and the agents of the people. It is hard for +you and me now to even imagine the immense results of that change. +It is hard for you and for me, at this day, to understand how +thoroughly it had been ingrained in the brain of almost every man, +that the king had some wonderful right over him; that in some +strange way the king owned him; that in some miraculous manner he +belonged, body and soul, to somebody who rode on a horse—to +somebody with epaulettes on his shoulders and a tinsel crown upon +his brainless head.</p> +<p>Our forefathers had been educated in that idea, and when they +first landed on American shores they believed it. They thought they +belonged to somebody, and that they must be loyal to some thief who +could trace his pedigree back to antiquity's most successful +robber.</p> +<p>It took a long time for them to get that idea out of their heads +and hearts. They were three thousand miles away from the despotisms +of the old world, and every wave of the sea was an assistant to +them. The distance helped to disenchant their minds of that +infamous belief, and every mile between them and the pomp and glory +of monarchy helped to put republican ideas and thoughts into their +minds. Besides that, when they came to this country, when the +savage was in the forest and three thousand miles of waves on the +other side, menaced by barbarians on the one hand and famine on the +other, they learned that a man who had courage, a man who had +thought, was as good as any other man in the world, and they built +up, as it were, in spite of themselves, little republics. And the +man that had the most nerve and heart was the best man, whether he +had any noble blood in his veins or not.</p> +<p>It has been a favorite idea with me that our forefathers were +educated by Nature, that they grew grand as the continent upon +which they landed; that the great rivers—the wide +plains—the splendid lakes—the lonely forests—the +sublime mountains—that all these things stole into and became +a part of their being, and they grew great as the country in which +they lived. They began to hate the narrow, contracted views of +Europe. They were educated by their surroundings, and every little +colony had to be to a certain extent a republic. The kings of the +old world endeavored to parcel out this land to their favorites. +But there were too many Indians. There was too much courage +required for them to take and keep it, and so men had to come here +who were dissatisfied with the old country—who were +dissatisfied with England, dissatisfied with France, with Germany, +with Ireland and Holland. The kings' favorites stayed at home. Men +came here for liberty, and on account of certain principles they +entertained and held dearer than life. And they were willing to +work, willing to fell the forests, to fight the savages, willing to +go through all the hardships, perils and dangers of a new country, +of a new land; and the consequence was that our country was settled +by brave and adventurous spirits, by men who had opinions of their +own and were willing to live in the wild forests for the sake of +expressing those opinions, even if they expressed them only to +trees, rocks, and savage men. The best blood of the old world came +to the new.</p> +<p>When they first came over they did not have a great deal of +political philosophy, nor the best ideas of liberty. We might as +well tell the truth. When the Puritans first came, they were +narrow. They did not understand what liberty meant—what +religious liberty, what political liberty, was; but they found out +in a few years. There was one feeling among them that rises to +their eternal honor like a white shaft to the clouds—they +were in favor of universal education. Wherever they went they built +schoolhouses, introduced books and ideas of literature. They +believed that every man should know how to read and how to write, +and should find out all that his capacity allowed him to +comprehend. That is the glory of the Puritan fathers.</p> +<p>They forgot in a little while what they had suffered, and they +forgot to apply the principle of universal liberty—of +toleration. Some of the colonies did not forget it, and I want to +give credit where credit should be given. The Catholics of Maryland +were the first people on the new continent to declare universal +religious toleration. Let this be remembered to their eternal +honor. Let it be remembered to the disgrace of the Protestant +government of England, that it caused this grand law to be +repealed. And to the honor and credit of the Catholics of Maryland +let it be remembered that the moment they got back into power they +re-enacted the old law. The Baptists of Rhode Island also, led by +Roger Williams, were in favor of universal religious liberty.</p> +<p>No American should fail to honor Roger Williams. He was the +first grand advocate of the liberty of the soul. He was in favor of +the eternal divorce of church and state. So far as I know, he was +the only man at that time in this country who was in favor of real +religious liberty. While the Catholics of Maryland declared in +favor of religious <i>toleration</i>, they had no idea of religious +liberty. They would not allow anyone to call in question the +doctrine of the Trinity, or the inspiration of the Scriptures. They +stood ready with branding-iron and gallows to burn and choke out of +man the idea that he had a right to think and to express his +thoughts.</p> +<p>So many religions met in our country—so many theories and +dogmas came in contact—so many follies, mistakes, and +stupidities became acquainted with each other, that religion began +to fall somewhat into disrepute. Besides this, the question of a +new nation began to take precedence of all others.</p> +<p>The people were too much interested in this world to quarrel +about the next. The preacher was lost in the patriot. The Bible was +read to find passages against kings.</p> +<p>Everybody was discussing the rights of man. Farmers and +mechanics suddenly became statesmen, and in every shop and cabin +nearly every question was asked and answered.</p> +<p>During these years of political excitement the interest in +religion abated to that degree that a common purpose animated men +of all sects and creeds.</p> +<p>At last our fathers became tired of being colonists—tired +of writing and reading and signing petitions, and presenting them +on their bended knees to an idiot king. They began to have an +aspiration to form a new nation, to be citizens of a new republic +instead of subjects of an old monarchy. They had the idea—the +Puritans, the Catholics, the Episcopalians, the Baptists, the +Quakers, and a few Freethinkers, all had the idea—that they +would like to form a new nation.</p> +<p>Now, do not understand that all of our fathers were in favor of +independence. Do not understand that they were all like Jefferson; +that they were all like Adams or Lee; that they were all like +Thomas Paine or John Hancock. There were thousands and thousands of +them who were opposed to American independence. There were +thousands and thousands who said: "When you say men are created +equal, it is a lie; when you say the political power resides in the +great body of the people, it is false." Thousands and thousands of +them said: "We prefer Great Britain." But the men who were in favor +of independence, the men who knew that a new nation must be born, +went on full of hope and courage, and nothing could daunt or stop +or stay the heroic, fearless few.</p> +<p>They met in Philadelphia; and the resolution was moved by Lee of +Virginia, that the colonies ought to be independent states, and +ought to dissolve their political connection with Great +Britain.</p> +<p>They made up their minds that a new nation must be formed. All +nations had been, so to speak, the wards of some church. The +religious idea as to the source of power had been at the foundation +of all governments, and had been the bane and curse of man.</p> +<p>Happily for us, there was no church strong enough to dictate to +the rest. Fortunately for us, the colonists not only, but the +colonies differed widely in their religious views. There were the +Puritans who hated the Episcopalians, and Episcopalians who hated +the Catholics, and the Catholics who hated both, while the Quakers +held them all in contempt. There they were, of every sort, and +color and kind, and how was it that they came together? They had a +common aspiration. They wanted to form a new nation. More than +that, most of them cordially hated Great Britain; and they pledged +each other to forget these religious prejudices, for a time at +least, and agreed that there should be only one religion until they +got through, and that was the religion of patriotism. They solemnly +agreed that the new nation should not belong to any particular +church, but that it should secure the rights of all.</p> +<p>Our fathers founded the first secular government that was ever +founded in this world. Recollect that. The first secular +government; the first government that said every church has exactly +the same rights and no more; every religion has the same rights, +and no more. In other words, our fathers were the first men who had +the sense, had the genius, to know that no church should be allowed +to have a sword; that it should be allowed only to exert its moral +influence.</p> +<p>You might as well have a government united by force with Art, or +with Poetry, or with Oratory, as with Religion. Religion should +have the influence upon mankind that its goodness, that its +morality, its justice, its charity, its reason, and its argument +give it, and no more. Religion should have the effect upon mankind +that it necessarily has, and no more. The religion that has to be +supported by law is without value, not only, but a fraud and curse. +The religious argument that has to be supported by a musket, is +hardly worth making. A prayer that must have a cannon behind it, +better never be uttered. Forgiveness ought not to go in partnership +with shot and shell. Love need not carry knives and revolvers.</p> +<p>So our fathers said: "We will form a secular government, and +under the flag with which we are going to enrich the air, we will +allow every man to worship God as he thinks best." They said: +"Religion is an individual thing between each man and his creator, +and he can worship as he pleases and as he desires." And why did +they do this? The history of the world warned them that the liberty +of man was not safe in the clutch and grasp of any church. They had +read of and seen the thumbscrews, the racks, and the dungeons of +the Inquisition. They knew all about the hypocrisy of the olden +time. They knew that the church had stood side by side with the +throne; that the high priests were hypocrites, and that the kings +were robbers. They also knew that if they gave power to any church, +it would corrupt the best church in the world. And so they said +that power must not reside in a church, or in a sect, but power +must be wherever humanity is—in the great body of the people. +And the officers and servants of the people must be responsible to +them. And so I say again, as I said in the commencement, this is +the wisest, the pro-foundest, the bravest political document that +ever was written and signed by man.</p> +<p>They turned, as I tell you, everything squarely about. They +derived all their authority from the people. They did away forever +with the theological idea of government.</p> +<p>And what more did they say? They said that whenever the rulers +abused this authority, this power, incapable of destruction, +returned to the people. How did they come to say this? I will tell +you. They were pushed into it. How? They felt that they were +oppressed; and whenever a man feels that he is the subject of +injustice, his perception of right and wrong is wonderfully +quickened.</p> +<p>Nobody was ever in prison wrongfully who did not believe in the +writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>. Nobody ever suffered wrongfully +without instantly having ideas of justice.</p> +<p>And they began to inquire what rights the king of Great Britain +had. They began to search for the charter of his authority. They +began to investigate and dig down to the bed-rock upon which +society must be founded, and when they got down there, forced +there, too, by their oppressors, forced against their own +prejudices and education, they found at' the bottom of things, not +lords, not nobles, not pulpits, not thrones, but humanity and the +rights of men.</p> +<p>And so they said, We are men; we are men. They found out they +were men. And the next thing they said, was, "We will be free men; +we are weary of being colonists; we are tired of being subjects; we +are men; and these colonies ought to be states; and these states +ought to be a nation; and that nation ought to drive the last +British soldier into the sea." And so they signed that brave +Declaration of Independence.</p> +<p>I thank every one of them from the bottom of my heart for +signing that sublime declaration. I thank them for their +courage—for their patriotism—for their wisdom—for +the splendid confidence in themselves and in the human race. I +thank them for what they were, and for what we are—for what +they did, and for what we have received—for what they +suffered, and for what we enjoy.</p> +<p>What would we have been if we had remained colonists and +subjects? What would we have been to-day? Nobodies—ready to +get down on our knees and crawl in the very dust at the sight of +somebody that was supposed to have in him some drop of blood that +flowed in the veins of that mailed marauder—that royal +robber, William the Conqueror.</p> +<p>They signed that Declaration of Independence, although they knew +that it would produce a long, terrible, and bloody war. They looked +forward and saw poverty, deprivation, gloom, and death. But they +also saw, on the wrecked clouds of war, the beautiful bow of +freedom.</p> +<p>These grand men were enthusiasts; and the world has been raised +only by enthusiasts. In every country there have been a few who +have given a national aspiration to the people. The enthusiasts of +1776 were the builders and framers of this great and splendid +Government; and they were the men who saw, although others did not, +the golden fringe of the mantle of glory that will finally cover +this world. They knew, they felt, they believed that they would +give a new constellation to the political heavens—that they +would make the Americans a grand people—grand as the +continent upon which they lived.</p> +<p>The war commenced. There was little money, and less credit. The +new nation had but few friends. To a great extent each soldier of +freedom had to clothe and feed himself. He was poor and pure, brave +and good, and so he went to the fields of death to fight for the +rights of man.</p> +<p>What did the soldier leave when he went?</p> +<p>He left his wife and children.</p> +<p>Did he leave them in a beautiful home, surrounded by +civilization, in the repose of law, in the security of a great and +powerful republic?</p> +<p>No. He left his wife and children on the edge, on the fringe of +the boundless forest, in which crouched and crept the red savage, +who was at that time the ally of the still more savage Briton. He +left his wife to defend herself, and he left the prattling babes to +be defended by their mother and by nature. The mother made the +living; she planted the corn and the potatoes, and hoed them in the +sun, raised the children, and, in the darkness of night, told them +about their brave father and the "sacred cause." She told them that +in a little while the war would be over and father would come back +covered with honor and glory.</p> +<p>Think of the women, of the sweet children who listened for the +footsteps of the dead—who waited through the sad and desolate +years for the dear ones who never came.</p> +<p>The soldiers of 1776 did not march away with music and banners. +They went in silence, looked at and gazed after by eyes filled with +tears. They went to meet, not an equal, but a superior—to +fight five times their number—to make a desperate stand to +stop the advance of the enemy, and then, when their ammunition gave +out, seek the protection of rocks, of rivers, and of hills.</p> +<p>Let me say here: The greatest test of courage on the earth is to +bear defeat without losing heart. That army is the bravest that can +be whipped the greatest number of times and fight again.</p> +<p>Over the entire territory, so to speak, then settled by our +forefathers, they were driven again and again. Now and then they +would meet the English with something like equal numbers, and then +the eagle of victory would proudly perch upon the stripes and +stars. And so they went on as best they could, hoping and fighting +until they came to the dark and somber gloom of Valley Forge.</p> +<p>There were very few hearts then beneath that flag that did not +begin to think that the struggle was useless; that all the blood +and treasure had been shed and spent in vain. But there were some +men gifted with that wonderful prophecy that fulfills itself, and +with that wonderful magnetic power that makes heroes of everybody +they come in contact with.</p> +<p>And so our fathers went through the gloom of that terrible time, +and still fought on. Brave men wrote grand words, cheering the +despondent; brave men did brave deeds, the rich man gave his +wealth, the poor man gave his life, until at last, by the victory +of Yorktown, the old banner won its place in the air, and became +glorious forever.</p> +<p>Seven long years of war—fighting for what? For the +principle that all men are created equal—a truth that nobody +ever disputed except a scoundrel; nobody, nobody in the entire +history of this world. No man ever denied that truth who was not a +rascal, and at heart a thief; never, never, and never will. What +else were they fighting for? Simply that in America every man +should have a right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. +Nobody ever denied that except a villain; never, never. It has been +denied by kings—they were thieves. It has been denied by +statesmen—they were liars. It has been denied by priests, by +clergymen, by cardinals, by bishops, and by popes—they were +hypocrites.</p> +<p>What else were they fighting for? For the idea that all +political power is vested in the great body of the people. The +great body of the people make all the money; do all the work. They +plow the land, cut down the forests; they produce everything that +is produced. Then who shall say what shall be done with what is +produced except the producer?</p> +<p>Is it the non-producing thief, sitting on a throne, surrounded +by vermin?</p> +<p>Those were the things they were fighting for; and that is all +they were fighting for. They fought to build up a new, a great +nation; to establish an asylum for the oppressed of the world +everywhere. They knew the history of this world. They knew the +history of human slavery.</p> +<p>The history of civilization is the history of the slow and +painful enfranchisement of the human race. In the olden times the +family was a monarchy, the father being the monarch. The mother and +children were the veriest slaves. The will of the father was the +supreme law. He had the power of life and death. It took thousands +of years to civilize this father, thousands of years to make the +condition of wife and mother and child even tolerable. A few +families constituted a tribe; the tribe had a chief; the chief was +a tyrant; a few tribes formed a nation; the nation was governed by +a king, who was also a tyrant. A strong nation robbed, plundered, +and took captive the weaker ones. This was the commencement of +human slavery.</p> +<p>It is not possible for the human imagination to conceive of the +horrors of slavery. It has left no possible crime uncommitted, no +possible cruelty unperpetrated. It has been practiced and defended +by all nations in some form. It has been upheld by all religions. +It has been defended by nearly every pulpit. From the profits +derived from the slave trade churches have been built, cathedrals +reared and priests paid. Slavery has been blessed by bishop, by +cardinal, and by pope. It has received the sanction of statesmen, +of kings, and of queens. It has been defended by the throne, the +pulpit and the bench. Monarchs have shared in the profits. +Clergymen have taken their part of the spoils, reciting passages of +Scripture in its defence at the same time, and judges have taken +their portion in the name of equity and law.</p> +<p>Only a few years ago our ancestors were slaves. Only a few years +ago they passed with and belonged to the soil, like the coal under +it and rocks on it.</p> +<p>Only a few years ago they were treated like beasts of burden, +worse far than we treat our animals at the present day. Only a few +years ago it was a crime in England for a man to have a Bible in +his house, a crime for which men were hanged, and their bodies +afterward burned. Only a few years ago fathers could and did sell +their children. Only a few years ago our ancestors were not allowed +to speak or write their thoughts—that being a crime. Only a +few years ago to be honest, at least in the expression of your +ideas, was a felony. To do right was a capital offence; and in +those days chains and whips were the incentives to labor, and the +preventives of thought. Honesty was a vagrant, justice a fugitive, +and liberty in chains. Only a few years ago men were denounced +because they doubted the inspiration of the Bible—because +they denied miracles, and laughed at the wonders recounted by the +ancient Jews.</p> +<p>Only a few years ago a man had to believe in the total depravity +of the human heart in order to be respectable. Only a few years +ago, people who thought God too good to punish in eternal flames an +unbaptized child were considered infamous.</p> +<p>As soon as our ancestors began to get free they began to enslave +others. With an inconsistency that defies explanation, they +practiced upon others the same outrages that had been perpetrated +upon them. As soon as white slavery began to be abolished, black +slavery commenced. In this infamous traffic nearly every nation of +Europe embarked. Fortunes were quickly realized; the avarice and +cupidity of Europe were excited; all ideas of justice were +discarded; pity fled from the human breast; a few good, brave men +recited the horrors of the trade; avarice was deaf; religion +refused to hear; the trade went on; the governments of Europe +upheld it in the name of commerce—in the name of civilization +and religion.</p> +<p>Our fathers knew the history of caste. They knew that in the +despotisms of the Old World it was a disgrace to be useful. They +knew that a mechanic was esteemed as hardly the equal of a hound, +and far below a blooded horse. They knew that a nobleman held a son +of labor in contempt—that he had no rights the royal loafers +were bound to respect.</p> +<p>The world has changed.</p> +<p>The other day there came shoemakers, potters, workers in wood +and iron, from Europe, and they were received in the city of New +York as though they had been princes. They had been sent by the +great republic of France to examine into the arts and manufactures +of the great republic of America. They looked a thousand times +better to me than the Edward Alberts and Albert Edwards—the +royal vermin, that live on the body politic. And I would think much +more of our Government if it would fete and feast them, instead of +wining and dining the imbeciles of a royal line.</p> +<p>Our fathers devoted their lives and fortunes to the grand work +of founding a government for the protection of the rights of man. +The theological idea as to the source of political power had +poisoned the web and woof of every government in the world, and our +fathers banished it from this continent forever.</p> +<p>What we want to-day is what our fathers wrote down. They did not +attain to their ideal; we approach it nearer, but have not reached +it yet. We want, not only the independence of a State, not only the +independence of a nation, but something far more glorious—the +absolute independence of the individual. That is what we want. I +want it so that I, one of the children of Nature, can stand on an +equality with the rest; that I can say this is my air, my sunshine, +my earth, and I have a right to live, and hope, and aspire, and +labor, and enjoy the fruit of that labor, as much as any individual +or any nation on the face of the globe.</p> +<p>We want every American to make to-day, on this hundredth +anniversary, a declaration of individual independence. Let each man +enjoy his liberty to the utmost—enjoy all he can; but be sure +it is not at the expense of another. The French Convention gave the +best definition of liberty I have ever read: "The liberty of one +citizen ceases only where the liberty of another citizen +commences." I know of no better definition. I ask you to-day to +make a declaration of individual independence. And if you are +independent be just. Allow everybody else to make his declaration +of individual independence. Allow your wife, allow your husband, +allow your children to make theirs. Let everybody be absolutely +free and independent, knowing only the sacred obligations of +honesty and affection. Let us be independent of party, independent +of everybody and everything except our own consciences and our own +brains. Do not belong to any clique. Have the clear title-deeds in +fee simple to yourselves, without any mortgage on the premises to +anybody in the world.</p> +<p>It is a grand thing to be the owner of yourself. It is a grand +thing to protect the rights of others. It is a sublime thing to be +free and just.</p> +<p>Only a few days ago I stood in Independence Hall—in that +little room where was signed the immortal paper. A little room, +like any other; and it did not seem possible that from that room +went forth ideas, like cherubim and seraphim, spreading their wings +over a continent, and touching, as with holy fire, the hearts of +men.</p> +<p>In a few moments I was in the park, where are gathered the +accomplishments of a century. Our fathers never dreamed of the +things I saw. There were hundreds of locomotives, with their nerves +of steel and breath of flame—every kind of machine, with +whirling wheels and curious cogs and cranks, and the myriad +thoughts of men that have been wrought in iron, brass and steel. +And going out from one little building were wires in the air, +stretching to every civilized nation, and they could send a shining +messenger in a moment to any part of the world, and it would go +sweeping under the waves of the sea with thoughts and words within +its glowing heart. I saw all that had been achieved by this nation, +and I wished that the signers of the Declaration—the soldiers +of the Revolution—could see what a century of freedom has +produced. I wished they could see the fields we cultivate—the +rivers we navigate—the railroads running over the +Alleghanies, far into what was then the unknown forest—on +over the broad prairies—on over the vast plains—away +over the mountains of the West, to the Golden Gate of the Pacific. +All this is the result of a hundred years of freedom.</p> +<p>Are you not more than glad that in 1776 was announced the +sublime principle that political power resides with the people? +That our fathers then made up their minds nevermore to be colonists +and subjects, but that they would be free and independent citizens +of America?</p> +<p>I will not name any of the grand men who fought for liberty. All +should be named, or none. I feel that the unknown soldier who was +shot down without even his name being remembered—who was +included only in a report of "a hundred killed," or "a hundred +missing," nobody knowing even the number that attached to his +august corpse—is entitled to as deep and heartfelt thanks as +the titled leader who fell at the head of the host.</p> +<p>Standing here amid the sacred memories of the first, on the +golden threshold of the second, I ask, Will the second century be +as grand as the first? I believe it will, because we are growing +more and more humane. I believe there is more human kindness, more +real, sweet human sympathy, a greater desire to help one another, +in the United States, than in all the world besides.</p> +<p>We must progress. We are just at the commencement of invention. +The steam engine—the telegraph—these are but the toys +with which science has been amused. Wait; there will be grander +things, there will be wider and higher culture—a grander +standard of character, of literature and art.</p> +<p>We have now half as many millions of people as we have years, +and many of us will live until a hundred millions stand beneath the +flag. We are getting more real solid sense. The schoolhouse is the +finest building in the village. We are writing and reading more +books; we are painting and buying more pictures; we are struggling +more and more to get at the philosophy of life, of +things—trying more and more to answer the questions of the +eternal Sphinx. We are looking in every +direction—investigating; in short, we are thinking and +working. Besides all this, I believe the people are nearer honest +than ever before. A few years ago we were willing to live upon the +labor of four million slaves. Was that honest? At last, we have a +national conscience. At last, we have carried out the Declaration +of Independence. Our fathers wrote it—we have accomplished +it. The black man was a slave—we made him a citizen. We found +four million human beings in manacles, and now the hands of a race +are held up in the free air without a chain.</p> +<p>I have had the supreme pleasure of seeing a man—once a +slave—sitting in the seat of his former master in the +Congress of the United States. I have had that pleasure, and when I +saw it my eyes were filled with tears. I felt that we had carried, +out the Declaration of Independence—that we had given reality +to it, and breathed the breath of life into its every word. I felt +that our flag would float over and protect the colored man and his +little children, standing straight in the sun, just the same as +though he were white and worth a million. I would protect him more, +because the rich white man could protect himself.</p> +<p>All who stand beneath our banner are free. Ours is the only flag +that has in reality written upon it: Liberty, Fraternity, +Equality—the three grandest words in all the languages of +men.</p> +<p>Liberty: Give to every man the fruit of his own labor—the +labor of his hands and of his brain.</p> +<p>Fraternity: Every man in the right is my brother.</p> +<p>Equality: The rights of all are equal: Justice, poised and +balanced in eternal calm, will shake from the golden scales in +which are weighed the acts of men, the very dust of prejudice and +caste: No race, no color, no previous condition, can change the +rights of men.</p> +<p>The Declaration of Independence has at last been carried out in +letter and in spirit.</p> +<p>The second century will be grander than the first.</p> +<p>Fifty millions of people are celebrating this day. To-day, the +black man looks upon his child and says: The avenues to distinction +are open to you—upon your brow may fall the civic +wreath—this day belongs to you.</p> +<p>We are celebrating the courage and wisdom of our fathers, and +the glad shout of a free people the anthem of a grand nation, +commencing at the Atlantic, is following the sun to the Pacific, +across a continent of happy homes.</p> +<p>We are a great people. Three millions have increased to +fifty—thirteen States to thirty-eight. We have better homes, +better clothes, better food and more of it, and more of the +conveniences of life, than any other people upon the globe.</p> +<p>The farmers of our country live better than did the kings and +princes two hundred years ago—and they have twice as much +sense and heart. Liberty and labor have given us all. I want every +person here to believe in the dignity of labor—to know that +the respectable man is the useful man—the man who produces or +helps others to produce something of value, whether thought of the +brain or work of the hand.</p> +<p>I want you to go away with an eternal hatred in your breast of +injustice, of aristocracy, of caste, of the idea that one man has +more rights than another because he has better clothes, more land, +more money, because he owns a railroad, or is famous and in high +position. Remember that all men have equal rights. Remember that +the man who acts best his part—who loves his friends the +best—is most willing to help others—truest to the +discharge of obligation—who has the best heart—the most +feeling—the deepest sympathies—and who freely gives to +others the rights that he claims for himself is the best man. I am +willing to swear to this.</p> +<p>What has made this country? I say again, liberty and labor. What +would we be without labor? I want every farmer when plowing the +rustling corn of June—while mowing in the perfumed +fields—to feel that he is adding to the wealth and glory of +the United States. I want every mechanic—every man of toil, +to know and feel that he is keeping the cars running, the telegraph +wires in the air; that he is making the statues and painting the +pictures; that he is writing and printing the books; that he is +helping to fill the world with honor, with happiness, with love and +law.</p> +<p>Our country is founded upon the dignity of labor—upon the +equality of man. Ours is the first real Republic in the history of +the world. Beneath our flag the people are free. We have retired +the gods from politics. We have found that man is the only source +of political power, and that the governed should govern. We have +disfranchised the aristocrats of the air and have given one country +to mankind.</p> +<a name="link0004" id="link0004"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>BANGOR SPEECH.</h2> +<pre> + * Yesterday was a glorious day for the Republicans of + Bangor. The weather was delightful and all the imposing + exercises of the day were conducted with a gratifying and + even inspiring success. + + The noon train from Waterville brought Gov. Connor, Col. + Ingersoll and Senator Blaine. + + At 3 p. m. the speakers arrived at the grounds and were + received with applause as they ascended the platform, where + a number of the most prominent citizens of Bangor and + vicinity were assembled. At this time the platform was + surrounded by a dense mass of people, numbering thousands. + The meeting was called to order by C. A. Boutelle, in behalf + of the Republican State Committee. As Col. Ingersoll was + introduced by Gov. Connor he was welcomed by tumultuous + cheers, which he gracefully acknowledged. + + As we said before, no report could do justice to such a + masterly effort as that of the great Western Orator, and we + have not attempted to convey any adequate impression of an + address which is conceded on all hands to be the most + remarkable for originality, power and eloquence ever heard + in this section. + + Such a speech by such a man—if there is another—must be + heard; the magnetism of the speaker must be felt; the + indescribable influence must be experienced, in order to + appreciate his wonderful power. The vast audience was + alternately swayed from enthusiasm for the grand principles + advocated, to indignation at the crimes of Democracy, as the + record of that party was scorched with his invective; from + laughter at the ludicrous presentment of Democratic + inconsistencies, to tears brought forth by the pathos and + eloquence of his appeals for justice and humanity. During + portions of his address there was moisture in the eyes of + every person in the audience, and from opening to close he + held the assemblage by a spell more potent than that of any + man we have ever heard speak. It was one of the grandest, + most cogent and thrilling appeals in behalf of the great + principles of liberty, loyalty and justice to all men, ever + delivered, and we wish it might have been heard by every + citizen of our beloved Republic. The Colonel was repeatedly + urged by the audience to go on, and he spoke for about two + hours with undiminished fervor. His hearers would gladly + have given him audience for two hours longer, but with a + splendid tribute to Mr. Blaine as the strongest tie between + New England and the West, he took his seat amid the ringing + cheers and plaudits of the assemblage.—The Whig and + Courier, Bangor, Maine, August 25,1876. +</pre> +<center>HAYES CAMPAIGN</center> +<center>1876.</center> +<p>I HAVE the honor to belong to the Republican party; the +grandest, the sublimest party in the history of the world. This +grand party is not only in favor of the liberty of the body, but +also the liberty of the soul. This sublime party gives to all the +labor of their hands and of their brains. This party allows every +person to think for himself and to express his thoughts. The +Republican party forges no chains for the mind, no fetters for the +souls of men. It declares that the intellectual domain shall be +forever free. In the free air there is room for every wing. The +Republican party endeavors to remove all obstructions on the +highway of progress. In this sublime undertaking it asks the +assistance of all. Its platform is Continental. Upon it there is +room for the Methodist, the Baptist, the Catholic, the +Universalist, the Presbyterian, and the Freethinker. There is room +for all who are in favor of the preservation of the sacred rights +of men.</p> +<p>I am going to give you a few reasons for voting the Republican +ticket. The Republican party depends upon reason, upon argument, +upon education, upon intelligence and upon patriotism. The +Republican party makes no appeal to ignorance and prejudice. It +wishes to destroy both.</p> +<p>It is the party of humanity, the party that hates caste, that +honors labor, that rewards toil, that believes in justice. It +appeals to all that is elevated and noble in man, to the higher +instincts, to the nobler aspirations. It has accomplished grand +things.</p> +<p>The horizon of the past is filled with the glory of Republican +achievement. The monuments of its wisdom, its power and patriotism +crowd all the fields of conflict. Upon the Constitution this party +wrote equal rights for all; upon every statute book, humanity; upon +the flag, liberty. The Republican party of the United States is the +conscience of the nineteenth century. It is the justice of this +age, the embodiment of social progress and honor. It has no knee +for the past. Its face is toward the future. It is the party of +advancement, of the dawn, of the sunrise.</p> +<p>The Republican party commenced its grand career by saying that +the institution of human slavery had cursed enough American soil; +that the territories should not be damned with that most infamous +thing; that this country was sacred to freedom; that slavery had +gone far enough. Upon that issue the great campaign of 1860 was +fought and won. The Republican party was born of wisdom and +conscience.</p> +<p>The people of the South claimed that slavery should be +protected; that the doors of the territories should be thrown open +to them and to their institutions. They not only claimed this, but +they also insisted that the Constitution of the United States +protected slave property, the same as other property everywhere. +The South was defeated, and then appealed to arms. In a moment all +their energies were directed toward the destruction of this +Government. They commenced the war—they fired upon the flag +that had protected them for nearly a century.</p> +<p>The North was compelled to decide instantly between the +destruction of the nation and civil war.</p> +<p>The division between the friends and enemies of the Union at +once took place. The Government began to defend itself. To carry on +the war money was necessary. The Government borrowed, and finally +issued its notes and bonds. The Democratic party in the North +sympathized with the Rebellion. Everything was done to hinder, +embarrass, obstruct and delay. They endeavored to make a rebel +breastwork of the Constitution; to create a fire in the rear. They +denounced the Government; resisted the draft; shot United States +officers; declared the war a failure and an outrage; rejoiced over +our defeats, and wept and cursed at our victories.</p> +<p>To crush the Rebellion in the South and keep in subjection the +Democratic party at the North, thousands of millions of money were +expended—the nation burdened with a fearful debt, and the +best blood of the country poured out upon the fields of battle.</p> +<p>In order to destroy the Rebellion it became necessary to destroy +slavery. As a matter of fact, slavery was the Rebellion. As soon as +this truth forced itself upon the Government—thrust as it +were into the brain of the North upon the point of a rebel +bayonet—the Republican party resolved to destroy forever the +last vestige of that savage and cruel institution; an institution +that made white men devils and black men beasts.</p> +<p>The Republican party put down the Rebellion; saved the nation; +destroyed slavery; made the slave a citizen; put the ballot in the +hands of the black man; forgave the assassins of the Government; +restored nearly every rebel to citizenship, and proclaimed peace +to, and for each and all.</p> +<p>For sixteen years the country has been in the hands of that +great party. For sixteen years that grand party, in spite of rebels +in arms—in spite of the Democratic party of the North, has +preserved the territorial integrity, and the financial honor of the +country. It has endeavored to enforce the laws; it has tried to +protect loyal men at the South; it has labored to bring murderers +and assassins to justice, and it is working now to preserve the +priceless fruits of its great victory.</p> +<p>The present question is, whom shall we trust? To whom shall we +give the reins of power? What party will best preserve the rights +of the people?</p> +<p>What party is most deserving of our confidence? There is but one +way to determine the character of a party, and that is, by +ascertaining its history.</p> +<p>Could we have safely trusted the Democratic party in 1860? No. +And why not? Because it was a believer in the right of +secession—a believer in the sacredness of human slavery. The +Democratic party then solemnly declared—speaking through its +most honored and trusted leaders—that each State had the +right to secede. This made the Constitution a <i>nudum pactum</i>, +a contract without a consideration, a Democratic promise, a wall of +mist, and left every State free to destroy at will the fabric of +American Government—the fabric reared by our fathers through +years of toil and blood.</p> +<p>Could we have safely trusted that party in 1864, when, in +convention assembled, it declared the war a failure, and wished to +give up the contest at a moment when universal victory was within +the grasp of the Republic? Had the people put that party in power +then, there would have been a Southern Confederacy to-day, and upon +the limbs of four million people the chains of slavery would still +have clanked. Is there one man present who, to-day, regrets that +the Vallandigham Democracy of 1864 was spurned and beaten by the +American people? Is there one man present who, to-day, regrets the +utter defeat of that mixture of slavery, malice and meanness, +called the Democratic party, in 1864?</p> +<p>Could we have safely trusted that party in 1868?</p> +<p>At that time the Democracy of the South was trying to humble and +frighten the colored people or exterminate them. These inoffensive +colored people were shot down without provocation, without mercy. +The white Democrats were as relentless as fiends. They killed +simply to kill. They murdered these helpless people, thinking that +they were in some blind way getting their revenge upon the people +of the North. No tongue can exaggerate the cruelties practiced upon +the helpless freedmen of the South. These white Democrats had been +reared amid and by slavery. Slavery knows no such thing as justice, +no such thing as mercy. Slavery does not dream of governing by +reason, by argument or persuasion. Slavery depends upon force, upon +the bowie-knife, the revolver, the whip, the chain and the +bloodhound. The white Democrats of the South had been reared amid +slavery; they cared nothing for reason; they knew of but one thing +to be used when there was a difference of opinion or a conflict of +interest, and that was brute force. It never occurred to them to +educate, to inform, and to reason. It was easier to shoot than to +reason; it was quicker to stab than to argue; cheaper to kill than +to educate. A grave costs less than a schoolhouse; bullets were +cheaper than books; and one knife could stab more than forty +schools could convert.</p> +<p>They could not bear to see the negro free—to see the +former slave trampling on his old chains, holding a ballot in his +hand. They could not endure the sight of a negro in office. It was +gall and wormwood to think of a slave occupying a seat in Congress; +to think of a negro giving his ideas about the political questions +of the day. And so these white Democrats made up their minds that +by a reign of terrorism they would drive the negro from the polls, +drive him from all official positions, and put him back in reality +in the old condition. To accomplish this they commenced a system of +murder, of assassination, of robbery, theft, and plunder, never +before equaled in extent and atrocity. All this was in its height +when in 1868 the Democracy asked the control of this +Government.</p> +<p>Is there a man here who in his heart regrets that the Democrats +failed in 1868? Do you wish that the masked murderers who rode in +the darkness of night to the hut of the freedman and shot him down +like a wild beast, regardless of the prayers and tears of wife and +children, were now holding positions of honor and trust in this +Government? Are you sorry that these assassins were defeated in +1868?</p> +<p>In 1872 the Democratic party, bent upon victory, greedy for +office, with itching palms and empty pockets, threw away all +principle—if Democratic doctrines can be called +principles—and nominated a life-long enemy of their party for +President. No one doubted or doubts the loyalty and integrity of +Horace Greeley. But all knew that if elected he would belong to the +party electing him; that he would have to use Democrats as his +agents, and all knew, or at least feared, that the agents would own +and use the principal. All believed that in the malicious clutch of +the Democratic party Horace Greeley would be not a President, but a +prisoner—not a ruler, but a victim. Against that grand man I +have nothing to say. I simply congratulate him upon his escape from +being used as a false key by the Democratic party.</p> +<p>During all these years the Democratic party prophesied the +destruction of the Government, the destruction of the Constitution, +and the banishment of liberty from American soil.</p> +<p>In 1864 that party declared that after four years of failure to +restore the Union by the experiment of war, there should be a +cessation of hostilities. They then declared "that the Constitution +had been violated in every part, and that public liberty and +private rights had been trodden down."</p> +<p>And yet the Constitution remained and still remains; public +liberty still exists, and private rights are still respected.</p> +<p>In 1868, growing more desperate, and being still filled with the +spirit of prophecy, this same party in its platform said: "Under +the repeated assaults of the Republican party, the pillars of the +Government are rocking on their base, and should it succeed in +November next, and inaugurate its President, we will meet as a +subjected and conquered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the +scattered fragments of the Constitution."</p> +<p>The Republican party did succeed in November, 1868, and did +inaugurate its President, and we did not meet as a subjected and +conquered people amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered +fragments of the Constitution. We met as a victorious people, amid +the proudest achievements of liberty, protected by a Constitution +spotless and stainless—pure as the Alpine snow thrice sifted +by the northern blast.</p> +<p>You must not forget the condition of the Government when it came +into the hands of the Republican party. Its treasury was empty, its +means squandered, its navy dispersed, its army unreliable, the +offices filled with rebels and rebel spies; the Democratic party of +the North rubbing its hands in a kind of hellish glee and shouting, +"I told you so."</p> +<p>When the Republican party came into power in 1861, it found the +Southern States in arms; it came into power when human beings were +chained hand to hand and driven like cattle to market; when white +men were engaged in the ennobling business of raising dogs to +pursue and catch men and women; when the bay of the bloodhound was +considered as the music of the Union. It came into power when, from +thousands of pulpits, slavery was declared to be a divine +institution. It took the reins of Government when education was an +offence, when mercy, humanity and justice were political +crimes.</p> +<p>The Republican party came into power when the Constitution of +the United States upheld the crime of crimes, a Constitution that +gave the lie direct to the Declaration of Independence, and, as I +said before, when the Southern States were in arms.</p> +<p>To the fulfillment of its great destiny it gave all its +energies. To the almost superhuman task, it gave its every thought +and power. For four long and terrible years, with vast armies in +the field against it; beset by false friends; in constant peril; +betrayed again and again; stabbed by the Democratic party, in the +name of the Constitution; reviled and slandered beyond conception; +attacked in every conceivable manner—the Republican party +never faltered for an instant. Its courage increased with the +difficulties to be overcome. Hopeful in defeat, confident in +disaster, merciful in victory; sustained by high aims and noble +aspirations, it marched forward, through storms of shot and +shell—on to the last fortification of treason and +rebellion—forward to the shining goal of victory, lasting and +universal.</p> +<p>During these savage and glorious years, the Democratic party of +the North, as a party, assisted the South. Democrats formed secret +societies to burn cities—to release rebel prisoners. They +shot down officers who were enforcing the draft; they declared the +war unconstitutional; they left nothing undone to injure the credit +of the Government; they persuaded soldiers to desert; they went +into partnership with rebels for the purpose of spreading +contagious diseases through the North. They were the friends and +allies of persons who regarded yellow fever and smallpox as weapons +of civilized warfare. In spite of all this, the Republicans +succeeded.</p> +<p>The Democrats declared slavery to be a divine institution; The +Republican party abolished it. The Constitution of the United +States was changed from a sword that stabbed the rights of four +million people to a shield for every human being beneath our +flag.</p> +<p>The Democrats of New York burned orphan asylums and inaugurated +a reign of terror in order to co-operate with the raid of John +Morgan. Remember, my friends, that all this was done when the fate +of our country trembled in the balance of war; that all this was +done when the great heart of the North was filled with agony and +courage; when the question was, "Shall Liberty or Slavery +triumph?"</p> +<p>No words have ever passed the human lips strong enough to curse +the Northern allies of the South.</p> +<p>The United States wanted money. It wanted money to buy muskets +and cannon and shot and shell, it wanted money to pay soldiers, to +buy horses, wagons, ambulances, clothing and food. Like an +individual, it had to borrow this money; and, like an honest +individual, it must pay this money. Clothed with sovereignty, it +had, or at least exercised, the power to make its notes a legal +tender. This quality of being a legal tender was the only respect +in which these notes differ from those signed by an individual. As +a matter of fact, every note issued was a forced loan from the +people, a forced loan from the soldiers in the field—in +short, a forced loan from every person that took a single dollar. +Upon every one of these notes is printed a promise. The belief that +this promise will be made good gives every particle of value to +each note that it has. Although each note, by law, is a legal +tender, yet if the Government declared that it never would redeem +these notes, the people would not take them if revolution could +hurl such a Government from power. So that the belief that these +notes will finally be paid, added to the fact that in the meantime +they are a legal tender, gives them all the value they have. And, +although all are substantially satisfied that they will be paid, +none know at what time. This uncertainty as to the time, as to +when, affects the value of these notes.</p> +<p>They must be paid, unless a promise can be delayed so long as to +amount to a fulfillment. They must be paid. The question is, "How?" +The answer is, "By the industry and prosperity of the people." They +cannot be paid by law. Law made them; labor must pay them; and they +must be paid out of the profits of the people. We must pay the debt +with eggs, not with goose. In a terrible war we spent thousands of +millions; all the bullets thrown; all the powder burned; all the +property destroyed, of every sort, kind, and character; all the +time of the people engaged—all these things were a dead loss. +The debt represents the loss. Paying the debt is simply repairing +the loss. When we, as a people, shall have made a net amount, equal +to the amount thrown, as it were, away in war, or somewhere near +that amount, we will resume specie payment; we will redeem our +promises. We promised on paper, we shall pay in gold and silver. We +asked the people to hold this paper until we got the money, and +they are holding the paper and we are getting the money.</p> +<p>As soon as the slaves were free, the Republican party said, +"They must be citizens, not vagrants." The Democratic party opposed +this just, this generous measure. The freedmen were made citizens. +The Republican party then said, "These citizens must vote; they +must have the ballot, to keep what the bullet has won." The +Democratic party said "No." The negroes received the ballot. The +Republican party then said, "These voters must be educated, so that +the ballot shall be the weapon of intelligence, not of ignorance." +The Democratic party objected. But schools were founded, and books +were put in the hands of the colored people, instead of whips upon +their backs. We said to the Southern people, "The colored men are +citizens; their rights must be respected; they are voters, they +must be allowed to vote; they were and are our friends, and we are +their protectors."</p> +<p>All this was accomplished by the Republican party.</p> +<p>It changed the organic law of the land, so that it is now a +proper foundation for a free government; it struck the cruel +shackles from four million human beings; it put down the most +gigantic rebellion in the history of the world; it expunged from +the statute books of every State, and of the Nation, all the cruel +and savage laws that Slavery had enacted; it took whips from the +backs, and chains from the limbs, of men; it dispensed with +bloodhounds as the instruments of civilization; it banished to the +memory of barbarism the slave-pen, the auction block, and the +whipping-post; it purified a Nation; it elevated the human +race.</p> +<p>All this was opposed by the Democratic party; opposed with a +bitterness, compared to which ordinary malice is sweet. I say the +Democratic party, because I consider those who fought against the +Government, in the fields of the South, and those who opposed in +the North, as Democrats—one and all. The Democratic party has +been, during all these years, the enemy of civilization, the hater +of liberty, the despiser of justice.</p> +<p>When I say the Democratic party sympathized with the Rebellion, +I mean a majority of that party. I know there are in the Democratic +party, soldiers who fought for the Union. I do not know why they +are there, but I have nothing to say against them. I will never +utter a word against any man who bared his breast to a storm of +shot and shell, for the preservation of the Republic. When I use +the term Democratic party, I do not mean those soldiers.</p> +<p>There are others in the Democratic party who are there just +because their fathers were Democrats. They do not mean any +particular harm. Others are there because they could not amount to +anything in the Republican party. A man only fit for a corporal in +the Republican ranks, will make a leader in the Democratic party. +By the Democratic party, I mean that party that sided with the +South—that believed in secession—that loved +slavery—that hated liberty—that denounced Lincoln as a +tyrant—that burned orphan asylums—that gloried in our +disasters—that denounced every effort to save the +nation—they are the gentlemen I mean, and they constitute a +large majority of the Democratic party.</p> +<p>The Democrats hate the negro to-day, with a hatred begotten of a +well-grounded fear that the colored people are rapidly becoming +their superiors in industry, intellect and character.</p> +<p>The colored people have suffered enough. They were and are our +friends. They are the friends of this country, and cost what it may +they must be protected. The white loyal man must be protected. They +have been ostracized, slandered, mobbed, and murdered. Their very +blood cries from the ground.</p> +<p>These two things—payment of the debt and protection of +loyal citizens, are the things to be done. Which party can be +trusted?</p> +<p>Which will be the more apt to pay the debt?</p> +<p>Which will be the more apt to protect the colored and white +loyalist at the South?</p> +<p>Who is Samuel J. Tilden?</p> +<p>Samuel J. Tilden is an attorney. He never gave birth to an +elevated, noble sentiment in his life. He is a kind of legal +spider, watching in a web of technicalities for victims. He is a +compound of cunning and heartlessness—of beak and claw and +fang. He is one of the few men who can grab a railroad and hide the +deep cuts, tunnels and culverts in a single night. He is a +corporation wrecker. He is a demurrer filed by the Confederate +congress. He waits on the shores of bankruptcy to clutch the +drowning by the throat. He was never married. The Democratic party +has satisfied the longings of his heart. He has looked upon love as +weakness. He has courted men because women cannot vote. He has +contented himself by adopting a rag-baby, that really belongs to +Mr. Hendricks, and his principal business at present is explaining +how he came to adopt this child.</p> +<p>Samuel J. Tilden has been for years without number a New York +Democrat.</p> +<p>New York has been, and still is, the worst governed city in the +world. Political influence is bought and sold like stocks and +bonds. Nearly every contract is larceny in disguise—nearly +every appointment is a reward for crime, and every election is a +fraud. Among such men Samuel J. Tilden has lived; with such men he +has acted; by such men he has been educated; such men have been his +scholars, and such men are his friends. These men resisted the +draft, but Samuel J. Tilden remained their friend. They burned +orphan asylums, but Tilden's friendship never cooled. They +inaugurated riot and murder, but Tilden wavered not. They stole a +hundred millions, and when no more was left to steal—when the +people could not even pay the interest on the amount +stolen—then these Democrats, clapping their hands over their +bursting pockets, began shouting for reform. Mr. Tilden has been a +reformer for years, especially of railroads. The vital issue with +him has been the issue of bogus stock. Although a life-long +Democrat, he has been an amalgamationist—of corporations. +While amassing millions, he has occasionally turned his attention +to national affairs. He left his private affairs (and his +reputation depends upon these affairs being kept private) long +enough to assist the Democracy to declare the war for the +restoration of the Union a failure; long enough to denounce Lincoln +as a tyrant and usurper. He was generally too busy to denounce the +political murders and assassinations in the South—too busy to +say a word in favor of justice and liberty; but he found time to +declare the war for the preservation of the country an outrage. He +managed to spare time enough to revile the Proclamation of +Emancipation—time enough to shed a few tears over the corpse +of slavery; time enough to oppose the enfranchisement of the +colored man; time enough to raise his voice against the injustice +of putting a loyal negro on a political level with a pardoned +rebel; time enough to oppose every forward movement of the +nation.</p> +<p>No man should ever be elected President of this country who +raised his hand to dismember and destroy it. No man should be +elected President who sympathized with those who were endeavoring +to destroy it. No man should be elected President of this great +nation who, when it was in deadly peril, did not endeavor to save +it by act and word. No man should be elected President who does not +believe that every negro should be free—that the colored +people should be allowed to vote. No man should be placed at the +head of the nation—in command of the army and navy—who +does not believe that the Constitution, with all its amendments, +should be sacredly enforced. No man should be elected President of +this nation who believes in the Democratic doctrine of "States +Rights;" who believes that this Government is only a federation of +States. No man should be elected President of our great country who +aided and abetted her enemies in war—who advised or +countenanced resistance to a draft in time of war, who by slander +impaired her credit, sneered at her heroes, and laughed at her +martyrs. Samuel J. Tilden is the possessor of nearly every +disqualification mentioned.</p> +<p>Mr. Tilden is the author of an essay on finance, commonly called +a letter of acceptance, in which his ideas upon the great subject +are given in the plainest and most direct manner imaginable. All +through this letter or essay there runs a vein of honest bluntness +really refreshing. As a specimen of bluntness and clearness, take +the following extracts:</p> +<p>How shall the Government make these notes at all times as good +as specie? It has to provide in reference to the mass which would +be kept in use by the wants of business a central reservoir of +coin, adequate to the adjustment of the temporary fluctuations of +the international balance, and as a guaranty against transient +drains, artificially created by panic or by speculation. It has +also to provide for the payment in coin of such fractional currency +as may be presented for redemption, and such inconsiderable portion +of legal tenders as individuals may from time to time desire to +convert for special use, or in order to lay by in coin their little +store of money. To make the coin now in the treasury available for +the objects of this reserve, to gradually strengthen and enlarge +that reserve, and to provide for such other exceptional demands for +coin as may arise, does not seem to me a work of difficulty. If +wisely planned and discreetly pursued, it ought not to cost any +sacrifice to the business of the country. It should tend, on the +contrary, to the revival of hope and confidence.</p> +<p>In other words, the way to pay the debt is to get the money, and +the way to get the money is to provide a central reservoir of coin +to adjust fluctuations. As to the resumption he gives us this:</p> +<p>The proper time for the resumption is the time when wise +preparation shall have ripened into perfect ability to accomplish +the object with a certainty and ease that will inspire confidence +and encourage the reviving of business.</p> +<p>The earliest time in which such a result can be brought about is +best. Even when preparations shall have been matured, the exact +date would have to be chosen with reference to the then existing +state of trade and credit operations in our own country, and the +course of foreign commerce and condition of exchanges with other +nations. The specific measure and actual date are matters of +details, having reference to ever-changing conditions. They belong +to the domain of practical, administrative statesmanship. The +captain of a steamer, about starting from New York to Liverpool, +does not assemble a council over his ocean craft, and fix an angle +by which to lash the rudder for the whole voyage. A human +intelligence must be at the helm to discern the shifting forces of +water and winds. A human mind must be at the helm to feel the +elements day by day, and guide to a mastery over them. Such +preparations are everything. Without them a legislative command +fixing a day—an official promise fixing a day, are shams. +They are worse. They are a snare and a delusion to all who trust +them. They destroy all confidence among thoughtful men whose +judgment will at last sway public opinion. An attempt to act on +such a command, or such a promise without preparation, would end in +a new suspension. It would be a fresh calamity, prolific of +confusion, distrust, and distress.</p> +<p>That is to say, Congress has not sufficient intelligence to fix +the date of resumption. They cannot fix the proper time. But a +Democratic convention has human intelligence enough to know that +the first day of January, 1879, is not the proper date. That +convention knew what the state of trade and credit in our country +and the course of foreign commerce and the condition of exchanges +with other nations would be on the first day of January, 1879. Of +course they did, or else they never would have had the impudence to +declare that resumption would be impossible at that date.</p> +<p>The next extract is more luminous still:</p> +<p>The Government of the United States, in my opinion, can advance +to a resumption of specie payments on its legal tender notes by +gradual and safe processes tending to relieve the present business +distress. If charged by the people with the administration of the +executive office, I should deem it a duty so to exercise the powers +with which it has or may be invested by Congress, as the best and +soonest to conduct the country to that beneficent result.</p> +<p>Why did not this great statesman tell us of some "gradual and +safe process"? He promises, if elected, to so administer the +Government that it will soon reach a beneficent result. How is this +to be done? What is his plan? Will he rely on "a human intelligence +at the helm," or on "the central reservoir," or on some "gradual +and safe process"?</p> +<p>I defy any man to read this letter and tell me what Mr. Tilden +really proposes to do. There is nothing definite said. He uses such +general terms, such vague and misty expressions, such unmeaning +platitudes, that the real idea, if he had one, is lost in fog and +mist.</p> +<p>Suppose I should, in the most solemn and impressive manner, tell +you that the fluctuations caused in the vital stability of shifting +financial operations, not to say speculations of the wildest +character, cannot be rendered instantly accountable to a true +financial theory based upon the great law that the superfluous is +not a necessity, except in vague thoughts of persons unacquainted +with the exigencies of the hour, and cannot, in the absence of a +central reservoir of coin with a human intelligence at the head, +hasten by any system of convertible bonds the expectation of public +distrust, no matter how wisely planned and discreetly pursued, +failure is assured whatever the real result may be.</p> +<p>Must we wage this war for the right forever? Is there no time +when the soldiers of progress can rest? Will the bugles of the +great army of civilization never sound even a halt? It does seem as +though there can be no stop, no rest. It is in the world of mind as +in the physical world. Every plant of value has to be cultivated. +The land must be plowed, the seeds must be planted and watered. It +must be guarded every moment. Its enemies crawl in the earth and +fly in the air. The sun scorches it, the rain drowns it, the dew +rusts it. He who wins it must fight. But the weeds they grow in +spite of all. Nobody plows for them except accident. The winds sow +the seeds, chance covers them, and they flourish and multiply. The +sun cannot burn them—they laugh at rain and frost—they +care not for birds and beasts. In spite of all they grow. It is the +same in politics. A true Republican must continue to grow, must +work, must think, must advance. The Republican party is the party +of progress, of ideas, of work. To make a Republican you must have +schools, books, papers. To make a Democrat, take all these away. +Republicans are the useful; Democrats the noxious—corn and +wheat against the dog fennel and Canada thistles.</p> +<p>Republicans of Maine, do not forget that each of you has two +votes in this election—one in Maine and one in Indiana.</p> +<p>Remember that we are relying on you. There is no stronger tie +between the prairies of Illinois and the pines of +Maine—between the Western States and New England, than James +G. Blaine.</p> +<p>We are relying on Maine for from twelve to fifteen thousand on +the 12th of September, and Indiana will answer with from fifteen to +twenty thousand, and hearing these two votes the Nation in November +will declare for Hayes and Wheeler.*</p> +<pre> + * This being a newspaper report, and never revised by the + author, is of necessity incomplete, but the publisher feels + that it should not be lost +</pre> +<a name="link0005" id="link0005"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>COOPER UNION SPEECH, NEW YORK.</h2> +<pre> + *Col. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois last night, at Cooper + Union, spoke on the political issues of the day, at unusual + length, to the largest and most enthusiastic audience which, + during the last ten years, any single speaker has attracted. + His address was in his happiest epigrammatic style, and was + interrupted every few moments either by the most uproarious + laughter or enthusiastic cheering. It is no exaggeration to + say that the meeting was the largest Cooper Institute has + seen since the war. Not merely the main hall was filled, but + the wide corridor in Third Avenue, the entrance hall in + Eighth Street, and every Committee-room to which his voice + could reach, though the speaker was unseen, were crowded—in + fact, literally packed. Half an hour before the hour named + for the organization of the meeting, admission to the body + of the hall was almost impossible; and selected officers, + and the speaker of the evening himself had to beg their way + to the platform. The latter was as painfully crowded with + invited guests as the body of the hall; and ingress was + impossible after the speaker began, and egress was almost as + difficult owing to the pressure in the committee-room + through which the platform is approached. + + Not only in numbers alone, but in the prominence of the + persons present, was the meeting impressive. Besides the + usual large quota of active politicians always seen at such + meetings, there were seen numbers of leading merchants, + financiers, and lawyers of New York, prominent officials not + only of the City but the State and National Government. + + The speech was nearly two hours In length, but as the + interruptions were frequent, indeed almost continuous, it + seemed very short, and when Mr. Ingersoll concluded his fire + of epigrams, there were loud calls and appeals to him to go + on. There were suggestions by some of the managers, of other + speakers who might follow him, but the presiding officer + wisely decided to submit no other speaker to the too severe + test of speaking on the same occasion with Mr. Ingersoll. + + Chauncey M. Depew, on leaving the hall, remarked that it was + the greatest speech he ever heard, and numbers of old + campaigners were equally enthusiastic. At its conclusion, + the reception which Mr. Ingersoll held on the platform + lasted over half-an-hour, and when finally Commissioner + Wheeler piloted him through the crowd to his coach, three or + four hundred of the audience followed and gave him lusty + cheers as he drove off.—New York Tribune, September + 11,1876. +</pre> +<center>HAYES CAMPAIGN.</center> +<center>1876.</center> +<p>I AM just on my way home from the grand old State of Maine, and +there has followed me a telegraphic dispatch which I will read to +you. If it were not good, you may swear I would not read it: "Every +Congressional district, every county in Maine, Republican by a +large majority. The victory is overwhelming, and the majority will +exceed 15,000." That dispatch is signed by that knight-errant of +political chivalry, James G. Blaine.</p> +<p>I suppose we are all stockholders in the great corporation known +as the United States of America, and as such stockholders we have a +right to vote the way we think will best subserve our own +interests. Each one has certain stock in this Government, whether +he is rich, or whether he is poor, and the poor man has the same +interest in the United States of America that the richest man in it +has. It is our duty, conscientiously and honestly, to hear the +argument upon both sides of the political question, and then go and +vote conscientiously for the side that we believe will best +preserve our interest in the United States of America. Two great +parties are before you now asking your support—the Democratic +party and the Republican party. One wishes to be kept in power, the +other wishes to have a chance once more at the Treasury of the +United States. The Democratic party is probably the hungriest +organization that ever wandered over the desert of political +disaster in the history of the world. There never was, in all +probability, a political stomach so thoroughly empty, or an +appetite so outrageously keen as the one possessed by the +Democratic party. The Democratic party has been howling like a pack +of wolves looking in with hungry and staring eyes at the windows of +the National Capitol, and scratching at the doors of the White +House. They have been engaged in these elegant pursuits for sixteen +long, weary years. Occasionally they have retired to some +convenient eminence and lugubriously howled about the Constitution. +The Democratic party comes and asks for your vote, not on account +of anything it has done, not on account of anything it has +accomplished, but on account of what it promises to do; the +Democratic party can make just as good a promise as any other party +in the world, and it will come farther from fulfilling it than any +other party on this globe. The Republican party having held this +Government for sixteen years, proposes to hold it for four years +more. The Republican party comes to you with its record open, and +asks every man, woman and child in this broad country to read its +every word. And I say to you, that there is not a line, a +paragraph, or a page of that record that is not only an honor to +the Republican party, but to the human race. On every page of that +record is written some great and glorious action, done either for +the liberty of man, or the preservation of our common country. We +ask every body to read its every word. The Democratic party comes +before you with its record closed, recording every blot and blur, +and stain and treason, and slander and malignity, and asks you not +to read a single word, but to be kind enough to take its infamous +promises for the future.</p> +<p>Now, my friends, I propose to tell you, to-night, something that +has been done by the Democratic party, and then allow you to judge +for yourselves. Now, if a man came to you, you owning a steamboat +on the Hudson River, and he wished to hire out to you as an +engineer, and you inquired about him, and found he had blown up and +destroyed and wrecked every steamboat he had ever been engineer on, +and you should tell him: "I can't hire you; you blew up such an +engine, you wrecked such a ship," he would say to you, "My Lord! +Mister, you must let bygones be bygones." If a man came to your +bank, or came to a solitary individual here to borrow a hundred +dollars, and you went and inquired about him and found he never +paid a note in his life, found he was a dead-beat, and you say to +him, "I cannot loan you money." "Why?" "Because, I have ascertained +you never pay your debts." "Ah, yes," he says, "you are no +gentleman going prying into a man's record," I tell you, my good +friends, a good character rests upon a record, and not upon a +prospectus, a good record rests upon a deed accomplished, and not +upon a promise, a good character rests upon something really done, +and not upon a good resolution, and you cannot make a good +character in a day. If you could, Tilden would have one to-morrow +night.</p> +<p>I propose now to tell you, my friends, a little of the history +of the Republican party, also a little of the history of the +Democratic party.