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| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 20:11:03 -0700 |
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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 20:11:03 -0700 |
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diff --git a/38732-tei/38732-tei.tei b/38732-tei/38732-tei.tei new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4d42b89 --- /dev/null +++ b/38732-tei/38732-tei.tei @@ -0,0 +1,36321 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8" ?> + +<!DOCTYPE TEI.2 SYSTEM "http://www.gutenberg.org/tei/marcello/0.4/dtd/pgtei.dtd" [ + +<!ENTITY u5 "http://www.tei-c.org/Lite/"> + +]> + +<TEI.2 lang="en"> +<teiHeader> + <fileDesc> + <titleStmt> + <title>The Old Testament In the Light of The Historical Records and Legends of Assyria and Babylonia</title> + <author><name reg="Pinches, Theophilus Goldridge">Theophilus Goldridge Pinches</name></author> + </titleStmt> + <editionStmt> + <edition n="3">Edition 3</edition> + </editionStmt> + <publicationStmt> + <publisher>Project Gutenberg</publisher> + <date>January 31, 2012</date> + <idno type="etext-no">38732</idno> + <availability> + <p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and + with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it + away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg + License online at www.gutenberg.org/license</p> + </availability> + </publicationStmt> + <sourceDesc> + <bibl> + Created electronically. + </bibl> + </sourceDesc> + </fileDesc> + <encodingDesc> + </encodingDesc> + <profileDesc> + <langUsage> + <language id="en"></language> + <language id="he"></language> + <language id="la"></language> + <language id="el"></language> + <language id="ar"></language> + </langUsage> + </profileDesc> + <revisionDesc> + <change> + <date value="2012-01-31">January 31, 2012</date> + <respStmt> + <name> + Produced by Delphine Lettau, David King, and the Online + Distributed Proofreading Team at <http://www.pgdp.net/>. + </name> + </respStmt> + <item>Project Gutenberg TEI edition 1</item> + </change> + </revisionDesc> +</teiHeader> + +<pgExtensions> + <pgStyleSheet> + .boxed { x-class: boxed } + .shaded { x-class: shaded } + .rules { x-class: rules; rules: all } + .indent { margin-left: 2 } + .bold { font-weight: bold } + .italic { font-style: italic } + .smallcaps { font-variant: small-caps } + </pgStyleSheet> + + <pgCharMap formats="txt.iso-8859-1"> + <char id="U0x2014"> + <charName>mdash</charName> + <desc>EM DASH</desc> + <mapping>--</mapping> + </char> + <char id="U0x2003"> + <charName>emsp</charName> + <desc>EM SPACE</desc> + <mapping> </mapping> + </char> + <char id="U0x2026"> + <charName>hellip</charName> + <desc>HORIZONTAL ELLIPSIS</desc> + <mapping>...</mapping> + </char> + </pgCharMap> +</pgExtensions> + +<text lang="en"> + <front> + <div> + <divGen type="pgheader" /> + </div> + <div> + <divGen type="encodingDesc" /> + </div> + + <div rend="page-break-before: always"> + <p rend="font-size: xx-large; text-align: center">The Old Testament</p> + <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">In the Light of</p> + <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">The Historical Records and Legends</p> + <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">of Assyria and Babylonia</p> + <p rend="text-align: center">By</p> + <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">Theophilus G. Pinches</p> + <p rend="text-align: center">LL.D., M.R.A.S.</p> + <p rend="text-align: center">Published under the direction of the Tract Committee</p> + <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">Third Edition—Revised, With Appendices and Notes</p> + <p rend="text-align: center">London:</p> + <p rend="text-align: center">Society For Promoting Christian Knowledge</p> + <p rend="text-align: center">1908</p> + </div> + <div rend="page-break-before: always"> + <head>Contents</head> + <divGen type="toc" /> + </div> + + </front> +<body> + +<pb n='i'/><anchor id='Pgi'/> + +<div> +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <anchor id='Plate_I'/> + <figure url='images/frontispiece.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Bas-relief and inscription of Hammurabi, generally regarded as the +Biblical Amraphel (Gen. xiv. 1), apparently dedicated for the saving of his +life. In this he bears the title (incomplete) of <q>King of Amoria</q> (the +Amorites), <foreign rend='italic'>lugal Mar[tu]</foreign>, Semitic Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>sar mât Amurrî</foreign> (see page +<ref target='Pg315'>315</ref>).</head> + <figDesc>Plate I.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<pb n='ii'/><anchor id='Pgii'/> + +<p> +<q>There is a charm in finding ourselves, our common humanity, our +puzzles, our cares, our joys, in the writings of men severed from +us by race, religion, speech, and half the gulf of historical time, +which no other literary pleasure can equal.