</p> +<p>And first, the Republican party. The United States of America is +a free country, it is the only free country upon this earth; it is +the only republic that was ever established among men. We have +read, we have heard, of the republics of Greece, of Egypt, of +Venice; we have heard of the free cities of Europe. There never was +a republic of Venice; there never was a republic of Rome; there +never was a republic of Athens; there never was a free city in +Europe; there never was a government not cursed with caste; there +never was a government not cursed with slavery; there never was a +country not cursed with almost every infamy, until the Republican +party of the United States made this a free country. It is the +first party in the world that contended that the respectable man +was the useful man; it is the first party in the world that said, +without regard to previous conditions, without regard to race, +every human being is entitled to life, to liberty, and the pursuit +of happiness, and it is the only party in the world that has +endeavored to carry those sublime principles into actual effect. +Every other party has been allied to some piece of rascality; every +other party has been patched up with some thieving, larcenous, +leprous compromise. The Republican party keeps its forehead in the +grand dawn of perpetual advancement; the Republican party is the +party of reason; it is the party of argument; it is the party of +education; it believes in free schools, it believes in scientific +schools; it believes that the schools are for the public and all +the public; it believes that science never should be interfered +with by any sectarian influence whatever.</p> +<p>The Republican party is in favor of science; the Republican +party, as I said before, is the party of reason; it argues; it does +not mob; it reasons; it does not murder; it persuades you, not with +the shot gun, not with tar and feathers, but with good sound +reason, and argument.</p> +<p>In order for you to ascertain what the Republican party has done +for us, let us refresh ourselves a little; we all know it, but it +is well enough to hear it now and then. Let us then refresh our +recollection a little, in order to understand what the grand and +great Republican party has accomplished in the land.</p> +<p>We will consider, in the first place, the condition of the +country when the Republican party was born. When this Republican +party was born there was upon the statute books of the United +States of America a law known as the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, by +which every man in the State of New York was made by law a +bloodhound, and could be set and hissed upon a negro, who was +simply attempting to obtain his birthright of freedom, just as you +would set a dog upon a wolf. That was the Fugitive Slave Law of +1850. Around the neck of every man it put a collar as on a dog, but +it had not the decency to put the man's name on the collar. I said +in the State of Maine, and several other States, and expect to say +it again although I hurt the religious sentiment of the Democratic +party, and shocked the piety of that organization by saying it, but +I did say then, and now say, that the Fugitive Slave Law in 1850 +would have disgraced hell in its palmiest days.</p> +<p>I tell you, my friends, you do not know how easy it is to shock +the religious sentiments of the Democratic party; there is a deep +and pure vein of piety running through that organization; it has +been for years spiritually inclined; there is probably no +organization in the world that really will stand by any thing of a +spiritual character, at least until it is gone, as that Democratic +party will. Everywhere I have been I have crushed their religious +hopes. You have no idea how sorry I am that I hurt their feelings +so upon the subject of religion. Why, I did not suppose that they +cared anything about Christianity, but I have been deceived. I now +find that they do, and I have done what no other man in the United +States ever did—I have made the Democratic party come to the +defence of Christianity. I have made the Democratic party use what +time they could spare between drinks in quoting Scripture. But +notwithstanding the fact that I have shocked the religious +sentiment of that party, I do not want them to defend Christianity +any more; they will bring it into universal contempt if they do. +Yes, yes, they will make the words honesty and reform a stench in +the nostrils of honest men. They made the words of the Constitution +stand almost for treason, during the entire war, and every decent +word that passes the ignorant, leprous, malignant lips of the +Democratic party, becomes dishonored from that day forth.</p> +<p>At the same time, in 1850, when the Fugitive Slave Law was +passed, in nearly all of the Western States, there was a law by +which the virtues of pity and hospitality became indictable +offences. There was a law by which the virtue of charity became a +crime, and the man who performed a kindness could be indicted, +imprisoned, and fined. It was the law of Illinois—of my own +State—that if one gave a drop of cold water, or a crust of +bread, to a fugitive from slavery, he could be indicted, fined and +imprisoned, under the infamous slave law of 1850, under the +infamous black laws of the Western States.</p> +<p>At the time the Republican party was born, (and I have told this +many times) if a woman ninety-nine one-hundredths white had escaped +from slavery, carrying her child on her bosom, having gone through +morass and brush and thorns and thickets, had crossed creeks and +rivers, and had finally got within one step of freedom, with the +light of the North star shining in her tear-filled eyes—with +her child upon her withered breast—it would have been an +indictable offence to have given her a drop of water or a crust of +bread; not only that, but under the slave law of 1850, it was the +duty of every Northern citizen claiming to be a free man, to clutch +that woman and hand her back to the dominion of her master and to +the Democratic lash. The Democrats are sorry that those laws have +been repealed. The Republican party with the mailed hand of war +tore from the statute books of the United States, and from the +statute books of each State, every one of those infamous, hellish +laws, and trampled them beneath her glorious feet.</p> +<p>Such laws are infamous beyond expression; one would suppose they +had been passed by a Legislature, the lower house of which were +hyenas, the upper house snakes, and the executive a cannibal king. +The institution of slavery had polluted, had corrupted the church, +not only in the South, but a large proportion of the church in the +North; so that ministers stood up in their pulpits here in New York +and defended the very infamy that I have mentioned. Not only that, +but the Presbyterians, South, in 1863, met in General Synod, and +passed two resolutions.</p> +<p>The first resolution read, "Resolved, that slavery is a divine +institution" (and as the boy said, "so is hell").</p> +<p><i>Second</i>, "Resolved, that God raised up the Presbyterian +Church, South, to protect and perpetuate that institution."</p> +<p>Well, all I have to say is that, if God did this, he never chose +a more infamous instrument to carry out a more diabolical object. +What more had slavery done? At that time it had corrupted the very +courts, so that in nearly every State in this Union if a Democrat +had gone to the hut of a poor negro, and had shot down his wife and +children before his very eyes, had strangled the little dimpled +babe in the cradle, there was no court before which this negro +could come to give testimony. He was not allowed to go before a +magistrate and indict the murderer; he was not allowed to go before +a grand jury and swear an indictment against the wretch. Justice +was not only blind, but deaf; and that was the idea of justice in +the South, when the Republican party was born. When the Republican +party was born the bay of the bloodhound was the music of the +Union; when this party was born the dome of our Capitol at +Washington cast its shadow upon slave-pens in which crouched and +shuddered women from whose breasts their babes had been torn by +wretches who are now crying for honesty and reform. When the +Republican party was born, a bloodhound was considered as one of +the instrumentalities of republicanism. When the Republican party +was born, the church had made the cross of Christ a whipping-post. +When the Republican party was born, courts of the United States had +not the slightest idea of justice, provided a black man was on the +other side. When this party came into existence, if a negro had a +plot of ground and planted corn in it, and the rain had fallen upon +it, and the dew had lain lovingly upon it, and the arrows of light +shot from the exhaustless quiver of the sun, had quickened the +blade, and the leaves waved in the perfumed air of June, and it +finally ripened into the full ear in the golden air of autumn, the +courts of the United States did not know to whom the corn belonged, +and if a Democrat had driven the negro off and shucked the corn, +and that case had been left to the Supreme Court of many of the +States in this Union, they would have read all the authorities, +they would have heard all the arguments, they would have heard all +the speeches, then pushed their spectacles back on their bald and +brainless heads and decided, all things considered, the Democrat +was entitled to that corn. We pretended at that time to be a free +country; it was a lie. We pretended at that time to do justice in +our courts; it was a lie, and above all our pretence and hypocrisy +rose the curse of slavery, like Chimborazo above the clouds.</p> +<p>Now, my friends, what is there about this great Republican +party? It is the party of intellectual freedom. It is one thing to +bind the hands of men; it is one thing to steal the results of +physical labor of men, but it is a greater crime to forge fetters +for the souls of men. I am a free man; I will do my own thinking or +die; I give a mortgage on my soul to nobody; I give a deed of trust +on my soul to nobody; no matter whether I think well or I think +ill; whatever thought I have shall be my thought, and shall be a +free thought, and I am going to give cheerfully, gladly, the same +right to thus think to every other human being.</p> +<p>I despise any man who does not own himself. I despise any man +who does not possess his own spirit. I would rather die a beggar, +covered with rags, with my soul erect, fearless and free, than to +live a king in a palace of gold, clothed with the purple of power, +with my soul slimy with hypocrisy, crawling in the dust of fear. I +will do my own thinking, and when I get it thought, I will say it. +These are the splendid things, my friends, about the Republican +party; intellectual and physical liberty for all.</p> +<p>Now, my friends, I have told you a little about the Republican +party. Now, I will tell you a little more about the Republican +party. When that party came into power it elected Abraham Lincoln +President of the United States. I live in the State that holds +within its tender embrace the sacred ashes of Abraham Lincoln, the +best, the purest man that was ever President of the United States. +I except none. When he was elected President of the United States, +the Democratic party said: "We will not stand it;" the Democratic +party South said: "We will not bear it;" and the Democratic party +North said: "You ought not to bear it."</p> +<p>James Buchanan was then President. James Buchanan read the +Constitution of the United States, or a part of it, and read +several platforms made by the Democratic party, and gave it as his +deliberate opinion that a State had a right to go out of the Union. +He gave it as his deliberate opinion that this was a Confederacy +and not a Nation, and when he said that, there was another little, +dried up, old bachelor sitting over in the amen corner of the +political meeting and he squeaked out: "That is my opinion too," +and the name of that man was Samuel J. Tilden.</p> +<p>The Democratic party then and now says that the Union is simply +a Confederacy; but I want this country to be a Nation. I want to +live in a great and splendid country. A great nation makes a great +people. Your surroundings have something to do with it. Great +plains, magnificent rivers, great ranges of mountains, a country +washed by two oceans—all these things make us great and grand +as the continent on which we live. The war commenced, and the +moment the war commenced the whole country was divided into two +parties. No matter what they had been before, whether Democrats, +Freesoilers, Republicans, old Whigs, or Abolitionists—the +whole country divided into two parties—the friends and +enemies of the country—patriots and traitors, and they so +continued until the Rebellion was put down. I cheerfully admit that +thousands of Democrats went into the army, and that thousands of +Democrats were patriotic men. I cheerfully admit that thousands of +them thought more of their country than they did of the Democratic +party, and they came with us to fight for the country, and I honor +every one of them from the bottom of my heart, and nineteen out of +twenty of them have voted the Republican ticket from that day to +this. Some of them came back and went to the Democratic party again +and are still in that party; I have not a word to say against them, +only this: They are swapping off respectability for disgrace. They +give to the Democratic party all the respectability it has, and the +Democratic party gives to them all the disgrace they have.</p> +<p>Democratic soldier, come out of the Democratic party. There was +a man in my State got mad at the railroad and would not ship his +hogs on it, so he drove them to Chicago, and it took him so long to +get them there that the price had fallen; when he came back, they +laughed at him, and said to him, "You didn't make much, did you, +driving your hogs to Chicago?" "No," he said, "I didn't make +anything except the company of the hogs on the way." Soldier of the +Republic, I say, with the Democratic party all you can make is the +company of the hogs on the way down. Come out, come out and leave +them alone in their putridity—in their rottenness. Leave them +alone. Do not try to put a new patch on an old garment. Leave them +alone. I tell you the Democratic party must be left alone; it must +be left to enjoy the primal curse, "On thy belly shalt thou crawl +and dust shalt thou eat all the days of thy life," O Democratic +party.</p> +<p>Now, my friends, I need not tell you how we put down the +Rebellion. You all know. I need not describe to you the battles you +fought. I need not tell you of the men who sacrificed their lives. +I need not tell you of the old men who are still waiting for +footsteps that never will return. I need not tell you of the women +who are waiting for the return of their loved ones. I need not tell +you of all these things. You know we put down the Rebellion; we +fought until the old flag triumphed over every inch of American +soil redeemed from the clutch of treason.</p> +<p>Now, my friends, what was the Democratic party doing when the +Republican party was doing these splendid things? When, the +Republican party said this was a nation; when the Republican party +said we shall be free; when the Republican party said slavery shall +be extirpated from American soil; when the Republican party said +the negro shall be a citizen, and the citizen shall have the +ballot, and the citizen shall have the right to cast that ballot +for the government of his choice peaceably—what was the +Democratic party doing?</p> +<p>I will tell you a few things that the Democratic party has done +within the last sixteen years. In the first place, they were not +willing that this country should be saved unless slavery could be +saved with it. There never was a Democrat, North or South—and +by Democrat I mean the fellows who stuck to the party all during +the war, the ones that stuck to the party after it was a disgrace; +the ones that stuck to the party from simple, pure +cussedness—there never was one who did not think more of the +institution of slavery than he did of the Government of the United +States; not one that I ever saw or read of. And so they said to us +for all those years: "If you can save the Union with slavery, and +without any help from us, we are willing you should do it; but we +do not propose that this shall be an abolition war." So the +Democratic party from the first said, "An effort to preserve this +Union is unconstitutional," and they made a breastwork of the +Constitution for rebels to get behind and shoot down loyal men, so +that the first charge I lay at the feet of the Democratic party, +the first charge I make in the indictment, is that they thought +more of slavery than of liberty and of this Union, and in my +judgment they are in the same condition this moment. The next thing +they did was to discourage enlistments in the North. They did all +in their power to prevent any man's going into the army to assist +in putting down the Rebellion. And that grand reformer and +statesman, Samuel J. Tilden, gave it as his opinion that the South +could sue, and that every soldier who put his foot on sacred +Southern soil would be a trespasser, and could be sued before a +Justice of the Peace. The Democratic party met in their conventions +in every State North, and denounced the war as an abolition war, +and Abraham Lincoln as a tyrant. What more did they do? They went +into partnership with the rebels. They said to the rebels just as +plainly as though they had spoken it: "Hold on, hold out, hold +hard, fight hard, until we get the political possession of the +North, and then you can go in peace."</p> +<p>What more? A man by the name of Jacob Thompson—a nice man +and a good Democrat, who thinks that of all the men to reform the +Government Samuel J. Tilden is the best man—Jacob Thompson +had the misfortune to be a very vigorous Democrat, and I will show +you what I mean by that. A Democrat during the war who had a +musket—you understand, a musket—he was a rebel, and +during the war a rebel that did not have a musket was a Democrat. I +call Mr. Thompson a vigorous Democrat, because he had a musket. +Jacob Thompson was the rebel agent in Canada, and when he went +there he took between six and seven hundred thousand dollars for +the purpose of co-operating with the Northern Democracy. He got +himself acquainted with and in connection with the Democratic party +in Ohio, in Indiana, and in Illinois. The vigorous Democrats, the +real Democrats, in these States had organized themselves under the +heads of "Sons of Liberty," "Knights of the Golden Circle," "Order +of the Star," and various other beautiful names, and their object +was to release rebel prisoners from Camp Chase, Camp Douglass in +Chicago, and from one camp in Indianapolis and another camp at Rock +Island. Their object was to raise a fire in the rear, as they +called it—in other words, to burn down the homes of Union +soldiers while they were in the front fighting for the honor of +their country. That was their object, and they put themselves in +connection with Jacob Thompson. They were to have an uprising on +the 16th of August, 1864. It was thought best to hold a few public +meetings for the purpose of arousing the public mind. They held the +first meeting in the city of Peoria, where I live. That was August +3rd, 1864. Here they came from every part of the State, and were +addressed by the principal Democratic politicians in Illinois.</p> +<p>To that meeting Fernando Wood addressed a letter, in which he +said that although absent in body he should be present in spirit. +George Pendleton of Ohio, George Pugh of the same State, Seymour of +Connecticut, and various other Democratic gentlemen, sent +acknowledgments and expressions of regret to this Democratic +meeting that met at this time for the purpose of organizing an +uprising among the Democratic party. I saw that meeting, and heard +some of their speeches. They denounced the war as an abolition +nigger war. They denounced Abraham Lincoln as a tyrant. They +carried transparencies that said, "Is there money enough in the +land to pay this nigger debt? Arouse, brothers, and hurl the tyrant +Lincoln from the throne." And the men that promulgated that very +thing are running for the most important political offices in the +country, on the ground of honesty and reform. And Jacob Thompson +says that he furnished the money to pay the expenses of that +Democratic meeting. They were all paid by rebel gold, by Jacob +Thompson. He has on file the voucher from these Democratic +gentlemen in favor of Tilden and Hendricks. The next meetings were +held in Springfield, Illinois, and Indianapolis, Indiana, the +expenses of which were paid in the same way. They shipped to one +town these weapons of our destruction in boxes labeled Sunday +school books!</p> +<p>That same rebel agent, Jacob Thompson, hired a Democrat by the +name of Churchill to burn the city of Cincinnati, Ohio, and +Thompson coolly remarked: "I don't think he has had much luck, as I +have only heard of a <i>few</i> fires."</p> +<p>In Indianapolis a man named Dodds was arrested—a sound +Democrat—so sound that the Government had to take him by the +nape of the neck and put him in Fort Lafayette. The convention of +Democrats then met in the city of Chicago, and declared the war a +failure. There never was a more infamous lie on this earth than +when the Democratic convention declared in 1864 that the war was a +failure. It was but a few days afterward that the roar of Grants +cannon announced that a lie. Rise from your graves, Union soldiers, +one and all, that fell in support of your country—rise from +your graves, and lift your skeleton hands on high, and swear that +when the Democratic party resolved that the war for the +preservation of your country was a failure, that the Democratic +party was a vast aggregated liar. Well, we grew magnanimous, and +let Dodds out of Fort Lafayette; and where do you suppose Dodds is +now? He is in Wisconsin. What do you suppose Dodds is doing? Making +speeches. Whom for? Tilden and Hendricks—"Honesty and +reform!" This same Jacob Thompson, Democrat, hired men to burn New +York, and they did set fire in some twenty places, and they used +Greek fire, as he said in his letter, and ingenuously adds: "I +shall never hereafter advise the use of Greek fire." They knew that +in the smoke and ruins would be found the charred remains of +mothers and children, and that the flames leaping like serpents +would take the child from the mothers arms, and they were ready to +do it to preserve the infamous institution of slavery; and the +Democratic party has never objected to it from that day to this. +They burned steamboats, and many men with them, and the hounds that +did it are skulking in the woods of Missouri. While these things +were going on, Democrats in the highest positions said: "Not one +cent to prosecute the war."</p> +<p>The next question we have to consider is about paying the debt. +This is the first question. The second question is the protection +of the citizen, whether he is white or black. We owe a large debt. +Two-thirds of that debt was incurred in consequence of the action +and the meanness of the Democrats. There are some people who think +that you can defer the payment of a promise so long that the +postponement of the debt will serve in lieu of its +liquidation—that you pay your debts by putting off your +creditors.</p> +<p>The people have to support the Government; the Government cannot +support the people. The Government has no money but what it +received from the people. It had therefore to borrow money to carry +on the war. Every greenback that it issued was a forced loan. My +notes are not a legal tender, though if I had the power I might +possibly make them so. We borrowed money and we have to pay the +debt. That debt represents the expenses of war. The horses and the +gunpowder and the rifles and the artillery are represented in that +debt—it represents all the munitions of war. Until we pay +that debt we can never be a solvent nation. Until our net profits +amount to as much as we lost during the war we can never be a +solvent people. If a man cannot understand that, there is no use in +talking to him on the subject. The alchemists in olden times who +fancied that they could make gold out of nothing were not more +absurd than the American advocates of soft money. They resemble the +early explorers of our continent who lost years in searching for +the fountain of eternal youth, but the ear of age never caught the +gurgle of that spring. We all have heard of men who spent years of +labor in endeavoring to produce perpetual motion. They produced +machines of the most ingenious character with cogs and wheels, and +pulleys without number, but these ingenious machines had one fault, +they would not go. You will never find a way to make money out of +nothing. It is as great nonsense as the fountain of perpetual +youth. You cannot do it.</p> +<p>Gold is the best material which labor has yet found as a measure +of value. That measure of value must be as valuable as the object +it measures.</p> +<p>The value of gold arises from the amount of labor expended in +producing it. A gold dollar will buy as much labor as produced that +dollar.</p> +<pre> + [Here the speaker opened a telegram from Maine, which he + read to the audience amid a perfect tempest of applause. It + contained the following words:] "We have triumphed by an + immense majority, something we have not achieved since + 1868." [The speaker resumed.] And this despatch is signed by + the man who clutched the throats of the Democrats and held + them until they grew black in the face, James G. Blaine. *** +</pre> +<p>Now, gentlemen, to pass from the financial part of this, and I +will say one word before I do it. The Republican party intends to +pay its debts in coin on the 1st of January, 1879. Paper money +means probably the payment of the Confederate debt; a metallic +currency, the discharge of honest obligations. We have touched +hard-pan prices in this country, and we want to do a hard-pan +business with hard money.</p> +<p>We now come to the protection of our citizens. A government that +cannot protect its citizens, at home and abroad, ought to be swept +from the map of the world. The Democrats tell you that they will +protect any citizen if he is only away from home, but if he is in +Louisiana or any other State in the Union, the Government is +powerless to protect him. I say a government has a right to protect +every citizen at home as well as abroad, and the Government has the +right to take its soldiers across the State line, to take its +soldiers into any State, for the purpose of protecting even one +man. That is my doctrine with regard to the power of the +Government. But here comes a Democrat to-day and tells me, (and it +is the old doctrine of secession in disguise), that the State of +Louisiana must protect its own citizens, and that if it does not, +the General Government has nothing to do unless the Governor of +that State asks assistance, no matter whether anarchy prevails or +not. That is infamous. The United States has the right to draft you +and me into the army and compel us to serve there, if its powers +are being usurped. It is the duty of this Government to see to it +that every citizen has all his rights in every State in this Union, +and to protect him in the enjoyment of those rights, peaceably if +it can, forcibly if it must.</p> +<p>Democrats tell us that they treat the colored man very well. I +have frequently read stories relating how two white men were +passing along the road when suddenly they were set upon by ten or +twelve negroes, who sought their lives; but in the fight which +ensued, the ten or twelve negroes were killed, and not a white man +hurt. I tell you it is infamous, and the Democratic press of the +North laughs at it, and Mr. Samuel J. Tilden does not care. He +knows that many of the Southern States are to be carried by +assassination and murder, and he knows that if he is elected it +will be by assassination and murder. It is infamous beyond the +expression of language. Now, I ask you which party will be the most +likely to preserve the liberty of the negro—the party who +fought for slavery, or the men who gave them freedom? These are the +two great questions—the payment of the debt, and the +protection of our citizens. My friends, we have to pay the debt, as +I told you, but it is of greater importance to make sacred American +citizenship.</p> +<p>Now, these two parties have a couple of candidates. The +Democratic party has put forward Mr. Samuel J. Tilden. Mr. Tilden +is a Democrat who belongs to the Democratic party of the city of +New York; the worst party ever organized in any civilized country. +I wish you could see it. The pugilists, the prizefighters, the +plug-uglies, the fellows that run with the "masheen;" nearly every +nose is mashed, about half the ears have been chawed off; and of +whatever complexion they are, their eyes are nearly always black. +They have fists like tea-kettles and heads like bullets. I wish you +could see them. I have been in New York every few weeks for fifteen +years; and whenever I am here I see the old banner of Tammany Hall, +"Tammany Hall and Reform;" "John Morrissey and Reform;" "John +Kelley and Reform;" "William M. Tweed and Reform;" and the other +day I saw the same old flag; "Samuel J. Tilden and Reform." The +Democratic party of the city of New York never had but two +objects—grand and petit larceny. Tammany Hall bears the same +relation to the penitentiary that the Sunday school does to the +church.</p> +<p>I have heard that the Democratic party got control of the city +when it did not owe a dollar, and have stolen and stolen until it +owes a hundred and sixty millions, and I understand that every +election they have had was a fraud, every one. I understand that +they stole everything they could lay their hands on; and what +hands! Grasped and grasped and clutched, until they stole all it +was possible for the people to pay, and now they are all yelling +for "Honesty and Reform."</p> +<p>I understand that Samuel J. Tilden was a pupil in that school, +and that now he is the head teacher. I understand that when the war +commenced he said he would never aid in the prosecution of that old +outrage. I understand that he said in 1860 and in 1861 that the +Southern States could snap the tie of confederation as a nation +would break a treaty, and that they could repel coercion as a +nation would repel invasion. I understand that during the entire +war he was opposed to its prosecution, and that he was opposed to +the Proclamation of Emancipation, and demanded that the document be +taken back. I understand that he regretted to see the chains fall +from the limbs of the colored man. I understand that he regretted +when the Constitution of the United States was elevated and +purified, pure as the driven snow. I understand that he regretted +when the stain was wiped from our flag and we stood before the +world the only pure Republic that ever existed. This is enough for +me to say about him, and since the news from Maine you need not +waste your time in talking about him.</p> +<pre> + [A voice: "How about free schools?"] +</pre> +<p>I want every schoolhouse to be a temple of science in which +shall be taught the laws of nature, in which the children shall be +taught actual facts, and I do not want that schoolhouse touched, or +that institution of science touched, by any superstition whatever. +Leave religion with the church, with the family, and more than all, +leave religion with each individual heart and man.</p> +<p>Let every man be his own bishop, let every man be his own pope, +let every man do his own thinking, let every man have a brain of +his own. Let every man have a heart and conscience of his own.</p> +<p>We are growing better, and truer, and grander. And let me say, +Mr. Democrat, we are keeping the country for your children. We are +keeping education for your children. We are keeping the old flag +floating for your children; and let me say, as a prediction, there +is only air enough on this continent to float that one flag.</p> +<pre> + Note.—This address was not revised by the author for + publication. +</pre> +<a name="link0006" id="link0006"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH.</h2> +<pre> + * Col. Ingersoll was introduced by Gen'l Noyes, who said: "I + have now the exquisite pleasure of introducing to you that + dashing cavalry officer, that thunderbolt of war, that + silver tongued orator, Col. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois." + The Journal, Indianapolis, Indiana. September 2lst, 1876. +</pre> +<center>HAYES CAMPAIGN.</center> +<center>1876</center> +<p>Delivered to the Veteran Soldiers of the Rebellion.</p> +<p>LADIES and Gentlemen, Fellow Citizens and Citizen +Soldiers:—I am opposed to the Democratic party, and I will +tell you why. Every State that seceded from the United States was a +Democratic State. Every ordinance of secession that was drawn was +drawn by a Democrat. Every man that endeavored to tear the old flag +from the heaven that it enriches was a Democrat. Every man that +tried to destroy this nation was a Democrat. Every enemy this great +Republic has had for twenty years has been a Democrat. Every man +that shot Union soldiers was a Democrat. Every man that denied to +the Union prisoners even the worm-eaten crust of famine, and when +some poor, emaciated Union patriot, driven to insanity by famine, +saw in an insane dream the face of his mother, and she beckoned him +and he followed, hoping to press her lips once again against his +fevered face, and when he stepped one step beyond the dead line the +wretch that put the bullet through his loving, throbbing heart was +and is a Democrat.</p> +<p>Every man that loved slavery better than liberty was a Democrat. +The man that assassinated Abraham Lincoln was a Democrat. Every man +that sympathized with the assassin—every man glad that the +noblest President ever elected was assassinated, was a Democrat. +Every man that wanted the privilege of whipping another man to make +him work for him for nothing and pay him with lashes on his naked +back, was a Democrat. Every man that raised bloodhounds to pursue +human beings was a Democrat. Every man that clutched from +shrieking, shuddering, crouching mothers, babes from their breasts, +and sold them into slavery, was a Democrat. Every man that impaired +the credit of the United States, every man that swore we would +never pay the bonds, every man that swore we would never redeem the +greenbacks, every maligner of his country's credit, every +calumniator of his country's honor, was a Democrat. Every man that +resisted the draft, every man that hid in the bushes and shot at +Union men simply because they were endeavoring to enforce the laws +of their country, was a Democrat. Every man that wept over the +corpse of slavery was a Democrat. Every man that cursed Abraham +Lincoln because he issued the Proclamation of +Emancipation—the grandest paper since the Declaration of +Independence—every one of them was a Democrat. Every man that +denounced the soldiers that bared their breasts to the storms of +shot and shell for the honor of America and for the sacred rights +of man; was a Democrat. Every man that wanted an uprising in the +North, that wanted to release the rebel prisoners that they might +burn down the homes of Union soldiers above the heads of their +wives and children, while the brave husbands, the heroic fathers, +were in the front fighting for the honor of the old flag, every one +of them was a Democrat. I am not through yet. Every man that +believed this glorious nation of ours is a confederacy, every man +that believed the old banner carried by our fathers over the fields +of the Revolution; the old flag carried by our fathers over the +fields of 1812; the glorious old banner carried by our brothers +over the plains of Mexico; the sacred banner carried by our +brothers over the cruel fields of the South, simply stood for a +contract, simply stood for an agreement, was a Democrat. Every man +who believed that any State could go out of the Union at its +pleasure, every man that believed the grand fabric of the American +Government could be made to crumble instantly into dust at the +touch of treason, was a Democrat. Every man that helped to burn +orphan asylums in New York, was a Democrat; every man that tried to +fire the city of New York, although he knew that thousands would +perish, and knew that the great serpent of flame leaping from +buildings would clutch children from their mothers' +arms—every wretch that did it was a Democrat. Recollect it! +Every man that tried to spread smallpox and yellow fever in the +North, as the instrumentalities of civilized war, was a Democrat. +Soldiers, every scar you have on your heroic bodies was given you +by a Democrat. Every scar, every arm that is lacking, every limb +that is gone, is a souvenir of a Democrat. I want you to recollect +it. Every man that was the enemy of human liberty in this country +was a Democrat. Every man that wanted the fruit of all the heroism +of all the ages to turn to ashes upon the lips—every one was +a Democrat.</p> +<p>I am a Republican. I will tell you why: This is the only free +Government in the world. The Republican party made it so. The +Republican party took the chains from four millions of people. The +Republican party, with the wand of progress, touched the +auction-block and it became a schoolhouse. The Republican party put +down the Rebellion, saved the nation, kept the old banner afloat in +the air, and declared that slavery of every kind should be +extirpated from the face of this continent. What more? I am a +Republican because it is the only free party that ever existed. It +is a party that has a platform as broad as humanity, a platform as +broad as the human race, a party that says you shall have all the +fruit of the labor of your hands, a party that says you may think +for yourself, a party that says, no chains for the hands, no +fetters for the soul.*</p> +<pre> + * At this point the rain began to descend, and it looked as + if a heavy shower was impending. Several umbrellas were put + up. Gov. Noyes—"God bless you! What is rain to soldiers" + Voice—"Go ahead; we don't mind the rain." It was proposed + to adjourn the meeting to Masonic Hall, but the motion was + voted down by an overwhelming majority, and Mr. Ingersoll + proceeded. +</pre> +<p>I am a Republican because the Republican party says this country +is a Nation, and not a confederacy. I am here in Indiana to speak, +and I have as good a right to speak here as though I had been born +on this stand—not because the State flag of Indiana waves +over me—I would not know it if I should see it. You have the +same right to speak in Illinois, not because the State flag of +Illinois waves over you, but because that banner, rendered sacred +by the blood of all the heroes, waves over you and me. I am in +favor of this being a Nation. Think of a man gratifying his entire +ambition in the State of Rhode Island. We want this to be a Nation, +and you cannot have a great, grand, splendid people without a +great, grand, splendid country. The great plains, the sublime +mountains, the great rushing, roaring rivers, shores lashed by two +oceans, and the grand anthem of Niagara, mingle and enter, into the +character of every American citizen, and make him or tend to make +him a great and grand character. I am for the Republican party +because it says the Government has as much right, as much power, to +protect its citizens at home as abroad. The Republican party does +not say that you have to go away from home to get the protection of +the Government. The Democratic party says the Government cannot +march its troops into the South to protect the rights of the +citizens. It is a lie. The Government claims the right, and it is +conceded that the Government has the right, to go to your house, +while you are sitting by your fireside with your wife and children +about you, and the old lady knitting, and the cat playing with the +yarn, and everybody happy and serene—the Government claims +the right to go to your fireside and take you by force and put you +into the army; take you down to the valley of the shadow of hell, +put you by the ruddy, roaring guns, and make you fight for your +flag. Now, that being so, when the war is over and your country is +victorious, and you go back to your home, and a lot of Democrats +want to trample upon your rights, I want to know if the Government +that took you from your fireside and made you fight for it, I want +to know if it is not bound to fight for you. The flag that will not +protect its protectors is a dirty rag that contaminates the air in +which it waves. The government that will not defend its defenders +is a disgrace to the nations of the world. I am a Republican +because the Republican party says, "We will protect the rights of +American citizens at home, and if necessary we will march an army +into any State to protect the rights of the humblest American +citizen in that State." I am a Republican because that party allows +me to be free—allows me to do my own thinking in my own way. +I am a Republican because it is a party grand enough and splendid +enough and sublime enough to invite every human being in favor of +liberty and progress to fight shoulder to shoulder for the +advancement of mankind. It invites the Methodist, it invites the +Catholic, it invites the Presbyterian and every kind of sectarian; +it invites the Freethinker; it invites the infidel, provided he is +in favor of giving to every other human being every chance and +every right that he claims for himself. I am a Republican, I tell +you. There is room in the Republican air for every wing; there is +room on the Republican sea for every sail. Republicanism says to +every man: "Let your soul be like an eagle; fly out in the great +dome of thought, and question the stars for yourself." But the +Democratic party says; "Be blind owls, sit on the dry limb of a +dead tree, and hoot only when that party says hoot."</p> +<p>In the Republican party there are no followers. We are all +leaders. There is not a party chain. There is not a party lash. Any +man that does not love this country, any man that does not love +liberty, any man that is not in favor of human progress, that is +not in favor of giving to others all he claims for himself; we do +not ask him to vote the Republican ticket. You can vote it if you +please, and if there is any Democrat within hearing who expects to +die before another election, we are willing that he should vote one +Republican ticket, simply as a consolation upon his death-bed. What +more? I am a Republican because that party believes in free labor. +It believes that free labor will give us wealth. It believes in +free thought, because it believes that free thought will give us +truth. You do not know what a grand party you belong to. I never +want any holier or grander title of nobility than that I belong to +the Republican party, and have fought for the liberty of man. The +Republican party, I say, believes in free labor. The Republican +party also believes in slavery. What kind of slavery? In enslaving +the forces of nature.</p> +<p>We believe that free labor, that free thought, have enslaved the +forces of nature, and made them work for man. We make old +attraction of gravitation work for us; we make the lightning do our +errands; we make steam hammer and fashion what we need. The forces +of nature are the slaves of the Republican party. They have no +backs to be whipped, they have no hearts to be torn—no hearts +to be broken; they cannot be separated from their wives; they +cannot be dragged from the bosoms of their husbands; they work +night and day and they never tire. You cannot whip them, you cannot +starve them, and a Democrat even can be trusted with one of them. I +tell you I am a Republican. I believe, as I told you, that free +labor will give us these slaves. Free labor will produce all these +things, and everything you have to-day has been produced by free +labor, nothing by slave labor.</p> +<p>Slavery never invented but one machine, and that was a threshing +machine in the shape of a whip. Free labor has invented all the +machines. We want to come down to the philosophy of these things. +The problem of free labor, when a man works for the wife he loves, +when he works for the little children he adores—the problem +is to do the most work in the shortest space of time. The problem +of slavery is to do the least work in the longest space of time. +That is the difference. Free labor, love, affection—they have +invented everything of use in this world. I am a Republican.</p> +<p>I tell you, my friends, this world is getting better every day, +and the Democratic party is getting smaller every day. See the +advancement we have made in a few years, see what we have done. We +have covered this nation with wealth, with glory and with liberty. +This is the first free Government in the world. The Republican +party is the first party that was not founded on some compromise +with the devil. It is the first party of pure, square, honest +principle; the first one. And we have the first free country that +ever existed.</p> +<p>And right here I want to thank every soldier that fought to make +it free, every one living and dead. I thank you again and again and +again. You made the first free Government in the world, and we must +not forget the dead heroes. If they were here they would vote the +Republican ticket, every one of them. I tell you we must not forget +them.</p> +<p>* The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the +great struggle for national life. We hear the sounds of +preparation—the music of boisterous drums—the silver +voices of heroic bugles. We see thousands of assemblages, and hear +the appeals of orators. We see the pale cheeks of women, and the +flushed faces of men; and in those assemblages we see all the dead +whose dust we have covered with flowers. We lose sight of them no +more. We are with them when they enlist in the great army of +freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are walking +for the last time in quiet, woody places, with the maidens they +adore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love +as they lingeringly part forever. Others are bending over cradles, +kissing babes that are asleep. Some are receiving the blessings of +old men. Some are parting with mothers who hold them and press them +to their hearts again and again, and say nothing. Kisses and tears, +tears and kisses—divine mingling of agony and love! And some +are talking with wives, and endeavoring with brave words, spoken in +the old tones, to drive from their hearts the awful fear. We see +them part. We see the wife standing in the door with the babe in +her arms—standing in the sunlight sobbing. At the turn of the +road a hand waves—she answers by holding high in her loving +arms the child. He is gone, and forever.</p> +<p>We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting +flags, keeping time to the grand, wild music of war—marching +down the streets of the great cities—through the towns and +across the prairies—down to the fields of glory, to do and to +die for the eternal right.</p> +<p>We go with them, one and all. We are by their side on all the +gory fields—in all the hospitals of pain—on all the +weary marches. We stand guard with them in the wild storm and under +the quiet stars. We are with them in ravines running with +blood—in the furrows of old fields. We are with them between +contending hosts, unable to move, wild with thirst, the life ebbing +slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them pierced by balls +and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and in the +whirlwind of the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of +steel.</p> +<p>We are with them in the prisons of hatred and famine; but human +speech can never tell what they endured.</p> +<p>We are at home when the news comes that they are dead. We see +the maiden in the shadow of her first sorrow. We see the silvered +head of the old man bowed with the last grief.</p> +<p>The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human +beings governed by the lash—we see them bound hand and +foot—we hear the strokes of cruel whips—we see the +hounds tracking women through tangled swamps. We see babes sold +from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty unspeakable! Outrage +infinite!</p> +<p>Four million bodies in chains—four million souls in +fetters. All the sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child +trampled beneath the brutal feet of might. And all this was done +under our own beautiful banner of the free.</p> +<p>The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the +bursting shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We +look. Instead of slaves we see men and women and children. The wand +of progress touches the auction-block, the slave-pen, the +whipping-post, and we see homes and firesides and schoolhouses and +books, and where all was want and crime and cruelty and fear, we +see the faces of the free.</p> +<p>These heroes are dead. They died for liberty—they died for +us. They are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under +the flag they rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad +hemlocks, the tearful willows, and the embracing vines. They, sleep +beneath the shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine or of +storm, each in the windowless Palace of Rest. Earth may run red +with other wars—they are at peace. In the midst of battle, in +the roar of conflict, they found the serenity of death. I have one +sentiment for soldiers living and dead: cheers for the living; +tears for the dead.</p> +<pre> + * This poetic flight of oratory has since become universally + known as "A. Vision of War." +</pre> +<p>Now, my friends, I have given you a few reasons why I am a +Republican. I have given you a few reasons why I am not a Democrat. +Let me say another thing. The Democratic party opposed every +forward movement of the army of the Republic, every one. Do not be +fooled. Imagine the meanest resolution that you can think +of—that is the resolution the Democratic party passed. +Imagine the meanest thing you can think of—that is what they +did; and I want you to recollect that the Democratic party did +these devilish things when the fate of this nation was trembling in +the balance of war. I want you to recollect another thing; when +they tell you about hard times, that the Democratic party made the +hard times; that every dollar we owe to-day was made by the +Southern and Northern Democracy.</p> +<p>When we commenced to put down the Rebellion we had to borrow +money, and the Democratic party went into the markets of the world +and impaired the credit of the United States. They slandered, they +lied, they maligned the credit of the United States, and to such an +extent did they do this, that at one time during the war paper was +only worth about thirty-four cents on the dollar. Gold went up to +$2.90. What did that mean? It meant that greenbacks were worth +thirty-four cents on the dollar. What became of the other sixty-six +cents? They were lied out of the greenback, they were slandered out +of the greenback, they were maligned out of the greenback, they +were calumniated out of the greenback, by the Democratic party of +the North. Two-thirds of the debt, two-thirds of the burden now +upon the shoulders of American industry, were placed there by the +slanders of the Democratic party of the North, and the other third +by the Democratic party of the South. And when you pay your taxes +keep an account and charge two-thirds to the Northern Democracy and +one-third to the Southern Democracy, and whenever you have to earn +the money to pay the taxes, when you have to blister your hands to +earn that money, pull off the blisters, and under each one, as the +foundation, you will find a Democratic lie.</p> +<p>Recollect that the Democratic party did all the things of which +I have told you, when the fate of our nation was submitted to the +arbitrament of the sword. Recollect that the Democratic party did +these things when your brothers, your fathers, and your chivalric +sons were fighting, bleeding, suffering, and dying upon the +battle-fields of the South; when shot and shell were crashing +through their sacred flesh. Recollect that this Democratic party +was false to the Union when your husbands, your fathers, and your +brothers, and your chivalric sons were lying in the hospitals of +pain, dreaming broken dreams of home, and seeing fever pictures of +the ones they loved; recollect that the Democratic party was false +to the nation when your husbands, your fathers, and your brothers +were lying alone upon the field of battle at night, the life-blood +slowly oozing from the mangled and pallid lips of death; recollect +that the Democratic party was false to your country when your +husbands, your brothers, your fathers, and your sons were lying in +the prison pens of the South, with no covering but the clouds, with +no bed but the frozen earth, with no food except such as worms had +re-p fused to eat, and with no friends except Insanity and Death. +Recollect it, and spurn that party forever.</p> +<p>I have sometimes wished that there were words of pure hatred out +of which I might construct sentences like snakes; out of which I +might construct sentences that had fanged mouths, and that had +forked tongues; out of which I might construct sentences that would +writhe and hiss; and then I could give my opinion of the Northern +allies of the Southern rebels during the great struggle for the +preservation of the country.</p> +<p>There are three questions now submitted to the American people. +The first is, Shall the people that saved this country rule it? +Shall the men who saved the old flag hold it? Shall the men who +saved the ship of State sail it, or shall the rebels walk her +quarter-deck, give the orders and sink it? That is the question. +Shall a solid South, a united South, united by assassination and +murder, a South solidified by the shot-gun; shall a united South, +with the aid of a divided North, shall they control this great and +splendid country? We are right back where we were in 1861. This is +simply a prolongation of the war. This is the war of the idea, the +other was the war of the musket. The other was the war of cannon, +this is the war of thought; and we have to beat them in this war of +thought, recollect that. The question is, Shall the men who +endeavored to destroy this country rule it? Shall the men that +said, This is not a Nation, have charge of the Nation?</p> +<p>The next question is, Shall we pay our debts? We had to borrow +some money to pay for shot and shell to shoot Democrats with. We +found that we could get along with a few less Democrats, but not +with any less country, and so we borrowed the money, and the +question now is, will we pay it? And which party is the more apt to +pay it, the Republican party that made the debt—the party +that swore it was constitutional, or the party that said it was +unconstitutional?</p> +<p>Every time a Democrat sees a greenback, it says to him, "I +vanquished you." Every time a Republican sees a greenback, it says, +"You and I put down the Rebellion and saved the country."</p> +<p>Now, my friends, you have heard a great deal about finance. +Nearly everybody that talks about it gets as dry—as dry as if +they had been in the final home of the Democratic party for forty +years.</p> +<p>I will now give you my ideas about finance. In the first place +the Government does not support the people, the people support the +Government.</p> +<p>The Government is a perpetual pauper. It passes round the hat, +and solicits contributions; but then you must remember that the +Government has a musket behind the hat. The Government produces +nothing. It does not plow the land, it does not sow corn, it does +not grow trees. The Government is a perpetual consumer. We support +the Government. Now, the idea that the Government can make money +for you and me to live on—why, it is the same as though my +hired man should issue certificates of my indebtedness to him for +me to live on.</p> +<p>Some people tell me that the Government can impress its +sovereignty on a piece of paper, and that is money. Well, if it is, +what's the use of wasting it making one dollar bills? It takes no +more ink and no more paper—why not make one thousand dollar +bills? Why not make a hundred million dollar bills and all be +billionaires?</p> +<p>If the Government can make money, what on earth does it collect +taxes from you and me for? Why does it not make what money it +wants, take the taxes out, and give the balance to us? Mr. +Greenbacker, suppose the Government issued a billion dollars +to-morrow, how would you get any of it? [A voice, "Steal it."] I +was not speaking to the Democrats. You would not get any of it +unless you had something to exchange for it. The Government would +not go around and give you your aver-: age. You have to have some +corn, or wheat, or pork to give for it.</p> +<p>How do you get your money? By work. Where from? You have to dig +it out of the ground. That is where it comes from. Men have always +had a kind of hope that something could be made out of nothing. The +old alchemists sought, with dim eyes, for something that could +change the baser metals to gold. With tottering steps, they +searched for the spring of Eternal Youth. Holding in trembling +hands retort and crucible, they dreamed of the Elixir of Life. The +baser metals are not gold. No human ear has ever heard the silver +gurgle of the spring of Immortal Youth. The wrinkles upon the brow +of Age are still waiting for the Elixir of Life.</p> +<p>Inspired by the same idea, mechanics have endeavored, by curious +combinations of levers and inclined planes, of wheels and cranks +and shifting weights, to produce perpetual motion; but the wheels +and levers wait for force. And, in the financial world, there are +thousands now trying to find some way for promises to take the +place of performance; for some way to make the word dollar as good +as the dollar itself; for some way to make the promise to pay a +dollar take the dollar's place. This financial alchemy, this +pecuniary perpetual motion, this fountain of eternal wealth, are +the same old failures with new names. Something cannot be made out +of nothing. Nothing is a poor capital to, carry on business with, +and makes a very unsatisfactory balance at your bankers.</p> +<p>Let me tell you another thing. The Democrats seem to think that +you can fail to keep a promise so long that it is as good as though +you had kept it. They say you can stamp the sovereignty of the +Government upon paper.</p> +<p>I saw not long ago a piece of gold bearing the stamp of the +Roman Empire. That Empire is dust, and over it has been thrown the +mantle of oblivion, but that piece of gold is as good as though +Julius Cæsar were still riding at the head of the Roman +Legions.</p> +<p>Was it his sovereignty that made it valuable? Suppose he had put +it upon a piece of paper—it would have been of no more value +than a Democratic promise.</p> +<p>Another thing, my friends: this debt will be paid; you need not +worry about that. The Democrats ought to pay it. They lost the +suit, and they ought to pay the costs. But we in our patriotism are +willing to pay our share.</p> +<p>Every man that has a bond, every man that has a greenback dollar +has a mortgage upon the best continent of land on earth. Every one +has a mortgage on the honor of the Republican party, and it is on +record. Every spear of grass; every bearded head of golden wheat +that grows upon this continent is a guarantee that the debt will be +paid; every field of bannered corn in the great, glorious West is a +guarantee that the debt will be paid; every particle of coal laid +away by that old miser the sun, millions-of years ago, is a +guarantee that every dollar will be paid; all the iron ore, all the +gold and silver under the snow-capped Sierra Nevadas, waiting for +the miners pick to give back the flash of the sun, every ounce is a +guarantee that this debt will be paid; and all the cattle on the +prairies, pastures and plains which adorn our broad land are +guarantees that this debt will be paid; every pine standing in the +sombre forests of the North, waiting for the woodman's axe, is a +guarantee that this debt will be paid; every locomotive with its +muscles of iron and breath of flame, and all the boys and girls +bending over their books at school, every dimpled babe in the +cradle, every honest man, every noble woman, and every man that +votes the Republican ticket is a guarantee that the debt will be +paid—these, all these, each and all, are the guarantees that +every promise of the United States will be sacredly fulfilled.</p> +<p>What is the next question? The next question is, will we protect +the Union men in the South? I tell you the white Union men have +suffered enough. It is a crime in the Southern States to be a +Republican. It is a crime in every Southern State to love this +country, to believe in the sacred rights of men.</p> +<p>The colored people have suffered enough. For more than two +hundred years they have suffered the fabled torments of the damned; +for more than two hundred years they worked and toiled without +reward, bending, in the burning sun, their bleeding backs; for more +than two hundred years, babes were torn from the breasts of +mothers, wives from husbands, and every human tie broken by the +cruel hand of greed; for more than two hundred years they were +pursued by hounds, beaten with clubs, burned with fire, bound with +chains; two hundred years of toil, of agony, of tears; two hundred +years of hope deferred; two hundred years of gloom and shadow and +darkness and blackness; two hundred years of supplication, of +entreaty; two hundred years of infinite outrage, without a moment +of revenge.</p> +<p>The colored people have suffered enough. They were and are our +friends. They are the friends of this country, and, cost what it +may, they must be protected.</p> +<p>There was not during the whole Rebellion a single negro that was +not our friend. We are willing to be reconciled to our Southern +brethren when they will treat our friends as men. When they will be +just to the friends of this country; when they are in favor of +allowing every American citizen to have his rights—then we +are their friends. We are willing to trust them with the Nation +when they are the friends of the Nation. We are willing to trust +them with liberty when they believe in liberty. We are willing to +trust them with the black man when they cease riding in the +darkness of night, (those masked wretches,) to the hut of the +freedman, and notwithstanding the prayers and supplications of his +family, shoot him down; when they cease to consider the massacre of +Hamburg as a Democratic triumph, then, I say, we will be their +friends, and not before.</p> +<p>Now, my friends, thousands of the Southern people and thousands +of the Northern Democrats are afraid that the negroes are going to +pass them in the race of life. And, Mr. Democrat, he will do it +unless you attend to your business. The simple fact that you are +white cannot save you always. You have to be industrious, honest, +to cultivate a sense of justice. If you do not the colored race +will pass you, as sure as you live. I am for giving every man a +chance. Anybody that can pass me is welcome.</p> +<p>I believe, my friends, that the intellectual domain of the +future, as the land used to be in the State of Illinois, is open to +pre-emption. The fellow that gets a fact first, that is his; that +gets an idea first, that is his. Every round in the ladder of fame, +from the one that touches the ground to the last one that leans +against the shining summit of human ambition, belongs to the foot +that gets upon it first.</p> +<p>Mr. Democrat, (I point down because they are nearly all on the +first round of the ladder) if you can not climb, stand one side and +let the deserving negro pass.</p> +<p>I must tell you one thing. I have told it so much, and you have +all heard it fifty times, but I am going to tell it again because I +like it. Suppose there was a great horse race here to-day, free to +every horse in the world, and to all the mules, and all the scrubs* +and all the donkeys.</p> +<p>At the tap of the drum they come to the line, and the judges say +"it is a go." Let me ask you, what does the blooded horse, rushing +ahead, with nostrils distended, drinking in the breath of his own +swiftness, with his mane flying like a banner of victory, with his +veins standing out all over him, as if a network of life had been +cast upon him—with his thin neck, his high withers, his +tremulous flanks—what does he care how many mules and donkeys +run on that track? But the Democratic scrub, with his chuckle-head +and lop-ears, with his tail full of cockle-burrs, jumping high and +short, and digging in the ground when he feels the breath of the +coming mule on his cockle-burr tail, he is the chap that jumps the +track and says, "I am down on mule equality."</p> +<p>I stood, a little while ago, in the city of Paris, where stood +the Bastile, where now stands the Column of July, surmounted by a +figure of liberty. In its right hand is a broken chain, in its left +hand a banner; upon its glorious forehead the glittering and +shining star of progress—and as I looked upon it I said: +"Such is the Republican party of my country."</p> +<p>The other day going along the road I came to a place where the +road had been changed, but the guide-board did not know it. It had +stood there for twenty years pointing deliberately and solemnly in +the direction of a desolate field; nobody ever went that way, but +the guide-board thought the next man would. Thousands passed, but +nobody heeded the hand on the guide-post, and through sunshine and +storm it pointed diligently into the old field and swore to it the +road went that way; and I said to myself: "Such is the Democratic +party of the United States."</p> +<p>The other day I came to a river where there had been a mill; a +part of it was there still. An old sign said: "Cash for wheat." The +old water-wheel was broken; it had been warped by the sun, cracked +and split by many winds and storms. There had not been a grain of +wheat ground there for twenty years.</p> +<p>The door was gone, nobody had built a new dam, the mill was not +worth a dam; and I said to myself: "Such is the Democratic +party."</p> +<p>I saw a little while ago a place on the road where there had +once been an hotel. But the hotel and barn had burned down and +there was nothing standing but two desolate chimneys, up the flues +of which the fires of hospitality had not roared for thirty years. +The fence was gone, and the post-holes even were obliterated, but +in the road there was an old sign upon which were these words: +"Entertainment for man and beast." The old sign swung and creaked +in the winter wind, the snow fell upon it, the sleet clung to it, +and in the summer the birds sang and twittered and made love upon +it. Nobody ever stopped there, but the sign swore to it, the sign +certified to it! "Entertainment for man and beast," and I said to +myself: "Such is the Democratic party of the United States," and I +further said, "one chimney ought to be called Tilden and the other +Hendricks."</p> +<p>Now, my friends, I want you to vote the Republican ticket. I +want you to swear you will not vote for a man who opposed putting +down the Rebellion. I want you to swear that you will not vote for +a man opposed to the Proclamation of Emancipation. I want you to +swear that you will not vote for a man opposed to the utter +abolition of slavery.</p> +<p>I want you to swear that you will not vote for a man who called +the soldiers in the field, Lincoln hirelings. I want you to swear +that you will not vote for a man who denounced Lincoln as a tyrant. +I want you to swear that you will not vote for any enemy of human +progress. Go and talk to every Democrat that you can see; get him +by the coatcollar, talk to him, and hold him like Coleridge's +Ancient Mariner, with your glittering eye; hold him, tell him all +the mean things his party ever did; tell him kindly; tell him in a +Christian spirit, as I do, but tell him. Recollect, there never was +a more important election than the one you are going to hold in +Indiana. I tell you we must stand by the country. It is a glorious +country. It permits you and me to be free. It is the only country +in the world where labor is respected. Let us support it. It is the +only country in the world where the useful man is the only +aristocrat. The man that works for a dollar a day, goes home at +night to his little ones, takes his little boy on his knee, and he +thinks that boy can achieve anything that the sons of the wealthy +man can achieve. The free schools are open to him; he may be the +richest, the greatest, and the grandest, and that thought sweetens +every drop of sweat that rolls down the honest face of toil. Vote +to save that country.</p> +<p>My friends, this country is getting better every day. Samuel J. +Tilden says we are a nation of thieves and rascals. If that is so +he ought to be the President. But I denounce him as a calumniator +of my country; a maligner of this nation. It is not so. This +country is covered with asylums for the aged, the helpless, the +insane, the orphans and wounded soldiers. Thieves and rascals do +not build such things. In the cities of the Atlantic coast this +summer, they built floating hospitals, great ships, and took the +little children from the sub-cellars and narrow, dirty streets of +New York City, where the Democratic party is the +strongest—took these poor waifs and put them in these great +hospitals out at sea, and let the breezes of ocean kiss the roses +of health back to their pallid cheeks. Rascals and thieves do not +so. When Chicago burned, railroads were blocked with the charity of +the American people. Thieves and rascals do not so.</p> +<p>I am a Republican. The world is getting better. Husbands are +treating their wives better than they used to; wives are treating +their husbands better. Children are better treated than they used +to be; the old whips and clubs are out of the schools, and they are +governing children by love and by sense. The world is getting +better; it is getting better in Maine, in Vermont. It is getting +better in every State of the North, and I tell you we are going to +elect Hayes and Wheeler and the world will then be better still. I +have a dream that this world is growing better and better every day +and every year; that there is more charity, more justice, more love +every day. I have a dream that prisons will not always curse the +land; that the shadow of the gallows will not always fall upon the +earth; that the withered hand of want will not always be stretched +out for charity; that finally wisdom will sit in the legislatures, +justice in the courts, charity will occupy all the pulpits, and +that finally the world will be governed by justice and charity, and +by the splendid light of liberty. That is my dream, and if it does +not come true, it shall not be my fault. I am going to do my level +best to give others the same chance I ask for myself. Free thought +will give us truth; Free labor will give us wealth.</p> +<a name="link0007" id="link0007"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>CHICAGO SPEECH.</h2> +<pre> + * Col. Robert G. Ingersoll spoke last night at the + Exposition Building to the largest audience ever drawn by + one man In Chicago. From 6.30 o'clock the sidewalks fronting + along the building were jammed. At every entrance there were + hundreds, and half-an-hour later thousands were clamoring + for admittance. So great was the pressure the doors were + finally closed, and the entrances at either end cautiously + opened to admit the select who knew enough to apply In those + directions. Occasionally a rush was made for the main door, + and as the crowd came up against the huge barricade they + were swept back only for another effort. Wabash Avenue, + Monroe, Adams, Jackson, and Van Buren Streets were jammed + with ladies and gentlemen who swept into Michigan Avenue and + swelled the sea that surged around the building. + + At 7.30 the doors were flung open and the people rushed in. + Seating accommodations supposed to be adequate to all + demands, had been provided, but in an Instant they were + filled, the aisles were jammed and around the sides of the + building poured a steady stream of humanity, Intent only + upon some coign of vantage, some place, where they could see + and where they could hear. Prom the fountain, beyond which + the building lay in shadow to the northern end, was a + swaying, surging mass of people. + + Such another attendance of ladies has never been known at a + political meeting in Chicago. They came by the hundreds, and + the speaker looked down from his perch upon thousands of + fair upturned faces, stamped with the most intense interest + in his remarks. + + The galleries were packed. The frame of the huge elevator + creaked, groaned, and swayed with the crowd roosting upon + it. The trusses bore their living weight. The gallery + railings bent and cracked. The roof was crowded, and the sky + lights teemed with heads. Here and there an adventurous + youth crept out on the girders and braces. Towards the + northern end of the building, on the west side, is a smaller + gallery, dark, and not particularly strong-looking. It was + fairly packed—packed like a sardine-box—with men and boys. + Up in the organ-loft around the sides of the organ, + everywhere that a human being could sit, stand or hang, was + pre-empted and filled. + + It was a magnificent, outpouring, at east 50,000 In number, + a compliment alike to the principle it represented, and the + orator.—Chicago Tribune., October 21st, 1876. +</pre> +<center>HAYES CAMPAIGN.</center> +<center>1876.</center> +<p>LADIES and Gentlemen:—Democrats and Republicans have a +common interest in the United States. We have a common interest in +the preservation of good order. We have a common interest in the +preservation of a common country. And I appeal to all, Democrats +and Republicans, to endeavor to make a conscientious choice; to +endeavor to select as President and Vice-President of the United +States the men and the parties, which, in your judgment, will best +preserve this nation, and preserve all that is dear to us either as +Republicans or Democrats.</p> +<p>The Democratic party comes before you and asks that you will +give this Government into its hands; and you have a right to +investigate as to the reputation and character of the Democratic +organization. The Democratic party says, "Let bygones be bygones." +I never knew a man who did a decent action that wanted it +forgotten. I never knew a man who did some great and shining act of +self-sacrifice and heroic devotion who did not wish that act +remembered. Not only so, but he expected his loving children would +chisel the remembrance of it upon the marble that marked his last +resting place. But whenever a man does an infamous thing; whenever +a man commits some crime; whenever a man does that which mantles +the cheeks of his children with shame; he is the man that says, +"Let bygones be bygones." The Democratic party admits that it has a +record, but it says that any man that will look into it, any man +that will tell it, is not a gentleman. I do not know whether, +according to the Democratic standard, I am a gentleman or not; but +I do say that in a certain sense I am one of the historians of the +Democratic party.</p> +<p>I do not know that it is true that a man cannot give this record +and be a gentleman, but I admit that a gentleman hates to read this +record; a gentleman hates to give this record to the world; but I +do it, not because I like to do it, but because I believe the best +interests of this country demand that there shall be a history +given of the Democratic party.</p> +<p>In the first place, I claim that the Democratic party embraces +within its filthy arms the worst elements in American society. I +claim that every enemy that this Government has had for twenty +years has been and is a Democrat; every man in the Dominion of +Canada that hates the great Republic, would like to see Tilden and +Hendricks successful. Every titled thief in Great Britain would +like to see Tilden and Hendricks the next President and +Vice-President of the United States.</p> +<p>I say more; every State that seceded from this Union was a +Democratic State. Every man who hated to see bloodhounds cease to +be the instrumentalities of a free government—every one was a +Democrat. In short, every enemy that this Government has had for +twenty years, every enemy that liberty and progress has had in the +United States for twenty years, every hater of our flag, every +despiser of our Nation, every man who has been a disgrace to the +great Republic for twenty years, has been a Democrat. I do not say +that they are all that way; but nearly all who are that way are +Democrats.</p> +<p>The Democratic party is a political tramp with a yellow +passport. This political tramp begs food and he carries in his +pocket old dirty scraps of paper as a kind of certificate of +character. On one of these papers he will show you the ordinance of +1789; on another one of those papers he will have a part of the +Fugitive Slave Law; on another one some of the black laws that used +to disgrace Illinois; on another Governor Tilden's Letter to Kent; +on another a certificate signed by Lyman Trumbull that the +Republican party is not fit to associate with—that +certificate will be endorsed by Governor John M. Palmer and my +friend Judge Doolittle. He will also have in his pocket an old +wood-cut, somewhat torn, representing Abraham Lincoln falling upon +the neck of S. Corning Judd, and thanking him for saving the Union +as Commander-in-Chief of the Sons of Liberty. This political tramp +will also have a letter dated Boston, Mass., saying: "I hereby +certify that for fifty years I have regarded the bearer as a thief +and robber, but I now look upon him as a reformer. Signed, Charles +Francis Adams." Following this tramp will be a bloodhound; and when +he asks for food, the bloodhound will crouch for employment on his +haunches, and the drool of anticipation will run from his loose and +hanging lips. Study the expression of that dog.