</q>—<hi rend='smallcaps'>Andrew Lang.</hi> +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='iii'/><anchor id='Pgiii'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Foreword</head> + +<p> +The present work, being merely a record of things for the +most part well known to students and others, cannot, on +that account, contain much that is new. All that has been +aimed at is, to bring together as many of the old discoveries +as possible in a new dress. +</p> + +<p> +It has been thought well to let the records tell their story +as far as possible in their own way, by the introduction of +translations, thus breaking the monotony of the narrative, +and also infusing into it an element of local colour calculated +to bring the reader into touch, as it were, with the thoughts +and feelings of the nations with whom the records originated. +Bearing, as it does, upon the life, history, and legends of +the ancient nations of which it treats, controversial matter +has been avoided, and the higher criticism left altogether +aside. +</p> + +<p> +Assyriology (as the study of the literature and antiquities +of the Babylonians and Assyrians is called) being a study +still in the course of development, improvements in the +renderings of the inscriptions will doubtless from time to +time be made, and before many months have passed, things +now obscure may have new light thrown upon them, necessitating +the revision of such portions as may be affected +thereby. It is intended to utilize in future editions any new +discoveries which may come to light, and every effort will be +made to keep the book up to date. +</p> + +<p> +For shortcomings, whether in the text or in the translations, +the author craves the indulgence of the reader, +merely pleading the difficult and exacting nature of the +study, and the lengthy chronological period to which the +book refers. +</p> + +<p> +A little explanation is probably needful upon the question +of pronunciation. The vowels in Assyro-Babylonian should +<pb n='iv'/><anchor id='Pgiv'/> +be uttered as in Italian or German. <hi rend='italic'>Ḫ</hi> is a strong guttural +like the Scotch <hi rend='italic'>ch</hi> in <q>loch</q>; <hi rend='italic'>m</hi> had sometimes the pronunciation +of <hi rend='italic'>w</hi>, as in Tiamtu (= Tiawthu), so that the +spelling of some of the words containing that letter may +later have to be modified. The pronunciation of <hi rend='italic'>s</hi> and <hi rend='italic'>š</hi> is +doubtful, but Assyriologists generally (and probably wrongly) +give the sound of <hi rend='italic'>s</hi> to the former and <hi rend='italic'>sh</hi> to the latter. <hi rend='italic'>T</hi> was +often pronounced as <hi rend='italic'>th</hi>, and probably always had that sound +in the feminine endings <hi rend='italic'>-tu</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>-ti</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>-ta</hi>, or <hi rend='italic'>at</hi>, so that Tiamtu, +for instance, may be pronounced Tiawthu, Tukulti-âpil-Êšarra +(Tiglath-pileser), Tukulthi-âpil-Êšarra, etc., etc., and +in such words as <foreign rend='italic'>qâtâ</foreign>, <q>the hands,</q> <foreign rend='italic'>šumāti</foreign>, <q>names,</q> and +many others, this was probably always the case. In the +names Âbil-Addu-nathanu and Nathanu-yâwa this transcription +has been adopted, and may be regarded as correct. +<hi rend='italic'>P</hi> was likewise often aspirated, assuming the sound of <hi rend='italic'>ph</hi> +or <hi rend='italic'>f</hi>, and <hi rend='italic'>k</hi> assumed, at least in later times, a sound similar +to <hi rend='italic'>ḫ (kh)</hi>, whilst <hi rend='italic'>b</hi> seems sometimes to have been pronounced +as <hi rend='italic'>v</hi>. <hi rend='italic'>G</hi> was, to all appearance, never soft, as in <emph>gem</emph>, but +may sometimes have been aspirated. Each member of the +group <hi rend='italic'>ph</hi> is pronounced separately. <hi rend='italic'>Ṭ</hi> is an emphatic <hi rend='italic'>t</hi>, +stronger than in the word <q>time.</q> A terminal <hi rend='italic'>m</hi> represents +the <foreign rend='italic'>mimmation</foreign>, which, in later times, though written, was +not pronounced. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +The second edition, issued in 1903, was revised and brought up to +date, and a translation of the Laws of Ḫammurabi, with notes, and a +summary of Delitzsch's <hi rend='italic'>Babel und Bibel</hi>, were appended. For the +third edition the work has again been revised, with the help of the +recently-issued works of King, Sayce, Scheil, Winckler, and others. +At the time of going to press, the author was unable to consult +Knudtzon's new edition of the Tel-el-Amarna tablets beyond his No. +228, but wherever it was available, improvements in the translations +were made. In addition to revision, the Appendix has been supplemented +by paragraphs upon the discoveries at Boghaz-Keui, a mutilated +letter from a personage named Belshazzar, and translations of the +papyri referring to the Jewish temple at Elephantine. +</p> + +<p> +New material may still be expected from the excavations in progress +at Babylon, Susa, Ḫattu, and various other sites in the nearer East. +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +<hi rend='smallcaps'>Theophilus G. Pinches.