</p> +<p>Translate it into English and it means "Oh! I want to bite a +nigger!" And when the dog has that expression he bears a striking +likeness to his master. The question is, Shall that tramp and that +dog gain possession of the White House?</p> +<p>The Democratic party learns nothing; the Democratic party +forgets nothing. The Democratic party does not know that the world +has advanced a solitary inch since 1860. Time is a Democratic dumb +watch. It has not given a tick for sixteen years. The Democratic +party does not know that we, upon the great glittering highway of +progress, have passed a single mile-stone for twenty years. The +Democratic party is incapable of learning. The Democratic party is +incapable of anything but prejudice and hatred. Every man that is a +Democrat is a Democrat because he hates something; every man that +is a Republican is a Republican because he loves something.</p> +<p>The Democratic party is incapable of advancement; the only stock +that it has in trade to-day is the old infamous doctrine of +Democratic State Rights. There never was a more infamous doctrine +advanced on this earth, than the Democratic idea of State Rights. +What is it? It has its foundation in the idea that this is not a +Nation; it has its foundation in the idea that this is simply a +confederacy, that this great Government is simply a bargain, that +this great splendid people have simply made a trade, that the +people of any one of the States are sovereign to the extent that +they have the right to trample upon the rights of their +fellow-citizens, and that the General Government cannot interfere. +The great Democratic heart is fired to-day, the Democratic bosom is +bloated with indignation because of an order made by General Grant +sending troops into the Southern States to defend the rights of +American citizens! Who objects to a soldier going? Nobody except a +man who wants to carry an election by fraud, by violence, by +intimidation, by assassination, and by murder.</p> +<p>The Democratic party is willing to-day that Tilden and Hendricks +should be elected by violence; they are willing to-day to go into +partnership with assassination and murder; they are willing to-day +that every man in the Southern States, who is a friend of this +Union, and who fought for our flag—that the rights of every +one of these men should be trampled in the dust, provided that +Tilden and Hendricks be elected President and Vice-President of +this country. They tell us that a State line is sacred; that you +never can cross it unless you want to do a mean thing; that if you +want to catch a fugitive slave you have the right to cross it; but +if you wish to defend the rights of men, then it is a sacred line, +and you cannot cross it. Such is the infamous doctrine of the +Democratic party. Who, I say, will be injured by sending soldiers +into the Southern States? No one in the world except the man who +wants to prevent an honest citizen from casting a legal vote for +the Government of his choice. For my part, I think more of the +colored Union men of the South than I do of the white disunion men +of the South. For my part, I think more of a black friend than I do +of a white enemy. For my part, I think more of a friend black +outside, and white in, than I do of a man who is white outside and +black inside. For my part, I think more of black justice, of black +charity, and of black patriotism, than I do of white cruelty, than +I do of white treachery and treason. As a matter of fact, all that +is done in the South to-day, of use, is done by the colored man. +The colored man raises everything that is raised in the South, +except hell. And I say here to-night that I think one hundred times +more of the good, honest, industrious black man of the South than I +do of all the white men together that do not love this Government, +and I think more of the black man of the South than I do of the +white man of the North who sympathizes with the white wretch that +wishes to trample upon the rights of that black man.</p> +<p>I believe that this is a Government, first, not only of power, +but that it is the right of this Government to march all the +soldiers in the United States into any sovereign State of this +Union to defend the rights of every American citizen in that State. +If it is the duty of the Government to defend you in time of war, +when you were compelled to go into the army, how much more is it +the duty of the Government to defend in time of peace the man who, +in time of war, voluntarily and gladly rushed to the rescue and +defence of his country; and yet the Democratic doctrine is that you +are to answer the call of the Nation, but the Nation will be deaf +to your cry, unless the Governor of your State makes request of +your Government. Suppose the Governors and every man trample upon +your rights, is the Nation then to let you be trampled upon? Will +the Nation hear only the cry of the oppressor, or will it heed the +cry of the oppressed? I believe we should have a Government that +can hear the faintest wail, the faintest cry for justice from the +lips of the humblest citizen beneath the flag. But the Democratic +doctrine is that this Government can protect its citizens only when +they are away from home. This may account for so many Democrats +going to Canada during the war. I believe that the Government must +protect you, not only abroad but must protect you at home; and that +is the greatest question before the American people to-day.</p> +<p>I had thought that human impudence had reached its limit ages +and ages ago. I had believed that some time in the history of the +world impudence had reached its height, and so believed until I +read the congratulatory address of Abram S. Hewitt, Chairman of the +National Executive Democratic Committee, wherein he congratulates +the negroes of the South on what he calls a Democratic victory in +the State of Indiana. If human impudence can go beyond this, all I +have to say is, it never has. What does he say to the Southern +people, to the colored people? He says to them in substance: "The +reason the white people trample upon you is because the white +people are weak. Give the white people more strength, put the white +people in authority, and, although they murder you now when they +are weak, when they are strong they will let you alone. Yes; the +only trouble with our Southern white brethren is that they are in +the minority, and they kill you now, and the only way to save your +lives is to put your enemy in the majority." That is the doctrine +of Abram S. Hewitt, and he congratulates the colored people of the +South upon the Democratic victory in Indiana. There is going to be +a great crop of hawks next season—let us congratulate the +doves. That is it. The burglars have whipped the police—let +us congratulate the bank. That is it. The wolves have killed off +almost all the shepherds—let us congratulate the sheep.</p> +<p>In my judgment, the black people have suffered enough. They have +been slaves for two hundred years, and more than all, they have +been compelled to keep the company of the men that owned them. +Think of that! Think of being compelled to keep the society of the +man who is stealing from you! Think of being compelled to live with +the man that sold your wife! Think of being compelled to live with +the man that stole your child from the cradle before your very +eyes! Think of being compelled to live with the thief of your life, +and spend your days with the white robber, and be under his +control! The black people have suffered enough. For two hundred +years they were owned and bought and sold and branded like cattle. +For two hundred years every human tie was rent and torn asunder by +the bloody, brutal hands of avarice and might. They have suffered +enough. During the war the black people were our friends not only, +but whenever they were entrusted with the family, with the wives +and children of their masters, they were true to them. They stayed +at home and protected the wife and child of the master while he +went into the field and fought for the right to sell the wife and +the right to whip and steal the child of the very black man that +was protecting him. The black people, I say, have suffered enough, +and for that reason I am in favor of the Government protecting them +in every Southern State, if it takes another war to do it. We can +never compromise with the South at the expense of our friends. We +never can be friends with the men that starved and shot our +brothers. We can never be friends with the men that waged the most +cruel war in the world; not for liberty, but for the right to +deprive other men of their liberty. We never can be their friends +until they are the friends of our friends, until they treat the +black man justly; until they treat the white Union man +respectfully; until Republicanism ceases to be a crime; until to +vote the Republican ticket ceases to make you a political and +social outcast. We want no friendship with the enemies of our +country. The next question is, who shall have possession of this +country—the men that saved it,—or the men that sought +to destroy it? The Southern people lit the fires of civil war. They +who set the conflagration must be satisfied with the ashes left. +The men that saved this country must rule it. The men that saved +the flag must carry it. This Government is not far from destruction +when it crowns with its highest honor in time of peace, the man +that was false to it in time of war. This Nation is not far from +the precipice of annihilation and destruction when it gives its +highest honor to a man false, false to the country when everything +we held dear trembled in the balance of war, when everything was +left to the arbitrament of the sword.</p> +<p>The next question prominently before the people—though I +think the great question is, whether citizens shall be protected at +home—the next question I say, is the financial question. With +that there is no trouble. We had to borrow money, and we have to +pay it. That is all there is of that, and we are going to pay it +just as soon as we make the money to pay it with, and we are going +to make the money out of prosperity.</p> +<p>We have to dig it out of the earth. You cannot make a dollar by +law. You cannot redeem a cent by statute. You cannot pay one +solitary farthing by all the resolutions, by all the speeches ever +made beneath the sun.</p> +<p>If the greenback doctrine is right, that evidence of national +indebtedness is wealth, if that is their idea, why not go another +step and make every individual note a legal tender? Why not pass a +law that every man shall take every other man's note? Then I swear +we would have money in plenty. No, my friends, a promise to pay a +dollar is not a dollar, no matter if that promise is made by the +greatest and most powerful nation on the globe. A promise is not a +performance. An agreement is not an accomplishment and there never +will come a time when a promise to pay a dollar is as good as the +dollar, unless everybody knows that you have the dollar and will +pay it whenever they ask for it. We want no more inflation. We want +simply to pay our debts as fast as the prosperity of the country +allows it and no faster. Every speculator that was caught with +property on his hands upon which he owed more than the property was +worth, wanted the game to go on a little longer. Whoever heard of a +man playing poker that wanted to quit when he was a loser? He wants +to have a fresh deal. He wants another hand, and he don't want any +man that is ahead to jump the game. It is so with the speculators +in this country. They bought land, they bought houses, they bought +goods, and when the crisis and crash came, they were caught with +the property on their hands, and they want another inflation, they +want another tide to rise that will again sweep this driftwood into +the middle of the great financial stream. That is all. Every lot in +this city that was worth five thousand and that is now worth two +thousand—do you know what is the matter with that lot? It has +been redeeming. It has been resuming. That is what is the matter +with that lot. Every man that owned property that has now fallen +fifty per cent., that property has been resuming; and if you could +have another inflation to-morrow, the day that the bubble burst +would find thousands of speculators who paid as much for property +as property was worth, and they would ask for another tide of +affairs in men. They would ask for another inflation. What for? To +let them out and put somebody else in.</p> +<p>We want no more inflation. We want the simple honest payment of +the debt, and to pay out of the prosperity of this country. But, +says the greenback man, "We never had as good times as when we had +plenty of greenbacks."</p> +<p>Suppose a farmer would buy a farm for ten thousand dollars and +give his note. He would buy carriages, horses, wagons and +agricultural implements, and give his note. He would send Mary, +Jane and Lucy to school. He would buy them pianos, and send them to +college, and would give his note, and the next year he would again +give his note for the interest, and the next year again his note, +and finally they would come to him and say, "We must settle up; we +have taken your notes as long as we can; we want money." "Why," he +would say to the gentleman, "I never had as good a time in my life +as while I have been giving those notes. I never had a farm until +the man gave it to me for my note. My children have been clothed as +well as anybody's. We have had carriages; we have had fine horses; +and our house has been filled with music, and laughter, and +dancing; and why not keep on taking those notes?" So it is with the +greenback man; he says, "When we were running in debt we had a +jolly time—let us keep it up." But, my friends, there must +come a time when inflation would reach that point when all the +Goverment notes in the world would not buy a pin; when all the +Government notes in the world would not be worth as much as the +last year's Democratic platform. I have no fear that these debts +will not be paid. I have no fear that every solitary greenback +dollar will not be redeemed; but, my friends, we shall have some +trouble doing it. Why? Because the debt is a great deal larger than +it should have been. In the first place, there should have been po +debt. If it had not been for the Southern Democracy there would +have been no war. If it had not been for the Northern Democracy the +war would not have lasted one year.</p> +<p>There was a man tried in court for having murdered his father +and mother. He was found guilty, and the judge asked him, "What +have you to say that sentence of death shall not be pronounced on +you?" "Nothing in the world Judge," said he, "only I hope your +Honor will take pity on me and remember that I am a poor +orphan."</p> +<p>I have no doubt that this debt will be paid. We have the honor +to pay it, and we do not pay it on account of the avarice or greed +of the bondholder. An honest man does not pay money to a creditor +simply because the creditor wants it. The honest man pays at the +command of his honor and not at the demand of the creditor.</p> +<p>The United States will pay its debts, not because the creditor +demands, but because we owe it.</p> +<p>The United States will liquidate every debt at the command of +its honor, and every cent will be paid. War is destruction, war is +loss, and all the property destroyed, and the time that is lost, +put together, amount to what we call a national debt. When in peace +we shall have made as much net profit as there was wealth lost in +the war, then we shall be a solvent people. The greenback will be +redeemed, we expect to redeem it on the first day of January, 1879. +We may fail; we will fail if the prosperity of the country fails; +but we intend to try to do it, and if we fail, we will fail as a +soldier fails to take a fort, high upon the rampart, with the flag +of resumption in our hands. We will not say that we cannot pay the +debt because there is a date fixed when the debt is to be paid. I +have had to borrow money myself; I have had to give my note, and I +recollect distinctly that every man I ever did give my note to +insisted that somewhere in that note there should be some vague +hint as to the cycle, as to the geological period, as to the time, +as to the century and date when I expected to pay those little +notes. I never understood that having a time fixed would prevent my +being industrious; that it would interfere with my honesty; or with +my activity, or with my desire to discharge that debt. And if any +man in this great country owed you one thousand dollars, due you +the first day of next January, and he should come to you and say: +"I want to pay you that debt, but you must take that date out of +that note." "Why?" you would say. "Why," he would reply in the +language of Tilden, "I have to make wise preparation." "Well," you +would say, "why don't you do it?" "Oh," he says, "I cannot do it +while you have that date in that note." "Another thing," he says, +"I have to get me a central reservoir of coin." And do you know I +have always thought I would like to see the Democratic party around +a central reservoir of coin.</p> +<p>Suppose this debtor would also tell you, "I want the date out of +that note, because I have to come at it by a very slow and gradual +process." "Well," you would say, "I do not care how slow or how +gradual you are, provided that you get around by the time the note +is due."</p> +<p>What would you think of a man that wanted the date out of the +note? You would think he was a mixture of rascal and Democrat. That +is what you would think.</p> +<p>Now, my friends, the Democratic party (if you may call it a +party) brings forward as its candidate Samuel J. Tilden, of New +York. I am opposed to him, first, because he is an old bachelor. In +a country like ours, depending for its prosperity and glory upon an +increase of the population, to elect an old bachelor is a suicidal +policy. Any man that will live in this country for sixty years, +surrounded by beautiful women with rosy lips and dimpled cheeks, in +every dimple lurking a Cupid, with pearly teeth and sparkling +eyes—any man that will push them all aside and be satisfied +with the embraces of the Democratic party, does not even know the +value of time. I am opposed to Samuel J. Tilden, because he is a +Democrat; because he belongs to the Democratic party of the city of +New York; the worst party ever organized in any civilized +country.</p> +<p>No man should be President of this Nation who denies that it is +a Nation. Samuel J. Tilden denounced the war as an outrage. No man +should be President of this country that denounced a war waged in +its defence as an outrage. To elect such a man would be an +outrage.</p> +<p>Samuel J. Tilden said that the flag stands for a contract; that +it stands for a confederation; that it stands for a bargain. But +the great, splendid Republican party says, "No! That flag stands +for a great, hoping, aspiring, sublime Nation, not for a +confederacy."</p> +<p>I am opposed, I say, to the election of Samuel J. Tilden for +another reason. If he is elected he will be controlled by his +party, and his party will be controlled by the Southern +stockholders in that party. They own nineteen-twentieths of the +stock, and they will dictate the policy of the Democratic +Corporation.</p> +<p>No Northern Democrat has the manliness to stand up before a +Southern Democrat. Every Democrat, nearly, has a face of dough, and +the Southern Democrat will swap his ears, change his nose, cut his +mouth the other way of the leather, so that his own mother would +not know him, in fifteen minutes. If Samuel J. Tilden is elected +President of the United States, he will be controlled by the +Democratic party, and the Democratic party will be controlled by +the Southern Democracy—that is to say, the late rebels; that +is to say, the men that tried to destroy the Government; that is to +say, the men who are sorry they did not destroy the Government; +that is to say, the enemies of every friend of this Union; that is +to say, the murderers and the assassins of Union men living in the +Southern country.</p> +<p>Let me say another thing. If Mr. Tilden does not act in +accordance with the Southern Democratic command, the Southern +Democracy will not allow a single life to stand between them and +the absolute control of this country. Hendricks will then be their +man. I say that it would be an outrage to give this country into +the control of men who endeavored to destroy it, to give this +country into the control of the Southern rebels and haters of Union +men.</p> +<p>And on the other hand, the Republican party has put forward +Rutherford B. Hayes. He is an honest man. The Democrats will say, +"That is nothing." Well, let them try it. Rutherford B. Hayes has a +good character.</p> +<p>Rutherford B. Hayes, when this war commenced, did not say with +Tilden, "It is an outrage." He did not say with Tilden, "I never +will contribute to the prosecution of this war." But he did say +this, "I would go into this war if I knew I would be killed in the +course of it, rather than to live through it and take no part in +it." During the war Rutherford B. Hayes received many wounds in his +flesh, but not one scratch upon his honor. Samuel J. Tilden +received many wounds upon his honor, but not one scratch on his +flesh. Rutherford B. Hayes is a firm man; not an obstinate man, but +a firm man; and I draw this distinction: A firm man will do what he +believes to be right, because he wants to do right. He will stand +firm because he believes it to be right; but an obstinate man wants +his own way, whether it is right or whether it is wrong. Rutherford +B. Hayes is firm in the right, and obstinate only when he knows he +is in the right. If you want to vote for a man who fought for you, +vote for Rutherford B. Hayes. If you want to vote for a man that +carried our flag through the storm of shot and shell, vote for +Rutherford B. Hayes. If you believe patriotism to be a virtue, vote +for Rutherford B. Hayes. If you believe this country wants heroes, +vote for Rutherford B. Hayes. If you want a man who turned against +his country in time of war, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. If you +believe the war waged for the salvation of our Nation was an +outrage, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. If you believe it is better to +stay at home and curse the brave men in the field, fighting for the +sacred rights of man, vote for Samuel J. Tilden. If you want to pay +a premium upon treason, if you want to pay a premium upon +hypocrisy, if you want to pay a premium upon chicanery, if you want +to pay a premium upon sympathizing with the enemies of your +country, vote for Samuel J. Tilden.</p> +<p>If you believe that patriotism is right, if you believe the +brave defender of liberty is better than the assassin of freedom, +vote for Rutherford B. Hayes.</p> +<p>I am proud that I belong to the Republican party. It is the only +party that has not begged pardon for doing right. It is the only +party that has said: "There shall be no distinction on account of +race, on account of color, on account of previous condition." It is +the only party that ever had a platform broad enough for all +humanity to stand upon.</p> +<p>It is the first decent party that ever lived. The Republican +party made the first free government that was ever made. The +Republican party made the first decent constitution that any nation +ever had. The Republican party gave to the sky the first pure flag +that was ever kissed by the waves of air. The Republican party is +the first party that ever said: "Every man is entitled to liberty," +not because he is white, not because he is black, not because he is +rich, not because he is poor, but because he is a man.</p> +<p>The Republican party is the first party that knew enough to know +that humanity is more than skin deep. It is the first party that +said, "Government should be for all, as the light, as the air, is +for all."</p> +<p>And it is the first party that had the sense to say, "What air +is to the lungs, what light is to the eyes, what love is to the +heart, liberty is to the soul of man." The Republican party is the +first party that ever was in favor of absolute free labor, the +first party in favor of giving to every man, without distinction of +race or color, the fruits of the labor of his hands. The Republican +party said, "Free labor will give us wealth, free thought will give +us truth." The Republican party is the first party that said to +every man, "Think for yourself, and express that thought." I am a +free man. I belong to the Republican party. This is a free country. +I will think my thought. I will speak my thought or die. I say the +Republican party is for free labor.</p> +<p>Free labor has invented all the machines that ever added to the +power, added to the wealth, added to the leisure, added to the +civilization of mankind. Every convenience, everything of use, +everything of beauty in the world, we owe to free labor and to free +thought. Free labor, free thought!</p> +<p>Science took the thunderbolt from the gods, and in the electric +spark, freedom, with thought, with intelligence and with love, +sweeps under all the waves of the sea; science, free thought, took +a tear from the cheek of unpaid labor, converted it into steam, and +created the giant that turns, with tireless arms, the countless +wheels of toil.</p> +<p>The Republican party, I say, believes in free labor. Every +solitary thing, every solitary improvement made in the United +States has been made by the Republican party. Every reform +accomplished was inaugurated, and was accomplished by the great, +grand, glorious Republican party.</p> +<p>The Republican party does not say: "Let bygones be bygones." The +Republican party is proud of the past and confident of the future. +The Republican party brings its record before you and implores you +to read every page, every paragraph, every line and every shining +word. On the first page you will find it written: "Slavery has +cursed American soil long enough;" on the same page you will find +it written: "Slavery shall go no farther." On the same page you +will find it written: "The bloodhounds shall not drip their gore +upon another inch of American soil." On the second page you will +find it written: "This is a Nation, not a Confederacy; every State +belongs to every citizen, and no State has a right to take +territory belonging to any citizens in the United States and set up +a separate Government." On the third page you will find the +grandest declaration ever made in this country: "Slavery shall be +extirpated from the American soil." On the next page: "The +Rebellion shall be put down." On the next page: "The Rebellion has +been put down." On the next page: "Slavery has been extirpated from +the American soil." On the next page: "The freedmen shall not be +vagrants; they shall be citizens." On the next page: "They are +citizens." On the next page: "The ballot shall be put in their +hands;" and now we will write on the next page: "Every citizen that +has a ballot in his hand, by the gods! shall have a right to cast +that ballot." That in short, that in brief, is the history of the +Republican party. The Republican party says, and it means what it +says: "This shall be a free country forever; every man in it +twenty-one years of age shall have the right to vote for the +Government of his choice, and if any man endeavors to interfere +with that right, the Government of the United States will see to it +that the right of every American citizen is protected at the +polls."</p> +<p>Now, my friends, there is one thing that troubles the average +Democrat, and that is the idea that somehow, in some way, the negro +will get to be the better man. It is the trouble in the South +to-day. And I say to my Southern friends (and I admit that there +are a great many good men in the South, but the bad men are in an +overwhelming majority; the great mass of the population is vicious, +violent, virulent and malignant; the great mass of the population +is cruel, revengeful, idle, hateful,) and I tell that population: +"If you do not go to work, the negro, by his patient industry, will +pass you." In the long run, the nation that is honest, the people +who are industrious, will pass the people who are dishonest, and +the people who are idle, no matter how grand an ancestry they may +have had, and so I say, Mr. Northern Democrat, look out!</p> +<p>The superior man is the man that loves his fellow-man; the +superior man is the useful man; the superior man is the kind man, +the man who lifts up his down-trodden brothers; and the greater the +load of human sorrow and human want you can get in your arms, the +easier you can climb the great hill of fame. The superior man is +the man who loves his fellow-man. And let me say right here, the +good men, the superior men, the grand men are brothers the world +over, no matter what their complexion may be; centuries may +separate them, yet they are hand in hand; and all the good, and all +the grand, and all the superior men, shoulder to shoulder, heart to +heart, are fighting the great battle for the progress of +mankind.</p> +<p>I pity the man, I execrate and hate the man who has only to +boast that he is white. Whenever I am reduced to that necessity, I +believe shame will make me red instead of white. I believe another +thing. If I cannot hoe my row, I will not steal corn from the +fellow that hoes his row. If I belong to the superior race, I will +be so superior that I can make my living without stealing from the +inferior. I am perfectly willing that any Democrat in the world +that can, shall pass me. I have never seen one yet, except when I +looked over my shoulder. But if they can pass I shall be +delighted.</p> +<p>Whenever we stand in the presence of genius, we take off our +hats. Whenever we stand in the presence of the great, we do +involuntary homage in spite of ourselves. Any one who can go by is +welcome, any one in the world; but until somebody does go by, of +the Democratic persuasion, I shall not trouble myself about the +fact that may be, in some future time, they may get by. The +Democrats are afraid of being passed, because they are being +passed.</p> +<p>No man ever was, no man ever will be, the superior of the man +whom he robs. No man ever was, no man ever will be, the superior of +the man he steals from. I had rather be a slave than a +slave-master. I had rather be stolen from than be a thief. I had +rather be the wronged than the wrong-doer. And allow me to say +again to impress it forever upon every man that hears me, you will +always be the inferior of the man you wrong. Every race is inferior +to the race it tramples upon and robs. There never was a man that +could trample upon human rights and be superior to the man upon +whom he trampled. And let me say another thing: No government can +stand upon the crushed rights of one single human being; and any +compromise that we make with the South, if we make it at the +expense of our friends, will carry in its own bosom the seeds of +its own death and destruction, and cannot stand. A government +founded upon anything except liberty and justice cannot and ought +not to stand. All the wrecks on either side of the stream of time, +all the wrecks of the great cities and nations that have passed +away—all are a warning that no nation founded upon injustice +can stand. From sand-enshrouded Egypt, from the marble wilderness +of Athens, from every fallen, crumbling stone of the once mighty +Rome, comes as it were a wail, comes as it were the cry, "No nation +founded upon injustice can permanently stand." We must found this +Nation anew. We must fight our fight. We must cling to our old +party until there is freedom of speech in every part of the United +States. We must cling to the old party until I can speak in every +State of the South as every Southerner can speak in every State of +the North. We must vote the grand old Republican ticket until there +is the same liberty in every Southern State that there is in every +Northern, Eastern and Western State. We must stand by the party +until every Southern man will admit that this country belongs to +every citizen of the United States as much as to the man that is +born in that country. One more thing. I do not want any man that +ever fought for this country to vote the Democratic ticket. You +will swap your respectability for disgrace. There are thousands of +you—great, grand, splendid men—that have fought grandly +for this Union, and now I beseech of you, I beg of you, do not give +respectability to the enemies and haters of your country. Do not do +it. Do not vote with the Democratic party, of the North. Sometimes +I think a rebel sympathizer in the North worse than a rebel, and I +will tell you why. The rebel was carried into the rebellion by +public opinion at home,—his father, his mother, his +sweetheart, his brother, and everybody he knew; and there was a +kind of wind, a kind of tornado, a kind of whirlwind that took him +into the army. He went on the rebel side with his State. The +Northern Democrat went against his own State; went against his own +Government; and went against public opinion at home. The Northern +Democrat rowed up stream against wind and tide. The Southern rebel +went with the current; the Northern rebel rowed against the current +from pure, simple cussedness.</p> +<p>And I beg every man that ever fought for the Union, every man +that ever bared his breast to a storm of shot and shell, that the +old flag might float over every inch of American soil redeemed from +the clutch of treason; I beg him, I implore him, do not go with the +Democratic party. And to every young man within the sound of my +voice I say, do not tie your bright and shining prospects to that +old corpse of Democracy. You will get tired of dragging it around. +Do not cast your first vote with the enemies of your country. Do +not cast your first vote with the Democratic party that was glad +when the Union army was defeated. Do not cast your vote with that +party whose cheeks flushed with the roses of joy when the old flag +was trailed in disaster upon the field of battle. Remember, my +friends, that that party did every mean thing it could, every +dishonest and treasonable thing it could. Recollect that that party +did all it could to divide this Nation, and destroy this +country.</p> +<p>For myself I have no fear; Hayes and Wheeler will be the next +President and Vice-President of the United States of America. Let +me beg of you—let me implore you—let me beseech you, +every man, to come out on election day. Every man, do your duty; +every man do his duty with regard to the State ticket of the great +and glorious State of Illinois.</p> +<p>This year we need Republicans; this year we need men that will +vote for the party; and I tell you that a Republican this year, no +matter what you have against him, no matter whether you like him or +do not like him, is better for the country, no matter how much you +hate him, he is better for the country than any Democrat Nature can +make, or ever has made.</p> +<p>We must, in this supreme election, we must at this supreme +moment, vote only for the men who are in favor of keeping this +Government in the power, in the custody, in the control of the +great, the sublime Republican party.</p> +<p>Ladies and gentlemen, if I were insensible to the honor you have +done me by this magnificent meeting—the most magnificent I +ever saw on earth—a meeting such as only the marvelous City +of Pluck could produce; if I were insensible of the honor, I would +be made of stone. I shall remember it with delight; I shall +remember it with thankfulness all the days of my life. And I ask in +return of every Republican here to remember all the days of his +life, every sacrifice made by this nation for liberty; every +sacrifice made by every private soldier, every sacrifice made by +every patriotic man and patriotic woman.</p> +<p>I do not ask you to remember in revenge, but I ask you never, +never to forget. As the world swings through the constellations +year after year, I want the memory, I want the patriotic memory of +this country to sit by the grave of every Union soldier, and, while +her eyes are filled with tears, to crown him again and again with +the crown of everlasting honor. I thank you, I thank you, ladies +and gentlemen, a thousand times. Good-night.</p> +<pre> + Note:—There was no full report made of this speech, the + above are simply extracts. +</pre> +<a name="link0008" id="link0008"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>EIGHT TO SEVEN ADDRESS.</h2> +<h3>(On the Electoral Commission.)</h3> +<pre> + * The reputation of Col. Robert G. Ingersoll had taken + possession of the Boston mind to such an extent that his + expected address was spoken of as "The Lecture." People + talked about going to it, as If on that night all other + places were to be closed, and the whole population of the + City turned into Tremont Temple. Long before the appointed + hour a rare audience, for even lecture loving Boston, had + assembled. Col. Ingersoll stepped upon the platform preceded + by Governor Rice, and followed by William Lloyd Garrison, + James T. Fields and others. After the presentation of two + large and exquisite bouquets Governor Rice introduced + Colonel Ingersoll, and the audience, the most acute and + determined looking I ever saw In Boston, poured out their + welcome! It seemed as if all the cheers that had been + suppressed between the first of November and the decision of + the Electoral Commission, found vent at that moment and the + vigorous clapping was renewed and prolonged until it became + an unmistakable salute to the recent brilliant campaigning + of the great Western orator. It is hardly possible to speak + in too high terms of the lecture which, under the title of + "8 to 7," contained a witty, philosophical and intensely + patriotic review of the political contest preceding and + following the recent election, with wise and timely + suggestions for preventing similar perils in the future.— + Boston, October 22nd,1877. +</pre> +<center>1877.</center> +<p>I HAVE sometimes wondered whether our country was to be forever +governed by parties full of hatred, full of malice, full of +slander. I have sometimes wondered whether or not in the future +there would not be discovered such a science as the science of +government. I do not know what you think, but what little I do +know, and what little experience has been mine, is, I must admit, +against it. We have passed through the most remarkable campaign of +our history—a campaign remarkable in every respect.</p> +<p>It was bitter, passionate, relentless and desperate, and I +admit, for one, that I added to its bitterness and relentlessness. +I told, and frankly told, my real, honest opinion of the Democratic +party of the North. I told, and cheerfully told, my opinion of the +Democratic party of the South. And I have nothing to take back. +But, to show you that my heart is not altogether wicked; I am +willing to forgive and do forgive with all my heart, every person +and every party that I ever said anything against. I believe that +the campaign of 1876 was the turning-point, the midnight in the +history of the American Republic.</p> +<p>I believe, and firmly believe, that if the Democratic party had +swept into power, it would have been the end of progress, and the +end of what I consider human liberty, beneath our flag. I felt so, +and I went into the campaign simply because the rights of American +citizens in at least sixteen States of the Union were trampled +under foot. I did what little I could. I am glad I did it. We had, +as I say, a wonderful campaign, and each party said and did about +all that could be said and done. Everybody attended to politics. +Business was suspended. Everything was given over to processions +and torches, and flags and transparencies; and resolutions and +conventions and speeches and songs. Old arguments were revamped. +Old stories were pressed into service. The old story of the +Rebellion was told again and again. The memories of the war were +revived. The North was arrayed against the South as though upon the +field of battle. Party cries were heard on every hand. Each party +leaped like a tiger upon the reputation of the other, and tore with +tooth and claw, with might and main, to the very end of the +campaign.</p> +<p>I felt that it was necessary to arouse the North. I felt that it +was necessary to tell again the story of the Rebellion, from Bull +Run to Appomattox. I felt that it was necessary to describe what +the Southern people were doing with Union men, and with colored +men; and I felt it necessary so to describe it that the people of +the North could hear the whips, and could hear the drops of blood +as they fell upon the withered leaves. I did all I could to arouse +the people of the North. I did all I could to prevent the +Democratic party from getting into power. The first morning after +the election, the Democracy had a banquet of joy, but all through +the feast they saw sitting at the head of the table the dim outline +of the skeleton of defeat. And, when the tide turned, Republicans +rejoiced with a face ready at any moment to express the profoundest +grief. Then came despatches and rumors, and estimated majorities, +and vague talk about Returning Boards, and intimidating voters, and +stuffed ballot boxes, and fraudulent returns, and bribed clerks, +and injunctions, and contempts of courts, and telegrams in cipher, +and outrages, and octoroon balls in which reverend Senators were +whirled in love's voluptuous waltz. Everybody discussed the +qualifications of Electors and the value of Governors' +certificates, and how to get behind returns, and how to buy an +Elector, and who had the right to count; and persons expecting +offices of trust, honor and profit began to threaten war and +extermination, calls were made for a hundred thousand men, and +there were no end of meetings, and resolutions and denunciations, +and the downfall of the country was prophesied; and yet, +notwithstanding all this, the name of the person who really was +elected remained unknown. The last scene of this strange, eventful +history, so far as the election by the people was concerned, was +Cronin. I see him now as he leaves the land "where rolls the Oregon +and hears no sound save his own dashings." Cronin, the last +surviving veteran of the grand army of "honesty and reform." +Cronin, a quorum of one. Cronin, who elected the two others by a +plurality of his own vote.</p> +<p>I see him now, armed with Hoadley's opinion and Grover's +certificate, trudging wearily and drearily over the wide and wasted +saleratus deserts of the West, with a little card marked "S. J. T. +i5 G. P."</p> +<p>Then came the great question of who shall count the electoral +vote. The Vice-President being a Republican, it was generally +contended, at least by me, that he had a right to count that vote. +My doctrine was, if the Vice-President would count the vote right, +he had the right to count it.</p> +<p>The Vice-President not being a Democrat, the members of that +party claimed that the House could prevent the Vice-President from +counting it, and this was simply because the House was not +Republican. Nearly all decided according to their politics. The +Constitution is a little blind on this point, and where anything is +blind I always see it my way. It was about this time that some of +the Democrats began to talk about bringing one hundred thousand +unarmed men to Washington to superintend the count. Others, +however, got up a scheme to create, a court in the United States +where politics should have no earthly influence. Nothing could be +easier, they thought, after we had gone through such a hot and +exciting campaign, than to pick out men who have no prejudices +whatever on the subject. Finally a bill was passed creating a +tribunal to count the vote, if any, and hear testimony, if any, and +declare what man had been elected President, if any. This tribunal +consisted of fifteen men, ten being chosen on account of their +politics—five from the Senate and five from the +House,—and they chose four judges from purely geographical +considerations. I was there, and I know exactly how it was. Those +four men were picked with a map of the United States in front of +the pickers. The Democrats chose Justice Field, not because he was +a Democrat, but because he lived on the Pacific slope. They chose +Justice Clifford, not because he was a Democrat, but because he +lived on the Eastern slope; that was fair. Thereupon the +Republicans chose Justice Strong, not because he was a Republican, +but because he lived on the Eastern slope. You can see the point. +The Republicans chose Justice Miller, not because he was a +Republican, but because he represented the great West. They then +allowed these four to select a fifth man.</p> +<p>Well, it was impossible to select the fifth man from +geographical considerations, you can see that yourselves. There was +nothing left to choose between, you know, as far as geography was +concerned. They then agreed that they would not take a Justice from +any State in which the candidate for President lived. They left out +Justice Hunt, from New York, and Justice Swayne, from Ohio. They +knew of course that that would not influence them, but they did +that simply—well, they did not want them there; that was all, +and it would be unhandy to pick one man out of four. So they left +Swayne and Hunt out. And then they would pick one man as between +Justice Bradley and Justice Davis. Just at that time the people of +the State of Illinois happened to be out of a Senator, and Judge +Davis was there and expressed a willingness to go to the Senate. +And the people of the State of Illinois elected him, and therefore +there was nobody to choose from except Justice Bradley, and he was +a Republican.</p> +<p>Now, you know this runs in families. His record was +good—by marriage. He married a daughter of Chief Justice +Hornblower, of New Jersey. Now, Hornblower was what you might call +a partisan. Do you know they went to him—it was in the old +times, and he was a kind of Whig,—they went to him with a +petition, in the State of New Jersey, a petition addressed to the +Legislature for the abolition of capital punishment, and Hornblower +said, "I'll be damned if I sign it while there is a Democrat in the +State of New Jersey."</p> +<p>As a matter of fact, however, I believe that Justice Bradley and +all the other Justices, and all other persons on that tribunal +decided as they honestly thought was right.</p> +<p>Judge Davis is as broad mentally as he is physically; he has an +immensity of common sense, and as much judgment as any one man ever +needs to use, and, in my judgment, he would have come to the same +conclusion as Judge Bradley, precisely. These men were +appointed—it was a Democratic scheme, and I am glad they got +it up—and during that entire investigation, so much were the +members of that party controlled by old associations and habits, +and by partisan feeling that there was not a solitary one of the +seven Democrats that ever once voted on the Republican side. And, +as a necessity, the Republicans had to stand together. And so, +notwithstanding the seven Democrats voted constantly together, the +eight Republicans kept having a majority of one, until the last +disputed State was given against the great party of "honesty and +reform." And, finally, when they found they were defeated, they +made up their minds to prevent the counting of the vote. They made +up their minds to wear out the session and prevent the election of +a President. Just at that point, for a wonder, (nothing ever +astonished me more), the members from the South said: "We do not +want any more war; we have had war enough and we say that a +President shall be peacefully elected, and that he shall be +peacefully inaugurated!" As soon as I heard that I felt under a +little obligation to the Democracy of the South, and when they +stood in the gap and prevented the Democracy of the North from +plunging this Government into the hell of civil war, I felt like +taking them by the hand and saying, "We have beaten the enemy once, +let us keep on. Let us join hands." I felt like saying to the +Democracy of the South, "You never will have a day's prosperity in +the South until you join the great, free, progressive party of the +North—never!" And they never will.</p> +<p>Now, I say, I felt as though I were under a certain obligation +to these people. They prevented this thing, and they made it +possible for the Vice-President to declare Rutherford B. Hayes +President of the United States. Now, right here, I want you to +observe that this shows the real defects in our system of +government. In the first place, our Government is being governed by +fraud. If the very fountain of power is poisoned by fraud, then the +whole Government is impure. We must find out some way to prevent +fraudulent voting in the United States or our Government is a +failure. Great cities were the mothers of election frauds. They +inaugurated violence and intimidation. They produced the repeaters +and the false boxes. They invented fan-tail tickets and pasters, +and gradually these delightful and patriotic arts and practices +have spread over almost the entire country.</p> +<p>Unless something is done to preserve the purity of the +ballot-box our form of government must cease. The fountain of power +is poisoned. The sovereignty of the people is stolen and destroyed. +The Government becomes organized fraud, and all respect will soon +be lost for the laws and decisions of the courts. The legislators +are elected in many instances by fraud. The judges are in many +instances chosen by fraud. Every department of the Government +becomes tainted and corrupt. It is no longer a Republic, unless +something can be devised to ascertain with certainty the really +honest will of the sovereign people.</p> +<p>For the accomplishment of this object the good and patriotic men +of all parties should most heartily unite. To cast an illegal vote +should be considered by all as a crime. We must if possible get rid +of the mob—the vagrants, the vagabonds who have no home and +who take no interest in the cities where they vote. We must get rid +of the rich mob too; and by the rich mob I mean the men who buy up +these vagabonds. Various States have passed laws for the +registration of voters; but they all leave wide open all the doors +of fraud. Men are allowed to vote if they have been for one year in +the State, and thirty or sixty days in the ward or precinct; and +when they have failed to have their names registered before the day +of election, they can avoid the effect of this neglect by making a +few affidavits, certified to by reputable householders. Of course +all necessary affidavits are made, with hundreds and thousands to +spare. My idea is that the period of registration, in the first +place, is too short, and, in the second place, no way should be +given by which they can vote unless they have been properly +registered, affidavit or no affidavit. Every man, when he goes into +a ward or precinct, should be registered. It should be his duty to +see that he is registered. Officers should be kept for that +purpose, and he should never be allowed to cast a vote until he has +been registered at least one year. Sixty days, say, or thirty +days—sixty would be better—sixty days before the +election the registry lists should be corrected, and every citizen +should have the right to enter a complaint or objection as against +any name found upon that list. Thirty days, or twenty days before +the election, that list should be published and should be exposed +in several public places in each ward and each precinct, and upon +the day of election no man should be allowed to vote whose name was +not upon the registry list. Our wards and precincts should be made +smaller, so that people can vote without violence, without wasting +an entire day, so that the honest business man that wishes to cast +his ballot for the Government of his choice can walk to the polls +like a gentleman and deposit his vote and go about his affairs. +Allow me to say that unless some such plan is adopted in the United +States, there never will be another fair election in this country. +During the last campaign all the arts and artifices of the city, +all the arts and artifices of the lowest wards were spread over +this entire country, and unless something is done to preserve the +purity of the ballot-box, and guard the sovereign will of the +people, we will cease to be a Republican Government.</p> +<p>Another thing—and I cannot say it too often—fraud at +the ballot-box undermines all respect in the minds of the people +for the Government. When they are satisfied that the election is a +fraud they despise the officers elected. When they are satisfied it +is a fraud, they despise the law made by the legislators. When they +are satisfied it is a fraud, they hold in utter contempt the +decisions of our highest and most august tribunals.</p> +<p>Another trouble in this country is that our terms of office are +too short. Our elections are too frequent. They interfere with the +business of our country. When elections are so frequent, men make a +business of politics. If they fail to get one office they +immediately run for another, and they keep running until the people +elect them for the simple purpose of getting rid of the annoyance. +Lengthen the terms, purify the ballot, and the present scramble for +office will become contests for principles. A man who cannot get a +living—unless he has been disabled in the service of his +country or from some other cause—without holding office, is +not fit for an office.</p> +<p>A professional office-seeker is one of the meanest, and lowest, +and basest of human beings—a little higher than the lower +animals and a little lower than man. He has no earthly or heavenly +independence; not a particle; not a particle. A successful +office-seeker is like the center of the earth; he weighs nothing +himself, and draws all things towards the office he wants. He has +not even a temper. You cannot insult him. Shut the door in his +face, and, so far as he is concerned, it is left wide open, and you +are standing on the threshold with a smile, extending the hand of +welcome. He crawls and cringes and flatters and lies and swaggers +and brags and tells of the influence he has in the ward he lives +in. We cannot too often repeat that splendid saying, "The office +should seek the man, not man the office." If you will lengthen the +term of office it will be so long between meals that he will have +to do something else or starve. Adopt the system of registration, +as I have suggested; have small and convenient election districts, +so that, as I said before, the honest, law-abiding, and peaceable +citizen can attend the polls; so that he will not be compelled to +risk his life to deposit his ballot that will be stolen or thrown +out, or forced to keep the company of ballots caused by fraudulent +violence. Lengthen the term of office, drive the professional +hunter and seeker of office from the field, and you will go far +toward strengthening and vivifying and preserving the fabric of the +Constitution. That is the kind of civil service reform I am in +favor of, and as I am on that subject, I will say a word about it. +There is but one vital question—but one question of real +importance—in fact I might say in the whole world, and that +is the great question of Civil Service Reform. There may be some +others indirectly affecting the human race, and in which some +people take a languid kind of interest, but the only question worth +discussing and comprehending in all its phases is the one I have +mentioned. This great question is in its infancy still. The +doctrine as yet has been applied only to politics.*</p> +<pre> + * Colonel Ingersoll then read the following letter, of which + he was the author. +</pre> +<p>My Dear Sir:—In the olden times, during the purer days of +the Republic, the motto was, "To the victors belong the spoils." +The great object of civil service reform is to reverse this motto. +Our people are thoroughly disgusted with machine politics, and +demand politics without any machine.</p> +<p>In every precinct and ward there are persons going about lauding +one party and crying down the other. They make it their business to +attend to the affairs of the Nation. They call conventions, pass +resolutions; they put notices in papers of the times and places of +meetings; they select candidates for office, and then insist upon +having them elected; they distribute papers and political +documents; they crowd the mails with newspapers, platforms, +resolutions, facts and figures, and with everything calculated to +help their party and hurt the other. In short, they are the +disturbers of the public peace.</p> +<p>They keep the community in a perpetual excitement. In the last +campaign, wherever they were was turmoil. They fired cannon, +carried flags, torches and transparencies; they subsidized brass +bands, and shouted and hurrahed as though the world had gone +insane. They were induced to do these things by the hope of success +and office. Take away this hope and there will be peace once more. +This thing is unendurable. The staid, the quiet and respectable +people, the moderate and conservative men who always have an idea +of joining the other side just to show their candor, are heartily +tired of the entire performance. These gentlemen demand a rest. +They are not adventurers; they have incomes; they belong to +families; they have monograms and liveries. They have succeeded, +and they want quiet. Growth makes a noise; development, as they +call it, is nothing but disturbance. We want stability, we want +political petrifaction, and we therefore demand that these meetings +shall be dismissed, that these processions shall halt, that these +flags shall be furled. But these things never will be stopped until +we stop paying men with office for making these disturbances. You +know that it has been the habit for men elected to bestow political +favors upon the men who elected them. This is a crying shame. It is +a kind of bribery and corruption. Men should not work with the +expectation of reward and success. The frightful consequences of +rewarding one's friends cannot be contemplated by a true patriot +without a shudder. Exactly the opposite course is demanded by the +great principle of civil service reform. There is no patriotism in +working for place, for power and success. The true lover of his +country is stimulated to action by the hope of defeat, and the +prospect of office for his opponent. To such an extent has the +pernicious system of rewarding friends for political services gone +in this country, that until very lately it was difficult for a +member of the defeated party to obtain a respectable office.</p> +<p>The result of all this is, that the country is divided, that +these divisions are kept alive by these speakers, writers and +convention callers. The great mission of civil service reform is +not to do away with parties, but with conflicting opinion, by +taking from all politicians the hope of reward. There is no other +hope for peace. What do the people know about the wants of the +nation? There are in every community a few quiet and respectable +men, who know all about the wants of the people—gentlemen who +have retired from business, who take no part in discussion and who +are therefore free from prejudice. Let these men attend to our +politics. They will not call conventions, except in the parlors of +hotels. They will not put out our eyes with flaring torches. They +will not deafen us with speeches. They will carry on a campaign +without producing opposition. They will have elections but no +contests. All the offices will be given to the defeated party. This +of itself will insure tranquillity at the polls. No one will be +deprived of the privilege of casting a ballot. When campaigns are +conducted in this manner a gentleman can engage in politics with a +feeling that he is protected by the great principle of civil +service reform. But just so long as men persist in rewarding their +friends, as they call them, just so long will our country be cursed +with political parties. Nothing can be better calculated to +preserve the peace than the great principle of rewarding those who +have confidence enough in our institutions to keep silent while +peace will sit with folded wings upon the moss-covered political +stump of a ruder age. I am satisfied that to civil service reform +the Republican party is indebted for the last great victory. Upon +this question the enthusiasm of the people was simply unbounded. In +the harvest field, the shop, the counting-room, in the church, in +the saloon, in, the palace and in the hut, nothing was heard and +nothing discussed except the great principle of civil service +reform.</p> +<p>Among the most touching incidents of the campaign was to see a +few old soldiers, sacred with scars, sit down, and while battles +and hair-breadth escapes, and prisons of want, were utterly +forgotten, discuss with tremulous lips and tearful eyes the great +question of civil service reform.</p> +<p>During the great political contest I addressed several quite +large and intelligent audiences, and no one who did not has or can +have the slightest idea of the hold that civil service reform had +upon the very souls of our people. Upon all other subjects the +indifference was marked. I dwelt upon the glittering achievements +of my party, but they were indifferent. I pictured outrages +perpetrated upon our citizens, but they did not care. All this went +idly by, but when I touched upon civil service reform, old men, +gray-haired and strong, broke down utterly—tears fell like +rain. The faces of women grew ashen with the intensity of anguish, +and even little children sobbed as though their hearts would break. +To one who has witnessed these affecting scenes, civil service +reform is almost a sacred thing. Even the speeches delivered upon +this subject in German affected to tears thousands of persons +wholly unacquainted with that language. In some instances those who +did not understand a word were affected even more than those who +did. Surely there must be something in the subject itself, apart +from the words used to explain it, that can under such +circumstances lead captive the hearts of men. During the entire +campaign the cry of civil service reform was heard from one end of +our land to the other. The sailor nailed those words to the mast. +The miner repeated them between the strokes of the pick. Mothers +explained them to their children. Emigrants painted them upon their +wagons. They were mingled with the reaper's song and the shout of +the pioneer. Adopt this great principle and we can have quiet and +lady-like campaigns, a few articles in monthly magazines, a leader +or two in the "Nation," in the pictorial papers wood-cuts of the +residences of the respective candidates and now and then a letter +from an old Whig would constitute all the aggressive agencies of +the contest. I am satisfied that this great principle secured us +our victories in Florida and Louisiana, and its effect on the High +Joint Commission was greater than is generally supposed. It was +this that finally decided the action of the returning boards.</p> +<p>Cronin is the only man upon whom this great principle was an +utter failure. Let it be understood that friends are not to be +rewarded. Let it be settled that political services are a barrier +to political preferment, and my word for it, machine politics will +never be heard of again.</p> +<p>Yours truly,——</p> +<p>I do not believe in carrying civil service reform to the extent +that you will not allow an officer to resign. I do not believe that +that principle should be insisted upon to that degree that there +would only be two ways left to get out of office—death or +suicide. I believe, other things being equal, any party having any +office within its gift will give that office to the man that really +believes in the principles of that party, and who has worked to +give those principles ultimate victory. That is human nature. The +man that plows, the man that sows, and the man that cultivates, +ought to be the man that reaps. But we have in this country a +multitude of little places, a multitude of clerkships in +Washington; and the question is whether on the incoming of a new +administration, these men shall all be turned out. In the first +place, they are on starvation salaries, just barely enough to keep +soul and body together, and respectability on the outside; and if +there is a young man in this audience, I beg of him:</p> +<p>Never accept a clerkship from this Government. Do not live on a +little salary; do not let your mind be narrowed; do not sell all +the splendid possibilities of the future; do not learn to cringe +and fawn and crawl.</p> +<p>I would rather have forty acres of land, with a log cabin on it +and the woman I love in the cabin—with a little grassy +winding path leading down to the spring where the water gurgles +from the lips of earth whispering day and night to the white +pebbles a perpetual poem—with holly-hocks growing at the +corner of the house, and morning-glories blooming over the low +latched door—with lattice work over the window so that the +sunlight would fall checkered on the dimpled babe in the cradle, +and birds—like songs with wings hovering in the summer +air—than be the clerk of any government on earth.</p> +<p>Now, I say, let us lengthen the term of office—I do not +care much how long—send a man to Congress at least for five +years. And it would be a great blessing if there were not half as +many of them sent.</p> +<p>We have too many legislators and too much legislation; too +little about important matters, and too much about unimportant +matters. Lengthen the term of office so that the man can turn his +attention to something else when he gets in besides looking after +his re-election. There is another defect we must remedy in our +Constitution, in my judgment, and that is as to the mode of +electing a President. I believe it of the greatest importance that +the Executive should be entirely independent of the legislative and +judicial departments of the country. I do not believe that Congress +should have the right to create a vacancy which it can fill. I do +not believe that the Senate of the United States, or the lower +house of Congress, by a simple objection, should have the right to +deprive any State of its electoral vote. Our Constitution now +provides that the electors chosen in each State shall meet in their +respective States upon a certain day and there cast their votes for +President and Vice-President of the United States. They shall +properly certify to the votes which are cast, and shall transmit +lists of them, together with the proper certificates, to the +Vice-President of the United States. And it is then declared that +upon a certain day in the presence of both houses of Congress, the +Vice-President shall open the certificates and the votes shall then +be counted. It does not exactly say who shall count these votes. It +does not in so many words say the Vice-President shall do it, or +may do it, or that both houses of Congress shall do it, or may do +it, or that either house can prevent a count of the votes. It +leaves us in the dark, and, to a certain degree, in blindness. I +believe there is a way, and a very easy way, out of the entire +trouble, and it is this: I do not care whether the electors first +meet in their respective States or not, but I want the Constitution +so amended that the electors of all the States shall meet on a +certain day in the city of Washington, and count the votes +themselves; to allow that body to be the judge of who are electors, +to allow it to choose a chairman, and to allow the person so chosen +to declare who is the President, and who is the Vice-President of +the United States. The Executive is then entirely free and +independent of the legislative department of Government. The +Executive is then entirely free from the judicial department, and I +tell you, it is a public calamity to have the ermine of the Supreme +Court of the United States touched or stained by a political +suspicion. In my judgment, this country can never stand such a +strain again as it has now.</p> +<p>Now, my friends, all these questions are upon us and they have +to be settled. We cannot go on as we have been going. We cannot +afford to live as we have lived—one section running against +the other. We cannot go along that way. It must be settled, either +peaceably or there must again be a resort to the boisterous sword +of civil war.</p> +<p>The people of the South must stop trampling on the rights of the +colored men. It must not be a crime in any State of this Union to +be a lover of this country. I have seen it stated in several papers +lately that it is the duty of each State to protect its own +citizens. Well, I know that. Suppose that the State does not do it; +what then I say? Well, then, say these people, the Governor of the +State has the right to call on the General Government for +assistance. But suppose the Governor will not call for assistance, +what then? Then, they tell us, the Legislature can do so by a joint +resolution. But suppose the Legislature will not do it, what then? +Then, say these people, it is a defect in the Constitution. In my +judgment, that is the absurdest kind of secession. If the State of +Illinois must protect me, if I have no right to call for the +protection of the General Government, all I have to say is that my +allegiance must belong to the Government that protects me. If +Illinois protects me, and the General Government has not the power, +then my first allegiance is due to Illinois; and should Illinois +unsheathe the sword of civil war, I must stand by my State, if that +doctrine is true. I say, my first allegiance is due to the General +Government, and not to the State of Illinois, and if the State of +Illinois goes out of the Union, I swear to you that I will not. +What does the General Government propose to give me in exchange for +my allegiance? The General Government has a right to take my +property. The General Government has a right to take my body in its +necessary defence. What does that Government propose to give in +exchange for that right? Protection, or else our Government is a +fraud. Who has a right to call for the protection of the United +States? I say, the citizen who needs it. Can our Government obtain +information only through the official sources? Must our Government +wait until the Government asks the proofs, while the State tramples +upon the rights of the citizens? Must it wait until the Legislature +calls for assistance to help it stop robbing and plundering +citizens of the United States? Is that the doctrine and the idea of +the Northern Democratic party? It is not mine. A Government that +will not protect its citizens is a disgrace to humanity. A +Government that waits until a Governor calls—a Government +that cannot hear the cry of the meanest citizen under its flag when +his rights are being trampled upon, even by citizens of a Southern +State—has no right to exist.</p> +<p>It is the duty of the American citizen to see to it that every +State has a Government, not only republican in form, but it is the +duty of the United States to see to it that life, liberty and +property are protected in each State. If they are not protected, it +is the duty of the United States to protect them, if it takes all +her military force both upon land and upon the sea. The people +whose Government cannot always hear the faintest wail of the +meanest man beneath its flag have no right to call themselves a +nation. The flag that will not protect its protectors and defend +its defenders is a rag that is not worth the air in which it +waves.</p> +<p>How are we going to do it? Do it by kindness if you can; by +conciliation if you can, but the Government is bound to try every +way until it succeeds. Now, Rutherford B. Hayes was elected +President. The Democracy will say, of course, that he never was +elected, but that does not make any difference. He is President +to-day, and all these things are about him to be settled.</p> +<p>What shall we do? What can we do? There are two Governors in +South Carolina and two Legislatures and not one cent of taxes has +been collected by either. A dual government would seem to be the +most economical in the world. Now, the question for us to decide, +the question to be decided by this administration is, how are we to +ascertain which is the legal Government of the State, and what +department of the Government has a right to ascertain that fact? +Must it be left to Congress? Has the Senate alone the right to +determine it? Can it be left in any way to the Supreme Court, or +shall the Executive decide it himself? I do not say that the +Executive has the power to decide that question for himself. I do +not say he has not, but I do not say he has. The question, so far +as Louisiana and South Carolina are concerned—that question +is now in the Senate of the United States. Governor Kellogg is +asking for admission as a Senator from the State of Louisiana, and +the question is to be decided by the Senate first, whether he is +entitled to his seat, and that question of course, rests upon the +one fact—was the Legislature that elected him the legal +Legislature of the State of Louisiana? It seems to me that when +that question is pending in the Senate of the United States the +President has not the right, or at least it would be improper for +him to decide it on his own motion, and say this or that Government +is the real and legal Government of the State of Louisiana. But +some mode must be adopted, some way must be discovered to settle +this question, and to settle it peacefully. We are an enlightened +people. Force is the last thing that civilized men should resort +to. As long as courts can be created, as long as courts of +arbitration can be selected, as long as we can reason and think, +and urge all the considerations of humanity upon each other, there +should be no appeal to arms in the United States upon any question +whatever. What should the President do? He could only spare +twenty-five hundred men from the Indian war—that is the same +army that has so long been trampling on the rights of the South, +the same army that the Democratic Congress wished to reduce, and +that army of twenty-five hundred men is all he has to spare to +protect American citizens in the Southern States. Is there any +sentiment in the North that would uphold the Executive in calling +for volunteers? Is there any sentiment here that would respond to a +call for twenty, fifty, or a hundred thousand men? Is there any +Congress to pass the necessary act to pay them if there was?</p> +<p>And so the President of the United States appreciated the +situation, and the people of the South came to him and said, "We +have had war enough, we have had trouble enough, our country +languishes, we have no trade, our pockets are empty, something must +be done for us, we are utterly and perfectly disgusted with the +leadership of the Democratic party of the North. Now, will you let +us be your friends?" And he had the sense to say, "Yes." The +President took the right hand of the North, and put it into the +right hand of the South and said "Let us be friends. We parted at +the cannon's mouth; we were divided by the edge of the glittering +sword; we must become acquainted again. We are equals. We are all +fellow-citizens. In a Government of the people, by the people and +for the people, there shall not be an outcast class, whether white +or black. To this feast, every child of the Republic shall be +invited and welcomed." It was a grand thing grandly done. If the +President succeeds in his policy, it will be an immense compliment +to his brain. If he fails, it will be an equal compliment to his +heart. He has opened the door; he has advanced; he has extended his +hand, he has broken the silence of hatred with the words of +welcome. Actuated by this broad and catholic spirit he has selected +his constitutional advisors, and allow me to say right here, the +President has the right to select his constitutional advisors to +suit himself, and the idea of men endeavoring to force themselves +or others into the Cabinet of the President, against, as it were, +his will, why I would as soon think of circulating a petition to +compel some woman to marry me.</p> +<p>He has gathered around him the men he considers the wisest and +the best, and I say, let us give them a fair chance. I say, let us +be honest with the President of the United States and his Cabinet, +and give his policy a fair and honest chance. In order to show his +good faith with the South he chose as a member of his Cabinet an +ex-rebel from Tennessee. I confess, when I heard of it I did not +like it. It did not seem to be exactly what I had been making all +this fuss about. But I thought I would be honest about it, and I +went and called on Mr. Key, and really he begins already to look a +good deal like a Republican. A real honest looking man. And then I +said to myself that he had not done much more harm than as though +he had been a Democrat at the North during those four years, and +had cursed and swore instead of fought about it. And so I told him +"I am glad you are appointed."