</hi> +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='009'/><anchor id='Pg009'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter I. The Early Traditions Of The Creation.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +The Hebrew account—Its principal points—The Babylonian +account—The story of the Creation properly so called—The +version given by the Greek authors—Comparison of the Hebrew +and the Greek accounts—The likenesses—The differences—Bêl +and the Dragon—The epilogue—Sidelights (notes upon the +religion of the Babylonians). +</quote> + +<div> + +<p> +To find out how the world was made, or rather, +to give forth a theory accounting for its origin and +continued existence, is one of the subjects that has +attracted the attention of thinking minds among all +nations having any pretension to civilization. It was, +therefore, to be expected that the ancient Babylonians +and Assyrians, far advanced in civilization as they +were at an exceedingly early date, should have formed +opinions thereupon, and placed them on record as +soon as those opinions were matured, and the art of +writing had been perfected sufficiently to enable a +serviceable account to be composed. +</p> + +<p> +This, naturally, did not take place all at once. We +may take it for granted that the history of the Creation +grew piece by piece, as different minds thought +over and elaborated it. The first theories we should +expect to find more or less improbable—wild stories +of serpents and gods, emblematic of the conflicting +powers of good and evil, which, with them, had their +origin before the advent of mankind upon the earth. +</p> + +<p> +But all men would not have the same opinion of +the way in which the universe came into existence, +<pb n='010'/><anchor id='Pg010'/> +and this would give rise, as really happened in Babylonia, +to conflicting accounts or theories, the later ones +less improbable than, and therefore superior to, the +earlier. The earlier Creation-legend, being a sort of +heroic poem, would remain popular with the common +people, who always love stories of heroes and mighty +conflicts, such as those in which the Babylonians and +Assyrians to the latest times delighted, and of which +the Semitic Babylonian Creation-story consists. +</p> + +<p> +As the ages passed by, and the newer theories grew +up, the older popular ones would be elaborated, and +new ideas from the later theories of the Creation +would be incorporated, whilst, at the same time, +mystical meanings would be given to the events +recorded in the earlier legends to make them fit in +with the newer ones. This having been done, the +scribes could appeal at the same time to both ignorant +and learned, explaining how the crude legends of the +past were but a type of the doctrines put forward by +the philosophers of later and more enlightened days, +bringing within the range of the intellect of the unlearned +all those things in which the more thoughtful +spirits also believed. By this means an enlightened +monotheism and the grossest polytheism could, and +did, exist side by side, as well as clever and reasonable +cosmologies along with the strangest and wildest +legends. +</p> + +<p> +Thus it is that we have from the literature of two +closely allied peoples, the Babylonians and the +Hebrews, accounts of the Creation of the world +so widely differing, and, at the same time, possessing, +here and there, certain ideas in common—ideas darkly +veiled in the old Babylonian story, but clearly expressed +in the comparatively late Hebrew account. +</p> + +<p> +It must not be thought, however, that the above +theory as to the origin of the Hebrew Creation-story +interferes in any way with the doctrine of its inspiration. +We are not bound to accept the opinion so +<pb n='011'/><anchor id='Pg011'/> +generally held by theologians, that the days of creation +referred to in Genesis i. probably indicate that each act +of creation—each day—was revealed in seven successive +dreams, in order, to the inspired writer of the book. The +opinion held by other theologians, that <q>inspiration</q> +simply means that the writer was moved by the Spirit +of God to choose from documents already existing +such portions as would serve for our enlightenment +and instruction, adding, at the same time, such additions +of his own as he was led to think to be needful, +may be held to be a satisfactory definition of the term +in question. +</p> + +<p> +Without, therefore, binding ourselves down to any +hard and fast line as to date, we may regard, for the +purposes of