</p> +<p>And I am. Give him a chance, and so far as the whole Cabinet is +concerned—I have not the time to go over them one by one now, +it is perfectly satisfactory to me. The President made up his mind +that to appoint that man would be to say to the South: "I do not +look upon you as pariahs in this Government. I look upon you as +fellow-citizens; I want you to wipe forever the color line, or the +Union line, from the records of this Government on account of what +has been done heretofore." What are you now? is the only question +that should be asked. It was a strange thing for the President to +appoint that man. It was an experiment. It is an experiment. It has +not yet been decided, but I believe it will simply be a proof of +the President's wisdom. I can stand that experiment taken in +connection with the appointment of Frederick Douglass as Marshal of +the District of Columbia. I was glad to see that man's appointment. +He is a good, patient, stern man. He has been fighting for the +liberty of his race, and at the same time for our liberty. This man +has done something for the freedom of my race as well as his own. +This is no time for war. War settles nothing except the mere +question of strength. That is all war ever did settle. You cannot +shoot ideas into a man with a musket, or with cannon into one of +those old Bourbon Democrats of the North. You cannot let prejudices +out of a man with a sword.</p> +<p>This is the time for reason, for discussion, for compromise. +This is the time to repair, to rebuild, to preserve. War destroys. +Peace creates. War is decay and death. Peace is growth and +life,—sunlight and air. War kills men. Peace maintains them. +Artillery does not reason; it asserts. A bayonet has point enough, +but no logic. When the sword is drawn, reason remains in the +scabbard. It is not enough to win upon the field of battle, you +must be victor within the realm of thought. There must be peace +between the North and South some time; not a conquered peace, but a +peace that conquers. The question is, can you and I forget the +past? Can we forget everything except the heroic sacrifices of the +men who saved this Government? Can we say to the South, "Let us be +brothers"? Can we? I am willing to do it because, in the first +place, it is right, and in the second place, it will pay if it can +be carried out. We have fought and hated long enough. Our country +is prostrate. Labor is in rags. Energy has empty hands. Industry +has empty pockets. The wheels of the factory are still. In the safe +of prudence money lies idle, locked by the key of fear. Confidence +is what we need—confidence in each other; confidence in our +institutions; confidence in our form of government; in the great +future; confidence in law, confidence in liberty, confidence in +progress, and in the grand destiny of the Great Republic. Now, do +not imagine that I think this policy will please every body. Of +course there are men South and North who can never be conciliated. +They are the Implacables in the South—the Bourbons in the +North.</p> +<p>Nothing will ever satisfy them. The Implacables want to own +negroes and whip them; the Bourbons never will be satisfied until +they can help catch one. The Implacables with violent hands drive +emigration from their shores. They are poisoning the springs and +sources of prosperity. They dine on hatred and sup on regret. They +mourn over the lost cause and partake of the communion of revenge. +They strike down the liberties of their fellow-citizens and refuse +to enjoy their own. They remember nothing but wrongs, and they +forget nothing but benefits. Their bosoms are filled with the +serpents of hate. No one can compromise with them. Nothing can +change them. They must be left to the softening influence of time +and death. The Bourbons are the allies of the Implacables. A +Bourbon in the majority is an Implacable in the minority. An +Implacable in the minority is a Bourbon. We do not appeal to, but +from these men. But there are in the South thousands of men who +have accepted in good faith the results of the war; men who love +and wish to preserve this nation, men tired of strife—men +longing for a real Union based upon mutual respect and confidence. +These men are willing that the colored man shall be +free—willing that he shall vote, and vote for the Government +of his choice—willing that his children shall be +educated—willing that he shall have all the rights of an +American citizen. These men are tired of the Implacables and +disgusted with the Bourbons. These men wish to unite with the +patriotic men of the North in the great work of reestablishing a +government of law. For my part, call me of what party you please, I +am willing to join hands with these men, without regard to race, +color or previous condition.</p> +<p>With a knowledge of our wants—with a clear perception of +our difficulties, Rutherford B. Hayes became President.</p> +<p>Nations have been saved by the grandeur of one man. Above all +things a President should be a patriot. Party at best is only a +means—the good of the country, the happiness of the people, +the only end.</p> +<p>Now, I appeal to you Democrats here—not a great many, I +suppose—do not oppose this policy because you think it is +going to increase the Republican strength. If it strengthens the +Government, no matter whether it is Republican or Democratic, it is +for the common good.</p> +<p>And you Republicans, you who have had all these feelings of +patriotism and glory, I ask you to wait and let this experiment be +tried. Do not prophesy failure for it and then work to fulfill the +prophecy. Give the President a chance. I tell you to-night that he +is as good a Republican as there is in the United States; and I +tell you that if this policy is not responded to by the South, +Rutherford B. Hayes will change it, just as soon and as often as is +necessary to accomplish the end. The President has offered the +Southern people the olive branch of peace, and so far as I am +concerned, I implore both the Southern people and the Northern +people to accept it. I extend to you each and all the olive branch +of peace. Fellow-citizens of the South, I beseech you to take it. +By the memory of those who died for naught; by the charred remains +of your remembered homes; by the ashes of your statesman dead; for +the sake of your sons and your daughters and their fair children +yet to be, I implore you to take it with loving and with loyal +hands. It will cultivate your wasted fields. It will rebuild your +towns and cities. It will fill your coffers with gold. It will +educate your children. It will swell the sails of your commerce. It +will cause the roses of joy to clamber and climb over the broken +cannon of war. It will flood the cabins of the freedman with light, +and clothe the weak in more than coat of mail, and wrap the poor +and lowly in "measureless content." Take it. The North will forgive +if the South will forget. Take it! The negro will wipe from the +tablet of memory the strokes and scars of two hundred years, and +blur with happy tears the record of his wrongs. Take it! It will +unite our nation. It will make us brothers once again. Take it! And +justice will sit in your courts under the outspread wings of Peace. +Take it! And the brain and lips of the future will be free. Take +it! It will bud and blossom in your hands and fill your land with +fragrance and with joy.</p> +<a name="link0009" id="link0009"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>HARD TIMES AND THE WAY OUT.</h2> +<pre> + * Boston, October 20, 1878. +</pre> +<p>LADIES and Gentlemen:—The lovers of the human race, the +philanthropists, the dreamers of grand dreams, all predicted and +all believed that when man should have the right to govern himself, +when every human being should be equal before the law, pauperism, +crime, and want would exist only in the history of the past. They +accounted for misery in their time by the rapacity of kings and the +cruelty of priests. Here, in the United States, man at last is +free. Here, man makes the laws, and all have an equal voice. The +rich cannot oppress the poor, because the poor are in a majority. +The laboring men, those who in some way work for their living, can +elect every Congressman and every judge; they can make and +interpret the laws, and if labor is oppressed in the United States +by capital, labor has simply itself to blame. The cry is now raised +that capital in some mysterious way oppresses industry; that the +capitalist is the enemy of the man who labors. What is a +capitalist? Every man who has good health; every man with good +sense; every one who has had his dinner, and has enough left for +supper, is, to that extent, a capitalist. Every man with a good +character, who has the credit to borrow a dollar or to buy a meal, +is a capitalist; and nine out of ten of the great capitalists in +the United States are simply successful workingmen. There is no +conflict, and can be no conflict, in the United States between +capital and labor; and the men who endeavor to excite the envy of +the unfortunate and the malice of the poor are the enemies of law +and order.</p> +<p>As a rule, wealth is the result of industry, economy, attention +to business; and as a rule, poverty is the result of idleness, +extravagance, and inattention to business, though to these rules +there are thousands of exceptions. The man who has wasted his time, +who has thrown away his opportunities, is apt to envy the man who +has not. For instance, there are six shoemakers working in one +shop. One of them attends to his business. You can hear the music +of his hammer late and early. He is in love with some girl on the +next street. He has made up his mind to be a man; to succeed; to +make somebody else happy; to have a home; and while he is working, +in his imagination he can see his own fireside, with the firelight +falling upon the faces of wife and child. The other five gentlemen +work as little as they can, spend Sunday in dissipation, have the +headache Monday, and, as a result, never advance. The industrious +one, the one in love, gains the confidence of his employer, and in +a little while he cuts out work for the others. The first thing you +know he has a shop of his own, the next a store; because the man of +reputation, the man of character, the man of known integrity, can +buy all he wishes in the United States upon a credit. The next +thing you know he is married, and he has built him a house, and he +is happy, and his dream has been realized. After awhile the same +five shoemakers, having pursued the old course, stand on the corner +some Sunday when he rides by. He has a carriage, his wife sits by +his side, her face covered with smiles, and they have two children, +their eyes beaming with joy, and the blue ribbons are fluttering in +the wind. And thereupon, these five shoemakers adjourn to some +neighboring saloon and pass a resolution that there is an +irrepressible conflict between capital and labor.</p> +<p>There is, in fact, no such conflict, and the laboring men of the +United States have the power to protect themselves. In the +ballot-box the vote of Lazarus is on an equality with the vote of +Dives; the vote of a wandering pauper counts the same as that of a +millionaire. In a land where the poor, where the laboring men have +the right and have the power to make the laws, and do, in fact, +make the laws, certainly there should be no complaint. In our +country the people hold the power, and if any corporation in any +State is devouring the substance of the people, every State has +retained the power of eminent domain, under which it can confiscate +the property and franchise of any corporation by simply paying to +that corporation what such property is worth. And yet thousands of +people are talking as though the rich combined for the express +purpose of destroying the poor, are talking as though there existed +a widespread conspiracy against industry, against honest toil; and +thousands and thousands of speeches have been made and numberless +articles have been written to fill the breasts of the unfortunate +with hatred.</p> +<p>We have passed through a period of wonderful and unprecedented +inflation. For years we enjoyed the luxury of going into debt, the +felicity of living upon credit. We have in the United States about +eighty thousand miles of railway, more than enough to make a treble +track around the globe. Most of these miles were built in a period +of twenty-five years, and at a cost of at least five thousand +millions of dollars. Think of the ore that had to be dug, of the +iron that was melted; think of the thousands employed in cutting +bridge timber and ties, and giving to the wintry air the music of +the axe; think of the thousands and thousands employed in making +cars, in making locomotives, those horses of progress with nerves +of steel and breath of flame; think of the thousands and thousands +of workers in brass and steel and iron; think of the numberless +industries that thrived in the construction of eighty thousand +miles of railway, of the streams bridged, of the mountains +tunneled, of the plains crossed; and think of the towns and cities +that sprang up, as if by magic, along these highways of iron.</p> +<p>During the same time we had a war in which we expended thousands +of millions of dollars, not to create, not to construct, but to +destroy. All this money was spent in the work of demolition, and +every shot and every shell and every musket and every cannon was +used to destroy. All the time of every soldier was lost. An amount +of property inconceivable was destroyed, and some of the best and +bravest were sacrificed. During these years the productive power of +the North was strained to the utmost; every wheel was in motion; +there was employment for every kind and description of labor, and +for every mechanic. There was a constantly rising +market—speculation was rife, and it seemed almost impossible +to lose. As a consequence, the men who had been toiling upon the +farm became tired. It was too slow a way to get rich. They heard of +their neighbor, of their brother, who had gone to the city and had +suddenly become a millionaire. They became tired with the slow +methods of agriculture. The young men of intelligence, of vim, of +nerve became disgusted with the farms. On every hand fortunes were +being made. A wave of wealth swept over the United States; huts +became houses; houses became palaces with carpeted floors and +pictured walls; tatters became garments; rags became robes; and for +the first time in the history of the world, the poor tasted of the +luxuries of wealth. We wondered how our fathers could have endured +their poor and barren lives.</p> +<p>Every business was pressed to the snow line. Old life insurance +associations had been successful; new ones sprang up on every hand. +The agents filled every town. These agents were given a portion of +the premium. You could hardly go out of your house without being +told of the uncertainty of life and the certainty of death. You +were shown pictures of life insurance agents emptying vast bags of +gold at the feet of a disconsolate widow. You saw in imagination +your own fatherless children wiping away the tears of grief and +smiling with joy.</p> +<p>These agents insured everybody and everything. They would have +insured a hospital or consumption in its last hemorrhage.</p> +<p>Fire insurance was managed in precisely the same way. The agents +received a part of the premium, and they insured anything and +everything, no matter what its danger might be. They would have +insured powder in perdition, or icebergs under the torrid zone with +the same alacrity. And then there were accident companies, and you +could not go to the station to buy your ticket without being shown +a picture of disaster. You would see there four horses running away +with a stage, and old ladies and children being thrown out; you +would see a steamer being blown up on the Mississippi, legs one way +and arms the other, heads one side and hats the other; locomotives +going through bridges, good Samaritans carrying off the wounded on +stretchers.</p> +<p>The merchants, too, were not satisfied to do business in the old +way. It was too slow; they could not wait for customers. They +filled the country with drummers, and these drummers convinced all +the country merchants that they needed about twice as many goods as +they could possibly sell, and they took their notes on sixty and +ninety days, and renewed them whenever desired, provided the +parties renewing the notes would take more goods. And these country +merchants pressed the goods upon their customers in the same +manner. Everybody was selling, everybody was buying, and nearly all +was done upon a credit. No one believed the day of settlement ever +would or ever could come. Towns must continue to grow, and in the +imagination of speculators there were hundreds of cities numbering +their millions of inhabitants. Land, miles and miles from the city, +was laid out in blocks and squares and parks; land that will not be +occupied for residences probably for hundreds of years to come, and +these lots were sold, not by the acre, not by the square mile, but +by so much per foot. They were sold on credit, with a partial +payment down and the balance secured by a mortgage.</p> +<p>These values, of course, existed simply in the imagination; and +a deed of trust upon a cloud or a mortgage upon a last year's fog +would have been just as valuable. Everybody advertised, and those +who were not selling goods and real estate were in the medicine +line, and every rock beneath our flag was covered with advice to +the unfortunate; and I have often thought that if some sincere +Christian had made a pilgrimage to Sinai and climbed its venerable +crags, and in a moment of devotion dropped upon his knees and +raised his eyes toward heaven, the first thing that would have met +his astonished gaze would in all probability have been:</p> +<pre> + "St. 1860 X Plantation Bitters." +</pre> +<p>Suddenly there came a crash. Jay Cooke failed, and I have heard +thousands of men account for the subsequent hard times from the +fact that Cooke did fail. As well might you account for the +smallpox by saying that the first pustule was the cause of the +disease. The failure of Jay Cooke & Co. was simply a symptom of +a disease universal.</p> +<p>No language can describe the agonies that have been endured +since 1873. No language can tell the sufferings of the men that +have wandered over the dreary and desolate desert of bankruptcy. +Thousands and thousands supposed that they had enough, enough for +their declining years, enough for wife and children, and suddenly +found themselves paupers and vagrants.</p> +<p>During all these years the bankruptcy law was in force, and +whoever failed to keep his promise had simply to take the benefit +of this law. As a consequence, there could be no real, solid +foundation for business. Property commenced to decline; that is to +say, it commenced to resume; that is to say, it began to be rated +at its real instead of at its speculative value.</p> +<p>Land is worth what it will produce, and no more. It may have +speculative value, and, if the prophecy is fulfilled, the man who +buys it may become rich, and if the prophecy is not fulfilled, then +the land is simply worth what it will produce. Lots worth from five +to ten thousand dollars apiece suddenly vanished into farms worth +twenty-five dollars per acre. These lots resumed. The farms that +before that time had been considered worth one hundred dollars per +acre, and are now worth twenty or thirty, have simply resumed. +Magnificent residences supposed to be worth one hundred thousand +dollars, that can now be purchased for twenty-five thousand, they +have simply resumed. The property in the United States has not +fallen in value, but its real value has been ascertained. The land +will produce as much as it ever would, and is as valuable to-day as +it ever was; and every improvement, every invention that adds to +the productiveness of the soil or to the facilities for getting +that product to market, adds to the wealth of the nation.</p> +<p>As a matter of fact, the property kept pace with what we were +pleased to call our money. As the money depreciated, property +appreciated; as the money appreciated, property depreciated. The +moment property began to fall speculation ceased. There is but +little speculation upon a falling market. The stocks and bonds, +based simply upon ideas, became worthless, the collaterals became +dust and ashes.</p> +<p>At the close of the war, when the Government ceased to be such a +vast purchaser and consumer, many of the factories had to stop. +When the crash came the men stopped digging ore; they stopped +felling the forest; the fires died out in the furnaces; the men who +had stood in the glare of the forge were in the gloom of want. +There was no employment for them. The employer could not sell his +product; business stood still, and then came what we call the hard +times. Our wealth was a delusion and illusion, and we simply came +back to reality. Too many men were doing nothing, too many men were +traders, brokers, speculators. There were not enough producers of +the things needed; there were too many producers of the things no +one wished. There needed to be a re-distribution of men.</p> +<p>Many remedies have been proposed, and chief among these is the +remedy of fiat money. Probably no subject in the world is less +generally understood than that of money. So many false definitions +have been given, so many strange, conflicting theories have been +advanced, that it is not at all surprising that men have come to +imagine that money is something that can be created by law. The +definitions given by the hard-money men themselves have been used +as arguments by those who believe in the power of Congress to +create wealth. We are told that gold is an instrumentality or a +device to facilitate exchanges. We are told that gold is a measure +of value. Let us examine these definitions.</p> +<p>"<i>Gold is an instrumentality or device to facilitate +exchanges.</i>"</p> +<p>That sounds well, but I do not believe it. Gold and silver are +commodities. They are the products of labor. They are not +instrumentalities; they are not devices to facilitate exchanges; +they are the things exchanged for something else; and other things +are exchanged for them. The only device about it to facilitate +exchanges is the coining of these metals. Whenever the Government +or any government certifies that in a certain piece of gold or +silver there are a certain number of grains of a certain fineness, +then he who gives it knows that he is not giving too much, and he +who receives, that he is receiving enough, so that I will change +the definition to this:</p> +<p>The <i>coining</i> of the precious metals is a device to +facilitate exchanges.</p> +<p>The precious metals themselves are property; they are +merchandise; they are commodities, and whenever one commodity is +exchanged for another it is barter, and gold is the last refinement +of barter.</p> +<p>The second definition is:</p> +<p>"<i>Gold is the measure of value</i>."</p> +<p>We are told by those who believe in fiat money that gold is a +measure of value just the same as a half bushel or a yardstick.</p> +<p>I deny that gold is a measure of value. The yardstick is not a +measure of value; it is simply a measure of quantity. It measures +cloth worth fifty dollars a yard precisely as it does calico worth +four cents. It is, therefore, not a measure of value, but of +quantities. The same with the half bushel. The half bushel measures +wheat precisely the same, whether that wheat is worth three dollars +or one dollar. It simply measures quantity; not quality, or value. +The yardstick, the half bushel, and the coining of money are all +devices to facilitate exchanges. The yardstick assures the man who +sells that he has not sold too much; it assures the man who buys +that he has received enough; and in that way it facilitates +exchanges. The coining of money facilitates exchange, for the +reason that were it not coined, each man who did any business would +have to carry a pair of scales and be a chemist.</p> +<p>It matters not whether the yardstick or half bushel are of gold, +silver, or wood, for the reason that the yardstick and half bushel +are not the things bought. We buy not them, but the things they +measure.</p> +<p>If gold and silver are not the measure of value, what is? I +answer—intelligent labor. Gold gets its value from labor. Of +course, I cannot account for the fact that mankind have a certain +fancy for gold or for diamonds, neither can I account for the fact +that we like certain things better than others to eat. These are +simply facts in nature, and they are facts, whether they can be +explained or not. The dollar in gold represents, on the average, +the labor that it took to dig and mint it, together with all the +time of the men who looked for it without finding it. That dollar +in gold, on the average, will buy the product of the same amount of +labor in any other direction.</p> +<p>Nothing ever has been money, from the most barbarous to the most +civilized times, unless it was a product of nature, and a something +to which the people among whom it passed as money attached a +certain value, a value not dependent upon law, not dependent upon +"fiat" in any degree.</p> +<p>Nothing has ever been considered money that man could +produce.</p> +<p>A bank bill is not money, neither is a check nor a draft. These +are all devices simply to facilitate business, but in or of +themselves they have no value.</p> +<p>We are told, however, that the Government can create money. This +I deny. The Government produces nothing; it raises no wheat, no +corn; it digs no gold, no silver. It is not a producer, it is a +consumer.</p> +<p>The Government cannot by law create wealth. And right here I +wish to ask one question, and I would like to have it answered some +time. If the Government can make money, if it can create money, if +by putting its sovereignty upon a piece of paper it can create +absolute money, why should the Government collect taxes? We have in +every district assessors and collectors; we have at every port +customhouses, and we are collecting taxes day and night for the +support of this Government. Now, if the Government can make money +itself, why should it collect taxes from the poor? Here is a man +cultivating a farm—he is working among the stones and roots, +and digging day and night; why should the Government go to that man +and make him pay twenty or thirty or forty dollars taxes when the +Government, according to the theory of these gentlemen, could make +a thousand-dollar fiat bill quicker than that man could wink? Why +impose upon industry in that manner? Why should the sun borrow a +candle?</p> +<p>And if the Government can create money, how much should it +create, and if it should create it who will get it? Money has a +great liking for money. A single dollar in the pocket of a poor man +is lonesome; it never is satisfied until it has found its +companions. Money gravitates towards money, and issue as much as +you may, as much as you will, the time will come when that money +will be in the hands of the industrious, in the hands of the +economical, in the hands of the shrewd, in the hands of the +cunning; in other words, in the hands of the successful.</p> +<p>The other day I had a conversation with one of the principal +gentlemen upon that side, and I told him, "Whenever you can +successfully palm off on a man a bill of fare for a dinner, I shall +believe in your doctrine; and when I can satisfy the pangs of +hunger by reading a cook-book, I shall join your party." Only that +is money which stands for labor. Only that is money which will buy, +on the average, in all other directions the result of the same +labor expended in its production. As a matter of fact, there is +money enough in the country to transact the business. Never before +in the history of our Government was money so cheap; that is to +say, was interest so low; never. There is plenty of money, and we +could borrow all we wished had we the collaterals. We could borrow +all we wish if there was some business in which we could embark +that promised a sure and reasonable return. If we should come to a +man who kept a ferry, and find his boat on a sandbar and the river +dry, what would he think of us should we tell him he had not enough +boat? He would probably reply that he had plenty of boat, but not +enough water. We have plenty of money, but not enough business. The +reason we have not enough business is, we have not enough +confidence, and the reason we have not confidence is because the +market is slowly falling, and the reason it is slowly falling is +that things have not yet quite resumed; that we have not quite +touched the absolute bedrock of valuation. Another reason is +because those that left the cultivation of the soil have not yet +all returned, and they are living, some upon their wits, some upon +their relatives, some upon charity, and some upon crime.</p> +<p>The next question is: Suppose the Government should issue a +thousand millions of fiat money, how would it regulate the value +thereof? Every creditor could be forced to take it, but nobody +else. If a man was in debt one dollar for a bushel of wheat, he +could compel the creditor to take the fiat money; but if he wished +to buy the wheat, then the owner could say, "I will take one dollar +in gold or fifty dollars in fiat money, or I will not sell it for +fiat money at any price." What will Congress do then? In order to +make this fiat money good it will have to fix the price of every +conceivable commodity; the price of painting a picture, of trying a +lawsuit, of chiseling a statue, the price of a day's work; in +short, the price of every conceivable thing. This even will not be +sufficient. It will be necessary, then, to provide by law that the +prices fixed shall be received, and that no man shall be allowed to +give more for anything than the price fixed by Congress. Now, I do +not believe that any Congress has sufficient wisdom to tell +beforehand what will be the relative value of all the products of +labor.</p> +<p>When the volume of currency is inflated it is at the expense of +the creditor class; when it is contracted it is contracted at the +expense of the debtor class. In other words, inflation means going +into debt; contraction means the payment of the debt.</p> +<p>A gold dollar is a dollar's worth of gold.</p> +<p>A real paper dollar is a dollar's worth of paper.</p> +<p>Another remedy has been suggested by the same persons who +advocate fiat money. With a consistency perfectly charming, they +say it would have been much better had we allowed the Treasury +notes to fade out. Why allow fiat money to fade out when a simple +act of Congress can make it as good as gold? When greenbacks fade +out the loss falls upon the chance holder, upon the poor, the +industrious, and the unfortunate. The rich, the cunning, the +well-informed manage to get rid of what they happen to hold. When, +however, the bills are redeemed, they are paid by the wealth and +property of the whole country. To allow them to fade out is +universal robbery; to pay them is universal justice. The greenback +should not be allowed to fade away in the pocket of the soldier or +in the hands of his widow and children. It is said that; the +Continental money faded away. It was and is a disgrace to our +forefathers. When the greenback fades away there will fade with it +honor from the American heart, brain from the American head, and +our flag from the air of heaven.</p> +<p>A great cry has been raised against the holders of bonds. They +have been denounced by every epithet that malignity can coin. +During the war our bonds were offered for sale and they brought all +that they then appeared to be worth. They had to be sold or the +Rebellion would have been a success. To the bond we are indebted as +much as to the greenback. The fact is, however, we are indebted to +neither; we are indebted to the soldiers. But every man who took a +greenback at less than gold committed the same crime, and no other, +as he who bought the bonds at less than par in gold. These bonds +have changed hands thousands of times. They have been paid for in +gold again and again. They have been bought at prices far above +par; they have been laid away by loving husbands for wives, by +toiling fathers for children; and the man who seeks to repudiate +them now, or to pay them in fiat rags, is unspeakably cruel and +dishonest. If the Government has made a bad bargain it must live up +to it. If it has made a foolish promise the only way is to fulfill +it.</p> +<p>A dishonest government can exist only among dishonest +people.</p> +<p>When our money is below par we feel below par.</p> +<p>We cannot bring prosperity by cheapening money; we cannot +increase our wealth by adding to the volume of a depreciated +currency. If the prosperity of a country depends upon the volume of +its currency, and if anything is money that people can be made to +think is money, then the successful counterfeiter is a public +benefactor. The counterfeiter increases the volume of currency; he +stimulates business, and the money issued by him will not be +hoarded and taken from the channels of trade.</p> +<p>During the war, during the inflation—that is to say, +during the years that we were going into debt—fortunes were +made so easily that people left the farms, crowded to the towns and +cities. Thousands became speculators, traders, and merchants; +thousands embarked in every possible and conceivable scheme. They +produced nothing; they simply preyed upon labor and dealt with +imaginary values. These men must go back; they must become +producers, and every producer is a paying consumer. Thousands and +thousands of them are unable to go back. To a man who begs of you a +breakfast you cannot say, "Why don't you get a farm?" You might as +well say, "Why don't you start a line of steamships?" To him both +are impossibilities. They must be helped.</p> +<p>We should all remember that society must support all of its +members, all of its robbers, thieves, and paupers. Every vagabond +and vagrant has to be fed and clothed, and society must support in +some way all of its members. It can support them in jails, in +asylums, in hospitals, in penitentiaries; but it is a very costly +way. We have to employ judges to try them, juries to sit upon their +cases, sheriffs, marshals, and constables to arrest them, policemen +to watch them, and it may be, at last, a standing army to put them +down. It would be far cheaper, probably, to support them all at +some first-class hotel. We must either support them or help them +support themselves. They let us go upon the one hand simply to take +us by the other, and we can take care of them as paupers and +criminals, or, by wise statesmanship, help them to be honest and +useful men. Of all the criminals transported by England to +Australia and Tasmania, the records show that a very large per +cent.—something over ninety—became useful and decent +people. In Australia they found homes; hope again spread its wings +in their breasts. They had different ambitions; they were removed +from vile and vicious associations. They had new surroundings; and, +as a rule, man does not morally improve without a corresponding +improvement in his physical condition. One biscuit, with plenty of +butter, is worth all the tracts ever distributed.</p> +<p>Thousands must be taken from the crowded streets and stifling +dens, away from the influences of filth and want, to the fields and +forests of the West and South. They must be helped to help +themselves.</p> +<p>While the Government cannot create gold and silver, while it +cannot by its fiat make money, it can furnish facilities for the +creation of wealth. It can aid in the distribution of products, and +in the distribution of men; it can aid in the opening of new +territories; it can aid great and vast enterprises that cannot be +accomplished by individual effort. The Government should see to it +that every facility is offered to honorable adventure, enterprise +and industry. Our ships ought to be upon every sea; our flag ought +to be flying in every port. Our rivers and harbors ought to be +improved. The usefulness of the Mississippi should be increased, +its banks strengthened, and its channel deepened. At no distant day +it will bear the commerce of a hundred millions of people. That +grand river is the great guaranty of territorial integrity; it is +the protest of nature against disunion, and from its source to the +sea it will forever flow beneath one flag.</p> +<p>The Northern Pacific Railway should be pushed to completion. In +this way labor would be immediately given to many thousands of men. +Along the line of that thoroughfare would spring up towns and +cities; new communities with new surroundings; and where now is the +wilderness there would be thousands and thousands of happy +homes.</p> +<p>The Texas Pacific should also be completed. A vast agricultural +and mineral region would be opened to the enterprise and adventure +of the American people. Probably Arizona holds within the miserly +clutches of her rocks greater wealth than any other State or +territory of the world. The construction of that road would put +life and activity into a hundred industries. It would give +employment to many thousands of people, and homes at last to many +millions. It would cause the building of thousands of miles of +branches to open, not only new territory, but to connect with roads +already built. It would double the products of gold and silver, +open new fields to trade, create new industries, and make it +possible for us to supply eight millions of people in the Republic +of Mexico with our products. The construction of this great highway +will enable the Government to dispense with from ten to fifteen +regiments of infantry and cavalry now stationed along the border. +People enough will settle along this line to protect themselves. It +will permanently settle the Indian question, saving the people +millions each year. It will effectually destroy the present +monopoly, and in this way greatly increase production and +consumption. It will double our trade with China and Japan, and +with the Pacific States as well. It will settle the Southern +question by filling the Southern States with immigrants, +diversifying the industries of that section, changing and +rebuilding the commercial and social fabric; it will do away with +the conservatism of regret and the prejudice born of isolation. It +will transmute to wealth the unemployed muscle of the country. It +will rescue California from the control of a single corporation, +from the government of an oligarchy united, watchful, despotic, and +vindictive. It will liberate the farmers, the merchants, and even +the politicians of the Pacific coast. Besides, it must not be +forgotten so to frame the laws and charters that Congress shall +forever have the control of fares and freights. In this way the +public will be perfectly protected and the Government perfectly +secured.</p> +<p>Look at the map, and you will see the immense advantages its +construction will give to the entire country, not only to the +South, but to the East and West as well. It is one hundred and +fifty miles nearer from Chicago to San Diego than to San Francisco. +You will see that the whole of Texas, a State containing two +hundred and ten thousand square miles; a State four times as large +as Illinois, five times as large as New York, capable of supporting +a population of twenty millions of people, is put in direct and +immediate communication with the whole country. Territory to the +extent of nearly a million square miles will be given to +agriculture, trade, commerce, and mining, by the construction of +this line.</p> +<p>Let this road be built, and we shall feel again the enthusiasm +born of enterprise. In the vast stagnation there will be at last a +current. Something besides waiting is necessary to secure, or to +even hasten, the return of prosperity. Secure the completion of +this line and extend the time for building the Northern Pacific, +and confidence and employment will return together.</p> +<p>More men must cultivate the soil. In the older States lands are +too high. It requires too much capital to commence. There are so +many failures in business; so many merchants, traders, and +manufacturers have been wrecked and stranded upon the barren shores +of bankruptcy, that the people are beginning to prefer the small +but certain profits of agriculture to the false and splendid +promises of speculation. We must open new territories; we must give +the mechanics now out of employment an opportunity to cultivate the +soil—not as day-laborers but as owners; not as tenants, but +as farmers. Something must be done to develop the resources of this +country. With the best lands of the world; with a population +intellectual, energetic, and ingenious far beyond the average of +mankind; with the richest mines of the globe; with plenty of +capital; with a surplus of labor; with thousands of arms folded in +enforced idleness; with billions of gold asking to be dug; with +millions of acres waiting for the plow, thousands upon thousands +are in absolute want.</p> +<p>New avenues must be opened. All our territory must be given to +immigration. Greater facilities must be offered. Obstacles that +cannot be overcome by individual enterprise must be conquered by +the Government for the good of all. Every man out of employment is +impoverishing the country. Labor transmutes muscle into wealth. +Idleness is a rust that devours even gold. For five years we have +been wasting the labor of millions—wasting it for lack of +something to do. Prosperity has been changed to want and +discontent. On every hand the poor are asking for work. That is a +wretched government where the honest and industrious beg, +unsuccessfully, for the right to toil; where those who are willing, +anxious, and able to work, cannot get bread. If everything is to be +left to the blind and heartless working of the laws of supply and +demand, why have governments? If the nation leaves the poor to +starve, and the weak and unfortunate to perish, it is hard to see +for what purpose the nation should be preserved. If our statesmen +are not wise enough to foster great enterprises, and to adopt a +policy that will give us prosperity, it may be that the laboring +classes, driven to frenzy by hunger, the bitterness of which will +be increased by seeing others in the midst of plenty, will seek a +remedy in destruction.</p> +<p>The transcontinental commerce of this country should not be in +the clutch and grasp of one corporation. All sections of the Union +should, as far as possible, be benefited. Cheap rates will come, +and can be maintained only by competition. We should cultivate +commercial relations with China and Japan. Six hundred millions of +people are slowly awaking from a lethargy of six thousand years. In +a little while they will have the wants of civilized men, and +America will furnish a large proportion of the articles demanded by +these people. In a few years there will be as many ships upon the +Pacific as upon the Atlantic. In a few years our trade with China +will be far greater than with Europe. In a few years we will +sustain the same relation to the far East that Europe once +sustained to us. America for centuries to come will supply six +hundred millions of people with the luxuries of life. A country +that expects to control the trade of other countries must develop +its own resources to the utmost. We have pursued a small, a mean, +and a penurious course. Demagogues have ridden into office and +power upon the cry of economy, by opposing every measure looking to +the improvement of the country, by endeavoring to see how cheaply +nothing could be done. A government, like an individual, should +live up to its privileges; it should husband its resources, simply +that it may use them. A nation that expects to control the commerce +of half a world must have its money equal with gold and silver. It +must have the money of the world.</p> +<p>Whenever the laboring men are out of employment they begin to +hate the rich. They feel that the dwellers in palaces, the riders +in carriages, the wearers of broadcloth, silk, and velvet have in +some way been robbing them. As a matter of fact, the palace +builders are the friends of labor. The best form of charity is +extravagance. When you give a man money, when you toss him a +dollar, although you get nothing, the man loses his manhood. To +help others help themselves is the only real charity. There is no +use in boosting a man who is not climbing. Whenever I see a +splendid home, a palace, a magnificent block, I think of the +thousands who were fed—of the women and children clothed, of +the firesides made happy.</p> +<p>A rich man living up to his privileges, having the best house, +the best furniture, the best horses, the finest grounds, the most +beautiful flowers, the best clothes, the best food, the best +pictures, and all the books that he can afford, is a perpetual +blessing.</p> +<p>The prodigality of the rich is the providence of the poor.</p> +<p>The extravagance of wealth makes it possible for the poor to +save.</p> +<p>The rich man who lives according to his means, who is +extravagant in the best and highest sense, is not the enemy of +labor. The miser, who lives in a hovel, wears rags, and hoards his +gold, is a perpetual curse. He is like one who dams a river at its +source.</p> +<p>The moment hard times come the cry of economy is raised. The +press, the platform, and the pulpit unite in recommending economy +to the rich. In consequence of this cry, the man of wealth +discharges servants, sells horses, allows his carriage to become a +hen-roost, and after taking employment and food from as many as he +can, congratulates himself that he has done his part toward +restoring prosperity to the country.</p> +<p>In that country where the poor are extravagant and the rich +economical will be found pauperism and crime; but where the poor +are economical and the rich are extravagant, that country is filled +with prosperity.</p> +<p>The man who wants others to work to such an extent that their +lives are burdens, is utterly heartless. The toil of the world +should continually decrease. Of what use are your inventions if no +burdens are lifted from industry—if no additional comforts +find their way to the home of labor; why should labor fill the +world with wealth and live in want?</p> +<p>Every labor-saving machine should help the whole world. Every +one should tend to shorten the hours of labor.</p> +<p>Reasonable labor is a source of joy. To work for wife and child, +to toil for those you love, is happiness; provided you can make +them happy. But to work like a slave, to see your wife and children +in rags, to sit at a table where food is coarse and scarce, to rise +at four in the morning, to work all day and throw your tired bones +upon a miserable bed at night, to live without leisure, without +rest, without making those you love comfortable and +happy—this is not living—it is dying—a slow, +lingering crucifixion.</p> +<p>The hours of labor should be shortened. With the vast and +wonderful improvements of the nineteenth century there should be +not only the necessaries of life for those who toil, but comforts +and luxuries as well.</p> +<p>What is a reasonable price for labor? I answer: Such a price as +will enable the man to live; to have the comforts of life; to lay +by a little something for his declining years, so that he can have +his own home, his own fireside; so that he can preserve the +feelings of a man.</p> +<p>Every man ought to be willing to pay for what he gets. He ought +to desire to give full value received. The man who wants two +dollars' worth of work for one is not an honest man.</p> +<p>I sympathize with every honest effort made by the children of +labor to improve their condition. That is a poorly governed country +in which those who do the most have the least. There is something +wrong when men are obliged to beg for leave to toil. We are not yet +a civilized people; when we are, pauperism and crime will vanish +from our land.</p> +<p>There is one thing, however, of which I am glad and proud, and +that is, that society is not, in our country, petrified; that the +poor are not always poor.</p> +<p>The children of the poor of this generation may, and probably +will, be the rich of the next. The sons of the rich of this +generation may be the poor of the next; so that after all, the rich +fear and the poor hope.</p> +<p>I sympathize with the wanderers, with the vagrants out of +employment; with the sad and weary men who are seeking for work. +When I see one of these men, poor and friendless—no matter +how bad he is—I think that somebody loved him once; that he +was once held in the arms of a mother; that he slept beneath her +loving eyes, and wakened in the light of her smile. I see him in +the cradle, listening to lullabies sung soft and low, and his +little face is dimpled as though touched by the rosy fingers of +Joy.</p> +<p>And then I think of the strange and winding paths, the weary +roads he has traveled from that mother's arms to vagrancy and +want.</p> +<p>There should be labor and food for all. We invent; we take +advantage of the forces of nature; we enslave the winds and waves; +we put shackles upon the unseen powers and chain the energy that +wheels the world. These slaves should release from bondage all the +children of men.</p> +<p>By invention, by labor—that is to say, by working and +thinking—we shall compel prosperity to dwell with us.</p> +<p>Do not imagine that wealth can be created by law; do not for a +moment believe that paper can be changed to gold by the fiat of +Congress.</p> +<p>Do not preach the heresy that you can keep a promise by making +another in its place that is never to be kept. Do not teach the +poor that the rich have conspired to trample them into the +dust.</p> +<p>Tell the workingmen that they are in the majority; that they can +make and execute the laws.</p> +<p>Tell them that since 1873 the employers have suffered about as +much as the employed.</p> +<p>Tell them that the people who have the power to make the laws +should never resort to violence. Tell them never to envy the +successful. Tell the rich to be extravagant and the poor to be +economical.</p> +<p>Tell every man to use his best efforts to get him a home. +Without a home, without some one to love, life and country are +meaningless words. Upon the face of the patriot must have fallen +the firelight of home.</p> +<p>Tell the people that they must have honest money, so that when a +man has a little laid by for wife and child, it will comfort him +even in death; so that he will feel that he leaves something for +bread, something that, in some faint degree, will take his place; +that he has left the coined toil of his hands to work for the loved +when he is dust.</p> +<p>Tell your representatives in Congress to improve our rivers and +harbors; to release our transcontinental commerce from the grasp of +monopoly; to open all our territories, and to build up our trade +with the whole world.</p> +<p>Tell them not to issue a dollar of fiat paper, but to redeem +every promise the nation has made.</p> +<p>If fiat money is ever issued it will be worthless, for the folly +that would issue has not the honor to pay when the experiment +fails.</p> +<p>Tell them to put their trust in work. Debts can be created by +law, but they must be paid by labor.</p> +<p>Tell them that "fiat money" is madness and repudiation is +death.</p> +<a name="link0010" id="link0010"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>SUFFRAGE ADDRESS.</h2> +<pre> + * This address was delivered at a Suffrage Meeting in + Washington, D. C., January 24,1880 +</pre> +<center>1880.</center> +<p>LADIES and Gentlemen: I believe the people to be the only +rightful source of political power, and that any community, no +matter where, in which any citizen is not allowed to have his voice +in the making of the laws he must obey, that community is a +tyranny. It is a matter of astonishment to me that a meeting like +this is necessary in the Capital of the United States. If the +citizens of the District of Columbia are not permitted to vote, if +they are not allowed to govern themselves, and if there is no sound +reason why they are not allowed to govern themselves, then the +American idea of government is a failure. I do not believe that +only the rich should vote, or that only the whites should vote, or +that only the blacks should vote. I do not believe that right +depends upon wealth, upon education, or upon color. It depends +absolutely upon humanity. I have the right to vote because I am a +man, because I am an American citizen, and that right I should and +am willing to share equally with every human being. There has been +a great deal said in this country of late in regard to giving the +right of suffrage to women. So far as I am concerned I am willing +that every woman in the nation who desires that privilege and honor +shall vote. If any woman wants to vote I am too much of a gentleman +to say she shall not. She gets her right, if she has it, from +precisely the same source that I get mine, and there are many +questions upon which I would deem it desirable that women should +vote, especially upon the question of peace or war. If a woman has +a child to be offered upon the altar of that Moloch, a husband +liable to be drafted, and who loves a heart that can be entered by +the iron arrow of death, she surely has as much right to vote for +peace as some thrice-besotted sot who reels to the ballot-box and +deposits a vote for war. I believe, and always have, that there is +only one objection to a woman voting, and that is, the men are not +sufficiently civilized for her to associate with them, and for +several years I have been doing what little I can to civilize them. +The only question before this meeting, as I understand it, is, +Shall the people of this District manage their own +affairs—whether they shall vote their own taxes and select +their own officers who are to execute the laws they make? and for +one, I say there is no human being with ingenuity enough to frame +an argument against this question. It is all very well to say that +Congress will do this, but Congress has a great deal to do besides. +There is enough before that body coming from all the States and +Territories of the Union, and the numberless questions arising in +the conduct of the General Government. I am opposed to a government +where the few govern the many. I am opposed to a government that +depends upon suppers, and upon flattery; upon crooking the hinges +of the knee; upon favors, upon subterfuges. We want to be manly men +in this District. We must direct and control our own affairs, and +if we are not capable of doing it, there is no part of the Union +where they are capable. It is said there is a vast amount of +ignorance here. That is true; but that is also true of every +section of the United States. There is too much ignorance and there +will continue to be until the people become great enough, generous +enough, and splendid enough to see that no child shall grow up in +their midst without a good, common-school education. The people of +this District are capable of managing their educational affairs if +they are allowed to do so. The fact is, a man now living in the +District lives under a perpetual flag of truce. He is nobody. He +counts for nothing. He is not noticed except as a suppliant. +Nothing as a citizen. That day should pass away. It will be a +perpetual education for this people to govern themselves, and until +they do they cannot be manly men. They say, though, that there is a +vast rabble here. Very well. Make your election laws so as to +exclude the vast rabble. Let it be understood that no man shall +vote who has not lived here at least one year.</p> +<p>Let your registration laws prohibit any man from voting unless +he has been registered at least six months. We do not want to be +governed by people who have no abode here—who are political +Bedouins of the desert. We want to be governed by people who live +with us—who live somewhere among us, and whom somebody knows, +and if a law is properly framed there will be no trouble about +self-government in the District of Columbia. Let the experiment be +tried here of a perfect, complete and honest registration; let +every man, no matter who he is or where he comes from, vote only by +strict compliance with a good registry law. We can have a fair +election, and wherever there is a fair election there will be good +government. Our Government depends for its stability upon honest +elections. The great principle underlying our system of government +is that the people have the virtue and the patriotism to govern +themselves. That is the foundation stone, the corner and the base +of our edifice, and upon it our Government is on trial to-day. And +until a man is considered infamous who casts an illegal vote, our +Government will not be safe. Whoever casts an illegal vote +knowingly is a traitor to the principle upon which our Government +is founded. And whoever deprives a citizen of his right to vote is +also a traitor to our Government. When these things are understood; +when the finger of public scorn shall be pointed at every man who +votes illegally, or unlawfully prevents an honest vote, then you +will have a splendid Government. It is humiliating for one hundred +and seventy-five thousand people to depend simply upon the right of +petition. The few will disregard the petition of the many.</p> +<p>I have not one word to say against the officers of the District. +Not a word. But let them do as well as they can; that is no +justification. It is no justification of a monarchy that the king +is a good man; it is no justification of a tyranny that the despot +does justice. There may come another who will do injustice; and a +free people like ours should not be satisfied to be governed by +strangers. They would better have bad men of their own choosing +than to have good men forced upon them. You have property here, and +you have a right to protect it, and a right to improve it. You have +life and liberty and the right to protect it. You have a right to +say what money shall be assessed and collected and paid for that +protection. You have laws and you have a right to have them +executed by officers of your own selection, and by nobody else. In +my judgment, all that is necessary to have these things done is to +have the subject properly laid before Congress, and let that body +thoroughly and perfectly understand the situation. There is no +member there, who rightly understanding our wishes, will dare +continue this disfranchisement of the people. We have the same +right to vote that their constituents have, precisely—no more +and no less.</p> +<p>This District ought to have one representative in Congress, a +representative with a right to speak—not a tongueless dummy. +The idea of electing a delegate who has simply the privilege of +standing around! We ought to have a representative who has not only +the right to talk, but who will talk. This District has the right +to a vote in the committees of Congress, and not simply the +privilege of receiving a little advice. And more than that, this +District ought to have at least one electoral vote in a selection +of a President of the United States. A smaller population than +yours is represented not only in Congress, but in the Electoral +College. If it is necessary to amend the Constitution to secure +these rights let us try and have it amended; and when that question +is put to the people of the whole country they will be precisely as +willing that the people of the District of Columbia shall have an +equal voice as that they themselves should have a voice.</p> +<p>Let us stop at no half-way ground, but claim, and keep claiming +all our rights until somebody says we shall have them. And let me +tell you another thing: Once have the right of self-government +recognized here, have a delegate in Congress, and an electoral vote +for President, and thousands will be willing to come here and +become citizens of the District. As it is, the moment a man settles +here his American citizenship falls from him like dead leaves from +a tree. From that moment he is nobody. Every American citizen wants +a little political power—wants to cast his vote for the +rulers of the nation. He wants to have something to say about the +laws he has to obey, and they are not willing to come here and +disfranchise themselves. The moment it is known that a man is from +the District he has no influence, and no one cares what his +political opinions may be. Now, let us have it so that we can vote +and be on an equality with the rest of the voters of the United +States. This Government was founded upon the idea that the only +source of power is the people. Let us show at the Capital that we +have confidence in that principle; that every man should have a +vote and voice in the South, in the North, everywhere, no matter +how low his condition, no matter that he was a slave, no matter +what his color is, or whether he can read or write, he is clothed +with the right to name those who make the laws he is to obey. While +the lowest and most degraded in every State in this Union have that +right, the best and most intelligent in the District have not that +right. It will not do. There is no sense in it—there is no +justice in it—nothing American in it. If this were the case +in some of the capitals of Europe we would not be surprised; but +here in the United States, where we have so much to say about the +right of self-government, that two hundred thousand people should +not have the right to say who shall make, and who shall execute the +laws is at least an anomaly and a contradiction of our theory of +government, and for one, I propose to do what little I can to +correct it. It has been said that you had once here the right of +self-government. If I understand it, the right you had was to elect +somebody to some office, and all the other officers were appointed. +You had no control over your Legislature; you had very little +control over your other officers, and the people of the District +were held responsible for what was actually done by the appointing +power. We want no appointing power. If it is necessary to have a +police magistrate, I say the people are competent to elect that +magistrate; and if he is not a good man they are qualified to +select another in his place. You ought to elect your judges. I do +not want the office of the Judiciary so far from the people that it +may feel entirely independent. I want every officer in this +District held-accountable to the people, and, unless he discharges +his duties faithfully, the people will put him out, and select +another in his stead.</p> +<p>I want it understood that no American citizen can be forced to +pay a dollar in a State or in the district where he lives who is +not represented, and where he has not the right to vote. It is all +tyranny, and all infamous. The people of the United States wonder +to-day that you have submitted to this outrage as long as you +have.</p> +<p>Neither do I believe that only the rich should have the right to +vote; that only they should govern; or that only the educated +should govern. I have noticed among educated men many who did not +know enough to govern themselves. I have known many wealthy men who +did not believe in liberty, in giving the people the same rights +they claimed for themselves. I believe in that government where the +ballot of Lazarus counts as much as the vote of Dives. Let the +rich, let the educated, govern the people by moral suasion and by +example and by kindness, and not by brute force. And in a community +like this, where the avenues to distinction are open alike to all, +there will be many more reasons for acting like men. When you can +hold any position, when every citizen can have conferred upon him +honor and responsibility, there is some stimulus to be a man. But +in a community where but the few are clothed with power by +appointment, no incentive exists among the people. If the avenues +to distinction and honor are open to all, such a government is +beneficial on every hand, and the poorest man in the community may +say to himself, "If I pursue the right course the very highest +place is open to me." And the poorest man, with his little +tow-headed boy on his knee, can say, "John, all the avenues are +open to you; although I am poor, you may be rich, and while I am +obscure, you may become distinguished."</p> +<p>That idea sweetens every hour of toil and renders holy every +drop of sweat that rolls down the face of labor. I hate tyranny in +every form. I despise it, and I execrate a tyrant wherever he may +be, and in every country where the people are struggling for the +right of self-government I sympathize with them in their struggle. +Wherever the sword of rebellion is drawn in favor of human rights I +am a rebel. I sympathize with all the people in Europe who are +endeavoring to push kings from thrones and struggling for the right +to govern themselves. America ought to send greeting to every part +of the world where such a struggle is pending, and we of the +District of Columbia ought to be able to join in the greeting, but +we never shall be until we have the right of self-government +ourselves. No man who is a good citizen can have any objection to +self-government here. No man can be opposed to it who believes that +our people have enough wisdom, enough virtue, enough patriotism to +govern themselves. The man who doubts the right of the people to +govern themselves casts a little doubt upon the question, simply +because he is not man enough himself to believe in liberty. I would +trust the poor of this country with our liberties as soon as I +would the rich. I will trust the huts and hovels, just as soon as I +will the mansions and palaces. I will trust those who work by the +day in the street as soon as I will the bankers of the United +States. I will trust the ignorant—even the ignorant. Why? +Because they want education, and no people in this country are so +anxious to have their children educated as those who are not +educated themselves. I will trust the ignorant with the liberties +of this country quicker than I would some of the educated who doubt +the principles upon which our Government is founded. But let the +intelligent do what they can to instruct the ignorant. Let the +wealthy do what they can to give the blessings of liberty to the +poor, and then this Government will remain forever. The time is +passing away when any man of genius can be respected who will not +use that genius in elevating his fellow-man. The time is passing +away when men, however wealthy, can be respected unless they use +their millions for the elevation of mankind. The time is coming +when no man will be called an honest man who is not willing to give +to every other man, be he white or black, every right that he asks +for himself.</p> +<p>For my part, I am willing to live under a government where all +govern, and am not willing to live under any other. I am willing to +live where I am on an equality with other men, where they have +precisely my rights, and no more; and I despise any government that +is not based upon this principle of human equality. Now, let us go +just for that one thing, that we have the same right as any other +people in the United States—that is, to govern this District +ourselves. Let us be represented in the lawmaking power, and let us +advocate a change in the fundamental law so that the people of this +District shall be entitled to one vote as to who shall be President +of the United States. And when that is done and our people are +clothed with the panoply of citizenship, you will find this +District growing not to two hundred thousand, but in a little while +one million of people will live here. Now, for one, I have not the +slightest feeling against members of Congress for what has been +done. I believe when this matter is laid before them fully and +properly you will find few men in that august body who will vote +against the proposition. They have had trouble enough. They do not +understand our affairs. They never did, never will, never can. No +one who does not live here will. The public interests are so many +and so conflicting, and touch the sides of so many, that the people +must attend to this matter themselves. They know when they want a +market, a judge, or a collector of taxes, and nobody else does and +nobody else has a right to.</p> +<p>And instead of going up to Congress and standing around some +committee-room with a long petition in your hands, begging somebody +to wait just one moment, it will be far better that you should go +to the polls and elect your representative, who can attend to your +interests in Congress. But above all things, I want to warn you, +charge you, beseech you, that in any legislation upon this subject +you must secure a registration law that will prevent the casting of +an illegal vote. Do this before it is known whether the District is +Republican or Democratic. I do not care. No matter how much of a +Republican I am, absolutely, I would rather be governed by +Democrats who live here than by Republicans who do not. And now, +while it is not known whether this is a Democratic or Republican +community, let us get up a registration that no one can violate; +because the moment you have an election, and it is ascertained to +be either Democratic or Republican, the victorious party may be +opposed to any registration or any legislation that will put in +jeopardy their power. I have lived long enough to be satisfied that +any State in this Union, no matter whether Democratic or +Republican, will be safe as long as the people have the right to +vote, and to see that the ballots will be counted. This country is +now upon trial. In nearly every State in this Union there is liable +to happen just the same thing that only the other day happened in +Maine.</p> +<p>In every State there can be two legislatures, one in the +State-house and the other on the fence. Let us in this District so +guard the right to vote and the counting of the ballots, that we +shall know after the election who has been elected and know with +certainty the men who have been elected by the legal voters of the +District.</p> +<p>It becomes us all, whether Republicans or Democrats, to unite in +securing such a law. Let us act together, Democrats and +Republicans, black and white, rich and poor, educated and +ignorant—let us all unite upon the principle that we have the +right to govern ourselves. Then it will make no difference whether +the District of Columbia shall be Democratic or Republican, +provided it is the will of a legal majority of her people.</p> +<p>Ladies and gentlemen, I thank you.</p> +<a name="link0011" id="link0011"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>WALL STREET SPEECH.</h2> +<pre> + * A political demonstration was made in Wall Street + yesterday afternoon that stands without a rival among the + many out-door meetings in that place, which for years have + been memorable features of Presidential campaigns. + + Bankers and brokers, members of the Produce Exchange, and + dry goods merchants assembled at their respective rendezvous + and marched in Imposing processions to the open space in + front of the Sub-Treasury building, from the steps of which + Col. Ingersoll delivered an address. Written words are + entirely inadequate to describe this demonstration of Wall + Street business men. It never was equaled in point of + numbers, respectability or enthusiasm, even during the + excitement caused by the outbreak of the Rebellion. + Throughout the day the business houses, banking offices and + public buildings down town were gay with flags and bunting. + Business was practically suspended all day, and the + principal topic of conversation on the Exchanges and m + offices and stores was the coming meeting. Long before the + hour set, well-dressed people began to gather near the Sub- + Treasury Building and by two o'clock Wall Street, from Broad + and Nassau half way down to William, was passable only with + difficulty. While the crowd was fast gathering on every + hand, Graiulla's band, stationed upon the corner buttress + near the Sub-Treasury, struck up a patriotic air, and in a + few minutes the throngs had swelled to such proportions that + the police had all they could do to maintain a thoroughfare. + A few minutes more ana the distant strains of another band + attracted all eyes toward Broadway, where the head of the + procession was seen turning into Wall Street. Ten abreast + and every man a gentleman, they marched by. At this time + Wall street from half way to William Street to half way to + Broadway, Nassau Street half way to Pine, and Broad Street + as far as the eye could reach, were densely packed with + people from side to side. Everything else, except the + telegraph-poles and the tops of the lamp-posts, was hidden + from view. Every window, roof, stoop, and projecting point + was covered. The Produce Exchange men finding Broad Street + impassable made a detour to the east and marched up Wall + Street, filling that thoroughfare to William. It was a + tremendous crowd In point of numbers, and its composition + was entirely of gentlemen—men with refined, intelligent + faces—bankers, brokers, merchants of all kinds—real + business men. Thousands of millions of dollars were + represented in It. On the left of the Sub-Treasury steps a + platform had been erected, with a sounding board covering + the rear and top. A national flag floated from its roof, and + its railing was draped with other flags. After the arrival + of the several organizations the banners they bore were hung + at the sides by way of further ornamentation. Mr. Jackson S. + Schultz then introduced Col. Ingersoll, the speaker of the + day. The cheering was terrific for several minutes. Raising + his hand for silence, Col. Ingersoll then delivered his + address.—New York Times, October 29th, 1880. +</pre> +<center>N.Y. CITY.</center> +<p>(Garfield Campaign.)</p> +<center>1880.</center> +<p>FELLOW-CITIZENS of the Great City of New York: This is the +grandest audience I ever saw. This audience certifies that General +James A. Garfield is to be the next President of the United States. +This audience certifies that a Republican is to be the next mayor +of the city of New York. This audience certifies that the business +men of New York understand their interests, and that the business +men of New York are not going to let this country be controlled by +the rebel South and the rebel North. In 1860 the Democratic party +appealed to force; now it appeals to fraud. In 1860 the Democratic +party appealed to the sword; now it appeals to the pen. It was +treason then, it is forgery now. The Democratic party cannot be +trusted with the property or with the honor of the people of the +United States.</p> +<p>The city of New York owes a great debt to the country. Every man +that has cleared a farm has helped to build New York; every man +that helped to build a railway helped to build up the palaces of +this city. Where I am now speaking are the termini of all the +railways in the United States. They all come here. New York has +been built up by the labor of the country, and New York owes it to +the country to protect the best interests of the country.</p> +<p>The farmers of Illinois depend upon the merchants, the brokers +and the bankers, upon the gentlemen of New York, to beat the rabble +of New York. You owe to yourselves; you owe to the great Re public; +and this city that does the business of a hemisphere—this +city that will in ten years be the financial centre of this +world—owes it to itself, to be true to the great principles +that have allowed it to exist and flourish.</p> +<p>The Republicans of New York ought to say that this shall forever +be a free country. The Republicans of New York ought to say that +free speech shall forever be held sacred in the United States. The +Republicans of New York ought to see that the party that defended +the Nation shall still remain in power. The Republicans of New York +should see that the flag is safely held by the hands that defended +it in war. The Republicans of New York know that the prosperity of +the country depends upon good government, and they also know that +good government means protection to the people—rich and poor, +black and white. The Republicans of New York know that a black +friend is better than a white enemy. They know that a negro while +fighting for the Government, is better than any white man who will +fight against it.</p> +<p>The Republicans of New York know that the colored party in the +South which allows every man to vote as he pleases, is better than +any white man who is opposed to allowing a negro to cast his honest +vote. A black man in favor of liberty is better than a white man in +favor of slavery. The Republicans of New York must be true to their +friends. This Government means to protect all its citizens, at home +and abroad, or it becomes a byword in the mouths of the nations of +the world.</p> +<p>Now, what do we want to do? We are going to have an election +next Tuesday, and every Republican knows why he is going to vote +the Republican ticket; while every Democrat votes his without +knowing why. A Republican is a Republican because he loves +something; a Democrat is a Democrat because he hates something. A +Republican believes in progress; a Democrat in retrogression. A +Democrat is a "has been." He is a "used to be." The Republican +party lives on hope; the Democratic on memory. The Democrat keeps +his back to the sun and imagines himself a great man because he +casts a great shadow. Now, there are certain things we want to +preserve—that the business men of New York want to +preserve—and, in the first place, we want an honest ballot. +And where the Democratic party has power there never has been an +honest ballot. You take the worst ward in this city, and there is +where you will find the greatest Democratic majority. You know it, +and so do I.</p> +<p>There is not a university in the North, East or West that has +not in it a Republican majority. There is not a penitentiary in the +United States that has not in it a Democratic majority—and +they know it. Two years ago, about two hundred and eighty-three +convicts were in the penitentiary of Maine. Out of that whole +number there was one Republican, and only one. [A voice—"Who +was the man?"] Well, I do not know, but he broke out. He said that +he did not mind being in the penitentiary, but the company was a +little more than he could stand.</p> +<p>You cannot rely upon that party for an honest ballot. Every law +that has been passed in this country in the last twenty years, to +throw a safeguard around the ballot-box, has been passed by the +Republican party. Every law that has been defeated has been +defeated by the Democratic party. And you know it. Unless we have +an honest ballot the days of the Republic are numbered; and the +only way to get an honest ballot is to beat the Democratic party +forever. And that is what we are going to do. That party can never +carry its record; that party is loaded down with the infamies of +twenty years; yes, that party is loaded down with the infamies of +fifty years. It will never elect a President in this world. I give +notice to the Democratic party to-day that it will have to change +its name before the people of the United States will change the +administration. You will have to change your natures; you will have +to change your personnel, and you will have to get enough +Republicans to join you and tell you how to run a campaign. If you +want an honest ballot—and every honest man does—then +you will vote to keep the Republican party in power. What else do +you want? You want honest money, and I say to the merchants and to +the bankers and to the brokers, the only party that will give you +honest money is the party that resumed specie payments. The only +party that will give you honest money is the party that said a +greenback is a broken promise until it is redeemed with gold. You +can only trust the party that has been honest in disaster. From +1863 to 1879—sixteen long years—the Republican party +was the party of honor and principle, and the Republican party +saved the honor of the United States. And you know it.</p> +<p>During that time the Democratic party did what it could to +destroy our credit at home and abroad.</p> +<p>We are not only in favor of free speech, and an honest ballot +and honest money, but we are for law and order. What part of this +country believes in free speech—the South or the North? The +South would never give free speech to the country; there was no +free speech in the city of New York until the Republican party came +into power. The Democratic party has not intelligence enough to +know that free speech is the germ of this Republic. The Democratic +party cares little for free speech because it has no argument to +make—no reasons to offer. Its entire argument is summed up +and ended in three words—"Hurrah for Hancock!" The Republican +party believes in free speech because it has something to say; +because it believes in argument; because it believes in moral +suasion; because it believes in education. Any man that does not +believe in free speech is a barbarian. Any State that does not +support it is not a civilized State.</p> +<p>I have a right to express my opinion, in common with every other +human being, and I am willing to give to every other human being +the right that I claim for myself. Republicanism means justice in +politics. Republicanism means progress in civilization. +Republicanism means that every man shall be an educated patriot and +a gentleman. I want to say to you to-day that it is an honor to +belong to the Republican party. It is an honor to have belonged to +it for twenty years; it is an honor to belong to the party that +elected Abraham Lincoln President. And let me say to you that +Lincoln was the greatest, the best, the purest, the kindest man +that has ever sat in the presidential chair. It is an honor to +belong to the Republican party that gave four millions of men the +rights of freemen; it is an honor to belong to the party that broke +the shackles from four millions of men, women and children. It is +an honor to belong to the party that declared that bloodhounds were +not the missionaries of civilization. It is an honor to belong to +the party that said it was a crime to steal a babe from its +mother's breast. It is an honor to belong to the party that swore +that this is a Nation forever, one and indivisible. It is an honor +to belong to the party that elected U. S. Grant President of the +United States. It is an honor to belong to the party that issued +thousands and thousands of millions of dollars in +promises—that issued promises until they became as thick as +the withered leaves of winter; an honor to belong to the party that +issued them to put down a rebellion; an honor to belong to the +party that put it down; an honor to belong to the party that had +the moral courage and honesty to make every one of the promises +made in war, as good as shining, glittering gold in peace. And I +tell you that if there is another life, and if there is a day of +judgment, all you need say upon that solemn occasion is, "I was in +life and in my death a good square Republican."</p> +<p>I hate the doctrine of State Sovereignty because it fostered +State pride; because it fostered the idea that it is more to be a +citizen of a State than a citizen of this glorious country. I love +the whole country. I like New York because it is a part of the +country, and I like the country because it has New York in it. I am +not standing here to-day because the flag of New York floats over +my head, but because that flag for which more heroic blood has been +shed than for any other flag that is kissed by the air of heaven, +waves forever over my head. That is the reason I am here.</p> +<p>The doctrine of State Sovereignty was appealed to in defence of +the slave-trade; the next time in defence of the slave trade as +between the States; the next time in defence of the Fugitive Slave +Law; and if there is a Democrat in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law +he should be ashamed—if not of himself—of the ignorance +of the time in which he lived.</p> +<p>That Fugitive Slave Law was a compromise so that we might be +friends of the South. They said in 1850-52: "If you catch the slave +we will be your friend;" and they tell us now: "If you let us +trample upon the rights of the black man in the South, we will be +your friend." I do not want their friendship upon such terms. I am +a friend of my friend, and an enemy of my enemy. That is my +doctrine. We might as well be honest about it. Under that doctrine +of State Rights, such men as I see before me—bankers, +brokers, merchants, gentlemen—were expected to turn +themselves into hounds and chase a poor fugitive that had been +lured by the love of liberty and guided by the glittering North +Star.</p> +<p>The Democratic party wanted you to keep your trade with the +South, no matter to what depths of degradation you had to sink, and +the Democratic party to-day says if you want to sell your goods to +the Southern people, you must throw your honor and manhood into the +streets. The patronage of the splendid North is enough to support +the city of New York.</p> +<p>There is another thing: Why is this city filled with palaces, +covered with wealth? Because American labor has been protected. I +am in favor of protection to American labor, everywhere. I am in +favor of protecting American brain and muscle; I am in favor of +giving scope to American ingenuity and American skill. We want a +market at home, and the only way to have it is to have mechanics at +home; and the only way to have mechanics is to have protection; and +the only way to have protection is to vote the Republican ticket. +You, business men of New York, know that General Garfield +understands the best interests not only of New York, but of the +entire country. And you want to stand by the men who will stand by +you. What does a simple soldier know about the wants of the city of +New York? What does he know about the wants of this great and +splendid country? If he does not know more about it than he knows +about the tariff he does not know much. I do not like to hit the +dead. My hatred stops with the grave, and I tell you we are going +to bury the Democratic party next Tuesday. The pulse is feeble now, +and if that party proposes to take advantage of the last hour, it +is time it should go into the repenting business. Nothing pleases +me better than to see the condition of that party to-day. What do +the Democrats know on the subject of the tariff? They are +frightened; they are rattled.</p> +<p>They swear their plank and platform meant nothing. They say in +effect: "When we put that in we lied; and now having made that +confession we hope you will have perfect confidence in us from this +out." Hancock says that the object of the party is to get the +tariff out of politics. That is the reason, I suppose, why they put +that plank in the platform. I presume he regards the tariff as a +little local issue, but I tell you to-day that the great question +of protecting American labor never will be taken out of politics. +As long as men work, as long as the laboring man has a wife and +family to support, just so long will he vote for the man that will +protect his wages.</p> +<p>And you can no more take it out of politics than you can take +the question of Government out of politics. I do not want any +question taken out of politics. I want the people to settle these +questions for themselves, and the people of this country are +capable of doing it. If you do not believe it, read the returns +from Ohio and Indiana. There are other persons who would take the +question of office out of politics. Well, when we get the tariff +and office both out of politics, then, I presume, we will see two +parties on the same side. It will not do.</p> +<p>David A. Wells has come to the rescue of the Democratic party on +the tariff, and shed a few pathetic tears over scrap iron. But it +will not do. You cannot run this country on scraps.</p> +<p>We believe in the tariff because it gives skilled labor good +pay. We believe in the tariff because it allows the laboring man to +have something to eat. We believe in the tariff because it keeps +the hands of the producer close to the mouth of the devourer. We +believe in the tariff because it developed American brain; because +it builds up our towns and cities; because it makes Americans +self-supporting; because it makes us an independent Nation. And we +believe in the tariff because the Democratic party does not.</p> +<p>That plank in the Democratic party was intended for a dagger to +assassinate the prosperity of the North. The Northern people have +become aroused and that is the plank that is broken in the +Democratic platform; and that plank was wide enough when it broke +to let even Hancock through.</p> +<p>Gentlemen, they are gone. They are gone—honor bright. Look +at the desperate means that have been resorted to by the Democratic +party, driven to the madness of desperation. Not satisfied with +having worn the tongue of slander to the very tonsils, not +satisfied with attacking the private reputation of a splendid man, +not satisfied with that, they have appealed to a crime; a +deliberate and infamous forgery has been committed. That forgery +has been upheld by some of the leaders of the Democratic party; +that forgery has been defended by men calling themselves +respectable. Leaders of the Democratic party have stood by and said +that they were acquainted with the handwriting of James A. +Garfield; and that the handwriting in the forged letter was his, +when they knew that it was absolutely unlike his. They knew it, and +no man has certified that that was the writing of James A. Garfield +who did not know that in his throat of throats he told a +falsehood.</p> +<p>Every honest man in the city of New York ought to leave such a +party if he belongs to it. Every honest man ought to refuse to +belong to the party that did such an infamous crime.</p> +<p>Senator Barnum, chairman of the Democratic Committee, has lost +control. He is gone, and I will tell you what he puts me in mind +of. There was an old fellow used to come into town every Saturday +and get drunk. He had a little yoke of oxen, and the boys out of +pity used to throw him into the wagon and start the oxen for home. +Just before he got home they had to go down a long hill, and the +oxen, when they got to the brow of it, commenced to run. Now and +then the wagon struck a stone and gave the old fellow an awful +jolt, and that would wake him up. After he had looked up and had +one glance at the cattle he would fall helplessly back to the +bottom, and always say, "Gee a little, if anything." And that is +the only order Barnum has been able to give for the last two +weeks—"Gee a little, if anything." I tell you now that +forgery makes doubly sure the election of James A. Garfield. The +people of the North believe in honest dealing; the people of the +North believe in free speech and an honest ballot. The people of +the North believe that this is a Nation; the people of the North +hate treason; the people of the North hate forgery; the people of +the North hate slander. The people of the North have made up their +minds to give to General Garfield a vindication of which any +American may be forever proud.</p> +<p>James A. Garfield is to-day a poor man, and you know that there +is not money enough in this magnificent street to buy the honor and +manhood of James A. Garfield. Money cannot make such a man, and I +will swear to you that money cannot buy him. James A. Garfield +to-day wears the glorious robe of honest poverty. He is a poor man; +I like to say it here in Wall Street; I like to say it surrounded +by the millions of America; I like to say it in the midst of banks +and bonds and stocks; I love to say it where gold is +piled—that although a poor man, he is rich in honor; in +integrity he is wealthy, and in brain he is a millionaire. I know +him, and I like him. So do you all, gentlemen. Garfield was a poor +boy, he is a certificate of the splendid form of our Government. +Most of these magnificent buildings have been built by poor boys; +most of the success of New York began almost in poverty. You know +it. The kings of this street were once poor, and they may be poor +again; and if they are fools enough to vote for Hancock they ought +to be. Garfield is a certificate of the splendor of our Government, +that says to every poor boy, "All the avenues of honor are open to +you." I know him, and I like him. He is a scholar; he is a +statesman; he is a soldier; he is a patriot; and above all, he is a +magnificent man; and if every man in New York knew him as well as I +do, Garfield would not lose a hundred votes in this city.</p> +<p>Compare him with Hancock, and then compare General Arthur with +William H. English. If there ever was a pure Republican in this +world, General Arthur is one.</p> +<p>You know in Wall Street, there are some men always prophesying +disaster, there are some men always selling "short." That is what +the Democratic party is doing to-day. You know as well as I do that +if the Democratic party succeeds, every kind of property in the +United States will depreciate. You know it. There is not a man on +the street, who if he knew Hancock was to be elected would not sell +the stocks and bonds of every railroad in the United States +"short." I dare any broker here to deny it. There is not a man in +Wall or Broad Street, or in New York, but what knows the election +of Hancock will depreciate every share of railroad stock, every +railroad bond, every Government bond, in the United States of +America. And if you know that, I say it is a crime to vote for +Hancock and English.</p> +<p>I belong to the party that is prosperous when the country is +prosperous. I belong to the party that believes in good crops; that +is glad when a fellow finds a gold mine; that rejoices when there +are forty bushels of wheat to the acre; that laughs when every +railroad declares dividends, that claps both its hands when every +investment pays; when the rain falls for the farmer, when the dew +lies lovingly on the grass. I belong to the party that is happy +when the people are happy; when the laboring man gets three dollars +a day; when he has roast beef on his table; when he has a carpet on +the floor; when he has a picture of Garfield on the wall. I belong +to the party that is happy when everybody smiles, when we have +plenty of money, good horses, good carriages; when our wives are +happy and our children feel glad. I belong to the party whose +banner floats side by side with the great flag of the country; that +does not grow fat on defeat.</p> +<p>The Democratic party is a party of famine; it is a good friend +of an early frost, it believes in the Colorado beetle and the +weevil. When the crops are bad the Democratic mouth opens from ear +to ear with smiles of joy; it is in partnership with bad luck; a +friend of empty pockets; rags help it. I am on the other side. The +Democratic party is the party of darkness. I believe in the party +of sunshine; and in the party that even in darkness believes that +the stars are shining and waiting for us.</p> +<p>Now, gentlemen, I have endeavored to give you a few reasons for +voting the Republican ticket; and I have given enough to satisfy +any reasonable man. And you know it. Do not go with the Democratic +party, young man. You have a character to make.</p> +<p>You cannot make it, as the Democratic party does, by passing a +resolution.</p> +<p>If your father voted the Democratic ticket, that is disgrace +enough for one family. Tell the old man you can stand it no longer. +Tell the old gentleman that you have made up your mind to stand +with the party of human progress; and if he asks you why you cannot +vote the Democratic ticket you tell him: "Every man that tried to +destroy the Government, every man that shot at the holy flag in +heaven, every man that starved our soldiers, every keeper of Libby, +Andersonville and Salisbury, every man that wanted to burn the +negro, every one that wanted to scatter yellow fever in the North, +every man that opposed human liberty, that regarded the +auction-block as an altar and the howling of the bloodhound as the +music of the Union, every man who wept over the corpse of slavery, +that thought lashes on the naked back were a legal tender for labor +performed, every one willing to rob a mother of her +child—every solitary one was a Democrat."</p> +<p>Tell him you cannot stand that party. Tell him you have to go +with the Republican party, and if he asks you why, tell him it +destroyed slavery, it preserved the Union, it paid the national +debt; it made our credit as good as that of any nation on the +earth.</p> +<p>Tell him it makes every dollar in a four per cent, bond worth a +dollar and ten cents; that it satisfies the demands of the highest +civilization. Tell the old man that the Republican party preserved +the honor of the Nation; that it believes in education; that it +looks upon the schoolhouse as a cathedral. Tell him that the +Republican party believes in absolute intellectual liberty; in +absolute religious freedom; in human rights, and that human rights +rise above States. Tell him that the Republican party believes in +humanity, justice, human equality, and that the Republican party +believes this is a Nation and will be forever and ever; that an +honest ballot is the breath of the Republic's life; that honest +money is the blood of the Republic; and that nationality is the +great throbbing beat of the heart of the Republic. Tell him that. +And tell him that you are going to stand by the flag that the +patriots of the North carried upon the battle-field of death. Tell +him you are going to be true to the martyred dead; that you are +going to vote exactly as Lincoln would have voted were he living. +Tell him that if every traitor dead were living now, there would +issue from his lips of dust, "Hurrah for Hancock!" that could every +patriot rise, he would cry for Garfield and liberty; for union and +for human progress everywhere. Tell him that the South seeks to +secure by the ballot what it lost by the bayonet; to whip by the +ballot those who fought it in the field. But we saved the country; +and we have the heart and brains to take care of it. I will tell +you what we are going to do. We are going to treat them in the +South just as well as we treat the people in the North. Victors +cannot afford to have malice. The North is too magnanimous to have +hatred. We will treat the South precisely as we treat the North. +There are thousands of good people there. Let us give them money to +improve their rivers and harbors; I want to see the sails of their +commerce filled with the breezes of prosperity; their fences +rebuilt; their houses painted. I want to see their towns +prosperous; I want to see schoolhouses in every town; I want to see +books in the hands of every child, and papers and magazines in +every house; I want to see all the rays of light, of civilization +of the nineteenth century, enter every home of the South; and in a +little while you will see that country full of good Republicans. We +can afford to be kind; we cannot afford to be unkind.</p> +<p>I will shake hands cordially with every believer in human +liberty; I will shake hands with every believer in Nationality; I +will shake hands with every man who is the friend of the human +race. That is my doctrine. I believe in the great Republic; in this +magnificent country of ours. I believe in the great people of the +United States. I believe in the muscle and brain of America, in the +prairies and forests. I believe in New York. I believe in the +brains of your city. I believe that you know enough to vote the +Republican ticket. I believe that you are grand enough to stand by +the country that has stood by you. But whatever you do, I never +shall cease to thank you for the great honor you have conferred +upon me this day.</p> +<pre> + Note.—This being a newspaper report it is necessarily + incomplete. +</pre> +<a name="link0012" id="link0012"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>BROOKLYN SPEECH.</h2> +<pre> + * The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and Colonel Robert G. + Ingersoll spoke from the same platform last night, and the + great preacher introduced the great orator and free-thinker + to the grandest political audience that was ever assembled + in Brooklyn. The reverend gentleman presided over the + Republican mass meeting held in the Academy of Music. When + he introduced Ingersoll he did it with a warmth and + earnestness of compliment that brought the six thousand + lookers-on to their feet to applaud. When the expounder of + the Gospel of Christ took the famous atheist by the hand, + and shook it fervently, saying that while he respected and + honored him for the honesty of his convictions and his + splendid labors for patriotism and the country, the + enthusiasm knew no bounds, and the great building trembled + and vibrated with the storm of applause. With such a scene + to harmonize the multitude at the outstart it is not strange + that the meeting continued to the end such a one as has no + parallel even in these days of feverish political excitement + and turmoil. The orator spoke in his best vein and his + audience was responsive to the wonderful magical spell of + his eloquence. And when his last glowing utterance had lost + its echo in the wild storm of applause that rewarded him at + the close, Mr. Beecher again stepped forward and, as if to + emphasize the earnestness of his previous compliments, + proposed a vote of thanks to the distinguished speaker. The + vote was a roar of affirmation, whose voice was not stronger + when Mr. Ingersoll in turn called upon the audience to give + three cheers for the great preacher. They were given, and + repeated three times over. Men waved their ats and + umbrellas, ladies, of whom there were many hundreds present, + waved their handkerchiefs, and men, strangers to each other, + shook hands with the fervency of brotherhood. It was indeed + a strange scene, and the principal actors in it seemed not + less than the most wildly excited man there to appreciate + its peculiar import and significance. Standing at the front + of the stage, underneath a canopy of nags, at either side + great baskets of flowers, they clasped each other's hands, + and stood thus for several minutes, while the excited + thousands cheered themselves hoarse and applauded wildly. + + As Mr. Beecher began to speak, however, the applause that + broke out was deafening. + + In substance Mr. Beecher spoke as follows:—"I am not + accustomed to preside at meetings like this; only the + exigency of the times could induce me to do It. I am not + here either to make a speech, but more especially to + introduce the eminent orator of the evening. * * * I stand + not as a minister, but as a man among men, pleading the + cause of fellowship and equal rights. We are not here as + mechanics, as artists, merchants, or professional men, but + as fellow-citizens. The gentleman who will speak to-night is + in no Conventicle or Church. He is to speak to a great body + of citizens, and I take the liberty of saying that I respect + him as the man that for a full score and more of years has + worked for the right in the great, broad field of humanity, + and for the cause of human rights. I consider it an honor to + extend to him, as I do now, the warm, earnest, right hand of + fellowship." (As Mr. Beecher said this he turned to Mr. + Ingersoll and extended his hand. The palms of the two men + met with a clasp that was heard all over the house, and was + the signal for tumultuous cheering and applause, which + continued for several minutes.) + + "I now introduce to you," continued Mr. Beecher, leading Mr. + Ingersoll forward, "a man who—and I say it not + flatteringly—is the most brilliant speaker of the English + tongue of all men on this globe. But as under the brilliancy + of the blaze or light we find the living coals of fire, + under the lambent flow of his wit and magnificent antithesis + we find the glorious flame of genius and honest thought. + Ladies and gentlemen, Mr. Ingersoll."—New York Herald, + October 81st, 1880. +</pre> +<p>(Garfield Campaign.)</p> +<center>1880.</center> +<p>LADIES and Gentlemen: Years ago I made up my mind that there was +no particular argument in slander. I made up my mind that for +parties, as well as for individuals, honesty in the long-run is the +best policy. I made up my mind that the people were entitled to +know a man's honest thoughts, and I propose to-night to tell you +exactly what I think. And it may be well enough, in the first +place, for me to say that no party has a mortgage on me. I am the +sole proprietor of myself. No party, no organization, has any deed +of trust on what little brains I have, and as long as I can get my +part of the common air I am going to tell my honest thoughts. One +man in the right will finally get to be a majority. I am not going +to say a word to-night that every Democrat here will not know is +true, and, whatever he may say, I will compel him in his heart to +give three cheers.</p> +<p>In the first place, I wish to admit that during the war there +were hundreds of thousands of patriotic Democrats. I wish to admit +that if it had not been for the War Democrats of the North, we +never would have put down the Rebellion. Let us be honest. I +further admit that had it not been for other than War Democrats +there never would have been a rebellion to put down. War +Democrats!</p> +<p>Why did we call them War Democrats? Did you ever hear anybody +talk about a War Republican? We spoke of War Democrats to +distinguish them from those Democrats who were in favor of peace +upon any terms.</p> +<p>I also wish to admit that the Republican party is not absolutely +perfect. While I believe that it is the best party that ever +existed, while I believe it has, within its organization, more +heart, more brain, more patriotism than any other organization that +ever existed beneath the sun, I still admit that it is not entirely +perfect. I admit, in its great things, in its splendid efforts to +preserve this nation, in its grand effort to keep our flag in +heaven, in its magnificent effort to free four millions of slaves, +in its great and sublime effort to save the financial honor of this +Nation, I admit that it has made some mistakes. In its great effort +to do right it has sometimes by mistake done wrong. And I also wish +to admit that the great Democratic party, in its effort to get +office has sometimes by mistake done right. You see that I am +inclined to be perfectly fair.</p> +<p>I am going with the Republican party because it is going my way; +but if it ever turns to the right or left, I intend to go straight +ahead.</p> +<p>In every government there is something that ought to be +preserved, in every government there are many things that ought to +be destroyed. Every good man, every patriot, every lover of the +human race, wishes to preserve the good and destroy the bad; and +every one in this audience who wishes to preserve the good will go +with that section of our common country—with that party in +our country that he honestly believes will preserve the good and +destroy the bad. It takes a great deal of trouble to raise a good +Republican. It is a vast deal of labor. The Republican party is the +fruit of all ages—of self-sacrifice and devotion. The +Republican party is born of every good thing that was ever done in +this world. The Republican party is the result of all martyrdom, of +all heroic blood shed for the right. It is the blossom and fruit of +the great world's best endeavor. In order to make a Republican you +have to have schoolhouses. You have to have newspapers and +magazines. A good Republican is the best fruit of civilization, of +all there is of intelligence, of art, of music and of song. If you +want to make Democrats, let them alone. The Democratic party is the +settlings of this country. Nobody hoes weeds. Nobody takes especial +pains to raise dog-fennel, and yet it grows under the very hoof of +travel, The seeds are sown by accident and gathered by chance. But +if you want to raise wheat and corn you must plough the ground. You +must defend and you must harvest the crop with infinite patience +and toil. It is precisely that way—if you want to raise a +good Republican you must work. If you wish to raise a Democrat give +him wholesome neglect. The Democratic party flatters the vices of +mankind. That party says to the ignorant man, "You know enough." It +says to the vicious man, "You are good enough."</p> +<p>The Republican party says, "You must be better next year than +you are this." A Republican takes a man by the collar and says, +"You must do your best, you must climb the infinite hill of human +progress as long as you live." Now and then one gets tired. He +says, "I have climbed enough and so much better than I expected to +do that I do not wish to travel any farther." Now and then one gets +tired and lets go all hold, and he rolls down to the very bottom, +and as he strikes the mud he springs upon his feet transfigured, +and says: "Hurrah for Hancock!"</p> +<p>There are things in this Government that I wish to preserve, and +there are things that I wish to destroy; and in order to convince +you that you ought to go the way that I am going: it is only fair +that I give to you my reasons. This is a Republic founded upon +intelligence and the patriotism of the people, and in every +Republic it is absolutely necessary that there should be free +speech. Free speech is the gem of the human soul. Words are the +bodies of thought, and liberty gives to those words wings, and the +whole intellectual heavens are filled with light. In a Republic +every individual tongue has a right to the general ear. In a +Republic every man has the right to give his reasons for the course +he pursues to all his fellow-citizens, and when you say that a man +shall not speak, you also say that others shall not hear. When you +say a man shall not express his honest thought you say his +fellow-citizens shall be deprived of honest thoughts; for of what +use is it to allow the attorney for the defendant to address the +jury if the jury has been bought? Of what use is it to allow the +jury to bring in a verdict of "not guilty," if the defendant is to +be hung by a mob? I ask you to-night, is not every solitary man +here in favor of free speech? Is there a solitary Democrat here who +dares say he is not in favor of free speech? In which part of this +country are the lips of thought free—in the South or in the +North? Which section of our country can you trust the inestimable +gem of free speech with? Can you trust it to the gentlemen of +Mississippi or to the gentlemen of Massachusetts? Can you trust it +to Alabama or to New York? Can you trust it to the South or can you +trust it to the great and splendid North? Honor bright—honor +bright, is there any freedom of speech in the South? There never +was and there is none to-night—and let me tell you why.</p> +<p>They had the institution of human slavery in the South, which +could not be defended at the bar of public reason. It was an +institution that could not be defended in the high forum of human +conscience. No man could stand there and defend the right to rob +the cradle—none to defend the right to sell the babe from the +breast of the agonized mother—none to defend the claim that +lashes on a bare back are a legal tender for labor performed. Every +man that lived upon the unpaid labor of another knew in his heart +that he was a thief. And for that reason he did not wish to discuss +that question. Thereupon the institution of slavery said, "You +shall not speak; you shall not reason," and the lips of free +thought were manacled. You know it. Every one of you. Every +Democrat knows it as well as every Republican. There never was free +speech in the South.</p> +<p>And what has been the result? And allow me to admit right here, +because I want to be fair, there are thousands and thousands of +most excellent people in the South—thousands of them. There +are hundreds and hundreds of thousands there who would like to vote +the Republican ticket. And whenever there is free speech there and +whenever there is a free ballot there, they will vote the +Republican ticket. I say again, there are hundreds of thousands of +good people in the South; but the institution of human slavery +prevented free speech, and it is a splendid fact in nature that you +cannot put chains upon the limbs of others without putting +corresponding manacles upon your own brain. When the South enslaved +the negro, it also enslaved itself, and the result was an +intellectual desert. No book has been produced, with one exception, +that has added to the knowledge of mankind; no paper, no magazine, +no poet, no philosopher, no philanthropist, was ever raised in that +desert. Now and then some one protested against that infamous +institution, and he came as near being a philosopher as the society +in which he lived permitted. Why is it that New England, a +rock-clad land, blossoms like a rose? Why is it that New York is +the Empire State of the great Union? I will tell you. Because you +have been permitted to trade in ideas. Because the lips of speech +have been absolutely free for twenty years.</p> +<p>We never had free speech in any State in this Union until the +Republican party was born. That party was rocked in the cradle of +intellectual liberty, and that is the reason I say it is the best +party that ever existed in the wide, wide world. I want to preserve +free speech, and, as an honest man, I look about me and I say, "How +can I best preserve it?" By giving it to the South or North; to the +Democracy or to the Republican party? And I am bound, as an honest +man, to say free speech is safest with its earliest defenders. +Where is there such a thing as a Republican mob to prevent the +expression of an honest thought? Where? The people of the South are +allowed to come to the North; they are allowed to express their +sentiments upon every stump in the great East, the great West, and +in the great Middle States; they go to Maine, to Vermont, and to +all our States, and they are allowed to speak, and we give them a +respectful hearing, and the meanest thing we do is to answer their +arguments.</p> +<p>I say to-night that we ought to have the same liberty to discuss +these questions in the South that Southerners have in the North. +And I say more than that, the Democrats of the North ought to +compel the Democrats of the South to treat the Republicans of the +South as well as the Republicans of the North treat them. We treat +the Democrats well in the North; we treat them like gentlemen in +the North; and yet they go into partnership with the Democracy of +the South, knowing that the Democracy of the South will not treat +Republicans in that section with fairness. A Democrat ought to be +ashamed of that.</p> +<p>If my friends will not treat other people as well as the friends +of the other people treat me, I'll swap friends.</p> +<p>First, then, I am in favor of free speech, and I am going with +that section of my country that believes in free speech; I am going +with that party that has always upheld that sacred right. When you +stop free speech, when you say that a thought shall die in the womb +of the brain,—why, it would have the same effect upon the +intellectual world that to stop springs at their sources would have +upon the physical world. Stop the springs at their sources and they +cease to gurgle, the streams cease to murmur, and the great rivers +cease rushing to the embrace of the sea. So you stop thought. Stop +thought in the brain in which it is born, and theory dies; and the +great ocean of knowledge to which all should be permitted to +contribute, and from which all should be allowed to draw, becomes a +vast desert of ignorance.</p> +<p>I have always said, and I say again, that the more liberty there +is given away, the more you have. I endeavor to be consistent in my +life and action. I am a believer in intellectual liberty, and +wherever the torch of knowledge burns the whole horizon is filled +with a glorious halo. I am a free man. I would be less than a man +if I did not wish to hand this flame to my child with the flame +increased rather than diminished.</p> +<p>Whom will we trust to take care of free speech? Let us consider +and be honest with one another. The gem of the brain is the +innocence of the soul.</p> +<p>I am not only in favor of free speech, but I am also in favor of +an absolutely honest ballot. There is only one emperor in this +country; there is one czar; only one supreme crown and king, and +that is the will, the legally expressed will of the majority. Every +American citizen is a sovereign. The poorest and humblest may wear +that crown, the beggar holds in his hand that sceptre equally with +the proudest and richest, and so far as his sovereignty is +concerned, the poorest American, he who earns but one dollar a day, +has the same voice in controlling the destiny of the United States +as the millionaire. The man who casts an illegal vote, the man who +refuses to count a legal vote, poisons the fountain of power, +poisons the springs of justice, and is a traitor to the only king +in this land. The Government is upon the edge of Mexicanization +through fraudulent voting. The ballot-box is the throne of America; +the ballot-box is the ark of the covenant. Unless we see to it that +every man who has a right to vote, votes, and unless we see to it +that every honest vote is counted, the days of this Republic are +numbered.</p> +<p>When you suspect that a Congressman is not elected; when you +suspect that a judge upon the bench holds his place by fraud, then +the people will hold the law in contempt and will laugh at the +decisions of courts, and then come revolution and chaos.</p> +<p>It is the duty of every good man to see to it that the +ballot-box is kept absolutely pure. It is the duty of every +patriot, whether he is a Democrat or Republican—and I want +further to admit that I believe a large majority of Democrats are +honest in their opinions, and I know that all Republicans +<i>must</i> be honest in their opinions. It is the duty, then, of +all honest men of both parties to see to it that only honest votes +are cast and counted. Now, honor bright, which section of this +Union can you trust the ballot-box with?</p> +<p>Do you wish to trust Louisiana, or do you wish to trust Alabama +that gave, in 1872, thirty-four thousand eight hundred and +eighty-eight Republican majority and now gives ninety-two thousand +Democratic majority? And of that ninety-two thousand majority, +every one is a lie! A contemptible, infamous lie! Because if every +voter had been allowed to vote, there would have been forty +thousand Republican majority. Honor bright, can you trust it with +the masked murderers who rode in the darkness of night to the hut +of the freedman and shot him down, notwithstanding the supplication +of his wife and the tears of his babe? Can you trust it to the men +who since the close of our war have killed more men, simply because +those men wished to vote, simply because they wished to exercise a +right with which they had been clothed by the sublime heroism of +the North—who have killed more men than were killed on both +sides in the Revolutionary war; than were killed on both sides +during the War of 1812; than were killed on both sides in both +wars? Can you trust them? Can you trust the gentlemen who invented +the tissue ballot? Do you wish to put the ballot-box in the keeping +of the shot-gun, of the White-Liners, of the Ku Klux? Do you wish +to put the ballot-box in the keeping of men who openly swear that +they will not be ruled by a majority of American citizens if a +portion of that majority is made of black men? And I want to tell +you right here, I like a black man who loves this country better +than I do a white man who hates it. I think more of a black man who +fought for our flag than for any white man who endeavored to tear +it out of heaven!</p> +<p>I say, can you trust the ballot-box to the Democratic party? +Read the history of the State of New York. Read the history of this +great and magnificent city—the Queen of the +Atlantic—read her history and tell us whether you can +implicitly trust Democratic returns? Honor bright!</p> +<p>I am not only, then, for free speech, but I am for an honest +ballot; and in order that you may have no doubt left upon your +minds as to which party is in favor of an honest vote, I will call +your attention to this striking fact. Every law that has been +passed in every State of this Union for twenty long years, the +object of which was to guard the American ballot-box, has been +passed by the Republican party, and in every State where the +Republican party has introduced such a bill for the purpose of +making it a law; in every State where such a bill has been +defeated, it has been defeated by the Democratic party. That ought +to satisfy any reasonable man to satiety.</p> +<p>I am not only in favor of free speech and an honest ballot, but +I am in favor of collecting and disbursing the revenues of the +United States. I want plenty of money to collect and pay the +interest on our debt. I want plenty of money to pay our debt and to +preserve the financial honor of the United States. I want money +enough to be collected to pay pensions to widows and orphans and to +wounded soldiers. And the question is, which section in this +country can you trust to collect and disburse that revenue? Let us +be honest about it. Which section can you trust? In the last four +years we have collected four hundred and sixty-eight million +dollars of the internal revenue taxes. We have collected +principally from taxes upon high wines and tobacco, four hundred +and sixty-eight million dollars, and in those four years we have +seized, libeled and destroyed in the Southern States three thousand +eight hundred and seventy-four illicit distilleries. And during the +same time the Southern people have shot to death twenty-five +revenue officers and wounded fifty-five others, and the only +offence that the wounded and dead committed was an honest effort to +collect the revenues of this country. Recollect it—don't you +forget it. And in several Southern States to-day every revenue +collector or officer connected with the revenue is furnished by the +Internal Revenue Department with a breech-loading rifle and a pair +of revolvers, simply for the purpose of collecting the revenue.</p> +<p>I don't feel like trusting such people to collect the revenue of +my Government.</p> +<p>During the same four years we have arrested and have indicted +seven thousand and eighty-four Southern Democrats for endeavoring +to defraud the revenue of the United States. Recollect—three +thousand eight hundred and seventy-four distilleries seized. +Twenty-five revenue officers killed, fifty-five wounded, and seven +thousand and eighty-four Democrats arrested. Can we trust them?</p> +<p>The State of Alabama in its last Democratic convention passed a +resolution that no man should be tried in a Federal Court for a +violation of the revenue laws—that he should be tried in a +State Court. Think of it—he should be tried in a State Court! +Let me tell you how it will come out if we trust the Southern +States to collect this revenue. A couple of Methodist ministers had +been holding a revival for a week, and at the end of the week one +said to the other that he thought it time to take up a collection. +When the hat was returned he found in it pieces of slate-pencils +and nails and buttons, but not a single solitary cent—not +one—and his brother minister got up and looked at the +contribution, and said, "Let us thank God!" And the owner of the +hat said, "What for?" And the brother replied, "Because you got +your hat back." If we trust the South we shan't get our hats +back.</p> +<p>I am next in favor of honest money. I am in favor of gold and +silver, and paper with gold and silver behind it. I believe in +silver, because it is one of the greatest of American products, and +I am in favor of anything that will add to the value of an American +product. But I want a silver dollar worth a gold dollar, even if +you make it or have to make it four feet in diameter. No government +can afford to be a clipper of coin. A great Republic cannot afford +to stamp a lie upon silver or gold. Honest money, an honest people, +an honest Nation. When our money is only worth eighty cents on the +dollar, we feel twenty per cent, below par. When our money is good +we feel good. When our money is at par, that is where we are. I am +a profound believer in the doctrine that for nations as well as +men, honesty is the best policy, always, everywhere, and +forever.</p> +<p>What section of this country, what party, will give us honest +money—honor bright—honor bright? I have been told that +during the war, we had plenty of money. I never saw it. I lived +years without seeing a dollar. I saw promises for dollars, but not +dollars. And the greenback, unless you have the gold behind it, is +no more a dollar than a bill of fare is a dinner. You cannot make a +paper dollar without taking a dollar's worth of paper. We must have +paper that represents money. I want it issued by the Government, +and I want behind every one of these dollars either a gold or +silver dollar, so that every greenback under the flag can lift up +its hand and swear, "I know that my redeemer liveth."</p> +<p>When we were running into debt, thousands of people mistook that +for prosperity, and when we began paying they regarded it as +adversity. Of course we had plenty when we bought on credit. No man +has ever starved when his credit was good, if there were no famine +in that country. As long as we buy on credit we shall have enough. +The trouble commences when the pay-day arrives. And I do not wonder +that after the war thousands of people said, "Let us have another +inflation." Which party said, "No, we must pay the promise made in +war"? Honor bright! The Democratic party had once been a hard money +party, but it drifted from its metallic moorings and floated off in +the ocean of inflation, and you know it. They said, "Give us more +money;" and every man that had bought on credit and owed a little +something on what he had purchased, when the property went down +commenced crying, or many of them did, for inflation. I understand +it.</p> +<p>A man, say, bought a piece of land for six thousand dollars; +paid five thousand dollars on it; gave a mortgage for one thousand +dollars, and suddenly, in 1873, found that the land would not pay +the other thousand. The land had resumed, and then he said, looking +lugubriously at his note and mortgage, "I want another inflation." +And I never heard a man call for it that did not also say, "If it +ever comes, and I don't unload, you may shoot me."</p> +<p>It was very much as it is sometimes in playing poker, and I make +this comparison knowing that hardly a person here will understand +it. I have been told that along toward morning the man that is +ahead suddenly says, "I have got to go home. The fact is, my wife +is not well." And the fellow who is behind says, "Let us have +another deal; I have my opinion of the fellow that will jump a +game." And so it was in the hard times of 1873. They said: "Give us +another deal; let us get our driftwood back into the centre of the +stream." And they cried out for more money. But the Republican +party said: "We do want more money, but not more promises. We have +got to pay this first, and if we start out again upon that wide sea +of promise we may never touch the shore." A thousand theories were +born of want; a thousand theories were born of the fertile brain of +trouble; and these people said, "After all, what is money? Why, it +is nothing but a measure of value, just the same as a half bushel +or yardstick." True; and consequently it makes no difference +whether your half bushel is of wood or gold or silver or paper; and +it makes no difference whether your yardstick is gold or paper. But +the trouble about that statement is this: A half bushel is not a +measure of value; it is a measure of quantity, and it measures +rubies, diamonds and pearls precisely the same as corn and wheat. +The yardstick is not a measure of value; it is a measure of length, +and it measures lace worth one hundred dollars a yard precisely as +it does cent tape. And another reason why it makes no difference to +the purchaser whether the half bushel is gold or silver, or whether +the yardstick is gold or paper, you do not buy the yardstick; you +do not get the half bushel in the trade. And if it were so with +money—if the people that had the money at the start of the +trade, kept it after the consummation of the bargain—then it +would not make any difference what you made your money of. But the +trouble is the money changes hands. And let me say to-night, money +is a thing—it is a product of nature—and you can no +more make a "fiat" dollar than you can make a fiat star. I am in +favor of honest money. Free speech is the brain of the Republic; an +honest ballot is the breath of its life, and honest money is the +blood that courses through its veins.</p> +<p>If I am fortunate enough to leave a dollar when I die, I want it +to be a good one. I do not wish to have it turn to ashes in the +hands of widowhood, or become a Democratic broken promise in the +pocket of the orphan; I want it money. I want money that will +outlive the Democratic party. They told us—and they were +honest about it—they said, "When we have plenty of money, we +are prosperous." And I said, "When we are prosperous, we have +plenty of money." When we are prosperous, then we have credit, and +credit inflates the currency. Whenever a man buys a pound of sugar +and says, "Charge it," he inflates the currency; whenever he gives +his note, he inflates the currency; whenever his word takes the +place of money, he inflates the currency. The consequence is that +when we are prosperous, credit takes the place of money, and we +have what we call "plenty."</p> +<p>But you cannot increase prosperity simply by using promises to +pay. Suppose you should come to a river that was about dry, so dry +that the turtle had to help the catfish over the shoals, and there +you would see the ferryboat, and the gentleman who kept the ferry, +up on the sand, high and dry, and the cracks all opening in the +sun, filled with loose oakum, looking like an average Democratic +mouth listening to a constitutional argument, and you should say to +him, "How is business?" And he would say, "Dull." And then you +would say to him, "Now, what you want is more boat." He would +probably answer, "If I had a little more water I could get along +with this one."</p> +<p>Suppose I next came to a man running a railroad, complaining of +hard times. "Why," said he, "I did a million dollars' worth of +business the first year and used five hundred thousand dollars' +worth of grease. The second year I did five hundred thousand +dollars' worth of business and used four hundred thousand dollars' +worth of grease." "Well," said I, "the reason your road fell off +was because you did not use enough grease."</p> +<p>But I want to be fair, and I wish to-night to return my thanks +to the Democratic party. You did a great and splendid work. You +went all over the United States and you said upon every stump that +a greenback was better than gold. You said, "We have at last found +the money of the poor man. Gold loves the rich; gold haunts banks +and safes and vaults; but we have money that will go around +inquiring for a man that is dead broke. We have finally found money +that will stay in a pocket with holes in it." But, after all, do +you know that money is the most social thing in this world? If a +fellow has one dollar in his pocket, and he meets another with two, +do you know that dollar is absolutely homesick until it gets where +the other two are? And yet the Greenbackers told us that they had +finally invented money that would be the poor mans friend. They +said, "It is better than gold, better than silver," and they got so +many men to believe it that when we resumed and said, "Here is your +gold for your greenback," the fellows who had the greenback said, +"We don't want it. The greenbacks are good enough for us." Do you +know, if they had wanted it we could not have given it to them? And +so I return my thanks to the Greenback party. But allow me to say +in this connection, the days of their usefulness have passed +forever.</p> +<p>Now, I am not foolish enough to claim that the Republican party +resumed. I am not silly enough to say that John Sherman resumed. +But I will tell you what I do say. I say that every man who raised +a bushel of corn or a bushel of wheat or a pound of beef or pork +for sale helped to resume. I say that the gentle rain and the +loving dew helped to resume. The soil of the United States +impregnated by the loving sun helped to resume. The men that dug +the coal and the iron and the silver and the copper and the gold +helped to resume. And the men upon whose foreheads fell the light +of furnaces helped to resume. And the sailors who fought with the +waves of the seas helped to resume.</p> +<p>I admit to-night that the Democrats earned their share of the +money to resume with. All I claim is that the Republican party +furnished the honesty to pay it over. That is what I claim; and the +Republican party set the day, and the Republican party worked to +the promise. That is what I say. And had it not been for the +Republican party this Nation would have been financially +dishonored. I am for honest money, and I am for the payment of +every dollar of our debt, and so is every Democrat now, I take it. +But what did you say a little while ago? Did you say we could +resume? No; you swore we could not, and you swore our bonds would +be worthless as the withered leaves of winter. And now when a +Democrat goes to England and sees an American four per cent, quoted +at one hundred and ten he kind of swells up, and says: "That's the +kind of man I am." In that country he pretends he was a Republican +in this. And I do not blame him. I do not begrudge him enjoying +respectability when away from home. The Republican party is +entitled to the credit for keeping this Nation grandly and +splendidly honest. I say, the Republican party is entitled to the +credit of preserving the honor of this Nation.</p> +<p>In 1873 came the crash, and all the languages of the world +cannot describe the agonies suffered by the American people from +1873 to 1879. A man who thought he was a millionaire came to +poverty; he found his stocks and bonds ashes in the paralytic hand +of old age. Men who expected to live all their lives in the +sunshine of joy found themselves beggars and paupers. The great +factories were closed, the workmen were demoralized, and the roads +of the United States were filled with tramps. In the hovel of the +poor and the palace of the rich came the serpent of temptation and +whispered in the American ear the terrible word "Repudiation." But +the Republican party said, "No; we will pay every dollar. No; we +have started toward the shining goal of resumption and we never +will turn back." And the Republican party struggled until it had +the happiness of seeing upon the broad shining forehead of American +labor the words "Financial Honor."</p> +<p>The Republican party struggled until every paper promise was as +good as gold. And the moment we got back to gold then we commenced +to rise again. We could not jump until our feet touched something +that they could be pressed against. And from that moment to this we +have been going, going, going higher and higher, more prosperous +every hour. And now they say, "Let us have a change." When I am +sick I want a change; when I am poor I want a change; and if I were +a Democrat I would have a personal change. We are prosperous +to-day, and must keep so. We are back to gold and silver. Let us +stay there; and let us stay with the party that brought us +there.</p> +<p>Now, I am not only in favor of free speech and an honest +ballot-box and an honest collection of the revenue of the United +States, and an honest money, but I am in favor of the idea, of the +great and splendid truth, that this is a Nation one and +indivisible. I deny that we are a confederacy bound together with +ropes of cloud and chains of mist. This is a Nation, and every man +in it owes his first allegiance to the grand old flag for which +more brave blood was shed than for any other flag that waves in the +sight of heaven. There is another thing; we all want to live in a +land where the law is supreme. We desire to live beneath a flag +that will protect every citizen beneath its folds. We desire to be +citizens of a Government so great and so grand that it will command +the respect of the civilized world. Most of us are convinced that +our Government is the best upon this earth. It is the only +Government where manhood, and manhood alone, is not made simply a +condition of citizenship, but where manhood, and manhood alone, +permits its possessor to have his equal share in control of the +Government. It is the only Government in the world where poverty is +upon an exact equality with wealth, so far as controlling the +destiny of the Republic is concerned. It is the only Nation where +the man clothed in rags stands upon an equality with the one +wearing purple. It is the only country in the world where, +politically, the hut is upon an equality with the palace.</p> +<p>For that reason every poor man should stand by this Government, +and every poor man who does not is a traitor to the best interests +of his children; every poor man who does not is willing his +children should bear the badge of political inferiority; and the +only way to make this Government a complete and perfect success is +for the poorest man to think as much of his manhood as the +millionaire does of his wealth. A man does not vote in this country +simply because he is rich; he does not vote in this country simply +because he has an education; he does not vote simply because he has +talent or genius; we say that he votes because he is a man, and +that he has his manhood to support; and we admit in this country +that nothing can be more valuable to any human being than his +manhood, and for that reason we put poverty on an equality with +wealth. We say in this country manhood is worth more than gold. We +say in this country that without Liberty the Nation is not worth +preserving. Now, I appeal to-day to every poor man; I appeal to-day +to every laboring man, and I ask him, is there another country on +this globe where you can have equal rights with others? There is +another thing; do you want a Government of law or of brute force? +In which part of this country do you find law supreme? In which +part of this country can a man find justice in the courts; in the +North or in the South? Where is crime punished? Where is innocence +protected, in the North or in the South? Which section of this +country will you trust?</p> +<p>You can tell what a man is by the way he treats persons in his +power, and the man that will sneak and crawl in the presence of +greatness, will trample the weak when he gets them in his power. +What class of people does the State have in its power? Criminals +and creditors; and you can judge of a State by the way it treats +its criminals and creditors. Georgia is the best State in the +South. They have a penitentiary system by which they hire out their +convict labor. Only two years ago the whole thing was examined by a +friend of mine, Col. Allston. He had been in the rebel army and was +my good friend. He used to come to my house day after day to see +me. He got converted and had the grit to say so. Being a member of +the Legislature, he had a committee of investigation appointed. +Now, in order that you may understand the difference, you must know +that in the Northern penitentiaries the average annual death rate +is one per cent.; that is, of one thousand convicts, ten will die +in a year, on the average. That low death rate is because we are +civilized, because we do not kill; but in the Georgia penitentiary +it was as high as fifteen, twenty-seven and forty-seven per cent., +at a time when there was no typhoid or yellow fever, or epidemic of +any kind. They died for four months at a rate of ten per cent, per +month. They crowded the convicts in together, regardless of sex. +They treated them precisely as wild beasts, and many of them were +shot down. Persons high in authority, Senators of the United +States, held interests in those contracts, and Robert Allston +denounced them. When on a visit he said, "I believe when I get home +I shall be killed." I told him not to go back to Georgia, but to +stay in the civilized North; but no, he would go back, and on the +very day of his arrival he was murdered in cold blood. Do you want +to trust such men? * * *</p> +<p>The Southern people say this is a Confederacy and they are +honest in it. They fought for it, they believed it. They believe in +the doctrine of State Sovereignty, and many Democrats of the North +believe in the same doctrine. No less a man than Horatio +Seymour—standing it may be at the head of Democratic +statesmen—said, if he has been correctly reported, only the +other day, that he despised the word "Nation." I bless that word. I +owe my first allegiance to this Nation, and it owes its first +protection to me. I am talking here to-night, not because I am +protected by the flag of New York. I would not know that flag if I +should see it. I am talking here, and have the right to talk here, +because the flag of my country is above us. I have the same right +as though I had been born upon this very platform. I am proud of +New York because it is a part of my country. I am proud of my +country because it has such a State as New York in it, and I will +be prouder of New York on a week from next Tuesday than ever before +in my life. I despise the doctrine of State Sovereignty. I believe +in the rights of the States, but not in the sovereignty of the +States. States are political conveniences. Rising above States, as +the Alps above valleys, are the rights of man. Rising above the +rights of the Government, even in this Nation, are the sublime +rights of the people. Governments are good only so long as they +protect human rights. But the rights of a man never should be +sacrificed upon the altar of the State, or upon the altar of the +Nation.</p> +<p>Let me tell you a few objections that I have to State +Sovereignty. That doctrine has never been appealed to for any good. +The first time it was appealed to was when our Constitution was +made. And the object then was to keep the slave-trade open until +the year 1808. The object then was to make the sea the highway of +piracy—the object then was to allow American citizens to go +into the business of selling men and women and children, and feed +their cargo to the sharks of the sea, and the sharks of the sea +were as merciful as they. That was the first time that the appeal +to the doctrine of State Sovereignty was made, and the next time +was for the purpose of keeping alive the interstate slave-trade, so +that a gentleman in Virginia could sell the slave who had nursed +him, and rob the cradles of their babes. Think of it! It was made +so they could rob the cradle in the name of law. Think of it! Think +of it! And the next time they appealed to the doctrine of State +Sovereignty was in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law—a law that +made a bloodhound of every Northern man; that made charity a crime; +a law that made love a state-prison offence; that branded the +forehead of charity as if it were a felon. Think of it!</p> +<p>It is a part of my honor to hate such principles. I have no +respect for any man who is so mean, cruel and wicked, as to allow +himself to be transformed into a bloodhound to bay upon the tracks +of innocent human prey. I will follow my logic, no matter where it +goes, after it has consulted with my heart. If you ever come to a +conclusion without calling the heart in, you will come to a bad +conclusion.</p> +<p>A good man is pretty apt to be right; a perfectly honest man is +like the surface of the stainless mirror, that gives back by simply +looking at him, the image of the one who looks.</p> +<p>The next time they appealed to the doctrine of State Sovereignty +was to increase the area of human slavery, so that the bloodhound, +with clots of blood dropping from his loose and hanging jaws, might +traverse the billowy plains of Kansas. Think of it!</p> +<p>The Democratic party then said the Federal Government had a +right to cross the State line. And the next time they appealed to +that infamous doctrine was in defence of secession and treason; a +doctrine that cost us six thousand millions of dollars; a doctrine +that cost four hundred thousand lives; a doctrine that filled our +country with widows, our homes with orphans. And I tell you, the +doctrine of State Sovereignty is the viper in the bosom of this +Republic, and if we do not kill that viper it will kill us.</p> +<p>The Democrats tell us that in the olden time the Federal +Government had a right to cross a State line to put shackles upon +the limbs of men. It had the right to cross a State line to trample +upon the rights of human beings, but now it has no right to cross +those lines upon an errand of mercy or justice. We are told that +now, when the Federal Government wishes to protect a citizen, a +State line rises like a Chinese wall, and the sword of Federal +power turns to air the moment it touches one of those lines. I deny +it and I despise, abhor and execrate the doctrine of State +Sovereignty. The Democrats tell us if we wish to be protected by +the Federal Government we must leave home. I wish they would try it +for about ten days. They say the Federal Government can defend a +citizen in England, France, Spain or Germany, but cannot defend a +child of the Republic sitting around the family hearth. I deny it. +A Government that cannot protect its citizens at home is unfit to +be called a Government. I want a Government with an ear so good +that it can hear the faintest cry of the oppressed wherever its +flag floats. I want a Government with an arm long enough and a +sword sharp enough to cut down treason wherever it may raise its +serpent head. I want a Government that will protect a freedman, +standing by his little log hut, with the same alacrity and with the +same efficiency that it would protect Vanderbilt, living in a +palace of marble and gold. Humanity is a sacred thing, and manhood +is a thing to be preserved. Let us look at it. For instance, here +is a war, and the Federal Government says to a man, "We want you," +and he says, "No, I don't want to go," and then they put a lot of +pieces of paper in a wheel and on one of those pieces is his name, +and another man turns the crank, and then they pull it out and +there is his name, and they say, "Come," and so he goes. And they +stand him in front of the brazen-throated guns; they make him fight +for his native land, and when the war is over he goes home and he +finds the war has been unpopular in his neighborhood, and they +trample on his rights, and he says to the Federal Government, +"Protect me." And he says to the Government, "I owe my allegiance +to you. You must protect me." What will you say of that Government +if it says to him, "You must look to your State for protection"? +"Ah, but," he says, "my State is the very power trampling upon me," +and, of course, the robber is not going to send for the police, It +is the duty of the Government to defend even its drafted men; and +if that is the duty of the Government, what shall I say of the +volunteer, who for one moment holds his wife in a tremulous and +agonized embrace, kisses his children, shoulders his musket, goes +to the field and says, "Here I am, ready to die for my native +land"? A Nation that will not defend its volunteer defenders is a +disgrace to the map of this world. This is a Nation. Free speech is +the brain of the Republic; an honest ballot is the breath of its +life; honest money is the blood of its veins; and the idea of +nationality is its great, beating, throbbing heart. I am for a +Nation. And yet the Democrats tell me that it is dangerous to have +centralized power. How would you have it? I believe in the +localization of power; I believe in having enough of it localized +in one place to be effectively used; I believe in a localization of +brain. I suppose Democrats would like to have it spread all over +your body, and they act as though theirs was.</p> +<p>There is another thing in which I believe: I believe in the +protection of American labor. The hand that holds Aladdin's lamp +must be the hand of toil. This Nation rests upon the shoulders of +its workers, and I want the American laboring man to have enough to +wear; I want him to have enough to eat:</p> +<p>I want him to have something for the ordinary misfortunes of +life; I want him to have the pleasure of seeing his wife +well-dressed; I want him to see a few blue ribbons fluttering about +his children; I want him to see the flags of health flying in their +beautiful cheeks; I want him to feel that this is his country, and +the shield of protection is above his labor.</p> +<p>And I will tell you why I am for protection, too. If we were all +farmers we would be stupid. If we were all shoemakers we would be +stupid. If we all followed one business, no matter what it was, we +would become stupid. Protection to American labor diversifies +American industry, and to have it diversified touches and develops +every part of the human brain. Protection protects ingenuity; it +protects intelligence; and protection raises sense; and by +protection we have greater men, better looking women and healthier +children. Free trade means that our laborer is upon an equality +with the poorest paid labor of this world. And allow me to tell you +that for an empty stomach, "Hurrah for Hancock!" is a poor +consolation. I do not think much of a Government where the people +do not have enough to eat. I am a materialist to that extent; I +want something to eat. I have been in countries where the laboring +man had meat once a year; sometimes twice—Christmas and +Easter. And I have seen women carrying upon their heads a burden +that no man in this audience could carry, and at the same time +knitting busily with both hands, and those women lived without +meat; and when I thought of the American laborer, I said to myself, +"After all, my country is the best in the world." And when I came +back to the sea and saw the old flag flying, it seemed to me as +though the air from pure joy had burst into blossom.</p> +<p>Labor has more to eat and more to wear in the United States than +in any other land of this earth. I want America to produce +everything that Americans need. I want it so that if the whole +world should declare war against us, if we were surrounded by walls +of cannon and bayonets and swords, we could supply all our material +wants in and of ourselves. I want to live to see the American woman +dressed in American silk; the American man in everything, from hat +to boots, produced in America by the cunning hand of American toil. +I want to see the workingman have a good house, painted white, +grass in the front yard, carpets on the floor, pictures on the +wall. I want to see him a man, feeling that he is a king by the +divine right of living in the Republic. And every man here is just +a little bit a king, you know. Every man here is a part of the +sovereign power. Every man wears a little of purple; every man has +a little of crown and a little of sceptre; and every man that will +sell his vote for money or be ruled by prejudice is unfit to be an +American citizen.</p> +<p>I believe in American labor, and I will tell you why. The other +day a man told me that we had produced in the United States of +America one million tons of steel rails. How much are they worth? +Sixty dollars a ton. In other words, the million tons are worth +sixty million dollars. How much is a ton of iron worth in the +ground? Twenty-five cents. American labor takes twenty-five cents +worth of iron in the ground and adds to it fifty-nine dollars and +seventy-five cents. One million tons of rails, and the raw material +not worth twenty-four thousand dollars! We build a ship in the +United States worth five hundred thousand dollars, and the value of +the ore in the earth, of the trees in the great forest, of all that +enters into the composition of that ship bringing five hundred +thousand dollars in gold is only twenty thousand dollars; four +hundred and eighty thousand dollars by American labor, American +muscle, coined into gold; American brains made a legal tender the +world round.</p> +<p>I propose to stand by the Nation. I want the furnaces kept hot. +I want the sky to be filled with the smoke of American industry, +and upon that cloud of smoke will rest forever the bow of perpetual +promise. That is what I am for. Where did this doctrine of a tariff +for revenue only come from? From the South. The South would like to +stab the prosperity of the North. They would rather trade with Old +England than with New England. They would rather trade with the +people who were willing to help them in war than with those who +conquered the Rebellion. They knew what gave us our strength in +war. They knew that all the brooks and creeks and rivers of New +England were putting down the Rebellion. They knew that every wheel +that turned, every spindle that revolved, was a soldier in the army +of human progress. It won't do! They were so lured by the greed of +office that they were willing to trade upon the misfortunes of a +Nation. It won't do! I do not wish to belong to a party that +succeeds only when my country fails. I do not wish to belong to a +party whose banner went up with the banner of rebellion. I do not +wish to belong to a party that was in partnership with defeat and +disaster. I do not. And there is not a Democrat here who does not +know that a failure of the crops this year would have helped his +party. You know that an early frost would have been a godsend to +them. You know that the potato-bug could have done them more good +than all their speakers.</p> +<p>I wish to belong to that party which is prosperous when the +country is prosperous. I belong to that party which is not poor +when the golden billows are running over the seas of wheat. I +belong to that party which is prosperous when there are oceans of +corn, and when the cattle are upon the thousand hills. I belong to +that party which is prosperous when the furnaces are aflame, and +when you dig coal and iron and silver; when everybody has enough to +eat; when everybody is happy; when the children are all going to +school, and when joy covers my Nation as with a garment. That party +which is prosperous then, is my party.</p> +<p>Now, then, I have been telling you what I am for. I am for free +speech, and so ought you to be. I am for an honest ballot, and if +you are not you ought to be. I am for the collection of the +revenue. I am for honest money. I am for the idea that this is a +Nation forever. I believe in protecting American labor. I want the +shield of my country above every anvil, above every furnace, above +every cunning head and above every deft hand of American labor.