this inquiry, the Hebrew account of the +Creation as one of the traditions handed down in the +thought of many minds extending over many centuries, +and as having been chosen and elaborated by the inspired +writer of Genesis for the purpose of his narrative, +the object of which was to set forth the origin of +man and the Hebrew nation, to which he belonged, +and whose history he was about to narrate in detail. +</p> + +<p> +The Hebrew story of the Creation, as detailed in +Genesis i., may be regarded as one of the most +remarkable documents ever produced. It must not +be forgotten, however, that it is a document that is +essentially Hebrew. For the author of this book the +language of God and of the first man was Hebrew—a +literary language, showing much phonetic decay. +The retention of this matter (its omission not being +essential at the period of the composition of the book) +is probably due, in part, to the natural patriotism of +the writer, overruling what ought to have been his +inspired common-sense. How this is to be explained +it is not the intention of the writer of this book to +inquire, the account of the Creation and its parallels +being the subject in hand at present. +</p> + +<p> +The question of language apart, the account of the +<pb n='012'/><anchor id='Pg012'/> +Creation in Genesis is in the highest degree a common-sense +one. The creation of (1) the heaven, and (2) +the earth; the darkness—not upon the face of the +earth, but upon the face of the deep. Then the +expansion dividing the waters above from the waters +below on the earth. In the midst of this waste of +waters dry land afterwards appears, followed by the +growth of vegetation. But the sun and the moon had +not yet been appointed, nor the stars, all of which +come into being at this point. Last of all are introduced +the living things of the earth—fish, and bird, +and creeping thing, followed by the animals, and, +finally, by man. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy and interesting that, in this account, +the acts of creation are divided into seven periods, +each of which is called a <q>day,</q> and begins, like the +natural day in the time-reckoning of the Semitic +nations, with the evening—<q>and it was evening, and +it was morning, day one.</q> It describes what the +heavenly bodies were for—they were not only to give +light upon the earth—they were also for signs, for +seasons, for days, and for years. +</p> + +<p> +And then, concerning man, a very circumstantial +account is given. He was to have dominion over +everything upon the earth—the fish of the sea, the +fowl of the air, the cattle, and every creeping thing. +All was given to him, and he, like the creatures made +before him, was told to <q>be fruitful, and multiply, and +replenish the earth.</q> It is with this crowning work +of creation that the first chapter of the Book of +Genesis ends. +</p> + +<p> +The second chapter refers to the seventh day—the +day of rest, and is followed by further details of the +creation, the central figure of which is the last thing +created, namely, man. This chapter reads, in part, +like a recapitulation of the first, but contains many +additional details. <q>No plant of the field was yet in +the earth, and no herb ... had sprung up: for the Lord +<pb n='013'/><anchor id='Pg013'/> +God had not caused it to rain ..., and there was not +a man to till the ground.</q> A mist, therefore, went up +from the earth, and watered all the face of the ground. +Then, to till the earth, man was formed from the dust +of the ground, and the Lord God <q>breathed into his +nostrils the breath of life, and man became a living soul.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The newly-created man was, at this time, innocent, +and was therefore to be placed by his Creator in a +garden of delight, named Eden, and this garden he +was to dress and keep. A hidden danger, however, +lay in this pleasant retreat—the tree of knowledge +of good and evil, of which he was forbidden to eat, +but which was to form for him a constant temptation, +for ever testing his obedience. All might have +been well, to all appearance, but for the creation of +woman, who, giving way to the blandishments of the +tempter, in her turn tempted the man, and he fell. +Death in the course of nature was the penalty, the +earthly paradise was lost, and all chance of eating of +the tree of life, and living for ever, disappeared on +man's expulsion from his first abode of delight. +</p> + +<p> +In the course of this narrative interesting details +are given—the four rivers, the country through which +they flowed, and their precious mineral products; the +naming of the various animals by the man; the +forming of woman from one of his ribs; the institution +of marriage, etc. +</p> + +<p> +Such is, in short, the story of the Creation as told in +the Bible, and it is this that we have to compare with +the now well-known parallel accounts current among +the ancient Babylonians and Assyrians. And here +may be noted at the outset that, though we shall find +some parallels, we shall, in the course of our comparison, +find a far greater number of differences, for +not only were they produced in a different land, by a +different people, but they were also produced under +different conditions. Thus, Babylonian polytheism +takes the place of the severe and uncompromising +<pb n='014'/><anchor id='Pg014'/> +monotheism of the Hebrew account in Genesis; Eden +was, to the Babylonians, their own native land, not a +country situated at a remote distance; and, lastly, +but not least, their language, thoughts, and feelings +differed widely from those of the dwellers in the +Holy Land. +</p> + +<p> +The Babylonian story of the Creation is a narrative +of great interest to all who occupy themselves with +the study of ancient legends and folklore. It introduces +us not only to exceedingly ancient beliefs +concerning the origin of the world on which we live, +but it tells us also of the religion, or, rather, the +religious beliefs, of the Babylonians, and enables us +to see something of the changes which those beliefs +underwent before adopting the form in which we find +them at the time this record was composed. +</p> + +<p> +A great deal has been written about the Babylonian +story of the Creation. As is well known, the first +translation of these documents was by him who first +discovered their nature, the late George Smith, who +gave them to the world in his well-known book, <hi rend='italic'>The +Chaldean Account of Genesis</hi>, in 1875. Since that +time numerous other translations have appeared, not +only in England, but also on the Continent. Among +those who have taken part in the work of studying +and translating these texts may be named Profs. +Sayce, Oppert, Hommel, and Delitzsch, the last-named +having both edited the first edition of Smith's book +(the first issued on this subject on the Continent), and +published one of the last and most complete editions of +the whole legend yet placed before the public. To +Prof. Sayce, as well as to Prof. Hommel, belongs +the honour of many brilliant suggestions as to the +tendency of the texts of the creation as a whole: +Prof. Oppert was the first to point out that the last +tablet of the series was not, as Smith thought, an +<q>Address to primitive man,</q> but an address to the +god Merodach as the restorer of order out of chaos; +<pb n='015'/><anchor id='Pg015'/> +whilst Delitzsch has perhaps (being almost the last +to write upon it) improved the translation more than +many of his predecessors in the work. +</p> + +<p> +Before proceeding to deal with the legend itself, a +few remarks upon the tablets and the text that they +bear will probably not be considered out of place. +There are, in all likelihood, but few who have not seen +in the British Museum or elsewhere those yellow +baked terra-cotta tablets of various sizes and shapes, +upon which the Babylonians and Assyrians were +accustomed to write their records. And well it is +for the science of Assyriology that they used this +exceedingly durable material. I have said that the +tablets are yellow in colour, and this is generally the +case, but the tint varies greatly, and may approach +dark grey or black, and even appear as a very good +sage-green. The smaller tablets are often cushion-shaped, +but, with some few exceptions, they are rectangular, +like those of larger size. The writing varies so +considerably that the hand of the various scribes can +sometimes be distinguished. In the best class of +tablets every tenth line is often numbered—a proof +that the Assyrians and Babylonians were very careful +with the documents with which they had to deal. +The Babylonian tablets closely resemble the Assyrian, +but the style of the writing differs somewhat, and it +is, in general, more difficult to read than the Assyrian. +None of the tablets of the Creation-series are, unfortunately, +perfect, and many of the fragments are +mere scraps, but as more than one copy of each +anciently existed, and has survived, the wanting +parts of one text can often be supplied from another +copy. That copies come from Babylon as well as +from Nineveh is a very fortunate circumstance, as our +records are rendered more complete thereby. +</p> + +<p> +Of the obverse of the first tablet very little, +unfortunately, remains, but what there is extant is of +the highest interest. Luckily, we have the beginning of +<pb n='016'/><anchor id='Pg016'/> +this remarkable legend, which runs, according to the +latest and best commentaries, as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>When on high the heavens were unnamed,</q></l> +<l>Beneath the earth bore not a name:</l> +<l>The primæval ocean was their producer;</l> +<l>Mummu Tiamtu was she who begot the whole of them.</l> +<l>Their waters in one united themselves, and</l> +<l>The plains were not outlined, marshes were not to be seen.