</p> +<p>Now, then, which section of this country will be the more apt to +carry these ideas into execution? Which party will be the more apt +to achieve these grand and splendid things? Honor bright? Now we +have not only to choose between sections of the country; we have to +choose between parties. Here is the Democratic party, and I admit +there are thousands of good Democrats who went to the war, and some +of those that stayed at home were good men; and I want to ask you, +and I want you to tell me in reply what that party did during the +war when the War Democrats were away from home. What did they do? +That is the question. I say to you, that every man who tried to +tear our flag out of heaven was a Democrat. The men who wrote the +ordinances of secession, who fired upon Fort Sumter; the men who +starved our soldiers, who fed them with the crumbs that the worms +had devoured before, they were Democrats. The keepers of Libby, the +keepers of Andersonville, were Democrats—Libby and +Andersonville, the two mighty wings that will bear the memory of +the Confederacy to eternal infamy! The men who wished to scatter +yellow fever in the North and who tried to fire the great cities of +the North—they were all Democrats. He who said that the +greenback would never be paid and he who slandered sixty cents out +of every dollar of the Nation's promises were Democrats. Who were +joyful when your brothers and your sons and your fathers lay dead +on a field of battle that the country had lost? They were +Democrats. The men who wept when the old banner floated in triumph +above the ramparts of rebellion—they were Democrats. You know +it. The men who wept when slavery was destroyed, who believed +slavery to be a divine institution, who regarded bloodhounds as +apostles and missionaries, and who wept at the funeral of that +infernal institution—they were Democrats. Bad +company—bad company!</p> +<p>And let me implore all the young men here not to join that +party. Do not give new blood to that institution. The Democratic +party has a yellow passport. On one side it says "dangerous." They +imagine they have not changed, and that is because they have not +intellectual growth. That party was once the enemy of my country, +was once the enemy of our flag, and more than that, it was once the +enemy of human liberty, and that party to-night is not willing that +the citizens of the Republic should exercise all their rights +irrespective of their color. And allow me to say right here that I +am opposed to that party.</p> +<p>We have not only to choose between parties, but to choose +between candidates. The Democracy have put forward as the bearers +of their standard General Hancock and William H. English. The +Democrats have at last nominated a Union soldier. They nominated +George B. McClellan once, because he failed to whip the South; they +nominated Mr. Greeley, when they despised him, and now they have +nominated General Hancock. Do they think the South loves him? At +Gettysburg they say he fought against them, and that is one great +reason why he should be President—that he shot rebels. Do the +men that fought at Gettysburg still believe in State Sovereignty? +Wade Hampton says, "We must vote as Lee and Jackson fought." They +fought for State Sovereignty. Has the South changed? Hancock went +to kill them then; they want to vote for him now. Who has changed? +[A voice: "Hancock."] I think so. They are using him as a +figure-head. They have dressed him in the noble blue, with the +patriotic coat and Union buttons, and they do not like him any +better than they did at Gettysburg. It would be just as consistent +for the Republicans to have nominated Wade Hampton. Did General +Hancock believe in State Sovereignty when he was at Gettysburg? If +he did, he was a murderer, and not a Union soldier—he was +killing men he believed to be in the right, and a man cannot fight +unless his conscience approves of what his sword does, and if he +was honest at that time, he did not believe in State Sovereignty, +and it seems to me he would hate to have the men who tried to +destroy this Government cheering him. All the glory he ever got was +in the service of the Republican party, and if he does not look out +he will lose it all in the service of the Democratic party. He had +a conversation with General Grant. It was a time when he had been +appointed at the head of the Department of the Gulf. In that +conversation he stated to General Grant that he was opposed to +"nigger domination." Grant said to him, "We must obey the laws of +Congress. We are soldiers." And that meant, the military is not +above the civil authority. And I tell you to-night, that the army +and the navy are the right and left hands of the civil power. Grant +said to him: "Three or four million ex-slaves, without property and +without education, cannot dominate over thirty or forty millions of +white people, with education and property." General Hancock replied +to that: "I am opposed to 'nigger domination.'" Allow me to say +that I do not believe any man fit for the presidency of the great +Republic, who is capable of insulting a down-trodden race. I never +meet a negro that I do not feel like asking his forgiveness for the +wrongs that my race has inflicted on his. I remember that from the +white man he received for two hundred years agony and tears; I +remember that my race sold a child from the agonized breast of a +mother; I remember that my race trampled with the feet of greed +upon all the holy relations of life; and I do not feel like +insulting the colored man; I feel rather like asking the +forgiveness of his race for the crimes that my race have put upon +him. "Nigger domination!" What a fine scabbard that makes for the +sword of Gettysburg! It won't do!</p> +<p>What is General Hancock for, besides the presidency? How does he +stand upon the great questions affecting American prosperity? He +told us the other day that the tariff is a local question. The +tariff affects every man and woman, live they in hut, hovel or +palace; it affects every man that has a back to be covered or a +stomach to be filled, and yet he says it is a local question. So is +death. He also told us that he heard that question discussed once, +in Pennsylvania. He must have been eavesdropping. And he tells us +that his doctrine of the tariff will continue as long as Nature +lasts. Then Senator Randolph wrote him a letter. I do not know +whether Senator Randolph answered it or not; but that answer was +worse than the first interview; and I understand now that another +letter is going through a period of incubation at Governor's +Island, upon the great subject of the tariff. It won't do!</p> +<p>They say one thing they are sure of, he is opposed to paying +Southern pensions and Southern claims. He says that a man that +fought against this Government has no right to a pension. Good! I +say a man that fought against this Government has no right to +office. If a man cannot earn a pension by tearing our flag out of +the sky, he cannot earn power. [A Voice—"How about +Longstreet?"] Longstreet has repented of what he did. Longstreet +admits that he was wrong. And there was no braver officer in the +Southern Confederacy. Every man of the South who will say, "I made +a mistake"—I do not want him to say that he knew he was +wrong—all I ask him to say is that he now thinks he was +wrong; and every man of the South to-day who says he was wrong, and +who says from this day forward, henceforth and forever, he is for +this being a Nation.</p> +<p>I will take him by the hand. But while he is attempting to do at +the ballot-box what he failed to accomplish upon the field of +battle, I am against him; while he uses a Northern general to bait +a Southern trap, I won't bite. I will forgive men when they deserve +to be forgiven; but while they insist that they were right, while +they insist that State Sovereignty is the proper doctrine, I am +opposed to their climbing into power.</p> +<p>Hancock says that he will not pay these claims; he agrees to +veto a bill that his party may pass; he agrees in advance that he +will defeat a party that he expects will elect him; he, in effect, +says to the people, "You can not trust that party, but you can +trust me." He says, "Look at them; I admit they are a hungry lot; I +admit that they haven't had a bite in twenty years; I admit that an +ordinary famine is satiety compared to the hunger they feel. But +between that vast appetite known as the Democratic party, and the +public treasury, I will throw the shield of my veto." No man has a +right to say in advance what he will veto, any more than a judge +has a right to say in advance how he will decide a case. The veto +power is a distinction with which the Constitution has clothed the +Executive, and no President has a right to say that he will veto +until he has heard both sides of the question. But he agrees in +advance.</p> +<p>I would rather trust a party than a man. Death may veto Hancock, +and Death has not been a successful politician in the United +States. Tyler, Fillmore, Andy Johnson—I do not wish Death to +elect any more Presidents; and if he does, and if Hancock is +elected, William H. English becomes President of the United States. +No, no, no! All I need to say about him is simply to pronounce his +name; that is all. You do not want him. Whether the many stories +that have been told about him are true or not I do not know, and I +will not give currency to a solitary word against the reputation of +an American citizen unless I know it to be true. What I have +against him is what he has done in public life. When Charles +Sumner, that great and splendid publicist—Charles Sumner, the +philanthropist, one who spoke to the conscience of his time and to +the history of the future—when he stood up in the United +States Senate and made a great and glorious plea for human liberty, +there crept into the Senate a villain and struck him down as though +he had been a wild beast. That man was a member of Congress, and +when a resolution was introduced in the House, to expel that man, +William H. English voted "No." All the stories in the world could +not add to the infamy of that public act. That is enough for me, +and whatever his private life may be, let it be that of an angel, +never, never, never would I vote for a man that would defend the +assassin of free speech. General Hancock, they tell me, is a +statesman; that what little time he has had to spare from war he +has given to the tariff, and what little time he could spare from +the tariff he has given to the Constitution of his country; showing +under what circumstances a Major-General can put at defiance the +Congress of the United States. It won't do!</p> +<p>But while I am upon that subject it may be well for me to state +that he never will be President of the United States. Now, I say +that a man who in time of peace prefers peace, and prefers the +avocations of peace; a man who in the time of peace would rather +look at the corn in the air of June, rather listen to the hum of +bees, rather sit by his door with his wife and children; the man +who in time of peace loves peace, and yet when the blast of war +blows in his ears, shoulders a musket and goes to the field of war +to defend his country, and when the war is over goes home and again +pursues the avocations of peace—that man is just as good, to +say the least of it, as a man who in a time of profound peace makes +up his mind that he would like to make his living killing other +folks. To say the least of it, he is as good.</p> +<p>The Republicans have named as their standard bearers James A. +Garfield and Chester A. Arthur. James A. Garfield was a volunteer +soldier, and he took away from the field of Chickamauga as much +glory as any one man could carry. He is not only a +soldier—7-he is a statesman. He has studied and discussed all +the great questions that affect the prosperity and well-being of +the American people. His opinions are well known, and I say to you +tonight that there is not in this Nation, there is not in this +Republic a man with greater brain and greater heart than James A. +Garfield. I know him and I like him. I know him as well as any +other public man, and I like him. The Democratic party say that he +is not honest. I have been reading some Democratic papers to-day, +and you would say that every one of their editors had a private +sewer of his own into which has been emptied for a hundred years +the slops of hell. They tell me that James A. Garfield is not +honest. Are you a Democrat? Your party tried to steal nearly half +of this country. Your party stole the armament of a nation. Your +party was willing to live upon the unpaid labor of four millions of +people. You have no right to the floor for the purpose of making a +motion of honesty. James A. Garfield has been at the head of the +most important committees of Congress; he is a member of the most +important one of the whole House. He has no peer in the Congress of +the United States. And you know it. He is the leader of the House. +With one wave of his hand he can take millions from the pocket of +one industry and put it into the pocket of another; with a motion +of his hand he could have made himself a man of wealth, but he is +to-night a poor man. I know him and I like him. He is as genial as +May and he is as generous as Autumn. And the men for whom he has +done unnumbered favors, the men whom he had pity enough not to +destroy with an argument, the men who, with his great generosity, +he has allowed, intellectually, to live, are now throwing filth at +the reputation of that great and splendid man.</p> +<p>Several ladies and gentlemen were passing a muddy place around +which were gathered ragged and wretched urchins. And these little +wretches began to throw mud at them; and one gentleman said, "If +you don't stop I will throw it back at you." And a little fellow +said, "You can't do it without dirtying your hands, and it doesn't +hurt us anyway."</p> +<p>I never was more profoundly happy than on the night of that 12th +day of October when I found that between an honest and a kingly man +and his maligners, two great States had thrown their shining +shields. When Ohio said, "Garfield is my greatest son, and there +never has been raised in the cabins of Ohio a grander +man"—and when Indiana held up her hands and said, "Allow me +to indorse that verdict," I was profoundly happy, because that said +to me, "Garfield will carry every Northern State;" that said to me, +"The Solid South will be confronted by a great and splendid +North."</p> +<p>I know Garfield—I like him. Some people have said, "How is +it that you support Garfield, when he was a minister?" "How is it +that you support Garfield when he is a Christian?" I will tell you. +There are two reasons. The first is I am not a bigot; and secondly, +James A. Garfield is not a bigot. He believes in giving to every +other human being every right he claims for himself. He believes in +freedom of speech and freedom of thought; untrammeled conscience +and upright manhood. He believes in an absolute divorce between +church and state. He believes that every religion should rest upon +its morality, upon its reason, upon its persuasion, upon its +goodness, upon its charity, and that love should never appeal to +the sword of civil power. He disagrees with me in many things; but +in the one thing, that the air is free for all, we do agree. I want +to do equal and exact justice everywhere.</p> +<p>I want the world of thought to be without a chain, without a +wall, and I wish to say to you, [turning toward Mr. Beecher and +directly addressing him] that I thank you for what you have said +to-night, and to congratulate the people of this city and country +that you have intellectual horizon enough, intellectual sky enough +to take the hand of a man, howsoever much he may disagree in some +things with you, on the grand platform and broad principle of +citizenship. James A. Garfield, believing with me as he does, +disagreeing with me as he does, is perfectly satisfactory to me. I +know him, and I like him.</p> +<p>Men are to-day blackening his reputation, who are not fit to +blacken his shoes. He is a man of brain. Since his nomination he +must have made forty or fifty speeches, and every one has been full +of manhood and genius. He has not said a word that has not +strengthened him with the American people. He is the first +candidate who has been free to express himself and who has never +made a mistake. I will tell you why he does not make a mistake; +because he spoke from the inside out. Because he was guided by the +glittering Northern Star of principle. Lie after lie has been told +about him. Slander after slander has been hatched and put in the +air, with its little short wings, to fly its day, and the last lie +is a forgery.</p> +<p>I saw to-day the fac-simile of a letter that they pretend he +wrote upon the Chinese question. I know his writing; I know his +signature; I am well acquainted with his writing. I know +handwriting, and I tell you to-night, that letter and that +signature are forgeries. A forgery for the benefit of the Pacific +States; a forgery for the purpose of convincing the American +workingman that Garfield is without heart. I tell you, my +fellow-citizens, that cannot take from him a vote. But Ohio pierced +their centre and Indiana rolled up both flanks and the rebel line +cannot re-form with a forgery for a standard. They are gone!</p> +<p>Now, some people say to me, "How long are you going to preach +the doctrine of hate?" I never did preach it. In many States of +this Union it is a crime to be a Republican. I am going to preach +my doctrine until every American citizen is permitted to express +his opinion and vote as he may desire in every State of this Union. +I am going to preach my doctrine until this is a civilized country. +That is all.</p> +<p>I will treat the gentlemen of the South precisely as we do the +gentlemen of the North. I want to treat every section of the +country precisely as we do ours-. I want to improve their rivers +and their harbors; I want to fill their land with commerce; I want +them to prosper; I want them to build schoolhouses; I want them to +open the lands to immigration to all people who desire to settle +upon their soil. I want to be friends with them; I want to let the +past be buried forever; I want to let bygones be bygones, but only +upon the basis that we are now in favor of absolute liberty and +eternal justice. I am not willing to bury nationality or free +speech in the grave for the purpose of being friends. Let us stand +by our colors; let the old Republican party that has made this a +Nation—the old Republican party that has saved the financial +honor of this country—let that party stand by its colors.</p> +<p>Let that party say, "Free speech forever!" Let that party say, +"An honest ballot forever!" Let that party say, "Honest money +forever! the Nation and the flag forever!" And let that party stand +by the great men carrying her banner, James A. Garfield and Chester +A. Arthur. I would rather trust a party than a man. If General +Garfield dies, the Republican party lives; if General Garfield +dies, General Arthur will take his place—a brave, honest, and +intelligent gentleman, upon whom every Republican can rely. And if +he dies, the Republican party lives, and as long as the Republican +party does not die, the great Republic will live. As long as the +Republican party lives, this will be the asylum of the world. Let +me tell you, Mr. Irishman, this is the only country on the earth +where Irishmen have had enough to eat. Let me tell you, Mr. German, +that you have more liberty here than you had in the Fatherland. Let +me tell you, all men, that this is the land of humanity.</p> +<p>Oh! I love the old Republic, bounded by the seas, walled by the +wide air, domed by heaven's blue, and lit with the eternal stars. I +love the Republic; I love it because I love liberty. Liberty is my +religion, and at its altar I worship, and will worship.</p> +<a name="link0013" id="link0013"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>ADDRESS TO THE 86TH ILLINOIS REGIMENT.</h2> +<pre> + * This is only a fragment of a speech made by Col. Ingersoll + at Peoria, 111., in 1866, to the 86th Illinois Regiment, at + their anniversary meeting. +</pre> +<center>PEORIA, ILLS.</center> +<center>1865.</center> +<p>THE history of the past four years seems to me like a terrible +dream. It seems almost impossible that the events that have now +passed into history ever happened. That hundreds of thousands of +men, born and reared under one flag, with the same history, the +same future, and, in truth, the same interests, should have met +upon the terrible field of death, and for four long years should +have fought with a bitterness and determination never excelled; +that they should have filled our land with orphans and widows, and +made our country hollow with graves, is indeed wonderful; but that +the people of the South should have thus fought—thus +attempted to destroy and overthrow the Government founded by the +heroes of the Revolution—merely for the sake of perpetuating +the infamous institution of slavery, is wonderful almost beyond +belief.</p> +<p>Strange that people should be found in this, the nineteenth +century, to fight against freedom and to die for slavery! It is +most wonderful that the terrible war ceased as suddenly as it did, +and that the soldiers of the Republic, the moment that the angel of +peace spread her white wings over our country, dropped from their +hands the instruments of war and eagerly went back to the plough, +the shop and the office, and are to-day, with the same +determination that characterized them in battle, engaged in +effacing every vestige of the desolation and destruction of war. +But the progress we have made as a people is if possible still more +astonishing. We pretended to be the lovers of freedom, yet we +defended slavery. We quoted the Declaration of Independence and +voted for the compromise of 1850.</p> +<p>From servility and slavishness we have marched to heroism. We +were tyrants. We are liberators. We were slave-catchers. We are now +the chivalrous breakers of chains.</p> +<p>From slavery, over a bloody and terrible path, we have marched +to freedom. Hirelings of oppression, we have become the champions +of justice—the defenders of the right—the pillar upon +which rests the hope of the world. To whom are we indebted for this +wonderful change? Most of all to you, the soldiers of the great +Republic. We thank you that the hands of time were not turned back +a thousand years—that the Dark Ages did not again come upon +the world—that Prometheus was not again chained—that +the river of progress was not stopped or stayed—that the dear +blood shed during all the past was not rendered vain—that the +sublime faith of all the grand and good did not become a bitter +dream, but a reality more glorious than ever entered into the +imagination of the rapt heroes of the past. Soldiers of the +Eighty-sixth Illinois, we thank you, and through you all the +defenders of the Republic, living and dead. We thank you that the +deluge of blood has subsided, that the ark of our national safety +is at rest, that the dove has returned with the olive branch of +peace, and that the dark clouds of war are in the far distance, +covered with the beautiful bow.</p> +<p>In the name of humanity, in the name of progress, in the name of +freedom, in the name of America, in the name of the oppressed of +the whole world, we thank you again and again. We thank you, that +in the darkest hour you never despaired of the Republic, that you +were not dismayed, that through disaster and defeat, through +cruelty and famine, through the serried ranks of the enemy, in +spite of false friends, you marched resolutely, unflinchingly and +bravely forward. Forward through shot and shell! Forward through +fire and sword! Forward past the corpses of your brave comrades, +buried in shallow graves by the hurried hands of heroes! Forward +past the scattered bones of starved captives! Forward through the +glittering bayonet lines, and past the brazen throats of the guns! +Forward through the din and roar and smoke and hell of war! Onward +through blood and fire to the shining, glittering mount of perfect +and complete victory, and from the top your august hands unfurled +to the winds the old banner of the stars, and it waves in triumph +now, and shall forever, from the St. Lawrence to the Rio Grande, +and from the Atlantic to the Pacific!</p> +<p>We thank you that our waving fields of golden wheat and rustling +corn are not trodden down beneath the bloody feet of +invasion—that our homes are not ashes—that our +hearthstones are not desolate—that our towns and cities still +stand, that our temples and institutions of learning are secure, +that prosperity covers us as with a mantle, and, more than all, we +thank you that the Republic still lives; that law and order reign +supreme; that the Constitution is still sacred; that a republican +government has ceased to be only an experiment, and has become a +certainty for all time; that we have by your heroism established +the sublime and shining truth that a government by the people, for +the people, can and will stand until governments cease among men; +that you have given the lie to the impudent and infamous prophecy +of tyranny, and that you have firmly established the Republic upon +the great ideas of National Unity and Human Liberty.</p> +<p>We thank you for our commerce on the high seas, upon our lakes +and beautiful rivers, for the credit of our nation, for the value +of our money, and for the grand position that we now occupy among +the nations of the earth. We thank you for every State redeemed, +for every star brought back to glitter again upon the old flag, and +we thank you for the grand future that you have opened for us and +for our children through all the ages yet to come; and, not only +for us and our children, but for mankind.</p> +<p>Thanks to your efforts our country is still an asylum for the +oppressed of the Old World; the arms of our charity are still open, +we still beckon them across the sea, and they come in +multitudes,'leaving home, the graves of their sires, and the dear +memories of the heart, and with their wives and little ones come to +this, the only free land upon which the sun shines—and with +their countless hands of labor add to the wealth, the permanence +and the glory of our country. And let them come from the land of +Luther, of Hampden and Emmett. Whoever is for freedom and the +sacred rights of man is a true American, and as such, we welcome +them all. We thank you to-day in the name of four millions of +people, whose shackles you have so nobly and generously broken, and +who, from the condition of beasts of burden, have by your efforts +become men. We thank you in the name of this poor and hitherto +despised and insulted race, and say that their emancipation was, +and is, the crowning glory of this most terrible war. Peace without +liberty could have been only a bloody delusion and a snare. Freedom +is peace; Slavery is war.</p> +<p>We must act justly and honorably with these emancipated men, +knowing that the eyes of the civilized world are upon us. We must +do what is best for both races. We must not be controlled merely by +party.</p> +<p>If the Government is founded upon principle, it will stand +against the shock of revolution and foreign war as long as liberty +is sacred, the rights of man respected, and honor dwells in the +hearts of men.</p> +<p>We thank you for the lesson that has been taught the Old World +by your patriotism and valor; believing that when the people shall +have learned that sublime and divine lesson, thrones will become +kingless, kings crownless, royalty an epitaph, the purple of power +the shroud of death, the chains of tyranny will fall from the +bodies of men, the shackles of superstition from the souls of the +people, the spirit of persecution will fly from the earth, and the +banner of Universal Freedom, with the words "Civil and Religious +Liberty for the World" written upon every fold, blazing from every +star, will float over every land and sea under the whole +heavens.</p> +<p>We thank you for the glorious past, for the still more glorious +future, and will continue to thank you while our hearts are warm +with life. We will gather around you in the hour of your death and +soothe your last moments with our gratitude. We will follow you +tearfully to the narrow house of the dead, and over your sacred +remains erect the whitest and purest marble. The hands of love will +adorn your last abode, and the chisel will record that beneath +rests the sacred dust of the Heroic Saviors of the Great Republic. +Such ground will be holy, and future generations will draw +inspiration from your tombs, courage from your heroic examples, +patience and fortitude from your sufferings, and strength eternal +from your success.</p> +<p>I cannot stop without speaking of the heroic dead. It seems to +me as though their spirits ought to hover over you +to-day—that they might join with us in giving thanks for the +great victory,—that their faces might grow radiant to think +that their blood was not shed in vain,—that the living are +worthy to reap the benefits of their sacrifices, their sufferings +and death, and it almost seems as if their sightless eyes are +suffused with tears. Then we think of the dear mothers waiting for +their sons, of the devoted wives waiting for their husbands, of the +orphans asking for fathers whose returning footsteps they can never +hear; that while they can say "my country," they cannot say "my +son," "my husband," or "my father."</p> +<p>My heart goes out to all the slain, to those heroic corpses +sleeping far away from home and kindred in unknown and lonely +graves, to those poor pieces of dear, bleeding earth that won for +me the blessings I enjoy to-day.</p> +<p>Shall I recount their sufferings? They were starved day by day +with a systematic and calculating cruelty never equaled by the most +savage tribes. They were confined in dens as though they had been +beasts, and then they slowly faded and wasted from life. Some were +released from their sufferings by blessed insanity, until their +parched and fevered lips, their hollow and glittering eyes, were +forever closed by the angel of death. And thus they died, with the +voices of loved ones in their ears; the faces of the dear absent +hovering over them; around them their dying comrades, and the +fiendish slaves of slavery.</p> +<p>And what shall I say more of the regiment before me? It is +enough that you were a part of the great army that accomplished so +much for America and mankind.</p> +<p>It is but just, however, to say that you were at the bloody +field of Perryville, that you stood with Thomas at Chickamauga and +kept at bay the rebel host, that you marched to the relief of +Knoxville through bitter cold, hunger and privations, and had the +honor of relieving that heroic garrison.</p> +<p>It is but just to say that you were with Sherman in his +wonderful march through the heart of the Confederacy; that you were +in the terrible charge at Kenesaw Mountain, and held your ground +for days within a few steps of the rebel fortifications; that you +were at Atlanta and took part in the terrible conflict before that +city and marched victoriously through her streets; that you were at +Savannah; that you had the honor of being present when Johnson +surrendered, and his ragged rebel horde laid down their arms; that +from there you marched to Washington and beneath the shadow of the +glorious dome of our Capitol, that lifts from the earth as though +jealous of the stars, received the grandest national ovation +recorded in the annals of the world.</p> +<a name="link0014" id="link0014"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>DECORATION DAY ORATION.</h2> +<pre> + * At the Memorial Celebration of the Grand Army of the + Republic last evening the Academy of Music was filled to + overflowing, within a few minutes after the opening of the + doors. + + Gen. Hancock was the first arrival of importance. The + Governor's Island band accepted this as a signal for the + overture. The Academy was tastefully decorated. The three + balconies were covered, the first with blue cloth, the + second with white and national bunting, studded with the + insignia of the original thirteen States, and the family + circle with red. Over the centre of the stage the national + flag and device hung suspended, and was held In its place by + flying streamers extending to the boxes. The latter were + draped with flags, relieved by antique armor and weapons— + shields, casques and battle axes and crossed swords and + pikes. + + At 8.05 the curtain slowly rose, and discovered to the view + of the audience, a second audience reaching back to the + farthest depths of the scenes. These were the fortunate + holders of stage tickets, and comprised a great number of + distinguished men. + + Among them were noticed Gen. Horace Porter, Gen. Lloyd + Aspinwall, Gen. Daniel Butterfield, Gen. D. D. Wylie, Gen. + Charles Roome, Gen. W. Palmer, Gen. John Cochrane, Gen. H. + G. Tremaine, the Hon. Edward Pierrepont, Dep't. Commander + James M. Fraser, the Hon. Carl Schurz, August Belmont, Henry + Clews, Dr. Lewis A. Sayre, Charles Scribner, Jesse Seligman, + William Dowa, Henry Bergh and George William Curtis. Gen. + Bamum came upon the stage followed by President Arthur, + Gen's. Grant and Hancock, Secretaries Folger and Brewster, + ex-Senator Roscoe Conkling, Mayor Grace and the Rev. J. P. + Newman. Gen. Hancock's brilliant uniform made him a very + conspicuous figure, and he served as a foil to the plain + evening dress of Gen. Grant, who was separated from him by + the portly form of the President. + + Gen. James McQuade, the President of the day, rose and + uncovering a flag which draped a sort of patriotic altar in + front of him, announced that It was the genuine flag upon + which was written the famous order, "If any man pull down + the American flag, shoot him on the spot.' * This was the + signal for round after round of applause, while Gen. McQuade + waved this precious relic of the past. The time had now come + for the introduction of the orator of the evening, Col. + Robert G. Ingersoll. Col. Ingersoll stepped across the stage + to the reading desk, and was received with an ovation of + cheering and waving of handkerchiefs. + + After the enthusiasm had somewhat abated, a gentleman in one + of the boxes shouted: "Three-cheers for Ingersoll." + These were given with a will, the excitement quieted down + and the orator spoke as follows '.—The New York Times. May + 31st, 1883. +</pre> +<p>New York City.</p> +<center>1882.</center> +<p>THIS day is sacred to our heroes dead. Upon their tombs we have +lovingly laid the wealth of Spring.</p> +<p>This is a day for memory and tears. A mighty Nation bends above +its honored graves, and pays to noble dust the tribute of its +love.</p> +<p>Gratitude is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume in the +heart.</p> +<p>To-day we tell the history of our country's life—recount +the lofty deeds of vanished years—the toil and suffering, the +defeats and victories of heroic men,—of men who made our +Nation great and free.</p> +<p>We see the first ships whose prows were gilded by the western +sun. We feel the thrill of discovery when the New World was found. +We see the oppressed, the serf, the peasant and the slave, men +whose flesh had known the chill of chains—the adventurous, +the proud, the brave, sailing an unknown sea, seeking homes in +unknown lands. We see the settlements, the little clearings, the +blockhouse and the fort, the rude and lonely huts. Brave men, true +women, builders of homes, fellers of forests, founders of +States.</p> +<p>Separated from the Old World,—away from the heartless +distinctions of caste,—away from sceptres and titles and +crowns, they governed themselves. They defended their homes; they +earned their bread. Each citizen had a voice, and the little +villages became republics. Slowly the savage was driven back. The +days and nights were filled with fear, and the slow years with +massacre and war, and cabins' earthen floors were wet with blood of +mothers and their babes.</p> +<p>But the savages of the New World were kinder than the kings and +nobles of the Old; and so the human tide kept coming, and the +places of the dead were filled. Amid common dangers and common +hopes, the prejudiced and feuds of Europe faded slowly from their +hearts. From every land, of every speech, driven by want and lured +by hope, exiles and emigrants sought the mysterious Continent of +the West.</p> +<p>Year after year the colonists fought and toiled and suffered and +increased. They began to talk about liberty—to reason of the +rights of man. They * t asked no help from distant kings, and they +began to doubt the use of paying tribute to the useless. They lost +respect for dukes and lords, and held in high esteem all honest +men. There was the dawn of a new day. They began to dream of +independence. They found that they could make and execute the laws. +They had tried the experiment of self-government. They had +succeeded. The Old World wished to dominate the New. In the care +and keeping of the colonists was the destiny of this +Continent—of half the world.</p> +<p>On this day the story of the great struggle between colonists +and kings should be told. We should tell our children of the +contest—first for justice, then for freedom. We should tell +them the history of the Declaration of Independence—the chart +and compass of all human rights:—All men are equal, and have +the right to life, to liberty and joy.</p> +<p>This Declaration uncrowned kings, and wrested from the hands of +titled tyranny the sceptre of usurped and arbitrary power. It +superseded royal grants, and repealed the cruel statutes of a +thousand years. It gave the peasant a career; it knighted all the +sons of toil; it opened all the paths to fame, and put the star of +hope above the cradle of the poor man's babe.</p> +<p>England was then the mightiest of nations—mistress of +every sea—and yet our fathers, poor and few, defied her +power.</p> +<p>To-day we remember the defeats, the victories, the disasters, +the weary marches, the poverty, the hunger, the sufferings, the +agonies, and above all, the glories of the Revolution. We remember +all—from Lexington to Valley Forge, and from that midnight of +despair to Yorktown's cloudless day. We remember the soldiers and +thinkers—the heroes of the sword and pen. They had the brain +and heart, the wisdom and courage to utter and defend these words: +"Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the +governed." In defence of this sublime and self-evident truth the +war was waged and won.</p> +<p>To-day we remember all the heroes, all the generous and +chivalric men who came from other lands to make ours free. Of the +many thousands who shared the gloom and glory of the seven sacred +years, not one remains. The last has mingled with the earth, and +nearly all are sleeping now in unmarked graves, and some beneath +the leaning, crumbling stones from which their names have been +effaced by Time's irreverent and relentless hands. But the Nation +they founded remains. The United States are still free and +independent. The "government derives its just power from the +consent of the governed," and fifty millions of free people +remember with gratitude the heroes of the Revolution.</p> +<p>Let us be truthful; let us be kind. When peace came, when the +independence of a new Nation was acknowledged, the great truth for +which our fathers fought was half denied, and the Constitution was +inconsistent with the Declaration. The war was waged for liberty, +and yet the victors forged new fetters for their fellow-men. The +chains our fathers broke were put by them upon the limbs of others. +"Freedom for All" was the cloud by day and the pillar of fire by +night, through seven years of want and war. In peace the cloud was +forgotten and the pillar blazed unseen.</p> +<p>Let us be truthful; all our fathers were not true to themselves. +In war they had been generous, noble and self-sacrificing; with +peace came selfishness and greed. They were not great enough to +appreciate the grandeur of the principles for which they fought. +They ceased to regard the great truths as having universal +application. "Liberty for All" included only themselves. They +qualified the Declaration. They interpolated the word "white." They +obliterated the word "All."</p> +<p>Let us be kind. We will remember the age in which they lived. We +will compare them with the citizens of other nations. They made +merchandise of men. They legalized a crime. They sowed the seeds of +war. But they founded this Nation.</p> +<p>Let us gratefully remember.</p> +<p>Let us gratefully forget.</p> +<p>To-day we remember the heroes of the second war with England, in +which our fathers fought for the freedom of the seas—for the +rights of the American sailor. We remember with pride the splendid +victories of Erie and Champlain and the wondrous achievements upon +the sea—achievements that covered our navy with a glory that +neither the victories nor defeats of the future can dim. We +remember the heroic services and sufferings of those who fought the +merciless savage of the frontier. We see the midnight massacre, and +hear the war-cries of the allies of England. We see the flames +climb around the happy homes, and in the charred and blackened +ruins the mutilated bodies of wives and children. Peace came at +last, crowned with the victory of New Orleans—a victory that +"did redeem all sorrows" and all defeats.</p> +<p>The Revolution gave our fathers a free land—the War of +1812 a free sea.</p> +<p>To-day we remember the gallant men who bore our flag in triumph +from the Rio Grande to the heights of Chapultepec.</p> +<p>Leaving out of question the justice of our cause—the +necessity for war—we are yet compelled to applaud the +marvelous courage of our troops. A handful of men, brave, +impetuous, determined, irresistible, conquered a nation. Our +history has no record of more daring deeds.</p> +<p>Again peace came, and the Nation hoped and thought that strife +was at an end. We had grown too powerful to be attacked. Our +resources were boundless, and the future seemed secure. The hardy +pioneers moved to the great West. Beneath their ringing strokes the +forests disappeared, and on the prairies waved the billowed seas of +wheat and corn. The great plains were crossed, the mountains were +conquered, and the foot of victorious adventure pressed the shore +of the Pacific. In the great North all the streams went singing to +the sea, turning wheels and spindles, and casting shuttles back and +forth. Inventions were springing like magic from a thousand brains. +From Labor's holy altars rose and leaped the smoke and flame, and +from the countless forges ran the chant of rhythmic stroke.</p> +<p>But in the South, the negro toiled unpaid, and mothers wept +while babes were sold, and at the auction-block husbands and wives +speechlessly looked the last good-bye. Fugitives, lighted by the +Northern Star, sought liberty on English soil, and were, by +Northern men, thrust back to whip and chain. The great statesmen, +the successful politicians, announced that law had compromised with +crime, that justice had been bribed, and that time had barred +appeal. A race was left without a right, without a hope. The future +had no dawn, no star—nothing but ignorance and fear, nothing +but work and want. This, was the conclusion of the statesmen, the +philosophy of the politicians—of constitutional +expounders:—this was decided by courts and ratified by the +Nation.</p> +<p>We had been successful in three wars. We had wrested thirteen +colonies from Great Britain. We had conquered our place upon the +high seas. We had added more than two millions of square miles to +the national domain. We had increased in population from three to +thirty-one millions. We were in the midst of plenty. We were rich +and free. Ours appeared to be the most prosperous of Nations. But +it was only appearance. The statesmen and the politicians were +deceived. Real victories can be won only for the Right. The triumph +of Justice is the only Peace. Such is the nature of things. He who +enslaves another cannot be free. He who attacks the right, assaults +himself. The mistake our fathers made had not been corrected. The +foundations of the Republic were insecure. The great dome of the +temple was clad in the light of prosperity, but the corner-stones +were crumbling. Four millions of human beings were enslaved. Party +cries had been mistaken for principles—partisanship for +patriotism—success for justice.</p> +<p>But Pity pointed to the scarred and bleeding backs of slaves; +Mercy heard the sobs of mothers reft of babes, and Justice held +aloft the scales, in which one drop of blood shed by a master's +lash, outweighed a Nation's gold. There were a few men, a few +women, who had the courage to attack this monstrous crime. They +found it entrenched in constitutions, statutes, and +decisions—barricaded and bastioned by every department and by +every party. Politicians were its servants, statesmen its +attorneys, judges its menials, presidents its puppets, and upon its +cruel altar had been sacrificed our country's honor. It was the +crime of the Nation—of the whole country—North and +South responsible alike.</p> +<p>To-day we reverently thank the abolitionists. Earth has no +grander men—no nobler women. They were the real +philanthropists, the true patriots. When the will defies fear, when +the heart applauds the brain, when duty throws the gauntlet down to +fate, when honor scorns to compromise with death,—this is +heroism. The abolitionists were heroes. He loves his country best +who strives to make it best. The bravest men are those who have the +greatest fear of doing wrong. Mere politicians wish the country to +do something for them. True patriots desire to do something for +their country. Courage without conscience is a wild beast. +Patriotism without principle is the prejudice of birth, the animal +attachment to place. These men, these women, had courage and +conscience, patriotism and principle, heart and brain.</p> +<p>The South relied upon the bond,—upon a barbarous clause +that stained, disfigured and defiled the Federal pact, and made the +monstrous claim that slavery was the Nation's ward. The spot of +shame grew red in Northern cheeks, and Northern men declared that +slavery had poisoned, cursed and blighted soul and soil enough, and +that the Territories must be free. The radicals of the South cried: +"No Union without Slavery!" The radicals of the North replied: "No +Union without Liberty!" The Northern radicals were right. Upon the +great issue of free homes for free men, a President was elected by +the free States. The South appealed to the sword, and raised the +standard of revolt. For the first time in history the oppressors +rebelled.</p> +<p>But let us to-day be great enough to forget +individuals,—great enough to know that slavery was treason, +that slavery was rebellion, that slavery fired upon our flag and +sought to wreck and strand the mighty ship that bears the hope and +fortune of this world. The first shot liberated the North. +Constitution, statutes and decisions, compromises, platforms, and +resolutions made, passed, and ratified in the interest of slavery +became mere legal lies, base and baseless. Parchment and paper +could no longer stop or stay the onward march of man. The North was +free. Millions instantly resolved that the Nation should not +die—that Freedom should not perish, and that Slavery should +not live.</p> +<p>Millions of our brothers, our sons, our fathers, our husbands, +answered to the Nation's call.</p> +<p>The great armies have desolated the earth. The greatest soldiers +have been ambition's dupes. They waged war for the sake of place +and pillage, pomp and power,—for the ignorant applause of +vulgar millions,—for the flattery of parasites, and the +adulation of sycophants and slaves.</p> +<p>Let us proudly remember that in our time the greatest, the +grandest, the noblest army of the world fought, not to enslave, but +to free; not to destroy, but to save; not for conquest, but for +conscience; not only for us, but for every land and every race.</p> +<p>With courage, with enthusiasm, with a devotion' never excelled, +with an exaltation and purity of purpose never equaled, this grand +army fought the battles of the Republic. For the preservation of +this Nation, for the destruction of slavery, these soldiers, these +sailors, on land and sea, disheartened by no defeat, discouraged by +no obstacle, appalled by no danger, neither paused nor swerved +until a stainless flag, without a rival, floated over all our wide +domain, and until every human being beneath its folds was +absolutely free.</p> +<p>The great victory for human rights—the greatest of all the +years—had been won; won by the Union men of the North, by the +Union men of the South, and by those who had been slaves. Liberty +was national, Slavery was dead.</p> +<p>The flag for which the heroes fought, for which they died, is +the symbol of all we are, of all we hope to be.</p> +<p>It is the emblem of equal rights.</p> +<p>It means free hands, free lips, self-government and the +sovereignty of the individual.</p> +<p>It means that this continent has been dedicated to freedom.</p> +<p>It means universal education,—light for every mind, +knowledge for every child.</p> +<p>It means that the schoolhouse is the fortress of Liberty.</p> +<p>It means that "Governments derive their just powers from the +consent of the governed;" that each man is accountable to and for +the Government; that responsibility goes hand in hand with +liberty.</p> +<p>It means that it is the duty of every citizen to bear his share +of the public burden,—to take part in the affairs of his +town, his county, his State and his country.</p> +<p>It means that the ballot-box is the Ark of the Covenant; that +the source of authority must not be poisoned.</p> +<p>It means the perpetual right of peaceful revolution. It means +that every citizen of the Republic—native or +naturalized—must be protected; at home, in every +State,—abroad, in every land, on every sea.</p> +<p>It means that all distinctions based on birth or blood, have +perished from our laws; that our Government shall stand between +labor and capital, between the weak and the strong, between the +individual and the corporation, between want and wealth, and give +the guarantee of simple justice to each and all.</p> +<p>It means that there shall be a legal remedy for every wrong.</p> +<p>It means national hospitality,—that we must welcome to our +shores the exiles of the world, and that we may not drive them +back. Some may be deformed by labor, dwarfed by hunger, broken in +spirit, victims of tyranny and caste,—in whose sad faces may +be read the touching record of a weary life; and yet their +children, born of liberty and love, will be symmetrical and fair, +intelligent and free.</p> +<p>That flag is the emblem of a supreme will—of a Nation's +power. Beneath its folds the weakest must be protected and the +strongest must obey. It shields and canopies alike the loftiest +mansion and the rudest hut. That flag was given to the air in the +Revolution's darkest days. It represents the sufferings of the +past, the glories yet to be; and like the bow of heaven, it is the +child of storm and sun.</p> +<p>This day is sacred to the great heroic host who kept this flag +above our heads,—sacred to the living and the +dead—sacred to the scarred and maimed,—sacred to the +wives who gave their husbands, to the mothers who gave their +sons.</p> +<p>Here in this peaceful land of ours,—here where the sun +shines, where flowers grow, where children play, millions of armed +men battled for the right and breasted on a thousand fields the +iron storms of war.</p> +<p>These brave, these incomparable men, founded the first Republic. +They fulfilled the prophecies; they brought to pass the dreams; +they realized the hopes, that all the great and good and wise and +just have made and had since man was man.</p> +<p>But what of those who fell? There is no language to express the +debt we owe, the love we bear, to all the dead who died for us. +Words are but barren sounds. We can but stand beside their graves +and in the hush and silence feel what speech has never told.</p> +<p>They fought, they died; and for the first time since man has +kept a record of events, the heavens bent above and domed a land +without a serf, a servant or a slave.</p> +<a name="link0015" id="link0015"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>DECORATION DAY ADDRESS.</h2> +<pre> + * Empty sleeves worn by veterans with scanty locks and + grizzled mustaches graced the Metropolitan Opera House last + night. On the breasts of their faded uniforms glittered the + badges of the legions in which they had fought and suffered, + and beside them sat the wives and daughters, whose hearts + had ached at home while they served their country at the + front. + + Every seat in the great Opera House was filled, and hundreds + stood, glad to And any place where they could see and hear. + And the gathering and the proceedings were worthy of the + occasion. + + Mr. Depew upon taking the chair said that he had the chief + treat of the evening to present to the audience, and that + was Robert G. Ingersoll, the greatest living orator, and one + of the great controversialists of the age. + + Then came the orator of the occasion Col. Ingersoll, whose + speech is printed herewith. + + Enthusiastic cheers greeted all his points, and his audience + simply went wild at the end. It was a grand oration, and it + was listened to by enthusiastic and appreciative hearers, + upon whom not a single word was lost, and in whose hearts + every word awoke a responsive echo. + + Nor did the enthusiasm which Col. Ingersoll created end + until the very last, when the whole assemblage arose and + sang "America" in a way which will never be forgotten by any + one present. It was a great ending of a great evening.—The + New York Times, May 31st, 1888. +</pre> +<p>New York City.</p> +<center>1888.</center> +<p>THIS is a sacred day—a day for gratitude and love.</p> +<p>To-day we commemorate more than independence, more than the +birth of a nation, more than the fruits of the Revolution, more +than physical progress, more than the accumulation of wealth, more +than national prestige and power.</p> +<p>We commemorate the great and blessed victory over +ourselves—the triumph of civilization, the reformation of a +people, the establishment of a government consecrated to the +preservation of liberty and the equal rights of man.</p> +<p>Nations can win success, can be rich and powerful, can cover the +earth with their armies, the seas with their fleets, and yet be +selfish, small and mean. Physical progress means opportunity for +doing good. It means responsibility. Wealth is the end of the +despicable, victory the purpose of brutality.</p> +<p>But there is something nobler than all these—something +that rises above wealth and power—something above lands and +palaces—something above raiment and gold—it is the love +of right, the cultivation of the moral nature, the desire to do +justice, the inextinguishable love of human liberty.</p> +<p>Nothing can be nobler than a nation governed by conscience, +nothing more infamous than power without pity, wealth without honor +and without the sense of justice.</p> +<p>Only by the soldiers of the right can the laurel be won or +worn.</p> +<p>On this day we honor the heroes who fought to make our Nation +just and free—who broke the shackles of the slave, who freed +the masters of the South and their allies of the North. We honor +chivalric men who made America the hope and beacon of the human +race—the foremost Nation of the world.</p> +<p>These heroes established the first republic, and demonstrated +that a government in which the legally expressed will of the people +is sovereign and supreme is the safest, strongest, securest, +noblest and the best.</p> +<p>They demonstrated the human right of the people, and of all the +people, to make and execute the laws—that authority does not +come from the clouds, or from ancestry, or from the crowned and +titled, or from constitutions and compacts, laws and +customs—not from the admissions of the great, or the +concessions of the powerful and victorious—not from graves, +or consecrated dust—not from treaties made between successful +robbers—not from the decisions of corrupt and menial +courts—not from the dead, but from the living—not from +the past but from the present, from the people of to-day—from +the brain, from the heart and from the conscience of those who live +and love and labor.</p> +<p>The history of this world for the most part is the history of +conflict and war, of invasion, of conquest, of victorious wrong, of +the many enslaved by the few.</p> +<p>Millions have fought for kings, for the destruction and +enslavement of their fellow-men. Millions have battled for empire, +and great armies have been inspired by the hope of pillage; but for +the first time in the history of this world millions of men battled +for the right, fought to free not themselves, but others, not for +prejudice, but for principle, not for conquest, but for +conscience.</p> +<p>The men whom we honor were the liberators of a Nation, of a +whole country, North and South—of two races. They freed the +body and the brain, gave liberty to master and to slave. They +opened all the highways of thought, and gave to fifty millions of +people the inestimable legacy of free speech.</p> +<p>They established the free exchange of thought. They gave to the +air a flag without a stain, and they gave to their country a +Constitution that honest men can reverently obey. They destroyed +the hateful, the egotistic and provincial—they established a +Nation, a national spirit, a national pride and a patriotism as +broad as the great Republic.</p> +<p>They did away with that ignorant and cruel prejudice that human +rights depend on race or color, and that the superior race has the +right to oppress the inferior. They established the sublime truth +that the superior are the just, the kind, the generous, and +merciful—that the really superior are the protectors, the +defenders, and the saviors of the oppressed, of the fallen, the +unfortunate, the weak and helpless. They established that greatest +of all truths that nothing is nobler than to labor and suffer for +others.</p> +<p>If we wish to know the extent of our debt to these heroes, these +soldiers of the right, we must know what we were and what we are. A +few years ago we talked about liberty, about the freedom of the +world, and while so talking we enslaved our fellow-men. We were the +stealers of babes and the whippers of women. We were in partnership +with bloodhounds. We lived on unpaid labor. We held manhood in +contempt. Honest toil was disgraceful—sympathy was a +crime—pity was unconstitutional—humanity contrary to +law, and charity was treason. Men were imprisoned for pointing out +in heaven's dome the Northern Star—for giving food to the +hungry, water to the parched lips of thirst, shelter to the hunted, +succor to the oppressed. In those days criminals and courts, +pirates and pulpits were in partnership—liberty was only a +word standing for the equal rights of robbers.</p> +<p>For many years we insisted that our fathers had founded a free +Government, that they were the lovers of liberty, believers in +equal rights. We were mistaken. The colonists did not believe in +the freedom of to-day. Their laws were filled with intolerance, +with slavery and the infamous spirit of caste. They persecuted and +enslaved. Most of them were narrow, ignorant and cruel. For the +most part, their laws were more brutal than those of the nations +from which they came. They branded the forehead of intelligence, +bored with hot irons the tongue of truth. They persecuted the good +and enslaved the helpless. They were believers in pillories and +whipping-posts for honest, thoughtful men.</p> +<p>When their independence was secured they adopted a Constitution +that legalized slavery, and they passed laws making it the duty of +free men to prevent others from becoming free. They followed the +example of kings and nobles. They knew that monarchs had been +interested in the slave trade, and that the first English commander +of a slave-ship divided his profits with a queen.</p> +<p>They forgot all the splendid things they had said—the +great principles they had so proudly and eloquently announced. The +sublime truths faded from their hearts. The spirit of trade, the +greed for office, took possession of their souls. The lessons of +history were forgotten. The voices coming from all the wrecks of +kingdoms, empires and republics on the shores of the great river +were unheeded and unheard.</p> +<p>If the foundation is not justice, the dome cannot be high +enough, or splendid enough, to save the temple.</p> +<p>But above everything in the minds of our fathers was the desire +for union—to create a Nation, to become a Power.</p> +<p>Our fathers compromised.</p> +<p>A compromise is a bargain in which each party defrauds the +other, and himself.</p> +<p>The compromise our fathers made was the coffin of honor and the +cradle of war.</p> +<p>A brazen falsehood and a timid truth are the parents of +compromise.</p> +<p>But some—the greatest and the best—believed in +liberty for all. They repeated the splendid sayings of the Roman: +"By the law of nature all men are free;"—of the French King: +"Men are born free and equal;"—of the sublime Zeno: "All men +are by nature equal, and virtue alone establishes a difference +between them."</p> +<p>In the year preceding the Declaration of Independence, a society +for the abolition of slavery was formed in Pennsylvania and its +first President was one of the wisest and greatest of +men—Benjamin Franklin. A society of the same character was +established in New York in 1785; its first President was John +Jay—the second, Alexander Hamilton.</p> +<p>But in a few years these great men were forgotten. Parties +rivaled each other in the defence of wrong. Politicians cared only +for place and power. In the clamor of the heartless, the voice of +the generous was lost. Slavery became supreme. It dominated +legislatures, courts and parties; it rewarded the faithless and +little; it degraded the honest and great.</p> +<p>And yet, through all these hateful years, thousands and +thousands of noble men and women denounced the degradation and the +crime. Most of their names are unknown. They have given a glory to +obscurity. They have filled oblivion with honor.</p> +<p>In the presence of death it has been the custom to speak of the +worthlessness, and the vanity, of life. I prefer to speak of its +value, of its importance, of its nobility and glory.</p> +<p>Life is not merely a floating shadow, a momentary spark, a dream +that vanishes. Nothing can be grander than a life filled with great +and noble thoughts—with brave and honest deeds. Such a life +sheds light, and the seeds of truth sown by great and loyal men +bear fruit through all the years to be. To have lived and labored +and died for the right—nothing can be sublimer.</p> +<p>History is but the merest outline of the exceptional—of a +few great crimes, calamities, wars, mistakes and dramatic virtues. +A few mountain peaks are touched, while all the valleys of human +life, where countless victories are won, where labor wrought with +love—are left in the eternal shadow.</p> +<p>But these peaks are not the foundation of nations. The forgotten +words, the unrecorded deeds, the unknown sacrifices, the heroism, +the industry, the patience, the love and labor of the nameless good +and great have for the most part founded, guided and defended +States. The world has been civilized by the unregarded poor, by the +untitled nobles, by the uncrowned kings who sleep in unknown graves +mingled with the common dust.</p> +<p>They have thought and wrought, have borne the burdens of the +world. The pain and labor have been theirs—the glory has been +given to the few.</p> +<p>The conflict came. The South unsheathed the sword. Then rose the +embattled North, and these men who sleep to-night beneath the +flowers of half the world, gave all for us.</p> +<p>They gave us a Nation—a republic without a slave—a +republic that is sovereign, and to whose will every citizen and +every State must bow. They gave us a Constitution for all—one +that can be read without shame and defended without dishonor. They +freed the brain, the lips and hands of men.</p> +<p>All that could be done by force was done. All that could be +accomplished by the adoption of constitutions was done. The rest is +left to education—the innumerable influences of +civilization—to the development of the intellect, to the +cultivation of the heart and the imagination.</p> +<p>The past is now a hideous dream.</p> +<p>The present is filled with pride, with gratitude, and hope.</p> +<p>Liberty is the condition of real progress. The free man works +for wife and child—the slave toils from fear. Liberty gives +leisure and leisure refines, beautifies and ennobles. Slavery gives +idleness and idleness degrades, deforms and brutalizes.</p> +<p>Liberty and slavery—the right and wrong—the joy and +grief—the day and night—the glory and the gloom of all +the years.</p> +<p>Liberty is the word that all the good have spoken.</p> +<p>It is the hope of every loving heart—the spark and flame +in every noble breast—the gem in every splendid +soul—the many-colored dream in every honest brain.</p> +<p>This word has filled the dungeon with its holy light,—has +put the halo round the martyr's head,—has raised the convict +far above the king, and clad even the scaffold with a glory that +dimmed and darkened every throne.</p> +<p>To the wise man, to the wise nation, the mistakes of the past +are the torches of the present. The war is over. The institution +that caused it has perished. The prejudices that fanned the flames +are only ashes now. We are one people. We will stand or fall +together. At last, with clear eyes we see that the triumph of right +was a triumph for all. Together we reap the fruits of the great +victory. We are all conquerors. Around the graves of the +heroes—North and South, white and colored—together we +stand and with uncovered heads reverently thank the saviors of our +native land.</p> +<p>We are now far enough away from the conflict—from its +hatreds, its passions, its follies and its glories, to fairly and +philosophically examine the causes and in some measure at least to +appreciate the results.</p> +<p>States and nations, like individuals, do as they must. Back of +revolution, of rebellion, of slavery and freedom, are the efficient +causes. Knowing this, we occupy that serene height from which it is +possible to calmly pronounce a judgment upon the past.</p> +<p>We know now that the seeds of our war were sown hundreds and +thousands of years ago—sown by the vicious and the just, by +prince and peasant, by king and slave, by all the virtues and by +all the vices, by all the victories and all the defeats, by all the +labor and the love, the loss and gain, by all the evil and the +good, and by all the heroes of the world.</p> +<p>Of the great conflict we remember only its glory and its +lessons. We remember only the heroes who made the Republic the +first of nations, and who laid the foundation for the freedom of +mankind.</p> +<p>This will be known as the century of freedom. Slowly the hosts +of darkness have been driven back.</p> +<p>In 1808 England and the United States united for the suppression +of the slave-trade. The Netherlands joined in this holy work in +1818. France lent her aid in 1819 and Spain in 1820. In the same +year the United States declared the traffic to be piracy, and in +1825 the same law was enacted by Great Britain. In 1826 Brazil +agreed to suppress the traffic in human flesh. In 1833 England +abolished slavery in the West Indies, and in 1843 in her East +Indian possessions, giving liberty to more than twelve millions of +slaves. In 1846 Sweden abolished slavery, and in 1848 it was +abolished in the colonies of Denmark and France. In 1861 Alexander +II., Czar of all the Russias, emancipated the serfs, and on the +first day of January, 1863, the shackles fell from millions of the +citizens of this Republic. This was accomplished by the heroes we +remember to-day—this, in accordance with the Proclamation of +Emancipation signed by Lincoln,—greatest of our mighty +dead—Lincoln the gentle and the just—and whose name +will be known and honored to "the last syllable of recorded time." +And this year, 1888, has been made blessed and memorable +forever—in the vast empire of Brazil there stands no +slave.</p> +<p>Let us hope that when the next century looks from the sacred +portals of the East, its light will only fall upon the faces of the +free.</p> +<pre> + * By request, Col. Ingersoll closed this address with his + "Vision of War," to which he added "A Vision of the + Future." This accounts for its repetition in this volume. +</pre> +<p>The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great +struggle for national life. We hear the sounds of +preparation—the music of boisterous drums—the silver +voices of heroic bugles. We see thousands of assemblages, and hear +the appeals of orators. We see the pale cheeks of women, and the +flushed faces of men; and in those assemblages we see all the dead +whose dust we have covered with flowers. We lose sight of them no +more. We are with them when they enlist in the great army of +freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are walking +for the last time in quiet, woody places, with the maidens they +adore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love +as they lingeringly part forever. Others are bending over cradles, +kissing babes that are asleep. Some are receiving the blessings of +old men. Some are parting with mothers who hold them and press them +to their hearts again and again, and say nothing. Kisses and tears, +tears and kisses—divine mingling of agony and love! And some +are talking with wives, and endeavoring with brave words, spoken in +the old tones, to drive from their hearts the awful fear. We see +them part. We see the wife standing in the door with the babe in +her arms—standing in the sunlight sobbing. At the turn of the +road a hand waves—she answers by holding high in her loving +arms the child. He is gone, and forever.</p> +<p>We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting +flags, keeping time to the grand, wild music of +war—marching-down the streets of the great +cities—through the towns and across the prairies—down +to the fields of glory, to do and to die for the eternal right.</p> +<p>We go with them, one and all. We are by their side on all the +gory fields—in all the hospitals of pain—on all the +weary marches. We stand guard with them in the wild storm and under +the quiet stars. We are with them in ravines running with +blood—in the furrows of old fields. We are with them between +contending hosts, unable to move, wild with thirst, the life ebbing +slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them pierced by balls +and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and in the +whirlwind of the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of +steel.</p> +<p>We are with them in the prisons of hatred and famine; but human +speech can never tell what they endured.</p> +<p>We are at home when the news comes that they are dead. We see +the maiden in the shadow of her first sorrow. We see the silvered +head of the old man bowed with the last grief.</p> +<p>The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human +beings governed by the lash—we see them bound hand and +foot—we hear the strokes of cruel whips—we see the +hounds tracking women through tangled swamps. We see babes sold +from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty unspeakable! Outrage +infinite!</p> +<p>Four million bodies in chains—four million souls in +fetters. All the sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child +trampled beneath the brutal feet of might. And all this was done +under our own beautiful banner of the free.</p> +<p>The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the +bursting shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We +look. Instead of slaves we see men and women and children. The wand +of progress touches the auction block, the slave pen, the whipping +post, and we see homes and firesides and school-houses and books, +and where all was want and crime and cruelty and fear, we see the +faces of the free.</p> +<p>These heroes are dead. They died for liberty—they died for +us. They are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under +the flag they rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad +hemlocks, the tearful willows, and the embracing vines.</p> +<p>They sleep beneath the shadows of the clouds, careless alike of +sunshine or of storm, each in the windowless Palace of Rest. Earth +may run red with other wars—they are at peace. In the midst +of battle, in the roar of conflict, they found the serenity of +death. I have one sentiment for soldiers living and dead: Cheers +for the living; tears for the dead.</p> +<p>A vision of the future rises:</p> +<p>I see our country filled with happy homes, with firesides of +content,—the foremost land of all the earth.</p> +<p>I see a world where thrones have crumbled and where kings are +dust. The aristocracy of idleness has perished from the earth.</p> +<p>I see a world without a slave. Man at last is free. Nature's +forces have by Science been enslaved. Lightning and light, wind and +wave, frost and flame, and all the secret, subtle powers of earth +and air are the tireless toilers for the human race.</p> +<p>I see a world at peace, adorned with every form of art, with +music's myriad voices thrilled, while lips are rich with words of +love and truth; a world in which no exile sighs, no prisoner +mourns; a world on which the gibbet's shadow does not fall; a world +where labor reaps its full reward, where work and worth go hand in +hand, where the poor girl trying to win bread with the +needle—the needle that has been called "the asp for the +breast of the poor,"—is not driven to the desperate choice of +crime or death, of suicide or shame.</p> +<p>I see a world without the beggar's outstretched palm, the +miser's heartless, stony stare, the piteous wail of want, the livid +lips of lies, the cruel eyes of scorn.</p> +<p>I see a race without disease of flesh or brain,—shapely +and fair,—the married harmony of form and +function,—and, as I look, life lengthens, joy deepens, love +canopies the earth; and over all, in the great dome, shines the +eternal star of human hope.</p> +<a name="link0016" id="link0016"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>RATIFICATION SPEECH.</h2> +<pre> + * Delivered at the Metropolitan Opera House, New York, June + 29,1688. +</pre> +<p>Harrison and Morton.</p> +<center>1888.</center> +<p>FELLOW-CITIZENS, Ladies and Gentlemen—The speaker who is +perfectly candid, who tells his honest thought, not only honors +himself, but compliments his audience. It is only to the candid +that man can afford to absolutely open his heart. Most people, +whenever a man is nominated for the presidency, claim that they +were for him from the very start—as a rule, claim that they +discovered him. They are so anxious to be with the procession, so +afraid of being left, that they insist that they got exactly the +man they wanted.</p> +<p>I will be frank enough with you to say that the convention did +not nominate my choice. I was for the nomination of General +Gresham, believing that, all things considered, he was the best and +most available man—a just judge, a soldier, a statesman. But +there is something in the American blood that bows to the will of +the majority. There is that splendid fealty and loyalty to the +great principle upon which our Government rests; so that when the +convention reached its conclusion, every Republican was for the +nominee. There were good men from which to select this ticket. I +made my selection, and did the best I could to induce the +convention to make the same. Some people think, or say they think, +that I made a mistake in telling the name of the man whom I was +for. But I always know whom I am for, I always know what I am for, +and I know the reasons why I am for the thing or for the man.</p> +<p>And it never once occurred to me that we could get a man +nominated, or elected, and keep his name a secret. When I am for a +man I like to stand by him, even while others leave, no matter if +at last I stand alone. I believe in doing things above board, in +the light, in the wide air. No snake ever yet had a skin brilliant +enough, no snake ever crawled through the grass secretly enough, +silently or cunningly enough, to excite my admiration. My +admiration is for the eagle, the monarch of the empyrean, who, +poised on outstretched pinions, challenges the gaze of all the +world. Take your position in the sunlight; tell your neighbors and +your friends what you are for, and give your reasons for your +position; and if that is a mistake, I expect to live making only +mistakes. I do not like the secret way, but the plain, open way; +and I was for one man, not because I had anything against the +others, who were all noble, splendid men, worthy to be Presidents +of the United States.</p> +<p>Now, then, leaving that subject, two parties again confront each +other. With parties as with persons goes what we call character. +They have built up in the nation in which they live reputation, and +the reputation of a party should be taken into consideration as +well as the reputation of a man. What is this party? What has it +done? What has it endeavored to do? What are the ideas in its +brain? What are the hopes, the emotions and the loves in its heart? +Does it wish to make the world grander and better and freer? Has it +a high ideal? Does it believe in sunrise, or does it keep its back +to the sacred east of eternal progress? These are the questions +that every American should ask. Every man should take pride in this +great Nation—America, with a star of glory in her +forehead!—and every man should say, "I hope when I lie down +in death I shall leave a greater and grander country than when I +was born."</p> +<p>This is the country of humanity. This is the Government of the +poor. This is where man has an even chance with his fellow-man. In +this country the poorest man holds in his hand at the day of +election the same unit, the same amount, of political power as the +owner of a hundred millions. That is the glory of the United +States.</p> +<p>A few days ago our party met in convention. Now, let us see who +we are. Let us see what the Republican party is. Let us see what is +the spirit that animates this great and splendid organization.</p> +<p>And I want you to think one moment, just one moment: What was +this country when the first Republican President was elected? Under +the law then, every Northern man was a bloodhound, pledged to catch +human beings, who, led by the light of the Northern Star, were +escaping to free soil. Remember that. And remember, too, that when +our first President was elected we found a treasury empty, the +United States without credit, the great Republic unable to borrow +money from day to day to pay its current expenses. Remember that. +Think of the glory and grandeur of the Republican party that took +the country with an empty exchequer, and then think of what the +Democratic party says to-day of the pain and anguish it has +suffered administering the Government with a surplus!</p> +<p>We must remember what the Republican party has done—what +it has accomplished for nationality, for liberty, for education and +for the civilization of our race. We must remember its courage in +war, its honesty in peace. Civil war tests to a certain degree the +strength, the stability and the patriotism of a country. After the +war comes a greater strain. It is a great thing to die for a cause, +but it is a greater thing to live for it. We must remember that the +Republican party not only put down a rebellion, not only created a +debt of thousands and thousands of millions, but that it had the +industry and the intelligence to pay that debt, and to give to the +United States the best financial standing of any nation.</p> +<p>When this great party came together in Chicago what was the +first thing the convention did? What was the first idea in its +mind? It was to honor the memory of the greatest and grandest men +the Republic has produced. The first name that trembled upon the +lips of the convention was that of Abraham Lincoln—Abraham +Lincoln, one of the greatest and grandest men who ever lived, and, +in my judgment, the greatest man that ever sat in the presidential +chair. And why the greatest? Because the kindest, because he had +more mercy and love in his heart than were in the heart of any +other President. And so the convention paid its tribute to the +great soldier, to the man who led, in company with others, the +great army of freedom to victory, until the old flag floated over +every inch of American soil and every foot of that territory was +dedicated to the eternal freedom of mankind.</p> +<p>And what next did this convention do? The next thing was to send +fraternal greetings to the Americans of Brazil. Why? Because Brazil +had freed every slave, and because that act left the New World, +this hemisphere, without a slave—left two continents +dedicated to the freedom of man—so that with that act of +Brazil the New World, discovered only a few years ago, takes the +lead in the great march of human progress and liberty. That is the +second thing the convention did. Only a little while ago the +minister to this country from Brazil, acting under instructions +from his government, notified the President of the United States +that this sublime act had been accomplished—notified him that +from the bodies of millions of men the chains of slavery had +fallen—an act great enough to make the dull sky of half the +world glow as though another morning had risen upon another +day.</p> +<p>And what did our President say? Was he filled with enthusiasm? +Did his heart beat quicker? Did the blood rush to his cheek? He +simply said, as it is reported, "that he hoped time would justify +the wisdom of the measure." It is precisely the same as though a +man should quit a life of crime, as though some gentleman in the +burglar business should finally announce to his friends: "I have +made up my mind never to break into another house," and the friend +should reply: "I hope that time will justify the propriety of that +resolution."</p> +<p>That was the first thing, with regard to the condition of the +world, that came into the mind of the Republican convention. And +why was that? Because the Republican party has fought for liberty +from the day of its birth to the present moment.</p> +<p>And what was the next? The next resolution passed by the +convention was, "that we earnestly hope, we shall soon congratulate +our fellow-citizens of Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of +home rule in Ireland."</p> +<p>Wherever a human being wears a chain, there you will find the +sympathy of the Republican party. Wherever one languishes in a +dungeon for having raised the standard of revolt in favor of human +freedom, there you will find the sympathy of the Republican party. +I believe in liberty for Ireland, not because it is Ireland, but +because they are human beings, and I am for liberty, not as a +prejudice, but as a principle.</p> +<p>The man rightfully in jail who wants to get out is a believer in +liberty as a prejudice; but when a man out of jail sees a man +wrongfully in jail and is willing to risk his life to give liberty +to the man who ought to have it, that is being in favor of liberty +as a principle. So I am in favor of liberty everywhere, all over +the world, and wherever one man tries to govern another simply +because he has been born a lord or a duke or a king, or wherever +one governs another simply by brute force, I say that that is +oppression, and it is the business of Americans to do all they can +to give liberty to the oppressed everywhere.</p> +<p>Ireland should govern herself. Those who till the soil should +own the soil, or have an opportunity at least of becoming the +owners. A few landlords should not live in extravagance and luxury +while those who toil live on the leavings, on parings, on crumbs +and crusts. The treatment of Ireland by England has been one +continuous crime. There is no meaner page in history.</p> +<p>What is the next thing in this platform? And if there is +anything in it that anybody can object to, we will find it out +to-night. The next thing is the supremacy of the Nation.-Why, even +the Democrats now believe in that, and in their own platform are +willing to commence that word with a capital N. They tell us that +they are in favor of an indissoluble Union—just as I presume +they always have been. But they now believe in a Union. So does the +Republican party. What else? The Republican party believes, not in +State Sovereignty, but in the preservation of all the rights +reserved to the States by the Constitution.</p> +<p>Let me show you the difference: For instance, you make a +contract with your neighbor who lives next door—equal +partners—and at the bottom of the contract you put the +following addition: "If there is any dispute as to the meaning of +this contract, my neighbor shall settle it, and any settlement he +shall make shall be final." Is there any use of talking about being +equal partners any longer? Any use of your talking about being a +sovereign partner? So, the Constitution of the United States says: +"If any question arises between any State and the Federal +Government it shall be decided by a Federal Court." That is the end +of what they call State Sovereignty.</p> +<p>Think of a sovereign State that can make no treaty, that cannot +levy war, that cannot coin money. But we believe in maintaining the +rights of the States absolutely in their integrity, because we +believe in local self-government. We deny, however, that a State +has any right to deprive a citizen of his vote. We deny that the +State has any right to violate the Federal law, and we go further +and we say that it is the duty of the General Government to see to +it that every citizen in every State shall have the right to +exercise all of his privileges as a citizen of the United +States—"the right of every lawful citizen," says our +platform, "native or foreign, white or black, to cast a free +ballot."</p> +<p>Let me say one word about that.</p> +<p>The ballot is the king, the emperor, the ruler of America; it is +the only rightful sovereign of the Republic; and whoever refuses to +count an honest vote, or whoever casts a dishonest vote, is a +traitor to the great principle upon which our Government is +founded. The man poisons, or endeavors to poison, the springs of +authority, the fountains of justice, of rightful dominion and +power; and until every citizen can cast his vote everywhere in this +land and have that vote counted, we are not a republican people, we +are not a civilized nation. The Republican party will not have +finished its mission until this country is civilized. That is its +business. It was born of a protest against barbarism.</p> +<p>The Republican party was the organized conscience of the United +States. It had the courage to stand by what it believed to be +right. There is something better even than success in this world; +or in other words, there is only one kind of success, and that is +to be for the right. Then whatever happens, you have succeeded.</p> +<p>Now, comes the next question. The Republican party not only +wants to protect every citizen in his liberty, in his right to +vote, but it wants to have that vote counted. And what else?</p> +<p>The next thing in this platform is protection for American +labor.</p> +<p>I am going to tell you in a very brief way why I am in favor of +protection. First, I want this Republic substantially independent +of the rest of the world. You must remember that while people are +civilized—some of them—so that when they have a quarrel +they leave it to the courts to decide, nations still occupy the +position of savages toward each other. There is no national court +to decide a question, consequently the question is decided by the +nations themselves, and you know what selfishness and greed and +power and the ideas of false glory will do and have done. So that +this Nation is not safe one moment from war. I want the Republic so +that it can live although at war with all the world.</p> +<p>We have every kind of climate that is worth having. Our country +embraces the marriage of the pine and palm; we have all there is of +worth; it is the finest soil in the world and the most ingenious +people that ever contrived to make the forces of nature do their +work. I want this Nation substantially independent, so that if +every port were blockaded we would be covered with prosperity as +with a mantle. Then, too, the Nation that cannot take care of +itself in war is always at a disadvantage in peace. That is one +reason. Let me give you the next.</p> +<p>The next reason is that whoever raises raw material and sells it +will be eternally poor. There is no State in this Union where the +farmer raises wheat and sells it, that the farmer is not poor. Why? +He only makes one profit, and, as a rule, that is a loss. The +farmer that raises corn does better, because he can sell, not corn, +but pork and beef and horses. In other words, he can make the +second or third profit, and those farmers get rich. There is a vast +difference between the labor necessary to raise raw material and +the labor necessary to make the fabrics used by civilized men. +Remember that; and if you are confined simply to raw material your +labor will be unskilled; unskilled labor will be cheap, the raw +material will be cheap, and the result is that your country will +grow poorer and poorer, while the country that buys your raw +material, makes it into fabrics and sells it back to you, will grow +intelligent and rich. I want you to remember this, because it lies +at the foundation of this whole subject. Most people who talk on +this point bring forward column after column of figures, and a man +to understand it would have to be a walking table of logarithms. I +do not care to discuss it that way. I want to get at the foundation +principles, so that you can give a reason, as well as myself, why +you are in favor of protection.</p> +<p>Let us take another step. We will take a locomotive—a +wonderful thing—that horse of progress, with its flesh of +iron and steel and breath of flame—a wonderful thing. Let us +see how it is made. Did you ever think of the deft and cunning +hands, of the wonderfully accurate brains, that can make a thing +like that? Did you ever think about it? How much do you suppose the +raw material lying in the earth was worth that was changed into +that locomotive? A locomotive that is worth, we will say, twelve +thousand dollars; how much was the raw material worth lying in the +earth, deposited there millions of years ago? Not as much as one +dollar. Let us, just for the sake of argument, say five dollars. +What, then, has labor added to the twelve thousand dollar +locomotive? Eleven thousand nine hundred and ninety-five dollars. +Now, why? Because, just to the extent that thought is mingled with +labor, wages increase; just to the extent you mix mind with muscle, +you give value to labor; just to the extent that the labor is +skilled, deft, apt, just to that extent or in that proportion, is +the product valuable. Think about it. Raw material! There is a +piece of canvas five feet one way, three the other. Raw material +would be to get a man to whitewash it; that is raw material. Let a +man of genius paint a picture upon it; let him put in that picture +the emotions of his heart, the landscapes that have made poetry in +his brain, the recollection of the ones he loves, the prattle of +children, a mother's tear, the sunshine of her smile, and all the +sweet and sacred memories of his life, and it is worth five +thousand dollars—ten thousand dollars.</p> +<p>Noise is raw material, but the great opera of "Tristan and +Isolde" is the result of skilled labor. There is the same +difference between simple brute strength and skilled labor that +there is between noise and the symphonies of Beethoven. I want you +to get this in your minds.</p> +<p>Now, then, whoever sells raw material gives away the great +profit. You raise cotton and sell it; and just as long as the South +does it and does nothing more the South will be poor, the South +will be ignorant, and it will be solidly Democratic.</p> +<p>Now, do not imagine that I am saying anything against the +Democratic party. I believe the Democratic party is doing the best +it can under the circumstances. You know my philosophy makes me +very charitable. You find out all about a man, all about his +ancestors, and you can account for his vote always. Why? Because +there are causes and effects in nature. There are sometimes +antecedents and subsequents that have no relation to each other, +but at the same time, all through the web and woof of events, you +find these causes and effects, and if you only look far enough, you +will know why a man does as he does.</p> +<p>I have nothing to say against the Democratic party. I want to +talk against ideas, not against people. I do not care anything +about their candidates, whether they are good, bad or indifferent. +What, gentlemen, are your ideas? What do you propose to do? What is +your policy? That is what I want to know, and I am willing to meet +them upon the field of intellectual combat. They are in possession; +they are in the rifle pits of office; we are in the open field, but +we will plant our standard, the flag that we love, without a stain, +and under that banner, upon which so many dying men have looked in +the last hour when they thought of home and country—under +that flag we will carry the Democratic fortifications.</p> +<p>Another thing; we want to get at this business so that we will +understand what we are doing. I do not believe in protecting +American industry for the sake of the capitalist, or for the sake +of any class, but for the sake of the whole Nation. And if I did +not believe that it was for the best interests of the whole Nation +I should be opposed to it.</p> +<p>Let us take this next step. Everybody, of course, cannot be a +farmer. Everybody cannot be a mechanic. All the people in the world +cannot go at one business. We must have a diversity of industry. I +say, the greater that diversity, the greater the development of +brain in the country. We then have what you might call a mental +exchange; men are then pursuing every possible direction in which +the mind can go, and the brain is being developed upon all sides; +whereas, if you all simply cultivated the soil, you would finally +become stupid. If you all did only one business you would become +ignorant; but by pursuing all possible avocations that call for +taste, genius, calculation, discovery, ingenuity, +invention—by having all these industries open to the American +people, we will be able to raise great men and great women; and I +am for protection, because it will enable us to raise greater men +and greater women. Not only because it will make more money in less +time, but because I would rather have greater folks and less +money.</p> +<p>One man of genius makes a continent sublime. Take all the men of +wealth from Scotland—who would know it? Wipe their names from +the pages of history, and who would miss them? Nobody. Blot out one +name, Robert Burns, and how dim and dark would be the star of +Scotland. The great thing is to raise great folks. That is what we +want to do, and we want to diversify all the industries and protect +them all. How much? Simply enough to prevent the foreign article +from destroying the domestic. But they say, then the manufacturers +will form a trust and put the prices up. If we depend upon the +foreign manufacturers will they not form trusts? We can depend on +competition. What do the Democrats want to do? They want to do away +with the tariff, so as to do away with the surplus. They want to +put down the tariff to do away with the surplus. If you put down +the tariff a small per cent, so that the foreign article comes to +America, instead of decreasing, you will increase the surplus. +Where you get a dollar now, you will get five then. If you want to +stop getting anything from imports, you want to put the tariff +higher, my friend.</p> +<p>Let every Democrat understand this, and let him also understand +that I feel and know that he has the same interest in this great +country that I have, and let me be frank enough and candid enough +and honest enough to say that I believe the Democratic party +advocates the policy it does because it believes it will be the +best for the country. But we differ upon a question of policy, and +the only way to argue it is to keep cool. If a man simply shouts +for his side, or gets mad, he is a long way from any intellectual +improvement.</p> +<p>If I am wrong in this, I want to be set right. If it is not to +the interest of America that the shuttle shall keep flying, that +wheels shall keep turning, that cloth shall be woven, that the +forges shall flame and that the smoke shall rise from the +numberless chimneys—if that is not to the interest of +America, I want to know it. But I believe that upon the great cloud +of smoke rising from the chimneys of the manufactories of this +country, every man who will think can see the bow of national +promise.</p> +<p>"Oh, but," they say, "you put the prices so high." Let me give +you two or three facts: Only a few years ago I know that we paid +one hundred and twenty-five dollars a ton for Bessemer steel. At +that time the tariff was twenty-eight dollars a ton, I believe. I +am not much on figures. I generally let them add it up, and I pay +it and go on about my business. With the tariff at twenty-eight +dollars a ton, that being a sufficient protection against Great +Britain, the ingenuity of America went to work. Capital had the +courage to try the experiment, and the result was that, instead of +buying thousands and thousands and thousands and tens of thousands +and hundreds of thousands and millions of tons of steel from Great +Britain, we made it here in our own country, and it went down as +low as thirty dollars a ton. Under this "rascally protection" it +went down to one-fourth of what free trade England was selling it +to us for.</p> +<p>And so I might go on all night with a thousand other articles; +all I want to show you is that we want these industries here, and +we want them protected just as long as they need protection. We +want to rock the cradle just as long as there is a child in it. +When the child gets to be seven or eight feet high, and wears +number twelve boots, we will say: "Now you will have to shift for +yourself." What we want is not simply for the capitalist, not +simply for the workingmen, but for the whole country.</p> +<p>If there is any object worthy the attention of this or any other +government, it is the condition of the workingmen. What do they do? +They do all that is done. They are the Atlases upon whose mighty +shoulders rests the fabric of American civilization. The men of +leisure are simply the vines that run round this great sturdy oak +of labor. If there is anything noble enough, and splendid enough to +claim the attention of a nation, it is this question, and I hope +the time will come when labor will receive far more than it does +to-day. I want you all to think of it—how little, after all, +the laboring man, even in America, receives.</p> +<p>[A voice: "Under protection."]</p> +<p>Yes, sir, even under protection. Take away that protection, and +he is instantly on a level with the European serf. And let me ask +that good, honest gentleman one question. If the laborer is better +off in other countries, why does not the American laborer emigrate +to Europe?</p> +<p>There is no place in the wide world where, in my judgment, labor +reaps its true reward. There never has been. But I hope the time +will come when the American laborer will not only make a living for +himself, for his wife and children, but lay aside something to keep +the roof above his head when the winter of age may come. My +sympathies are all with them, and I would rather see thousands +of... '' palaces of millionaires unroofed than to see desolation in +the cabins of the poor. I know that this world has been made +beautiful by those who have labored and those who have suffered. I +know that we owe to them the conveniences of life, and I have more +conveniences, I live a more luxurious life, than any monarch ever +lived one hundred years ago. I have more conveniences than any +emperor could have purchased with the revenue of his empire one +hundred years ago. It is worth something to live in this age of the +world.</p> +<p>And what has made us such a great and splendid and progressive +and sensible people?</p> +<p>[A voice: "Free thought."]</p> +<p>Free thought, of course. Back of every invention is free +thought. Why does a man invent? Slavery never invents; freedom +invents. A slave working for his master tries to do the least work +in the longest space of time, but a free man, working for wife and +children, tries to do the most work in the shortest possible time. +He is in love with what he is doing, consequently his head and his +hands go in partnership; muscle and brain unite, and the result is +that the head invents something to help the hands, and out of the +brain leaps an invention that makes a slave of the forces of +nature—those forces that have no backs to be whipped, those +forces that shed no tears, those forces that are destined to work +forever for the happiness of the human race.</p> +<p>Consequently I am for the protection of American labor, American +genius, American thought. I do not want to put our workingmen on a +level with the citizens of despotisms. Why do not the Democrats and +others want the Chinese to come here? Are they in favor of being +protected? Why is it that the Democrats and others object to +penitentiary labor? I will tell you. They say that a man in the +penitentiary can produce cheaper. He has no family to support, he +has no children to look after; and they say, it is hardly fair to +make the father of a family and an honest man compete with a +criminal within the walls of a penitentiary. So they ask to be +protected.</p> +<p>What is the difference whether a man is in the penitentiary, or +whether he is in the despotism of some European state? "Ah, but," +they say, "you let the laborer of Europe come here himself." Yes, +and I am in favor of it always. Why? This world belongs to the +human race. And when they come here, in a little while they have +our wants, and if they do not their children do, and you will find +the second generation of Irishmen or Germans or of any other +nationality just as patriotic as the tenth generation from the +first immigrant. I want them to come. Then they get our habits.</p> +<p>Who wants free trade? Only those who want us for their +customers, who would like to sell us everything that we +use—England, Germany, all those countries. And why? Because +one American will buy more than one thousand, yes, five thousand +Asiatics. America consumes more to-day than China and India, more +than ten billion would of semi-civilized and barbarous peoples. +What do they buy—what does England sell? A little powder, a +little whiskey, cheap calico, some blankets—a few things of +that kind. What does the American purchase? Everything that +civilized man uses or that civilized man can want.</p> +<p>England wants this market. Give her free trade, and she will +become the most powerful, the richest nation that ever had her +territories marked upon the map of the world. And what do we +become? Nobodies. Poor. Invention will be lost, our minds will grow +clumsy, the wondrous, deft hand of the mechanic paralyzed—a +great raw material producing country—ignorant, poor, +barbaric. I want the cotton that is raised in this country to be +spun here, to be woven into cloth. I want everything that we use to +be made by Americans. We can make the cloth, we can raise the food +to feed and to clothe this Nation, and the Nation is now only in +its infancy.</p> +<p>Somehow people do not understand this. They really think we are +getting filled up. Look at the map of this country. See the valley +of the Mississippi. Put your hand on it. Trace the rivers coming +from the Rocky Mountains and the Alleghanies, and sweeping down to +the Gulf, and know that in the valley of the Mississippi, with its +wondrous tributaries, there can live and there can be civilized and +educated five hundred millions of human beings.</p> +<p>Let us have some sense. I want to show you how far this goes +beyond the intellectual horizon of some people who hold office. For +instance: We have a tariff on lead, and by virtue of that tariff on +lead nearly every silver mine is worked in this country. Take the +tariff from lead and there would remain in the clutch of the rocks, +of the quartz misers, for all time, millions and millions of +silver; but when that is put with lead, and lead runs with silver, +they can make enough on lead and silver to pay for the mining, and +the result is that millions and millions are added every year to +the wealth of the United States.</p> +<p>Let me tell you another thing: There is not a State in the Union +but has something it wants protected. And Louisiana—a +Democratic State, and will be just as long as Democrats count the +votes—Louisiana has the impudence to talk about free trade +and yet it wants its sugar protected. Kentucky says free trade, +except hemp; and if anything needs protection it is hemp. Missouri +says hemp and lead. Colorado, lead and wool; and so you can make +the tour of the States and every one is for free trade with an +exception—that exception being to the advantage of that +State, and when you put the exceptions together you have protected +the industries of all the States.</p> +<p>Now, if the Democratic party is in favor of anything, it is in +favor of free trade. If President Clevelands message means anything +it means free trade. And why? Because it says to every man that +gets protection: If you will look about you, you will find that you +pay for something else that is protected more than you receive in +benefits for what is protected of yours; consequently the logic of +that is free trade. They believe in it I have no doubt. When the +whole world is civilized, when men are everywhere free, when they +all have something like the same tastes and ambitions, when they +love their families and their children, when they want the same +kind of food and roofs above them—if that day shall ever +come—the world can afford to have its trade free, but do not +put the labor of America on a par with the labor of the Old +World.</p> +<p>Now, about taxes—internal revenue. That was resorted to in +time of war. The Democratic party made it necessary. We had to tax +everything to beat back the Democratic hosts, North and South. Now, +understand me. I know that thousands and hundreds of thousands of +individual Democrats were for this country, and were as pure +patriots as ever marched beneath the flag. I know +that—hundreds of thousands of them. I am speaking of the +party organization that staid at home and passed resolutions that +every time the Union forces won a victory the Constitution had been +violated. I understand that. Those taxes were put on in time of +war, because it was necessary. Direct taxation is always odious. A +government dislikes, to be represented among all the people by a +tax gatherer, by an official who visits homes carrying +consternation and grief wherever he goes. Everybody, from the most +ancient times of which I have ever read, until the present moment, +dislikes a tax gatherer. I have never yet seen in any cemetery a +monument with this inscription: "Sacred to the memory of the man +who loved to pay his taxes." It is far better if we can collect the +needed revenue of this Government indirectly. But, they say, you +must not take the taxes off tobacco; you must not take the taxes +off alcohol or spirits or whiskey. Why? Because it is immoral to +take off the taxes. Do you believe that there was, on the average, +any more drunkenness in this country before the tax was put on than +there is now? I do not. I believe there is as much liquor drank +to-day, per capita, as there ever was in the United States. I will +not blame the Democratic party. I do not care what they drink. What +they think is what I have to do with. I will be plain with them, +because I know lots of fellows in the Democratic party, and that is +the only bad thing about them—splendid fellows. And I know a +good many Republicans, and I am willing to take my oath that that +is the only good thing about them. So, let us all be fair.</p> +<p>I want the taxes taken from tobacco and whiskey; and why? +Because it is a war measure that should not be carried on in peace; +and in the second place, I do not want that system inaugurated in +this country, unless there is an absolute necessity for it, and the +moment the necessity is gone, stop it.</p> +<p>The moral side of this question? Only a couple of years ago, I +think it was, the Prohibitionists said that they wanted this tax +taken from alcohol. Why? Because as long as the Government +licensed, as long as the Government taxed and received sixty +millions of dollars in revenue, just so long the Government would +make this business respectable, just so long the Government would +be in partnership with this liquor crime. That is what they said +then. Now we say take the tax off, and they say it is immoral. Now, +I have a little philosophy about this. I may be entirely wrong, but +I am going to give it to you. You never can make great men and +great women, by keeping them out of the way of temptation. You have +to educate them to withstand temptation. It is all nonsense to tie +a man's hands behind him and then praise him for not picking +pockets. I believe that temperance walks hand in hand with liberty. +Just as life becomes valuable, people take care of it. Just as life +is great, and splendid and noble, as long as the future is a kind +of gallery filled with the ideal, just so long will we take care of +ourselves and avoid dissipation of every kind. Do you know, I +believe, as much as I believe that I am living, that if the +Mississippi itself were pure whiskey and its banks loaf sugar, and +all the flats covered with mint, and all the bushes grew teaspoons +and tumblers, there would not be any more drunkenness than there is +now!</p> +<p>As long as you say to your neighbor "you must not" there is +something in that neighbor that says, "Well I will determine that +for myself, and you just say that again and I will take a drink if +it kills me." There is no moral question involved in it, except +this: Let the burden of government rest as lightly as possible upon +the shoulders of the people, and let it cause as little irritation +as possible. Give liberty to the people. I am willing that the +women who wear silks, satins and diamonds; that the gentlemen who +smoke Havana cigars and drink champagne and Chateau Yquem; I am +perfectly willing that they shall pay my taxes and support this +Government, and I am willing that the man who does not do that, but +is willing to take the domestic article, should go tax free.</p> +<p>Temperance walks hand in hand with liberty. You recollect that +little old story about a couple of men who were having a discussion +on this prohibition question, and the man on the other side said to +the Prohibitionist: "How would you like to live in a community +where every body attended to his own business, where every body +went to bed regularly at night, got up regularly in the morning; +where every man, woman and child was usefully employed during the +day; no backbiting, no drinking of whiskey, no cigars, and where +they all attended divine services on Sunday, and where no profane +language was used?" "Why," said he, "such a place would be a +paradise, or heaven; but there is no such place." "Oh," said the +other man, "every well regulated penitentiary is that way." So much +for the moral side of the question.</p> +<p>Another point that the Republican party calls the attention of +the country to is the use that has been made of the public land. +Oh, say the Democratic party, see what States, what empires have +been given away by the Republican party—and see what the +Republican party did with it. Road after road built to the great +Pacific. Our country unified—the two oceans, for all +practical purposes, washing one shore. That is what it did, and +what else? It has given homes to millions of people in a civilized +land, where they can get all the conveniences of civilization. And +what else? Fifty million acres have been taken back by the +Government. How was this done? It was by virtue of the provisions +put in the original grants by the Republican party.</p> +<p>There is another thing to which the Republican party has called +the attention of the country, and that is the admission of new +States where there are people enough to form a State. Now, with a +solid South, with the assistance of a few Democrats from the North, +comes a State, North Dakota, with plenty of population, a +magnificent State, filled with intelligence and prosperity. It +knocks at the door for admission, and what is the question asked by +this administration? Not "Have you the land, have you the wealth, +have you the men and women?" but "Are you Democratic or +Republican?" And being intelligent people, they answer: "We are +Republicans." And the solid South, assisted by the Democrats of the +North, says to that people: "The door is shut; we will not have +you." Why? "Because you would add two to the Republican majority in +the Senate." Is that the spirit in which a nation like this should +be governed? When a State asks for admission, no matter what the +politics of its people may be, I say, admit that State; put a star +on the flag that will glitter for her.</p> +<p>The next thing the Republican party says is, gold and silver +shall both be money. You cannot make every thing payable in +gold—that would be unfair to the poor man. You shall not make +every thing payable in silver—that would be unfair to the +capitalist; but it shall be payable in gold and silver. And why +ought we to be in favor of silver? Because we are the greatest +silver producing nation in the world; and the value of a thing, +other things being equal, depends on its uses, and being used as +money adds to the value of silver. And why should we depreciate one +of our own products by saying that we will not take it as money? I +believe in bimetalism, gold and silver, and you cannot have too +much of either or both. No nation ever died of a surplus, and in +all the national cemeteries of the earth you will find no monument +erected to a nation that died from having too much silver. Give me +all the silver I want and I am happy.</p> +<p>The Republican party has always been sound on finance. It always +knew you could not pay a promise with a promise. The Republican +party always had sense enough to know that money could not be +created by word of mouth, that you could not make it by a statute, +or by passing resolutions in a convention. It always knew that you +had to dig it out of the ground by good, honest work. The +Republican party always knew that money is a commodity, +exchangeable for all other commodities, but a commodity just as +much as wheat or corn, and you can no more make money by law than +you can make wheat or corn by law. You can by law, make a promise +that will to a certain extent take the place of money until the +promise is paid. It seems to me that any man who can even +understand the meaning of the word democratic can understand that +theory of money.</p> +<p>Another thing right in this platform. Free schools for the +education of all the children in the land. The Republican party +believes in looking out for the children. It knows that the a, b, +c's are the breastworks of human liberty. They know that every +schoolhouse is an arsenal, a fort, where missiles are made to hurl +against the ignorance and prejudice of mankind; so they are for the +free school.</p> +<p>And what else? They are for reducing the postage one-half. Why? +Simply for the diffusion of intelligence. What effect will that +have? It will make us more and more one people. The oftener we +communicate with each other the more homogeneous we become. The +more we study the same books and read the same papers the more we +swap ideas, the more we become true Americans, with the same spirit +in favor of liberty, progress and the happiness of the human +race.</p> +<p>What next? The Republican party says, let us build ships for +America—for American sailors. Let our fleets cover the seas, +and let our men-of-war protect the commerce of the +Republic—not that we can wrong some weak nation, but so that +we can keep the world from doing wrong to us. This is all. I have +infinite contempt for civilized people who have guns carrying balls +weighing several hundred pounds, who go and fight poor, naked +savages that can only throw boomerangs and stones.</p> +<p>I hold such a nation in infinite contempt.</p> +<p>What else is in this platform? You have no idea of the number of +things in it till you look them over. It wants to cultivate +friendly feelings with all the governments in North, Central and +South America, so that the great continents can be +one—instigated, moved, pervaded, inspired by the same great +thoughts. In other words, we want to civilize this continent and +the continent of South America. And what else? This great platform +is in favor of paying—not giving, but paying—pensions +to every man who suffered in the great war. What would we have said +at the time? What, if the North could have spoken, would it have +said to the heroes of Gettysburg on the third day? "Stand firm! We +will empty the treasures of the Nation at your feet." They had the +courage and the heroism to keep the hosts of rebellion back without +that promise, and is there an American to-day that can find it in +his heart to begrudge one solitary dollar that has found its way +into the pocket of a maimed soldier, or into the hands of his widow +or his orphan?</p> +<p>What would we have offered to the sailors under Farragut on +condition that they would pass Forts St. Phillip and Jackson? What +would we have offered to the soldiers under Grant in the +Wilderness? What to the followers of Sherman and Sheridan? Do you +know, I can hardly conceive of a spirit contemptible +enough—and I am not now alluding to the President of the +United States—I can hardly conceive of a spirit contemptible +enough to really desire to keep a maimed soldier from the bounty of +this Nation. It would be a disgrace and a dishonor if we allowed +them to die in poorhouses, to drop by life's highway and to see +their children mourning over their poor bodies, glorious with +scars, maimed into immortality. I may do a great many bad things +before I die, but I give you my word that so long as I live I will +never vote for any President that vetoed a pension bill unless upon +its face it was clear that the man was not a wounded soldier.</p> +<p>What next in this platform? For the protection of American +homes. I am a believer in the home. I have said, and I say +again—the hearthstone is the foundation of the great temple; +the fireside is the altar where the true American worships. I +believe that the home, the family, is the unit of good government, +and I want to see the aegis of the great Republic over millions of +happy homes.</p> +<p>That is all there is in this world worth living for. Honor, +place, fame, glory, riches—they are ashes, smoke, dust, +disappointment, unless there is somebody in the world you love, +somebody who loves you; unless there is some place that you can +call home, some place where you can feel the arms of children +around your neck, some place that is made absolutely sacred by the +love of others.</p> +<p>So I am for this platform. I am for the election of Harrison and +Morton, and although I did nothing toward having that ticket +nominated, because, I tell you, I was for Gresham, yet I will do as +much toward electing the candidates, within my power, as any man +who did vote on the winning side.</p> +<p>We have a good ticket, a noble, gallant soldier at the head; +that is enough for me. He is in favor of liberty and progress. And +you have for Vice-President a man that you all know better than I +do, but a good, square, intelligent, generous man. That is enough +for me. And these men are standing on the best platform that was +ever adopted by the Republican party—a platform that stands +for education, liberty, the free ballot, American industry; for the +American policy that has made us the richest and greatest Nation of +the globe.</p> +<a name="link0017" id="link0017"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>REUNION ADDRESS.</h2> +<pre> + * The Elmwood Reunion, participated in by six regiments, + came to a glorious close last evening. There were thousands + of people present. The city was gayly decorated with flags + and hunting, while pictures and busts of Col. Ingersoll were + in every show window. From early in the morning until noon, + delegations kept coming in, A special train arrived from + Peoria at 10.50 o'clock, bearing a large delegation of old + soldiers together with Col. Ingersoll and his daughter Maud. + He was met by the reception committee, and marched up the + street escorted by an army of veterans. When he arrived on + the west side of the public square, the lines were opened, + and he marched between, in review of his old friends and + comrades. The parade started as soon as it could be formed, + after the arrival of the special train. + + Col. Ingersoll was greeted by a salute of thirteen guns from + Peoria's historic cannon, as he was escorted to the grand + stand by Spencer's band and the Peoria Veterans. + + The reviewing stand was on the west side of the park. Here + the parade was seen by Col. Ingersoll and the other + distinguished guests, among whom were Congressmen Graff and + Prince, Mayor Day, Judges N. E. Worthington and I. C. + Pinkney, and the Hon. Clark E. Carr, who also made a speech + saying that the people cannot estimate the majesty of the + eloquence of Col. Robert G. Ingersoll, keeping alive the + flame of patriotism from 1860 to the present time. . + + The parade was an imposing one, there were fully two + thousand five hundred old veterans in line who passed In + review before Col. Ingersoll, each one doffing his hat as he + marched by. The most pleasing feature of the exercises of + the day was the representation of the Living Flag by one + hundred and fifty little girls of Elmwood, at ten o' clock + under the direction of Col. Lem. H. Wiley, of Peoria. The + flag was presented on a large Inclined amphitheatre at the + left of the grand stand, and was the finest thing ever + witnessed lu this part of the country. + + Following the presentation of the Living Flag, Chairman + Brown called the Reunion to order, and Col. Lem. H. Wiley, + National Bugler gave the assembly call. + + Following the assembly call a male chorus rendered a song, + "Ring O Bells." The song was composed for the occasion by + Mr. E. R. Brown and was as follows: + + "Welcome now that leader fearless, + Free of thought and grand of brain, + King of hearts and speaker peerless, + Hail our Ingersoll again." *** + + Then Chairman, E. R. Brown, took charge of the meeting and + introduced Col. Ingersoll as the greatest of living orators, + referring to the time that the Colonel declared, a quarter + of a century ago, in Rouse's Hall, Peoria, that from that + time forth there would be one free man in Illinois, and + expressing Indebtedness to him for what had been done since + for the freedom and happiness of mankind, by his mighty + brain, his great spirit and his gentle heart. + + He then spoke of Col. Ingersoll's residence in Peoria + county, paying an eloquent tribute to him, and concluded by + leading the distinguished gentleman to the front of the + stand. The appearance of Col. Ingersoll was a signal for a + mighty shout, which was heartily joined in by everybody + present, even the little girls composing the living flag, + cheering and waving their banners. + + It was fully ten minutes before the cheering had subsided, + and when Col. Ingersoll commenced to speak it was renewed + and he was forced to wait for several minutes more. When + quiet was restored, he opened his address, and for an hour + and a half he held the vast audience spell-bound with his + eloquence and wit. + + After Col. Ingersoll's speech the veterans crowded around + the stand to meet and grasp the hand of their comrade, and + the boys of the Eleventh Illinois Cavalry, his old regiment, + were especially profuse in their congratulations and thanks + for the splendid address he had delivered. His speeeh was + off-hand, only occasional reference being made to his short + notes. The Colonel then left the Park amid the yells of + delight of the old soldiers, every man of whom endeavored to + grasp his hand. + + In the afternoon the veterans assembled in Liberty Hall by + themselves, the room being filled. Col. Ingersoll appeared + and was greeted with such cheers as he had not received + during the entire day. He then said good-bye to his old + comrades.—Chicago Inter-ocean and Peoria papers, Sept. 6th, + 1896. +</pre> +<p>Elmwood, Ills.</p> +<center>1895.</center> +<p>LADIES and Gentlemen, Fellow-citizens, Old Friends and +Comrades:</p> +<p>It gives me the greatest pleasure to meet again those with whom +I became acquainted in the morning of my life. It is now afternoon. +The sun of life is slowly sinking in the west, and, as the evening +comes, nothing can be more delightful than to see again the faces +that I knew in youth.</p> +<p>When first I knew you the hair was brown; it is now white. The +lines were not quite so deep, and the eyes were not quite so dim. +Mingled with this pleasure is sadness,—sadness for those who +have passed away—for the dead.</p> +<p>And yet I am not sure that we ought to mourn for the dead. I do +not know which is better—life or death. It may be that death +is the greatest gift that ever came from nature's open hands. We do +not know.</p> +<p>There is one thing of which I am certain, and that is, that if +we could live forever here, we would care nothing for each other. +The fact that we must die, the fact that the feast must end, brings +our souls together, and treads the weeds from out the paths between +our hearts.</p> +<p>And so it may be, after all, that love is a little flower that +grows on the crumbling edge of the grave. So it may be, that were +it not for death there would be no love, and without love all life +would be a curse.</p> +<p>I say it gives me great pleasure to meet you once again; great +pleasure to congratulate you on your good fortune—the good +fortune of being a citizen of the first and grandest republic ever +established upon the face of the earth.</p> +<p>That is a royal fortune. To be an heir of all the great and +brave men of this land, of all the good, loving and patient women; +to be in possession of the blessings that they have given, should +make every healthy citizen of the United States feel like a +millionaire.</p> +<p>This, to-day, is the most prosperous country on the globe; and +it is something to be a citizen of this country.</p> +<p>It is well, too, whenever we meet, to draw attention to what has +been done by our ancestors. It is well to think of them and to +thank them for all their work, for all their courage, for all their +toil.</p> +<p>Three hundred years ago our country was a vast wilderness, +inhabited by a few savages. Three hundred years ago—how short +a time; hardly a tick of the great clock of eternity—three +hundred years; not a second in the life even of this +planet—three hundred years ago, a wilderness; three hundred +years ago, inhabited by a few savages; three hundred years ago a +few men in the Old World, dissatisfied, brave and adventurous, +trusted their lives to the sea and came to this land.</p> +<p>In 1776 there were only three millions of people all told. These +men settled on the shores of the sea. These men, by experience, +learned to govern themselves. These men, by experience, found that +a man should be respected in the proportion that he was useful. +They found, by experience, that titles were of no importance; that +the real thing was the man, and that the real things in the man +were heart and brain. They found, by experience, how to govern +themselves, because there was nobody else here when they came. The +gentlemen who had been in the habit of governing their fellow-men +staid at home, and the men who had been in the habit of being +governed came here, and, consequently, they had to govern +themselves.</p> +<p>And finally, educated by experience, by the rivers and forests, +by the grandeur and splendor of nature, they began to think that +this continent should not belong to any other; that it was great +enough to count one, and that they had the intelligence and manhood +to lay the foundations of a nation.</p> +<p>It would be impossible to pay too great and splendid a tribute +to the great and magnificent souls of that day. They saw the +future. They saw this country as it is now, and they endeavored to +lay the foundation deep; they endeavored to reach the bed-rock of +human rights, the bed-rock of justice. And thereupon they declared +that all men were born equal; that all the children of nature had +at birth the same rights, and that all men had the right to pursue +the only good,—happiness.</p> +<p>And what did they say? They said that men should govern men; +that the power to govern should come from the consent of the +governed, not from the clouds, not from some winged phantom of the +air, not from the aristocracy of ether. They said that this power +should come from men; that the men living in this world should +govern it, and that the gentlemen who were dead should keep +still.</p> +<p>They took another step, and said that church and state should +forever be divorced. That is no harm to real religion. It never +was, because real religion means the doing of justice; real +religion means the giving to others every right you claim for +yourself; real religion consists in duties of man to man, in +feeding the hungry, in clothing the naked, in defending the +innocent, and in saying what you believe to be true.</p> +<p>Our fathers had enough sense to say that, and a man to do that +in 1776 had to be a pretty big fellow. It is not so much to say it +now, because they set the example; and, upon these principles of +which I have spoken, they fought the war of the Revolution.</p> +<p>At no time, probably, were the majority of our forefathers in +favor of independence, but enough of them were on the right side, +and they finally won a victory. And after the victory, those that +had not been even in favor of independence became, under the +majority rule, more powerful than the heroes of the Revolution.</p> +<p>Then it was that our fathers made a mistake. We have got to +praise them for what they did that was good, and we will mention +what they did that was wrong.</p> +<p>They forgot the principles for which they fought. They forgot +the sacredness of human liberty, and, in the name of freedom, they +made a mistake and put chains on the limbs of others.</p> +<p>That was their error; that was the poison that entered the +American blood; that was the corrupting influence that demoralized +presidents and priests; that was the influence that corrupted the +United States of America.</p> +<p>That mistake, of course, had to be paid for, as all mistakes in +nature have to be paid for. And not only do you pay for your +mistake itself, but you pay at least ten per cent, compound +interest. Whenever you do wrong, and nobody finds it out, do not +imagine you have gotten over it; you have not. Nature knows it.</p> +<p>The consequences of every bad act are the invisible police that +no prayers can soften, and no gold can bribe.</p> +<p>Recollect that. Recollect, that for every bad act, there will be +laid upon your shoulder the arresting hand of the consequences; and +it is precisely the same with a nation as it is with an individual. +You have got to pay for all of your mistakes, and you have got to +pay to the uttermost farthing. That is the only forgiveness known +in nature. Nature never settles unless she can give a receipt in +full.</p> +<p>I know a great many men differ with me, and have all sorts of +bankruptcy systems, but Nature is not built that way.</p> +<p>Finally, slavery took possession of the Government. Every man +who wanted an office had to be willing to step between a fugitive +slave and his liberty.</p> +<p>Slavery corrupted the courts, and made judges decide that the +child born in the State of Pennsylvania, whose mother had been a +slave, could not be free.</p> +<p>That was as infamous a decision as was ever rendered, and yet +the people, in the name of the law, did this thing, and the Supreme +Court of the United States did not know right from wrong.</p> +<p>These dignified gentlemen thought that labor could be paid by +lashes on the back—which was a kind of legal tender—and +finally an effort was made to subject the new territory—the +Nation—to the institution of slavery.</p> +<p>Then we had a war with Mexico, in which we got a good deal of +glory and one million square miles of land, but little honor. I +will admit that we got but little honor out of that war. That +territory they wanted to give to the slaveholder.</p> +<p>In 1803 we purchased from Napoleon the Great, one million square +miles of land, and then, in 1821, we bought Florida from Spain. So +that, when the war came, we had about three million square miles of +new land. The object was to subject all this territory to +slavery.</p> +<p>The idea was to go on and sell the babes from their mothers +until time should be no more. The idea was to go on with the +branding-iron and the whip. The idea was to make it a crime to +teach men, human beings, to read and write; to make every Northern +man believe that he was a bulldog, a bloodhound to track down men +and women, who, with the light of the North Star in their eyes, +were seeking the free soil of Great Britain.</p> +<p>Yes, in these times we had lots of mean folks. Let us remember +that.</p> +<p>And all at once, under the forms of law, under the forms of our +Government, the greatest man under the flag was elected President. +That man was Abraham Lincoln. And then it was that those gentlemen +of the South said: "We will not be governed by the majority; we +will be a law unto ourselves."</p> +<p>And let me tell you here to-day—I am somewhat older than I +used to be; I have a little philosophy now that I had not at the +nine o'clock in the morning portion of my life—and I do not +blame anybody. I do not blame the South; I do not blame the +Confederate soldier.</p> +<p>She—the South—was the fruit of conditions. She was +born to circumstances stronger than herself; and do you know, +according to my philosophy, (which is not quite orthodox), every +man and woman in the whole world are what conditions have made +them.</p> +<p>So let us have some sense. The South said, "We will not submit; +this is not a nation, but a partnership of States." I am willing to +go so far as to admit that the South expressed the original idea of +the Government.</p> +<p>But now the question was, to whom did the newly acquired +property belong? New States had been carved out of that territory; +the soil of these States had been purchased with the money of the +Republic, and had the South the right to take these States out of +the Republic? That was the question.</p> +<p>The great West had another interest, and that was that no enemy, +no other nation, should control the mouth of the Mississippi. I +regard the Mississippi River as Nature's protest against secession. +The old Mississippi River says, and swears to it, that this country +shall be one, now and forever.</p> +<p>What was to be done? The South said, "We will never remain," and +the North said, "You shall not go." It was a little slow about +saying it, it is true. Some of the best Republicans in the North +said, "Let it go." But the second, sober thought of the great North +said, "No, this is our country and we are going to keep it on the +map of the world."</p> +<p>And some who had been Democrats wheeled into line, and hundreds +and thousands said, "This is our country," and finally, when the +Government called for volunteers, hundreds and thousands came +forward to offer their services. Nothing more sublime was ever seen +in the history of this world.</p> +<p>I congratulate you to-day that you live in a country that +furnished the greatest army that ever fought for human liberty in +any country round the world. I want you to know that. I want you to +know that the North, East and West furnished the greatest army that +ever fought for human liberty. I want you to know that Gen. Grant +commanded more men, men fighting for the right, not for conquest, +than any other general who ever marshaled the hosts of war.</p> +<p>Let us remember that, and let us be proud of it. The millions +who poured from the North for the defence of the flag—the +story of their heroism has been told to you again and again. I have +told it myself many times. It is known to every intelligent man and +woman in the world. Everybody knows how much we suffered. Everybody +knows how we poured out money like water; how we spent it like +leaves of the forest. Everybody knows how the brave blood was shed. +Everybody knows the story of the great, the heroic struggle, and +everybody knows that at last victory came to our side, and how the +last sword of the Rebellion was handed to Gen. Grant. There is no +need to tell that story again.</p> +<p>But the question now, as we look back, is, was this country +worth saving? Was the blood shed in vain? Were the lives given for +naught? That is the question.</p> +<p>This country, according to my idea, is the one success of the +world. Men here have more to eat, more to wear, better houses, and, +on the average, a better education than those of any other nation +now living, or any that has passed away.</p> +<p>Was the country worth saving?</p> +<p>See what we have done in this country since 1860. We were not +much of a people then, to be honor bright about it. We were +carrying, in the great race of national life, the weight of +slavery, and it poisoned us; it paralyzed our best energies; it +took from our politics the best minds; it kept from the bench the +greatest brains.</p> +<p>But what have we done since 1860, since we really became a free +people, since we came to our senses, since we have been willing to +allow a man to express his honest thoughts on every subject?</p> +<p>Do you know how much good we did? The war brought men together +from every part of the country and gave them an opportunity to +compare their foolishness. It gave them an opportunity to throw +away their prejudices, to find that a man who differed with them on +every subject might be the very best of fellows. That is what the +war did. We have been broadening ever since.</p> +<p>I sometimes have thought it did men good to make the trip to +California in 1849. As they went over the plains they dropped their +prejudices on the way. I think they did, and that's what killed the +grass.</p> +<p>But to come back to my question, what have we done since +1860?</p> +<p>From 1860 to 1880, in spite of the waste of war, in spite of all +the property destroyed by flame, in spite of all the waste, our +profits were one billion three hundred and seventy-four million +dollars. Think of it! From 1860 to 1880! That is a vast sum.</p> +<p>From 1880 to 1890 our profits were two billion one hundred and +thirty-nine million dollars.</p> +<p>Men may talk against wealth as much as they please; they may +talk about money being the root of all evil, but there is little +real happiness in this world without some of it. It is very handy +when staying at home and it is almost indispensable when you travel +abroad. Money is a good thing. It makes others happy; it makes +those happy whom you love, and if a man can get a little together, +when the night of death drops the curtain upon him, he is satisfied +that he has left a little to keep the wolf from the door of those +who, in life, were dear to him. Yes, money is a good thing, +especially since special providence has gone out of business.</p> +<p>I can see to-day something beyond the wildest dream of any +patriot who lived fifty years ago. The United States to-day is the +richest nation on the face of the earth. The old nations of the +world, Egypt, India, Greece, Rome, every one of them, when compared +with this great Republic, must be regarded as paupers.</p> +<p>How much do you suppose this Nation is worth to-day? I am +talking about land and cattle, products, manufactured articles and +railways. Over seventy thousand million dollars. Just think of +it.</p> +<p>Take a thousand dollars and then take nine hundred and +ninety-nine thousand; so you will have one thousand piles of one +thousand each. That makes only a million, and yet the United States +today is worth seventy thousand millions. This is thirty-five +percent, more than Great Britain is worth.</p> +<p>We are a great Nation. We have got the land. This land was being +made for many millions of years. Its soil was being made by the +great lakes and rivers, and being brought down from the mountains +for countless ages.</p> +<p>This continent was standing like a vast pan of milk, with the +cream rising for millions of years, and we were the chaps that got +there when the skimming commenced.</p> +<p>We are rich, and we ought to be rich. It is our own fault if we +are not. In every department of human endeavor, along every path +and highway, the progress of the Republic has been marvelous, +beyond the power of language to express.</p> +<p>Let me show you: In 1860 the horse-power of all the engines, the +locomotives and the steamboats that traversed the lakes and +rivers—the entire power—was three million five hundred +thousand. In 1890 the horse-power of engines and locomotives and +steamboats was over seventeen million.</p> +<p>Think of that and what it means! Think of the forces at work for +the benefit of the United States, the machines doing the work of +thousands and millions of men!</p> +<p>And remember that every engine that puffs is puffing for you; +every road that runs is running for you. I want you to know that +the average man and woman in the United States to-day has more of +the conveniences of life than kings and queens had one hundred +years ago.</p> +<p>Yes, we are getting along.</p> +<p>In 1860 we used one billion eight hundred million dollars' worth +of products, of things manufactured and grown, and we sent to other +countries two hundred and fifty million dollars' worth.</p> +<p>In 1893 we used three billion eighty-nine million dollars' +worth, and we sent to other countries six hundred and fifty-four +million dollars' worth.</p> +<p>You see, these vast sums are almost inconceivable. There is not +a man to-day with brains large enough to understand these figures; +to understand how many cars this money put upon the tracks, how +much coal was devoured by the locomotives, how many men plowed and +worked in the fields, how many sails were given to the wind, how +many ships crossed the sea.</p> +<p>I tell you, there is no man able to think of the ships that were +built, the cars that were made, the mines that were opened, the +trees that were felled—no man has imagination enough to grasp +the meaning of it all. No man has any conception of the sea till he +crosses it. I knew nothing of how broad this country is until I +went over it in a slow train.</p> +<p>Since 1860 the productive power of the United States has more +than trebled.</p> +<p>I like to talk about these things, because they mean good +houses, carpets on the floors, pictures on the walls, some books on +the shelves. They mean children going to school with their stomachs +full of good food, prosperous men and proud mothers.</p> +<p>All my life I have taken a much deeper interest in what men +produce than in what nature does. I would rather see the prairies, +with the oats and the wheat and the waving corn, and the +schoolhouse, and hear the thrush sing amid the happy homes of +prosperous men and women—I would rather see these things than +any range of mountains in the world. Take it as you will, a +mountain is of no great value.</p> +<p>In 1860 our land was worth four billion five hundred million +dollars; in 1890 it was worth fourteen billion dollars.</p> +<p>In 1860 all the railroads in the United States were worth four +hundred million dollars, now they are worth a little less than ten +thousand million dollars.</p> +<p>I want you to understand what these figures mean.</p> +<p>For thirty years we spent, on an average, one million dollars a +day in building railroads.—I want you to think what that +means. All that money had to be dug out of the ground. It had to be +made by raising something or manufacturing something. We did not +get it by writing essays on finance, or discussing the silver +question. It had to be made with the ax, the plow, the reaper, the +mower; in every form of industry; all to produce these splendid +results.</p> +<p>We have railroads enough now to make seven tracks around the +great globe, and enough left for side tracks. That is what we have +done here, in what the European nations are pleased to call "the +new world."</p> +<p>I am telling you these things because you may not know them, and +I did not know them myself until a few days ago. I am anxious to +give away information, for it is only by giving it away that you +can keep it. When you have told it, you remember it. It is with +information as it is with liberty, the only way to be dead sure of +it is to give it to other people.</p> +<p>In 1860 the houses in the United States, the cabins on the +frontier, the buildings in the cities, were worth six thousand +million dollars. Now they are worth over twenty-two thousand +million dollars. To talk about figures like these is enough to make +a man dizzy.</p> +<p>In 1860 our animals of all kinds, including the Illinois +deer—commonly called swine—the oxen and horses, and all +others, were worth about one thousand million dollars; now they are +worth about four thousand million dollars.</p> +<p>Are we not getting rich? Our national debt today is nothing. It +is like a man who owes a cent and has a dollar.</p> +<p>Since 1860 we have been industrious. We have created two million +five hundred thousand new farms. Since 1860 we have done a good +deal of plowing; there have been a good many tired legs. I have +been that way myself. Since 1860 we have put in cultivation two +hundred million acres of land. Illinois, the best State in the +Union, has thirty-five million acres of land, and yet, since 1860, +we have put in cultivation enough land to make six States of the +size of Illinois. That will give you some idea of the quantity of +work we have done. I will admit I have not done much of it myself, +but I am proud of it.</p> +<p>In 1860 we had four million five hundred and sixty-five thousand +farmers in this country, whose land and implements were worth over +sixteen thousand million dollars. The farmers of this country, on +an average, are worth five thousand dollars, and the peasants of +the Old World, who cultivate the soil, are not worth, on an +average, ten dollars beyond the wants of the moment. The farmers of +our country produce, on an average, about one million four hundred +thousand dollars' worth of stuff a day.</p> +<p>What else? Have we in other directions kept pace with our +physical development? Have we developed the mind? Have we +endeavored to develop the brain? Have we endeavored to civilize the +heart? I think we have.</p> +<p>We spend more for schools per head than any nation in the world. +And the common school is the breath of life.</p> +<p>Great Britain spends one dollar and thirty cents per head on the +common schools; France spends eighty cents; Austria, thirty cents; +Germany, fifty cents; Italy, twenty-five cents, and the United +States over two dollars and fifty cents.</p> +<p>I tell you the schoolhouse is the fortress of liberty. Every +schoolhouse is an arsenal, filled with weapons and ammunition to +destroy the monsters of ignorance and fear.</p> +<p>As I have said ten thousand times, the school-house is my +cathedral. The teacher is my preacher.</p> +<p>Eighty-seven per cent, of all the people of the United States, +over ten years of age, can read and write. There is no parallel for +this in the history of the wide world.</p> +<p>Over forty-two millions of educated citizens, to whom are opened +all the treasures of literature!</p> +<p>Forty-two millions of people, able to read and write! I say, +there is no parallel for this. The nations of antiquity were very +ignorant when compared with this great Republic of ours. There is +no other nation in the world that can show a record like ours. We +ought to be proud of it. We ought to build more schools, and build +them better. Our teachers ought to be paid more, and everything +ought to be taught in the public school that is worth knowing.</p> +<p>I believe that the children of the Republic, no matter whether +their fathers are rich or poor, ought to be allowed to drink at the +fountain of education, and it does not cost more to teach +everything in the free schools than it does teaching reading and +writing and ciphering.</p> +<p>Have we kept up in other ways? The post office tells a wonderful +story. In Switzerland, going through the post office in each year, +are letters, etc., in the proportion of seventy-four to each +inhabitant. In England the number is sixty; in Germany, +fifty-three; in France, thirty-nine; in Austria, twenty-four; in +Italy, sixteen, and in the United States, our own home, one hundred +and ten. Think of it. In Italy only twenty-five cents paid per head +for the support of the public schools and only sixteen letters. And +this is the place where God's agent lives. I would rather have one +good schoolmaster than two such agents.</p> +<p>There is another thing. A great deal has been said, from time to +time, about the workingman. I have as much sympathy with the +workingman as anybody on the earth—who does not work. There +has always been a desire in this world to let somebody else do the +work, nearly everybody having the modesty to stand back whenever +there is anything to be done. In savage countries they make the +women do the work, so that the weak people have always the bulk of +the burdens. In civilized communities the poor are the ones, of +course, that work, and probably they are never fully paid. It is +pretty hard for a manufacturer to tell how much he can pay until he +sells the stuff which he manufactures. Every man who manufactures +is not rich. I know plenty of poor corporations; I know tramp +railroads that have not a dollar. And you will find some of them as +anarchistic as you will find their men. What a man can pay, depends +upon how much he can get for what he has produced. What the farmer +can pay his help depends upon the price he receives for his stock, +his corn and his wheat.</p> +<p>But wages in this country are getting better day by day. We are +getting a little nearer to being civilized day by day, and when I +want to make up my mind on a subject I try to get a broad view of +it, and not decide it on one case.</p> +<p>In 1860 the average wages of the workingman were, per year, two +hundred and eighty-nine dollars. In 1890 the average was four +hundred and eighty-five. Thus the average has almost doubled in +thirty years. The necessaries of life are far cheaper than they +were in 1860. Now, to my mind, that is a hopeful sign. And when I +am asked how can the dispute between employer and employee be +settled, I answer, it will be settled when both parties become +civilized.</p> +<p>It takes a long time to educate a man up to the point where he +does not want something for nothing. Yet, when a man is civilized, +he does not.</p> +<p>He wants for a thing just what it is worth; he wants to give +labor its legitimate reward, and when he has something to sell he +never wants more than it is worth. I do not claim to be civilized +myself; but all these questions between capital and labor will be +settled by civilization.</p> +<p>We are to-day accumulating wealth at the rate of more than seven +million dollars a day. Is not this perfectly splendid?</p> +<p>And in the midst of prosperity let us never forget the men who +helped to save our country, the men whose heroism gave us the +prosperity we now enjoy.</p> +<p>We have one-seventh of the good land of this world. You see +there is a great deal of poor land in the world. I know the first +time I went to California, I went to the Sink of the Humboldt, and +what a forsaken look it had. There was nothing there but mines of +brimstone. On the train, going over, there was a fellow who got +into a dispute with a minister about the first chapter of Genesis. +And when they got along to the Sink of the Humboldt the fellow says +to the minister:</p> +<p>"Do you tell me that God made the world in six days, and then +rested on the seventh?"</p> +<p>He said, "I do."</p> +<p>"Well," said the fellow, "don't you think he could have put in +another day here to devilish good advantage?"</p> +<p>But, as I have said, we have got about one-seventh of the good +land of the world. I often hear people say that we have too many +folks here; that we ought to stop immigration; that we have no more +room. The people who say this know nothing of their country. They +are ignorant of their native land. I tell you that the valley of +the Mississippi and the valleys of its tributaries can support a +population of five hundred millions of men, women, and children. +Don't talk of our being overpopulated; we have only just +started.</p> +<p>Here, in this land of ours, five hundred million men and women +and children can be supported and educated without trouble. We can +afford to double two or three times more. But what have we got to +do? We have got to educate them when they come. That is to say, we +have got to educate their children, and in a few generations we +will have them splendid American citizens, proud of the +Republic.</p> +<p>We have no more patriotic men under the flag than the men who +came from other lands, the hundreds and thousands of those who +fought to preserve this country. And I think just as much of them +as I would if they had been born on American soil. What matters it +where a man was born? It is what is inside of him you have to look +at—what kind of a heart he has, and what kind of a head. I do +not care where he was born; I simply ask, Is he a man? Is he +willing to give to others what he claims for himself? That is the +supreme test.</p> +<p>Now, I have got a hobby. I do not suppose any of you have heard +of it. I think the greatest thing for a country is for all of its +citizens to have a home. I think it is around the fireside of home +that the virtues grow, including patriotism. We want homes.</p> +<p>Until a few years ago it was the custom to put men in prison for +debt. The authorities threw a man into jail when he owed something +which he could not pay, and by throwing him into jail they deprived +him of an opportunity to earn what would pay it. After a little +time they got sense enough to know that they could not collect a +debt in this way, and that it was better to give him his freedom +and allow him to earn something, if he could. Therefore, +imprisonment for debt was done away with.</p> +<p>At another time, when a man owed anything, if he was a +carpenter, a blacksmith or a shoemaker, and not able to pay it, +they took his tools, on a writ of sale and execution, and thus +incapacitated him so that he could do nothing. Finally they got +sense enough to abolish that law, to leave the mechanic his tools +and the farmer his plows, horses and wagons, and after this, debts +were paid better than ever they were before.</p> +<p>Then we thought of protecting the home-builder, and we said: "We +will have a homestead exemption. We will put a roof over wife and +child, which shall be exempt from execution and sale," and so we +preserved hundreds of thousands and millions of homes, while debts +were paid just as well as ever they were paid before.