</l> +<l>When none of the gods had come forth,</l> +<l>They bore no name, the fates [had not been determined].</l> +<l>There were produced the gods [all of them?]:</l> +<l>Laḫmu and Laḫamu went forth [as the first?]:</l> +<l>The ages were great, [the times were long?].</l> +<l>Anšar and Kišar were produced and over th[em]....</l> +<l>Long grew the days; there came forth (?)...</l> +<l>The god Anu, their son.....</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Anšar, the god Anu......</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Such is the tenor of the opening lines of the +Babylonian story of the Creation, and the differences +between the two accounts are striking enough. +Before proceeding, however, to examine and compare +them, a few words upon the Babylonian version may +not be without value. +</p> + +<p> +First we must note that the above introduction to +the legend has been excellently explained and commented +upon by the Syrian writer Damascius. The +following is his explanation of the Babylonian teaching +concerning the creation of the world— +</p> + +<p> +<q>But the Babylonians, like the rest of the Barbarians, +pass over in silence the one principle of the +Universe, and they constitute two, Tauthé and Apason, +<pb n='017'/><anchor id='Pg017'/> +making Apason the husband of Tauthé, and denominating +her the mother of the gods. And from these +proceeds an only-begotten son, Moumis, which, I conceive, +is no other than the intelligible world proceeding +from the two principles. From them, also, another +progeny is derived, Daché and Dachos; and again a +third, Kissaré and Assoros, from which last three +others proceed, Anos, and Illinos, and Aos. And +of Aos and Dauké is born a son called Belos, +who, they say, is the fabricator of the world, the +Creator.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The likeness of the names given in this extract +from Damascius will be noticed, and will probably +also be recognized as a valuable verification of the +certainty now attained by Assyriologists in the +reading of the proper names. In Tiamtu, or, rather, +Tiawthu, will be easily recognized the Tauthé of +Damascius, whose son, as appears from a later fragment, +was called Mummu (= Moumis). Apason he +gives as the husband of Tauthé, but of this we know +nothing from the Babylonian tablet, which, however, +speaks of this Apason (<foreign rend='italic'>apsû</foreign>, <q>the abyss</q>), which +corresponds with the <q>primæval ocean</q> of the Babylonian +tablet. +</p> + +<p> +In Daché and Dachos it is easy to see that there +has been a confusion between Greek Λ and Δ, which +so closely resemble each other. Daché and Dachos +should, therefore, be corrected into Laché and Lachos, +the Laḫmu and Laḫamu (better Laḫwu and Laḫawu) +of the Babylonian text. They were the male and +female personifications of the heavens. Anšar and +Kišar are the Greek author's Assoros and Kisaré, the +<q>Host of Heaven</q> and the <q>Host of Earth</q> respectively. +The three proceeding from them, Anos, +Illinos, and Aos, are the well-known Anu, the god +of the heavens; Illil, for En-lila, the Sumerian god +of the earth and the Underworld; and Aa or Ea, +the god of the waters, who seems to have been +<pb n='018'/><anchor id='Pg018'/> +identified by some with Yau or Jah. Aa or Ea was +the husband of Damkina, or Dawkina, the Dauké +of Damascius, from whom, as he says, Belos, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> +Bel-Merodach, was born, and if he did not <q>fabricate +the world,</q> at least he ordered it anew, after +his great fight with the Dragon of Chaos, as we +shall see when we come to the third tablet of the +series. +</p> + +<p> +After the lines printed above the text is rather +defective, but it would seem that the god Nudimmud +(Ae or Ea), <q>the wise and open of ear,</q> next came +into existence. A comparison is then apparently made +between these deities on the one hand, and Tiamtu, +Apsû, and Mummu on the other—to the disadvantage +of the latter. On Apsû complaining that he had no +peace by day nor rest by night on account of the ways +of the gods, their sons, it was at last determined to +make war upon them. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>They have become hostile, and at the side of Tiamtu they advance,</q></l> +<l>Storming, planning, not resting night and day,</l> +<l>They make ready for battle, wrathful (and) raging.</l> +<l>They assemble themselves together, and make ready (for) the strife.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ummu Ḫubur, she who created everything,</l> +<l>Added irresistible weapons, produced giant serpents,</l> +<l>Sharp of tooth, unsparing (their) stings (?)</l> +<l>She caused poison to fill their bodies like blood.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Raging dragons clothed she with terrors,</l> +<l>She endowed (them) with brilliance, she made (them) like the high ones (?)