</p> +<p>Now, I want to take a step further. I want, the rich people of +this country to support it. I want the people who are well off to +pay the taxes. I want the law to exempt a homestead of a certain +value, say from two thousand dollars to two thousand five hundred, +and to exempt it, not only from sale on judgment and execution, but +to exempt it from taxes of all sorts and kinds. I want to keep the +roof over the heads of children when the man himself is gone. I +want that homestead to belong not only to the man, but to wife and +children. I would like to live to see a roof over the heads of all +the families of the Republic. I tell you, it does a man good to +have a home. You are in partnership with nature when you plant a +hill of corn. When you set out a tree you have a new interest in +this world. When you own a little tract of land you feel as if you +and the earth were partners. All these things dignify human +nature.</p> +<p>Bad as I am, I have another hobby. There are thousands and +thousands of criminals in our country. I told you a little while +ago I did not blame the South, because of the conditions which +prevailed in the South. The people of the South did as they must. I +am the same about the criminal. He does as he must.</p> +<p>If you want to stop crime you must treat it properly. The +conditions of society must not be such as to produce criminals.</p> +<p>When a man steals and is sent to the penitentiary he ought to be +sent there to be reformed and not to be brutalized; to be made a +better man, not to be robbed.</p> +<p>I am in favor, when you put a man in the penitentiary, of making +him work, and I am in favor of paying him what his work is worth, +so that in five years, when he leaves the prison cell, he will have +from two hundred dollars to three hundred dollars as a breastwork +between him and temptation, and something for a foundation upon +which to build a nobler life.</p> +<p>Now he is turned out and before long he is driven back. Nobody +will employ him, nobody will take him, and, the night following the +day of his release he is without a roof over his head and goes back +to his old ways. I would allow him to change his name, to go to +another State with a few hundred dollars in his pocket and begin +the world again.</p> +<p>We must recollect that it is the misfortune of a man to become a +criminal.</p> +<p>I have hobbies and plenty of them.</p> +<p>I want to see five hundred millions of people living here in +peace. If we want them to live in peace, we must develop the brain, +civilize the heart, and above all things, must not forget +education. Nothing should be taught in the school that somebody +does not know.</p> +<p>When I look about me to-day, when I think of the advance of my +country, then I think of the work that has been done.</p> +<p>Think of the millions who crossed the mysterious sea, of the +thousands and thousands of ships with their brave prows towards the +West.</p> +<p>Think of the little settlements on the shores of the ocean, on +the banks of rivers, on the edges of forests.</p> +<p>Think of the countless conflicts with savages—of the +midnight attacks—of the cabin floors wet with the blood of +dead fathers, mothers and babes.</p> +<p>Think of the winters of want, of the days of toil, of the nights +of fear, of the hunger and hope.</p> +<p>Think of the courage, the sufferings and hardships.</p> +<p>Think of the homesickness, the disease and death.</p> +<p>Think of the labor; of the millions and millions of trees that +were felled, while the aisles of the great forests were filled with +the echoes of the ax; of the many millions of miles of furrows +turned by the plow; of the millions of miles of fences built; of +the countless logs changed to lumber by the saw—of the +millions of huts, cabins and houses.</p> +<p>Think of the work. Listen, and you will hear the hum of wheels, +the wheels with which our mothers spun the flax and wool. Listen, +and you will hear the looms and flying shuttles with which they +wove the cloth.</p> +<p>Think of the thousands still pressing toward the West, of the +roads they made, of the bridges they built; of the homes, where the +sunlight fell, where the bees hummed, the birds sang and the +children laughed; of the little towns with mill and shop, with inn +and schoolhouse; of the old stages, of the crack of the whips and +the drivers' horns; of the canals they dug.</p> +<p>Think of the many thousands still pressing toward the West, +passing over the Alleghanies to the shores of the Ohio and the +great lakes—still onward to the Mississippi—the +Missouri.</p> +<p>See the endless processions of covered wagons drawn by horses, +by oxen,—men and boys and girls on foot, mothers and babes +inside. See the glimmering camp fires at night; see the thousands +up with the sun and away, leaving the perfume of coffee on the +morning air, and sometimes leaving the new-made grave of wife or +child. Listen, and you will hear the cry of "Gold!" and you will +see many thousands crossing the great plains, climbing the +mountains and pressing on to the Pacific.</p> +<p>Think of the toil, the courage it has taken to possess this +land!</p> +<p>Think of the ore that was dug, the furnaces that lit the nights +with flame; of the factories and mills by the rushing streams.</p> +<p>Think of the inventions that went hand in hand with the work; of +the flails that were changed to threshers; of the sickles that +became cradles, and the cradles that were changed to reapers and +headers—of the wooden plows that became iron and steel; of +the spinning wheel that became the jennie, and the old looms +transformed to machines that almost think—of the steamboats +that traversed the rivers, making the towns that were far apart +neighbors and friends; of the stages that became cars, of the +horses changed to locomotives with breath of flame, and the roads +of dust and mud to highways of steel, of the rivers spanned and the +mountains tunneled.</p> +<p>Think of the inventions, the improvements that changed the hut +to the cabin, the cabin to the house, the house to the palace, the +earthen floors and bare walls to carpets and pictures—that +changed famine to feast—toil to happy labor and poverty to +wealth.</p> +<p>Think of the cost.</p> +<p>Think of the separation of families—of boys and girls +leaving the old home—taking with them the blessings and +kisses of fathers and mothers. Think of the homesickness, of the +tears shed by the mothers left by the daughters gone. Think of the +millions of brave men deformed by labor now sleeping in their +honored graves.</p> +<p>Think of all that has been wrought, endured and accomplished for +our good, and let us remember with gratitude, with love and tears +the brave men, the patient loving women who subdued this land for +us.</p> +<p>Then think of the heroes who served this country; who gave us +this glorious present and hope of a still more glorious future; +think of the men who really made us free, who secured the blessings +of liberty, not only to us, but to billions yet unborn.</p> +<p>This country will be covered with happy homes and free men and +free women.</p> +<p>To-day we remember the heroic dead, those whose blood reddens +the paths and highways of honor; those who died upon the field, in +the charge, in prison-pens, or in famine's clutch; those who gave +their lives that liberty should not perish from the earth. And +to-day we remember the great leaders who have passed to the realm +of silence, to the land of shadow. Thomas, the rock of Chickamauga, +self-poised, firm, brave, faithful; Sherman, the reckless, the +daring, the prudent and the victorious; Sheridan, a soldier fit to +have stood by Julius Cæsar and to have uttered the words of +command; and Grant, the silent, the invincible, the unconquered; +and rising above them all, Lincoln, the wise, the patient, the +merciful, the grandest figure in the Western world. We remember +them all today and hundreds of thousands who are not mentioned, but +who are equally worthy, hundreds of thousands of privates, +deserving of equal honor with the plumed leaders of the host.</p> +<p>And what shall I say to you, survivors of the death-filled days? +To you, my comrades, to you whom I have known in the great days, in +the time when the heart beat fast and the blood flowed strong; in +the days of high hope—what shall I say? All I can say is that +my heart goes out to you, one and all. To you who bared your bosoms +to the storms of war; to you who left loved ones to die, if need +be, for the sacred cause. May you live long in the land you helped +to save; may the winter of your age be as green as spring, as full +of blossoms as summer, as generous as autumn, and may you, +surrounded by plenty, with your wives at your sides and your +grandchildren on your knees, live long. And when at last the fires +of life burn low; when you enter the deepening dusk of the last of +many, many happy days; when your brave hearts beat weak and slow, +may the memory of your splendid deeds; deeds that freed your +fellow-men; deeds that kept your country on the map of the world; +deeds that kept the flag of the Republic in the air—may the +memory of these deeds fill your souls with peace and perfect joy. +Let it console you to know that you are not to be forgotten. +Centuries hence your story will be told in art and song, and upon +your honored graves flowers will be lovingly laid by millions' of +men and women now unborn.</p> +<p>Again expressing the joy that I feel in having met you, and +again saying farewell to one and all, and wishing you all the +blessings of life, I bid you goodbye.*</p> +<pre> + * At the last reunion of the Eleventh Illinois Cavalry, the + Colonel's old regiment, and the soldiers of Peoria county, + which Mr. Ingersoll attended, a little incident happened + which let us into the inner circle of his life. The meeting + was held at Elmwood. While the soldier were passing in + review the citizens and young people filled all the seats in + the park and crowded around the speaker's stand, so as to + occupy all available space. When the soldiers had finished + their parade and returned to the park, they found it + impossible to get near the speaker. Of course we were all + disappointed, but were forced to stand on the outskirts of + the vast throng. + + As soon as he ceased speaking, Mr. Ingersoll said to a + soldier that he would like to meet his comrades in the hall + at a certain hour in the afternoon. The word spread quickly, + and at the appointed hour the hall was crowded with + soldiers. The guard stationed at tue door was ordered to let + none but soldiers pass into the hall. Some of the comrades, + however, brought their wives. The guards, true to their + orders, refused to let the ladies pass. Just as Mr. + Ingersoll was ready to speak, word came to him that some of + the comrades' wives were outside and wanted permission to + pass the guard. The hall was full, but Mr. Ingersoll + requested all comrades whose wives were within reach to go + and get them. When his order had been complied with even + standing room was at a premium. When Mr. Ingersoll arose to + speak to that great assemblage of white-haired veterans and + their aged companions his voice was unusually tender, and the + wave of emotion that passed through the hall cannot be told + in words. Tears and cheers blended as Mr. Ingersoll arose + and began his speech with the statement that all present + were nearing the setting sun of life, and in all probability + that was the last opportunity many of them would have of + taking each other by the hand. + + In this half-hour impromptu speech the great-hearted man, + Robert G. Ingersoll, was seen at his best. It was not a + clash of opinions over party or creed, but it was a meeting + of hearts and communion together In the holy of holies of + human life. The address was a series of word-pictures that + still hang on the walls of memory. The speaker, in his most + sympathetic mood, drew a picture of the service of the G. A. + R., of the women of the republic, and then paid a beautiful + tribute to home and invoked the kindest and greatest + influence to guard his comrades and their companions during + the remainder of life's journey. + + We got very close to the man that day, where we could see + the heart of Mr. Ingersoll. I have often wished that a + reporter could have been present to preserve the address. + Imagine four beautiful word-paintings entitled, "The Service + of the G. A. R.," "The Influence of Noble Womanhood," "The + Sacredness of Home," and "The Pilgrimage of Life." Imagine + these word-paintings as drawn by Mr. Ingersoll under the + most favorable circumstances, and you have an idea of that + address. Mr. Ingersoll the Agnostic is a very different man + from Mr. Ingersoll the man and patriot. I cannot share the + doubts of this Agnostic. I cannot help admiring the man and + patriot.—The Rev. Frank McAlpine, Peoria Star, August 1, + 1895. +</pre> +<a name="link0018" id="link0018"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> +<div style="height: 4em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +<h2>THE CHICAGO AND NEW YORK GOLD SPEECH.</h2> +<pre> + * "This world will see but one Ingersoll." + + Such was the terse, laconic, yet potent utterance that came + spontaneously from a celebrated statesman whose head is now + pillowed in the dust of death, as he stood in the lobby of + the old Burnet House in Cincinnati after the famous + Republican Convention in that city in 1876, at which Colonel + Robert G. Ingersoll made that powerful speech nominating + Blaine for the Presidency, one which is read and reread to- + day, and will be read in the future, as an example of the + highest art of the platform. + + That same sentiment in thought, emotion or vocal expression + emanated from upward of twenty thousand citizens last night + who heard the eloquent and magic Ingersoll in the great + tent stretched near the corner of Sacramento avenue and Lake + street as he expounded the living gospel of true + Republicanism. + + The old warhorse, silvered by long years of faithful service + to his country, aroused the same all-pervading enthusiasm as + he did in the campaigns of Grant and Hayes and Garfield. + + He has lost not one whit, not one iota of his striking + physical presence, his profound reasoning, his convincing + logic, his rollicking wit, grandiloquence—in fine, all the + graces of the orator of old, reenforced by increased + patriotism and the ardor of the call to battle for his + country, are still his in the fullest measure. + + Ingersoll in his powerful speech at Cincinnati, spoke in + behalf of a friend; last night he plead for his country. In + 1876 he eulogized a man; last night, twenty years afterward, + he upheld the principles of democratic government. Such was + the difference in his theme; the logic, the eloquence of his + utterances was the more profound In the same ratio. + + He came to the ground floor of human existence and talked as + man to man. His patriotism, be it religion, sentiment, or + that lofty spirit inseparable from man's soul, is his life. + Last night he sought to inspire those who heard him with the + same loyalty, and he succeeded. + + Those passionate outbursts of eloquence, the wit that fairly + scintillated, the logic as Inexorable as heaven's decrees, + his rich rhetoric and immutable facts driven straight to his + hearers with the strength of bullets, aroused applause that + came as spontaneous as sunlight. + + Now eliciting laughter, now silence, now cheers, the great + orator, with the singular charm of presence, manner and + voice, swayed his immense audience at his own volition. + Packed with potency was every sentence, each word a living + thing, and with them he flayed financial heresy, laid bare + the dire results of free trade, and exposed the dangers of + Populism. + + It was an immense audience that greeted him. The huge tent + was packed from center-pole to circumference, and thousands + went away because they could not gain entrance. The houses + in the vicinity were beautifully illuminated decorated. + + The Chairman, Wm. P. McCabe, in a brief but forcible speech, + presented Colonel Ingersoll to the vast audience. As the old + veteran of rebellion days arose from his seat, one + prolonged, tremendous cheer broke forth from the twenty + thousand throats. And it was fully fifteen minutes before + the great orator could begin to deliver his address. + + In his introductory speech Mr. McCabe said: + + "Friends and Fellow-Citizens: I have no set speech to make + to-night. My duty Is to introduce to you one whose big heart + and big brain is filled with love and patriotic care for the + things that concern the country he fought for and loved so + well. I now have the honor of introducing to you Hon. Robert + G. Ingersoll."—The Intrr-Ocean, Chicago, 111., October 9th, + 1895. +</pre> +<center>1896.</center> +<p>LADIES and Gentlemen: This is our country.</p> +<p>The legally expressed will of the majority is the supreme law of +the land. We are responsible for what our Government does. We +cannot excuse ourselves because of the act of some king, or the +opinions of nobles. We are the kings. We are the nobles. We are the +aristocracy of America, and when our Government does right we are +honored, and when our Government does wrong the brand of shame is +on the American brow.</p> +<p>Again we are on the field of battle, where thought contends with +thought, the field of battle where facts are bullets and arguments +are swords.</p> +<p>To-day there is in the United States a vast congress consisting +of the people, and in that congress every man has a voice, and it +is the duty of every man to inquire into all questions presented, +to the end that he may vote as a man and as a patriot should.</p> +<p>No American should be dominated by prejudice. No man standing +under our flag should follow after the fife and drum of a party. He +should say to himself: "I am a free man, and I will discharge the +obligations of an American citizen with all the intelligence I +possess."</p> +<p>I love this country because the people are free; and if they are +not free it is their own fault.</p> +<p>To-night I am not going to appeal to your prejudices, if you +have any. I am going to talk to the sense that you have. I am going +to address myself to your brain and to your heart. I want nothing +of you except that you will preserve the institutions of the +Republic; that you will maintain her honor unstained. That is all I +ask.</p> +<p>I admit that all the parties who disagree with me are honest. +Large masses of mankind are always honest, the leader not always, +but the mass of people do what they believe to be right. +Consequently there is no argument in abuse, nothing calculated to +convince in calumny. To be kind, to be candid, is far nobler, far +better, and far more American. We live in a Democracy, and we admit +that every other human being has the same right to think, the same +right to express his thought, the same right to vote that we have, +and I want every one who hears me to vote in exact accord with his +sense, to cast his vote in accordance with his conscience. I want +every one to do the best he can for the great Republic, and no +matter how he votes, if he is honest, I shall find no fault.</p> +<p>But the great thing is to understand what you are going to do; +the great thing is to use the little sense that we have. In most of +us the capital is small, and it ought to be turned often. We ought +to pay attention, we ought to listen to what is said and then +think, think for ourselves.</p> +<p>Several questions have been presented to the American people for +their solution, and I propose to speak a little about those +questions, and I do not want you to pretend to agree with me. I +want no applause unless you honestly believe I am right.</p> +<p>Three great questions are presented: First, as to money; second, +as to the tariff, and third, whether this Government has the right +of self-defence. Whether this is a Government of law, or whether +there shall be an appeal from the Supreme Court to a mob. These are +the three questions to be answered next Tuesday by the American +people.</p> +<p>First, let us take up this money question. Thousands and +thousands of speeches have been made on the subject. Pamphlets +thick as the leaves of autumn have been scattered from one end of +the Republic to the other, all about money, as if it were an +exceedingly metaphysical question, as though there were something +magical about it.</p> +<p>What is money? Money is a product of nature. Money is a part of +nature. Money is something that man cannot create. All the +legislatures and congresses of the world cannot by any possibility +create one dollar, any more than they could suspend the attraction +of gravitation or hurl a new constellation into the concave sky. +Money is not made. It has to be found. It is dug from the crevices +of rocks, washed from the sands of streams, from the gravel of +ancient valleys; but it is not made. It cannot be created. Money is +something that does not have to be redeemed. Money is the redeemer. +And yet we have a man running for the presidency on three platforms +with two Vice-Presidents, who says that money is the creature of +law. It may be that law sometimes is the creature of money, but +money was never the creature of law.</p> +<p>A nation can no more create money by law than it can create corn +and wheat and barley by law, and the promise to pay money is no +nearer money than a warehouse receipt is grain, or a bill of fare +is a dinner. If you can make money by law, why should any nation be +poor?</p> +<p>The supply of law is practically unlimited. Suppose one hundred +people should settle on an island, form a government, elect a +legislature. They would have the power to make law, and if law can +make money, if money is the creature of law, why should not these +one hundred people on the island be as wealthy as Great Britain? +What is to hinder? And yet we are told that money is the creature +of law. In the financial world that is as absurd as perpetual +motion in mechanics; it is as absurd as the fountain of eternal +youth, the philosopher's stone, or the transmutation of metals.</p> +<p>What is a dollar? People imagine that a piece of paper with +pictures on it, with signatures, is money. The greenback is not +money—never was; never will be. It is a promise to pay money; +not money. The note of the nation is no nearer money than the note +of an individual. A bank note is not money. It is a promise to pay +money; that is all.</p> +<p>Well, what is a dollar? In the civilized world it is +twenty-three grains and twenty-two one hundredths of pure gold. +That is a dollar. Well, cannot we make dollars out of silver? Yes, +I admit it, but in order to make a silver dollar you have got to +put a dollars worth of silver in the silver dollar, and you have to +put as much silver in it as you can buy for twenty-three grains and +twenty-two one-hundredths' of a grain of pure gold. It takes a +dollar's worth of silver to make a dollar. It takes a dollar's +worth of paper to make a paper dollar. It takes a dollar's worth of +iron to make an iron dollar; and there is no way of making a dollar +without the value.</p> +<p>And let me tell you another thing. You do not add to the value +of gold by coining it any more than you add to the value of wheat +by measuring it; any more than you add to the value of coal by +weighing it. Why do you coin gold? Because every man cannot take a +chemist's outfit with him. He cannot carry a crucible and retort, +scales and acids, and so the Government coins it, simply to certify +how much gold there is in the piece.</p> +<p>Ah, but, says this same gentleman, what gives our +money—our silver—its value? It is because it is a legal +tender, he says. Nonsense; nonsense. Gold was not given value by +being made a legal tender, but being valuable it was made a legal +tender. And gold gets no value to-day from being a legal tender. I +not only say that, but I will prove it; and I will not only prove +it, but I will demonstrate it. Take a twenty dollar gold piece, +hammer it out of shape, mar the Goddess of Liberty, pound out the +United States of America and batter the eagle, and after you get it +pounded how much is it worth?</p> +<p>It is worth exactly twenty dollars. Is it a legal tender? No. +Has its value been changed? No. Take a silver dollar. It is a legal +tender; now pound it into a cube, and how much is it worth? A +little less than fifty cents. What gives it the value of a dollar? +The fact that it is a legal tender? No; but the promise of the +Government to keep it on an equality with gold. I will not only say +this, but I will demonstrate it. I do not ask you to take my word; +just use the sense you have.</p> +<p>The Mexican silver dollar has a little more silver in it than +one of our dollars, and the Mexican silver dollar is a legal tender +in Mexico. If there is any magic about legal tender it ought to +work as well in Mexico as in the United States. I take an American +silver dollar and I go to Mexico. I buy a dinner for a dollar and I +give to the Mexican the American dollar and he gives me a Mexican +dollar in change. Yet both of the dollars are legal tender. Why is +it that the Mexican dollar is worth only fifty cents? Because the +Mexican Government has not agreed to keep it equal with gold; that +is all, that is all.</p> +<p>We want the money of the civilized world, and I will tell you +now that in the procession of nations every silver nation lags +behind—every one. There is not a silver nation on the globe +where decent wages are paid for human labor—not one. The +American laborer gets ten times as much here in gold as a laborer +gets in China in silver, twenty times as much as a laborer does in +India, four times as much as a laborer gets in Russia; and yet we +are told that the man who will "follow England" with the gold +standard lacks patriotism and manhood. What then shall we say of +the man that follows China, that follows India in the silver +standard?</p> +<p>Does that require patriotism?</p> +<p>It certainly requires self-denial.</p> +<p>And yet these gentlemen say that our money is too good. They +might as well say the air is too pure; they might as well say the +soil is too rich. How can money be too good? Mr. Bryan says that it +is so good, people hoard it; and let me tell him they always will. +Mr. Bryan wants money so poor that everybody will be anxious to +spend it. He wants money so poor that the rich will not have it. +Then he thinks the poor can get it. We are willing to toil for good +money. Good money means the comforts and luxuries of life. Real +money is always good. Paper promises and silver substitutes may be +poor; words and pictures may be cheap and may fade to +worthlessness—but gold shines on.</p> +<p>In Chicago, many years ago, there was an old colored man at the +Grand Pacific. I met him one morning, and he looked very sad, and I +said to him, "Uncle, what is the matter?" "Well," he said, "my wife +ran away last night. Pretty good looking woman; a good deal younger +than I am; but she has run off." And he says: "Colonel, I want to +give you my idea about marriage. If a man wants to marry a woman +and have a good time, and be satisfied and secure in his mind, he +wants to marry some woman that no other man on God's earth would +have."</p> +<p>That is the kind of money these gentlemen want in the United +States. Cheap money. Do you know that the words cheap money are a +contradiction in terms? Cheap money is always discounted when +people find out that it is cheap. We want good money, and I do not +care how much we get. But we want good money. Men are willing to +toil for good money; willing to work in the mines; willing to work +in the heat and glare of the furnace; willing to go to the top of +the mast on the wild sea; willing to work in tenements; women are +willing to sew with their eyes filled with tears for the sake of +good money. And if anything is to be paid in good money, labor is +that thing. If any man is entitled to pure gold, it is the man who +labors. Let the big fellows take cheap money. Let the men living +next the soil be paid in gold. But I want the money of this country +as good as that of any other country.</p> +<p>When our money is below par we feel below par. I want our money, +no matter how it is payable, to have the gold behind it. That is +the money I want in the United States.</p> +<p>I want to teach the people of the world that a Democracy is +honest. I want to teach the people of the world that America is not +only capable of self-government, but that it has the self-denial, +the courage, the honor, to pay its debts to the last farthing.</p> +<p>Mr. Bryan tells the farmers who are in debt that they want cheap +money. What for? To pay their debts. And he thinks that is a +compliment to the tillers of the soil. The statement is an insult +to the farmers, and the farmers of Maine and Vermont have answered +him.</p> +<p>And if the farmers of those States with their soil can be +honest, I think a farmer in Illinois has no excuse for being a +rascal. I regard the farmers as honest men, and when the sun shines +and the rains fall and the frosts wait, they will pay their debts. +They are good men, and I want to tell you to-night that all the +stories that have been told about farmers being Populists are not +true.</p> +<p>You will find the Populists in the towns, in the great cities, +in the villages. All the failures, no matter for what reason, are +on the Populist's side. They want to get rich by law. They are +tired of work.</p> +<p>And yet Mr. Bryan says vote for cheap money so that you can pay +your debts in fifty cent dollars. Will an honest man do it?</p> +<p>Suppose a man has borrowed a thousand bushels of wheat of his +neighbor, of sixty pounds to the bushel, and then Congress should +pass a law making thirty pounds of wheat a bushel. Would that +farmer pay his debt with five hundred bushels and consider himself +an honest man?</p> +<p>Mr. Bryan says, "Vote for cheap money to pay your debts," and +thereupon the creditor says, "What is to become of me?" Mr. Bryan +says, "We will make it one dollar and twenty-nine cents an ounce, +and make it of the ratio of sixteen to one, make it as good as +gold." And thereupon the poor debtor says, "How is that going to +help me?" And in nearly all the speeches that this man has made he +has taken the two positions, first, that we want cheap money to pay +debts, and second, that the money would be just as good as gold for +creditors.</p> +<p>Now, the question is: Can Congress make fifty cents' worth of +silver worth one dollar? That is the question, and if Congress can, +then I oppose the scheme on account of its extravagance. What is +the use of wasting all that silver? Think about it. If Congress can +make fifty cents' worth of silver worth a dollar by law, why can it +not make one cent's worth of silver worth a dollar by law. Let us +save the silver and use it for forks and spoons. The supply even of +silver is limited—the supply of law is inexhaustible. Do not +waste silver, use more law. You cannot fix values by law any more +than you can make cooler summers by shortening thermometers.</p> +<p>There is another trouble. If Congress, by the free coinage of +silver, can double its value, why should we allow an Englishman +with a million dollars' worth of silver bullion at the market +price, to bring it to America, have it coined free of charge, and +make it exactly double the value? Why should we put a million +dollars in his pocket? That is too generous. Why not buy the silver +from him in the open market and let the Government make the million +dollars? Nothing is more absurd; nothing is more idiotic. I admit +that Mr. Bryan is honest. I admit it. If he were not honest his +intellectual pride would not allow him to make these +statements.</p> +<p>Well, another thing says our friend, "Gold has been cornered"; +and thousands of people believe it.</p> +<p>You have no idea of the credulity of some folks. I say that it +has not been cornered, and I will not only prove it, I will +demonstrate it. Whenever the Stock Exchange or some of the members +have a corner on stocks, that stock goes up, and if it does not, +that corner bursts. Whenever gentlemen in Chicago get up a corner +on wheat in the Produce Exchange, wheat goes up or the corner +bursts. And yet they tell me there has been a corner in gold for +all these years, yet since 1873 to the present time the rate of +interest has steadily gone down.</p> +<p>If there had been a corner the rate of interest would have +steadily advanced. There is a demonstration. But let me ask, for my +own information, if they corner gold what will prevent their +cornering silver? Or are you going to have it so poor that it will +not be worth cornering?</p> +<p>Then they say another thing, and that is that the demonetization +of silver is responsible for all the hardships we have endured, for +all the bankruptcy, for all the panics. That is not true, and I +will not only prove it, but I will demonstrate it. The poison of +demonetization entered the American veins, as they tell us, in +1873, and has been busy in its hellish work from that time to this; +and yet, nineteen years after we were vaccinated, 1892, was the +most prosperous year ever known by this Republic. All the wheels +turning, all the furnaces aflame, work at good wages, everybody +prosperous. How, Mr. Bryanite, how do you account for that? Just be +honest a minute and think about it.</p> +<p>Then there is another thing. In 1816 Great Britain demonetized +silver, and that wretched old government has had nothing but gold +from that day to this as a standard. And to show you the frightful +results of that demonetization, that government does not own now +above one-third of the globe, and all the winds are busy floating +her flags. There is a demonstration.</p> +<p>Mr. Bryan tells us that free coinage will bring silver 16 to 1. +What is the use of stopping there? Why not make it 1 to 1? Why not +make it equal with gold and be done with it? And why should it stop +at exactly one dollar and twenty-nine cents? I do not know. I am +not well acquainted with all the facts that enter into the question +of value, but why should it stop at exactly one dollar and +twenty-nine cents? I do not know. And I guess if he were +cross-examined along toward the close of the trial he would admit +that he did not know.</p> +<p>And yet this statesman calls this silver the money of our +fathers. Well, let us see. Our fathers did some good things. In +1792 they made gold and silver the standards, and at a ratio of 15 +to 1. But where you have two metals and endeavor to make a double +standard it is very hard to keep them even. They vary, and, as old +Dogberry says, "An two men ride of a horse, one must ride behind." +They made the ratio 15 to 1, and who did it? Thomas Jefferson and +Alexander Hamilton. Jefferson, the greatest man, with one +exception, that ever sat in the presidential chair. With one +exception. [A voice: "Who was that?"] Abraham Lincoln. Alexander +Hamilton, with more executive ability than any other man that ever +stood under the flag. And how did they fix the ratio? They found +the commercial value in the market; that is how they did it. And +they went on and issued American dollars 15 to 1; and in 1806, when +Jefferson was President, the coinage was stopped. Why? There was +too much silver in the dollars, and people instead of passing them +around put them aside and sold them to the silversmiths.</p> +<p>Then in 1834 the ratios changed; not quite sixteen to one. That +was based again on the commercial value, and instead of sixteen to +one they went into the thousands in decimals. It was not quite +sixteen to one. They wanted to fix it absolutely on the commercial +value. Then a few more dollars were coined; and our fathers coined +of these sacred dollars up to 1873, eight millions, and seven +millions had been melted.</p> +<p>In 1853 the gold standard was in fact adopted, and, as I have +told you, from 1792 to 1873 only eight millions of silver had been +coined.</p> +<p>What have the "enemies of silver" done since that time? Under +the act of 1878 we have coined over four hundred and thirty +millions of these blessed dollars. We bought four million ounces of +silver in the open market every month, and in spite of the vast +purchases silver continued to go down. We are coining about two +millions a month now, and silver is still going down. Even the +expectation of the election of Bryan cannot add the tenth of one +per cent, to the value of silver bullion. It is going down day by +day.</p> +<p>But what I want to say to-night is, if you want silver money, +measure it by the gold standard.</p> +<p>I wish every one here would read the speech of Senator Sherman, +delivered at Columbus a little while ago, in which he gives the +history of American coinage, and every man who will read it will +find that silver was not demonetized in 1873. You will find that it +was demonetized in 1853, and if he will read back he will find that +the apostles of silver now were in favor of the gold standard in +1873. Senator Jones of Nevada in 1873 voted for the law of 1873. He +said from his seat in the Senate, that God had made gold the +standard. He said that gold was the mother of civilization. Whether +he has heard from God since or not I do not know. But now he is on +the other side. Senator Stewart of Nevada was there at the time; he +voted for the act of 1873, and said that gold was the only +standard. He has changed his mind. So they have said of me that I +used to talk another way, and they have published little portions +of speeches, without publishing all that was said. I want to tell +you to-night that I have never changed on the money question.</p> +<p>On many subjects I have changed. I am very glad to feel that I +have grown a little in the last forty or fifty years. And a man +should allow himself to grow, to bud and blossom and bear new +fruit, and not be satisfied with the rotten apples under the +tree.</p> +<p>But on the money question I have not changed. Sixteen years ago +in this city at Cooper Union, in 1880, in discussing this precise +question, I said that I wanted gold and silver and paper; that I +wanted the paper issued by the General Government, and back of +every paper dollar I wanted a gold dollar or a silver dollar worth +a dollar in gold. I said then, "I want that silver dollar worth a +dollar in gold if you have to make it four feet in diameter." I +said then, "I want our paper so perfectly secure that when the +savage in Central Africa looks upon a Government bill of the United +States his eyes will gleam as though he looked at shining gold." I +said then, "I want every paper dollar of the Union to be able to +hold up its hand and swear, 'I know that my Redeemer liveth.'" I +said then, "The Republic cannot afford to debase money; cannot +afford to be a clipper of coin; an honest nation, honest money; for +nations as well as individuals, honesty is the best policy +everywhere and forever." I have not changed on that subject. As I +told a gentleman the other day, "I am more for silver than you are +because I want twice as much of it in a dollar as you do."</p> +<p>Ah, but they say, "free coinage would bring prosperity." I do +not believe it, and I will tell you why. Elect Bryan, come to the +silver standard, and what would happen? We have in the United +States about six hundred million dollars in gold. Every dollar +would instantly go out of circulation. Why? No man will use the +best money when he can use cheaper. Remember that. No carpenter +will use mahogany when his contract allows pine. Gold will go out +of circulation, and what next would happen? All the greenbacks +would fall to fifty cents on the dollar. The only reason they are +worth a dollar now is because the Government has agreed to pay them +in gold. When you come to a silver basis they fall to fifty cents. +What next? All the national bank notes would be cut square in two. +Why? Because they are secured by United States bonds, and when we +come to a silver basis, United States bonds would be paid in +silver, fifty cents on the dollar. And what else would happen? What +else? These sacred silver dollars would instantly become fifty cent +pieces, because they would no longer be redeemable in gold; because +the Government would no longer be under obligation to keep them on +a parity with gold. And how much currency and specie would that +leave for us in the United States? In value three hundred and fifty +million dollars. That is five dollars per capita. We have twenty +dollars per capita now, and yet they want to go to five dollars for +the purpose of producing prosperous times!</p> +<p>What else would happen? Every human being living on an income +would lose just one-half. Every soldiers' pension would be cut in +two. Every human being who has a credit in the savings bank would +lose just one-half. All the life insurance companies would pay just +one-half. All the fire insurance companies would pay just one-half, +and leave you the ashes for the balance. That is what they call +prosperity.</p> +<p>And what else? The Republic would be dishonored. The believers +in monarchy—in the divine right of kings—the +aristocracies of the Old World—would say, "Democracy is a +failure, freedom is a fraud, and liberty is a liar;" and we would +be compelled to admit the truth. No; we want good, honest money. We +want money that will be good when we are dead. We want money that +will keep the wolf from the door, no matter what Congress does. We +want money that no law can create; that is what we want. There was +a time when Rome was mistress of the world, and there was a time +when the arch of the empire fell, and the empire was buried in the +dust of oblivion; and before those days the Roman people coined +gold, and one of those coins is as good to-night as when Julius +Cæsar rode at the head of his legions. That is the money we +want. We want money that is honest.</p> +<p>But Mr. Bryan hates the bondholders. Who are the bondholders? +Let us be honest; let us have some sense. When this Government was +in the flame of civil war it was compelled to sell bonds, and +everybody who bought a bond bought it because he believed the great +Republic would triumph at last. Every man who bought a bond was our +friend, and every bond that he purchased added to the chances of +our success. They were our friends, and I respect them all. Most of +them are dead, and the bonds they bought have been sold and resold +maybe hundreds of times, and the men who have them now paid a +hundred and twenty in gold, and why should they not be paid in +gold? Can any human being think of any reason? And yet Mr. Bryan +says that the debt is so great that it cannot be paid in gold. How +much is the Republic worth? Let me tell you? This Republic +to-day—its lands in cultivation, its houses, railways, +canals, and money—is worth seventy thousand million dollars. +And what do we owe? One billion five hundred million dollars, and +what is the condition of the country? It is the condition of a man +who has seventy dollars and owes one dollar and a half. This is the +richest country on the globe. Have we any excuse for being thieves? +Have we any excuse for failing to pay the debt? No, sir; no, sir. +Mr. Bryan hates the bondholders of the railways. Why? I do not +know. What did those wretches do? They furnished the money to build +the one hundred and eighty thousand miles of railway in the United +States; that is what they did.</p> +<p>They paid the money that threw up the road-bed, that shoveled +the gravel; they paid the men that turned the ore into steel and +put it in form for use; they paid the men that cut down the trees +and made the ties, that manufactured the locomotives and the cars. +That is what they did. No wonder that a presidential failure hates +them.</p> +<p>So this man hates bankers. Now, what is a banker? Here is a +little town of five thousand people, and some of them have a little +money. They do not want to keep it in the house because some Bryan +man might find it; I mean if it were silver. So one citizen buys a +safe and rents a room and tells all the people, "You deposit the +overplus with me to hold it subject to your order upon your orders +signed as checks;" and so they do, and in a little while he finds +that he has on hand continually about one hundred thousand dollars +more than is called for, and thereupon he loans it to the fellow +who started the livery stable and to the chap that opened the +grocery and to the fellow with the store, and he makes this idle +money work for the good and prosperity of that town. And that is +all he does. And these bankers now, if Mr. Bryan becomes President, +can pay the depositors in fifty cent dollars; and yet they are such +rascally wretches that they say, "We prefer to pay back gold." You +can see how mean they are.</p> +<p>Mr. Bryan hates the rich. Would he like to be rich? He hates the +bondholders. Would he like to have a million? He hates the +successful man. Does he want to be a failure? If he does, let him +wait until the third day of November. We want honest money because +we are honest people; and there never was any real prosperity for a +nation or an individual without honesty, without integrity, and it +is our duty to preserve the reputation of the great Republic.</p> +<p>Better be an honest bankrupt than a rich thief. Poverty can hold +in its hand the jewel, honor—a jewel that outshines all other +gems. A thousand times better be poor and noble than rich and +fraudulent.</p> +<p>Then there is another question—the question of the tariff. +I admit that there are a great many arguments in favor of free +trade, but I assert that all the facts are the other way. I want +American people as far as possible to manufacture everything that +Americans use.</p> +<p>The more industries we have the more we will develop the +American brain, and the best crop you can raise in every country is +a crop of good men and good women—of intelligent people. And +another thing, I want to keep this market for ourselves. A nation +that sells raw material will grow ignorant and poor; a nation that +manufactures will grow intelligent and rich. It only takes muscle +to dig ore. It takes mind to manufacture a locomotive, and only +that labor is profitable that is mixed with thought. Muscle must be +in partnership with brain. I am in favor of keeping this market for +ourselves, and yet some people say: "Give us the market of the +world." Well, why don't you take it? There is no export duty on +anything. You can get things out of this country cheaper than from +any other country in the world. Iron is as cheap here in the +ground, so are coal and stone, as any place on earth. The timber is +as cheap in the forest. Why don't you make things and sell them in +Central Africa, in China and Japan? Why don't you do it? I will +tell you why. It is because labor is too high; that is all. Almost +the entire value is labor. You make a ton of steel rails worth +twenty-five dollars; the ore in the ground is worth only a few +cents, the coal in the earth only a few cents, the lime in the +cliff only a few cents—altogether not one dollar and fifty +cents; but the ton is worth twenty-five dollars; twenty-three +dollars and fifty cents labor! That is the trouble. The steamship +is worth five hundred thousand dollars, but the raw material is not +worth ten thousand dollars. The rest is labor. Why is labor higher +here than in Europe? Protection. And why do these gentlemen ask for +the trade of the world? Why do they ask for free trade? Because +they want cheaper labor. That is all; cheaper labor. The markets of +the world! We want our own markets. I would rather have the market +of Illinois than all of China with her four hundred millions. I +would rather have the market of one good county in New York than +all of Mexico. What do they want in Mexico? A little red calico, a +few sombreros and some spurs. They make their own liquor and they +live on red pepper and beans. What do you want of their markets? We +want to keep our own. In other words, we want to pursue the policy +that has given us prosperity in the past. We tried a little bit of +free trade in 1892 when we were all prosperous. I said then: "If +Grover Cleveland is elected it will cost the people five hundred +million dollars." I am no prophet, nor the son of a prophet, nor a +profitable son, but I placed the figure too low. His election has +cost a thousand million dollars. There is an old song, "You Put the +Wrong Man off at Buffalo;" we took the wrong man on at Buffalo. We +tried just a little of it, not much. We tried the Wilson +bill—a bill, according to Mr. Cleveland, born of perfidy and +dishonor—a bill that he was not quite foolish enough to sign +and not brave enough to veto. We tried it and we are tired of it, +and if experience is a teacher the American people know a little +more than they did. We want to do our own work, and we want to +mingle our thought with our labor. We are the most inventive of all +the peoples. We sustain the same relation to invention that the +ancient Greeks did to sculpture. We want to develop the brain; we +want to cultivate the imagination, and we want to cover our land +with happy homes. A thing is worth sometimes the thought that is in +it, sometimes the genius. Here is a man buys a little piece of +linen for twenty-five cents, he buys a few paints for fifteen +cents, and a few brushes, and he paints a picture; just a little +one; a picture, maybe, of a cottage with a dear old woman, white +hair, serene forehead and satisfied eyes; at the corner a few +hollyhocks in bloom—may be a tree in blossom, and as you +listen you seem to hear the songs of birds—the hum of bees, +and your childhood all comes back to you as you look. You feel the +dewy grass beneath your bare feet once again, and you go back in +your mind until the dear old woman on the porch is once more young +and fair. There is a soul there. Genius has done its work. And the +little picture is worth five, ten, may be fifty thousand dollars. +All the result of labor and genius.</p> +<p>And another thing we want is to produce great men and great +women here in our own country; then again we want business. Talk +about charity, talk about the few dollars that fall unconsciously +from the hand of wealth, talk about your poorhouses and your sewing +societies and your poor little efforts in the missionary line in +the worst part of your town! Ah, there is no charity like business. +Business gives work to labor's countless hands; business wipes the +tears from the eyes of widows and orphans; business dimples with +joy the cheek of sorrow; business puts a roof above the heads of +the homeless; business covers the land with happy homes.</p> +<p>We do not want any populistic philanthropy. We want no fiat +philosophy. We want no silver swindles. We want business. Wind and +wave are our servants; let them work. Steam and electricity are our +slaves; let them toil. Let all the wheels whirl; let all the +shuttles fly. Fill the air with the echoes of hammer and saw. Fill +the furnace with flame; the moulds with liquid iron. Let them +glow.</p> +<p>Build homes and palaces of trade. Plow the fields, reap the +waving grain. Create all things that man can use. Business will +feed the hungry, clothe the naked, educate the ignorant, enrich the +world with art—fill the air with song. Give us Protection and +Prosperity. Do not cheat us with free trade dreams. Do not deceive +us with debased coin. Give us good money—the life blood of +business—and let it flow through the veins and arteries of +commerce.</p> +<p>And let me tell you to-night the smoke arising from the +factories' great plants forms the only cloud on which has ever been +seen the glittering bow of American promise. We want work, and I +tell you to-night that my sympathies are with the men who work, +with the women who weep. I know that labor is the Atlas on whose +shoulders rests the great superstructure of civilization and the +great dome of science adorned with all there is of art. Labor is +the great oak, labor is the great column, and labor, with its deft +and cunning hands, has created the countless things of art and +beauty. I want to see labor paid. I want to see capital civilized +until it will be willing to give labor its share, and I want labor +intelligent enough to settle all these questions in the high court +of reason. And let me tell the workingman to-night: You will never +help your self by destroying your employer. You have work to sell. +Somebody has to buy it, if it is bought, and somebody has to buy it +that has the money. Who is going to manufacture something that will +not sell. Nobody is going into the manufacturing business through +philanthropy, and unless your employer makes a profit, the mill +will be shut down and you will be out of work. The interest of the +employer and the employed should be one. Whenever the employers of +the continent are successful, then the workingman is better paid, +and you know it. I have some hope in the future for the workingman. +I know what it is to work. I do not think my natural disposition +runs in that direction, but I know what it is to work, and I have +worked with all my might at one dollar and a half a week. I did the +work of a man for fifty cents a day, and I was not sorry for it. In +the horizon of my future burned and gleamed the perpetual star of +hope. I said to myself: I live in a free country, and I have a +chance; I live in a free country, and I have as much liberty as any +other man beneath the flag, and I have enjoyed it.</p> +<p>Something has been done for labor. Only a few years ago a man +worked fifteen or sixteen hours a day, but the hours have been +reduced to at least ten and are on the way to still further +reduction. And while the hours have been decreased the wages have +as certainly been increased. In forty years—in less—the +wages of American workingmen have doubled. A little while ago you +received an average of two hundred and eighty-five dollars a year; +now you receive an average of more than four hundred and ninety +dollars; there is the difference. So it seems to me that the star +of hope is still in the sky for every workingman. Then there is +another thing: every workingman in this country can take his little +boy on his knee and say, "John, all the avenues to distinction, +wealth, and glory are open to you. There is the free school; take +your chances with the rest." And it seems to me that that thought +ought to sweeten every drop of sweat that trickles down the honest +brow of toil.</p> +<p>So let us have protection! How much? Enough, so that our income +at least will equal our outgo. That is a good way to keep house. I +am tired of depression and deficit. I do not like to see a +President pawning bonds to raise money to pay his own salary. I do +not like to see the great Republic at the mercy of anybody, so let +us stand by protection.</p> +<p>There is another trouble. The gentleman now running for the +presidency—a tireless talker—oh, if he had a brain +equal to his vocal chords, what a man! And yet when I read his +speeches it seems to me as though he stood on his head and thought +with his feet. This man is endeavoring to excite class against +class, to excite the poor against the rich. Let me tell you +something. We have no classes in the United States. There are no +permanent classes here. The millionaire may be a mendicant, the +mendicant may be a millionaire. The man now working for the +millionaire may employ that millionaire's sons to work for him. +There is a chance for us all. Sometimes a numskull is born in the +mansion, and a genius rises from the gutter. Old Mother Nature has +a queer way of taking care of her children. You cannot tell. You +cannot tell. Here we have a free open field of competition, and if +a man passes me in the race I say: "Good luck. Get ahead of me if +you can, you are welcome."</p> +<p>And why should I hate the rich? Why should I make my heart a den +of writhing, hissing snakes of envy? Get rich. I do not care. I am +glad I live in a country where somebody can get rich. It is a spur +in the flank of ambition. Let them get rich. I have known good men +that were quite rich, and I have known some mean men who were in +straitened circumstances. So I have known as good men as ever +breathed the air, who were poor. We must respect the man; what is +inside, not what is outside.</p> +<p>That is why I like this country. That is why I do not want it +dishonored. I want no class feeling. The citizens of America should +be friends. Where capital is just and labor intelligent, happiness +dwells. Fortunate that country where the rich are extravagant and +the poor economical. Miserable that country where the rich are +economical and the poor are extravagant. A rich spendthrift is a +blessing. A rich miser is a curse. Extravagance is a splendid form +of charity. Let the rich spend, let them build, let them give work +to their fellow-men, and I will find no fault with their wealth, +provided they obtained it honestly.</p> +<p>There was an old fellow by the name of Socrates. He happened to +be civilized, living in a barbarous time, and he was tried for his +life. And in his speech in which he defended himself is a paragraph +that ought to remain in the memory of the human race forever.</p> +<p>He said to those judges, "During my life I have not sought +ambition, wealth. I have not sought to adorn my body, but I have +endeavored to adorn my soul with the jewels of patience and +justice, and above all, with the love of liberty." Such a man rises +above all wealth.</p> +<p>Why should we envy the rich? Why envy a man who has no earthly +needs? Why envy a man that carries a hundred canes? Why envy a man +who has that which he cannot use? I know a great many rich men and +I have read about a great many others, and I do not envy them. They +are no happier than I am. You see, after all, few rich men own +their property. The property owns them. It gets them up early in +the morning. It will not let them sleep; it makes them suspect +their friends. Sometimes they think their children would like to +attend a first-class funeral. Why should we envy the rich? They +have fear; we have hope. They are on the top of the ladder; we are +close to the ground. They are afraid of falling, and we hope to +rise.</p> +<p>Why should we envy the rich? They never drank any colder water +than I have. They never ate any lighter biscuits or any better corn +bread. They never drank any better Illinois wine, or felt better +after drinking it, than I have; than you have. They never saw any +more glorious sunsets with the great palaces of amethyst and gold, +and they never saw the heavens thicker with constellations; they +never read better poetry. They know no more about the ecstasies of +love than we do. They never got any more pleasure out of courting +than I did. Why should we envy the rich? I know as much about the +ecstasies of love of wife and child and friends as they. They never +had any better weather in June than I have, or you have. They can +buy splendid pictures. I can look at them. And who owns a great +picture or a great statue? The man who bought it? Possibly, and +possibly not. The man who really owns it, is the man who +understands it, that appreciates it, the man into whose heart its +beauty and genius come, the man who is ennobled and refined and +glorified by it.</p> +<p>They have never heard any better music than I have.</p> +<p>When the great notes, winged like eagles, soar to the great dome +of sound, I have felt just as good as though I had a hundred +million dollars.</p> +<p>Do not try to divide this country into classes. The rich man +that endeavors to help his fellow-man deserves the honor and +respect of the great Republic. I have nothing against the man that +got rich in the free and open field of competition. Where they +combine to rob their fellow-men, then I want the laws enforced. +That is all. Let them play fair and they are welcome to all they +get.</p> +<p>And why should we hate the successful? Why? We cannot all be +first. The race is a vast procession; a great many hundred millions +are back of the center, and in front there is only one human being; +that is all. Shall we wait for the other fellows to catch up? Shall +the procession stop? I say, help the fallen, assist the weak, help +the poor, bind up the wounds, but do not stop the procession.</p> +<p>Why should we envy the successful? Why should we hate them? And +why should we array class against class? It is all wrong. For +instance, here is a young man, and he is industrious. He is in love +with a girl around the corner. She is in his brain all day—in +his heart all night, and while he is working he is thinking. He +gets a little ahead, they get married. He is an honest man, he gets +credit, and the first thing you know he has a good business of his +own and he gets rich; educates his children, and his old age is +filled with content and love. Good! His companions bask in the +sunshine of idleness. They have wasted their time, wasted their +wages in dissipation, and when the winter of life comes, when the +snow falls on the barren fields of the wasted days, then shivering +with cold, pinched with hunger, they curse the man who has +succeeded. Thereupon they all vote for Bryan.</p> +<p>Then there is another question, and that is whether the +Government has a right to protect itself? And that is whether the +employees of railways shall have a right to stop the trains, a +right to prevent interstate commerce, a right to burn bridges and +shoot engineers? Has the United States the right to protect +commerce between the States? I say, yes.</p> +<p>It is the duty of the President to lay the mailed hand of the +Republic upon the mob. We want no mobs in this country. This is a +Government of the people and by the people, a Government of law, +and these laws should be interpreted by the courts in judicial +calm. We have a supreme tribunal. Undoubtedly it has made some bad +decisions, but it has made a vast number of good ones. The judges +do the best they can. Of course they are not like Mr. Bryan, +infallible. But they are doing the best they can, and when they +make a decision that is wrong it will be attacked by reason, it +will be attacked by argument, and in time it will be reversed, but +I do not believe in attacking it with a torch or by a mob. I hate +the mob spirit. Civilized men obey the law. Civilized men believe +in order. Civilized men believe that a man that makes property by +industry and economy has the right to keep it. Civilized men +believe that that man has the right to use it as he desires, and +they will judge of his character by the manner in which he uses it. +If he endeavors to assist his fellow-man he will have the respect +and admiration of his fellow-men. But we want a Government of law. +We do not want labor questions settled by violence and blood.</p> +<p>I want to civilize the capitalist so that he will be willing to +give what labor is worth. I want to educate the workingman so that +he will be willing to receive what labor is worth. I want to +civilize them both to that degree that they can settle all their +disputes in the high court of reason.</p> +<p>But when you tell me that they can stop the commerce of the +Nation, then you preach the gospel of the bludgeon, the gospel of +torch and bomb. I do not believe in that religion. I believe in a +religion of kindness, reason and law. The law is the supreme will +of the supreme people, and we must obey it or we go back to +savagery and black night. I stand by the courts. I stand by the +President who endeavors to preserve the peace. I am against mobs; I +am against lynchings, and I believe it is the duty of the Federal +Government to protect all of its citizens at home and abroad; and I +want a Government powerful enough to say to the Governor of any +State where they are murdering American citizens without process of +law—I want the Federal Government to say to the Governor of +that State: "Stop; stop shedding the blood of American citizens. +And if you cannot stop it, we can." I believe in a Government that +will protect the lowest, the poorest and weakest as promptly as the +mightiest and strongest. That is my Government. This old doctrine +of State Sovereignty perished in the flame of civil war, and I tell +you to-night that that infamous lie was surrendered to Grant with +Lee's sword at Appomattox.</p> +<p>I believe in a strong Government, not in a Government that can +make money, but in a strong Government.</p> +<p>Oh, I forgot to ask the question, "If the Government can make +money why should it collect taxes?"</p> +<p>Let us be honest. Here is a poor man with a little yoke of +cattle, cultivating forty acres of stony ground, working like a +slave in the heat of summer, in the cold blasts of winter, and the +Government makes him pay ten dollars taxes, when, according to +these gentlemen, it could issue a one hundred thousand dollar bill +in a second. Issue the bill and give the fellow with the cattle a +rest. Is it possible for the mind to conceive anything more absurd +than that the Government can create money?</p> +<p>Now, the next question is, or the next thing is, you have to +choose between men. Shall Mr. Bryan be the next President or shall +McKinley occupy that chair? Who is Mr. Bryan? He is not a tried +man. If he had the capacity to reason, if he had logic, if he could +spread the wings of imagination, if there were in his heart the +divine flower called pity, he might be an orator, but lacking all +these, he is as he is.</p> +<p>When Major McKinley was fighting under the flag, Bryan was in +his mother's arms, and judging from his speeches he ought to be +there still. What is he? He is a Populist. He voted for General +Weaver.</p> +<p>Only a little while ago he denied being a Democrat. His mind is +filled with vagaries. A fiat money man. His brain is an insane +asylum without a keeper.</p> +<p>Imagine that man President. Whom would he call about him? Upon +whom would he rely? Probably for Secretary of State he would choose +Ignatius Donnelly of Minnesota; for Secretary of the Interior, +Henry George; for Secretary of War, Tillman with his pitchforks; +for Postmaster-General, Peffer of Kansas. Once somebody said: "If +you believe in fiat money, why don't you believe in fiat hay, and +you can make enough hay out of Peffer's whiskers to feed all the +cattle in the country." For Secretary of the Treasury, Coin Harvey. +For Secretary of the Navy, Coxey, and then he could keep off the +grass. And then would come the millennium. The great cryptogram and +the Bacon cipher; the single tax, State saloons, fiat money, free +silver, destruction of banks and credit, bondholders and creditors +mobbed, courts closed, debts repudiated and the rest of the folks +made rich by law.</p> +<p>And suppose Bryan should die, and then think, think of Thomas +Watson sitting in the chair of Abraham Lincoln. That is enough to +give a patriot political nightmare.</p> +<p>If McKinley dies there is an honest capable man to take his +place. A man who believes in business, in prosperity. A man who +knows what money is. A man who would never permit the laying of a +land warrant on a cloud. A man of good sense, a man of level head. +A man that loves his country, a man that will protect its +honor.</p> +<p>And is McKinley a tried man? Honest, candid, level-headed, +putting on no airs, saying not what he thinks somebody else thinks, +but what he thinks, and saying it in his own honest, forcible way. +He has made hundreds of speeches during this campaign, not to +people whom he ran after, but to people who came to see him. Not +from the tail end of cars, but from the doorstep of his home, and +every speech has been calculated to make votes. Every speech has +increased the respect of the American people for him, every one. He +has never slopped over. Four years ago I read a speech made by him +at Cleveland, on the tariff. I tell you to-night that he is the +best posted man on the tariff under the flag. I tell you that he +knows the road to prosperity. I read that speech. It had +foundation, proportion, dome, and he handled his facts as +skillfully as Caesar marshaled his hosts on the fields of war, and +ever since I read it I have had profound respect for the +intelligence and statesmanship of William McKinley.</p> +<p>He will call about him the best, the wisest, and the most +patriotic men, and his cabinet will respect the highest and +loftiest interests and aspirations of the American people.</p> +<p>Then you have to make another choice. You have to choose between +parties, between the new Democratic and the old Republican. And I +want to tell you the new Democratic is worse than the old, and that +is a good deal for me to say. In 1861 hundreds and hundreds of +thousands of Democrats thought more of country than of party. +Hundreds and hundreds of thousands shouldered their muskets, rushed +to the rescue of the Republic, and sustained the administration of +Abraham Lincoln. With their help the Rebellion was crushed, and now +hundreds and hundreds of thousands of Democrats will hold country +above party and will join with the Republicans in saving the honor, +the reputation, of the United States; and I want to say to all the +National Democrats who feel that they cannot vote for Bryan, I want +to say to you, vote for McKinley. This is no war for blank +cartridges. Your gun makes as much noise, but it does not do as +much execution.</p> +<p>If you vote for Palmer it is not to elect him, it is simply to +defeat Bryan, and the sure way to defeat Bryan is to vote for +McKinley. You have to choose between parties. The new Democratic +party, with its allies, the Populists and Socialists and Free +Silverites, represents the follies, the mistakes, and the +absurdities of a thousand years. They are in favor of everything +that cannot be done. Whatever is, is wrong. They think creditors +are swindlers, and debtors who refuse to pay their debts are honest +men. Good money is bad and poor money is good. A promise is better +than a performance. They desire to abolish facts, punish success, +and reward failure. They are worse than the old. And yet I want to +be honest. I am like the old Dutchman who made a speech in +Arkansas. He said: "Ladies and Gentlemen, I must tell you the +truth. There are good and bad in all parties except the Democratic +party, and in the Democratic party there are bad and worse." The +new Democratic party, a party that believes in repudiation, a party +that would put the stain of dishonesty on every American brow and +that would make this Government subject to the mob.</p> +<p>You have to make your choice. I have made mine. I go with the +party that is traveling my way.</p> +<p>I do not pretend to belong to anything or that anything belongs +to me. When a party goes my way I go with that party and I stick to +it as long as it is traveling my road. And let me tell you +something. The history of the Republican party is the glory of the +United States. The Republican party has the enthusiasm of youth and +the wisdom of old age. The Republican party has the genius of +administration. The Republican party knows the wants of the people. +The Republican party kept this country on the map of the world and +kept our flag in the air. The Republican party made our country +free, and that one fact fills all the heavens with light. The +Republican party is the pioneer of progress; the grandest +organization that has ever existed among men. The Republican party +is the conscience of the nineteenth century. I am proud to belong +to it. Vote the Republican ticket and you will be happy here, and +if there is another life you will be happy there.</p> +<p>I had an old friend down in Woodford County, Charley Mulidore. +He won a coffin on Lincoln's election. He took it home and every +birthday he called in his friends. They had a little game of +"sixty-six" on the coffin lid. When the game was over they opened +the coffin and took out the things to eat and drink and had a +festival, and the minister in the little town, hearing of it, was +scandalized, and he went to Charley Mulidore and he said: "Mr. +Mulidore, how can you make light of such awful things?" "What +things?" "Why," he said, "Mr. Mulidore, what did you do with that +coffin? In a little while you die, and then you come to the day of +judgment." "Well, Mr. Preacher, when I come to that day of judgment +they will say, 'What is your name?' I will tell them, 'Charley +Mulidore.' And they will say, 'Mr. Mulidore, are you a Christian?' +'No, sir, I was a Republican, and the coffin I got out of this +morning I won on Abraham Lincoln's election.' And then they will +say, 'Walk in, Mr. Mulidore, walk in, walk in; here is your halo +and there is your harp.'"</p> +<p>If you want to live in good company vote the Republican ticket. +Vote for Black for Governor of the State of New York—a man in +favor of protection and honest money; a man that believes in the +preservation of the honor of the Nation. Vote for members of +Congress that are true to the great principles of the Republican +party. Vote for every Republican candidate from the lowest to the +highest. This is a year when we mean business. Vote, as I tell you, +the Republican ticket if you want good company.</p> +<p>If you want to do some good to your fellow-men, if you want to +say when you die—when the curtain falls—when the music +of the orchestra grows dim—when the lights fade; if you want +to live so at that time you can say "the world is better because I +lived," vote the Republican ticket in 1896. Vote with the party of +Lincoln—greatest of our mighty dead; Lincoln the Merciful. +Vote with the party of Grant, the greatest soldier of his century; +a man worthy to have been matched against Cæsar for the +mastery of the world; as great a general as ever planted on the +field of war the torn and tattered flag of victory. Vote with the +party of Sherman and Sheridan and Thomas. But the time would fail +me to repeat even the names of the philosophers, the +philanthropists, the thinkers, the orators, the statesmen, and the +soldiers who made the Republican party glorious forever.</p> +<p>We love our country; dear to us for its reputation throughout +the world. We love our country for her credit in all the marts of +the world. We love our country, because under her flag we are free. +It is our duty to hand down the American institutions to our +children unstained, unimpaired. It is our duty to preserve them for +ourselves, for our children, and for their fair children yet to +be.</p> +<p>This is the last speech that I shall make in this campaign, and +to-night there comes upon me the spirit of prophecy. On November +4th you will find that by the largest majorities in our history, +William McKinley has been elected President of the United +States.*</p> +<pre> + * The final rally of the McKinley League for the present + campaign, was held last night in Carnegie Music Hall, ana + the orator chosen to present the doctrines of the + Republican party was Robert G. Ingersoll. The meeting will + remain notable for the high character of the audience. The + great hall was filled to its utmost capacity. It was crowded + from the rear of the stage to the last row of seats in the + deep gallery. + + The boxes were occupied by brilliantly attired women, and + hundreds of other women vied with the sterner sex In the + applause that greeted the numerous telling points of the + speaker. The audience was a very fashionable and exclusive + one, for admission was only to be had by ticket, and tickets + were hard to get. + + On the stage a great company of men and women were gathered, + and over them waved rich masses of color, the American + colors, of course, predominating in the display Flags hung + from all the gallery rails, and the whole scheme of + decoration was consistent and beautiful. At 8.80 o'clock Mr. + John E. Milholland appeared upon the stage followed by Col. + Ingersoll. + + Without any delay Mr. Milholland was presented as the + chairman of the meeting. He spoke briefly of the purpose of + the party and then said; "There is no Intelligent audience + under the flag or in any civilized country to whom it would + be necessary for me to introduce Robert G. Ingersoll." And + the cheers with which the audience greeted the orator proved + the truth of his words. + + Col. Ingersoll rose impressively and advanced to the front + of the stage, from which the speaker's desk had been removed + in order to allow him full opportunity to indulge in his + habit of walking to and fro as he talked. He was greeted + with tremendous applause; the men cheered him and the women + waved their handkerchiefs and fans for several minutes. + + He was able to secure instant command of his audience, and + while the applause was wildest, he waved his hand, and the + gesture was followed by a silence that was oppressive. Still + the speaker waited. He did not intend to waste any of his + ammunition. Then, convinced that every eye was centred upon + him, he spoke, declaring "This is our country." The assembly + was his from that instant. He followed it up with a summary + of the issues of the campaign. They were "money, the tariff, + and whether this Government has the right of self-defence." + As he said later on in his address, the Colonel has changed + in a good many things, but he has not changed his politics, + and he has not altered one whit in his masterful command of + forceful sayings.—New York Tribune, October 80th, 1896. +</pre> +<pre> + Note:—This was Col. Ingersoll's last political address. +</pre> +<div style="height: 6em;"><br /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<br /> +<table summary="" border="3" cellpadding="4"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td><big><big><a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/38813/38813-h/38813-h.htm"> +TABLE OF CONTENTS FOR ALL 12 EBOOKS IN THIS SET</a></big></big></td> +<td></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<br /> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /></div> +</body> +</html> |