</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Whoever sees them may fright overwhelm,</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>May their bodies rear on high, and may (none) turn aside their breast.</q></q></l> +</lg> + +<pb n='019'/><anchor id='Pg019'/> + +<lg> +<l>She set up the viper, the pithon, and the Laḫamu,</l> +<l>Great monsters, raging dogs, scorpion-men,</l> +<l>Driving demons, fish-men, and mountain-rams,</l> +<l>Bearing unsparing weapons, not fearing battle;</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Powerful are (her) commands, and irresistible,</l> +<l>She made altogether eleven like that,</l> +<l>Among the gods her firstborn, he who had made for her a host,</l> +<l>Kingu, she raised among them, him she made chief.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Those going in front before the army, those leading the host,</l> +<l>Raising weapons, attacking, who rise up (for) the fray,</l> +<l>The leadership of the conflict</l> +<l>She delivered into his hand, and caused him to sit in state (?).</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>I have set firm thy word, in the assembly of the gods I have made thee great,</q></q></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>The rule of the gods, all of them, have I delivered into thy hand,</l> +<l>Only be thou great—thou, my only husband—</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Let them exalt thy name over all the heavenly ones (?)</q></q></l> +<l>She gave him then the tablets of fate, she placed them in his bosom:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q>As for thee, thy command shall not be changed, may thy utterances stand firm!</q></q></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Now Kingu is exalted, he has taken to him the godhood of Anu,</l> +<l>Among the gods her sons he determines the fates.</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Open your mouths, let the Firegod be at rest.</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='post'><q rend='post'>Be ye fearful in the fight, let resistance be laid low (?).</q></q></l> +</lg> + +</quote> + +<pb n='020'/><anchor id='Pg020'/> + +<p> +Such are the last verses of the first tablet of the so-called +story of the Creation as known to the Babylonians, +and though it would be better named if called +the Story of Bêl and the Dragon, the references to +the creation of the world that are made therein prevent +the name from being absolutely incorrect, and it +may, therefore, serve, along with the more correct one, +to designate it still. As will be gathered from the +above, the whole story centres in the wish of the goddess +of the powers of evil to get creation—the production +of all that is in the world—into her own +hands. In this she is aided by certain gods, over +whom she sets one, Kingu, her husband, as chief. +In the preparations that she makes she exercises +her creative powers to produce all kinds of dreadful +monsters to help her against the gods whom +she wishes to overthrow, and the full and vigorous +description of her defenders, created by her own +hands, adds much to the charm of the narrative, +and shows well what the Babylonian scribes were +capable of in this class of record. +</p> + +<p> +The first tablet breaks off after the speech of +Tiamtu to her husband Kingu. The second one +begins by stating how Aa or Ea heard of the plot of +Tiamtu and her followers against the gods of heaven. +When his first wrath on account of this had somewhat +abated, he went and related the whole, in practically +the same words as the story is given on the two foregoing +pages, to Anšar, his father, who in his turn +became filled with rage, biting his lips, and uttering +cries of deepest grief. In the mutilated lines which +follow Apsû's subjugation seems to be referred to. +After this is another considerable gap, and then +comes the statement that Anšar applied to his son +Anu, <q>the mighty and brave, whose power is great, +whose attack irresistible,</q> saying that if he will only +speak to her, the great Dragon's anger will be calmed +and her rage disappear. +</p> + +<pb n='021'/><anchor id='Pg021'/> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>(Anu heard) the words of his father Anšar,</q></l> +<l>(Took the ro)ad towards her, and descended by her path,</l> +<l>Anu (went),—he examined Tiamtu's lair, and</l> +<l><q rend='post'>(Not having power to resist her?), turned back.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +How the god excused himself to his father Anšar +on account of his ignominious flight we do not know, +the record being again defective at this point. With +the same want of success the god Anšar then, as we +learn from another part of the narrative, applied to +the god Nudimmud, a deity who is explained in the +inscriptions as being the same as the god Aa or Ea, +but whom Professor Delitzsch is rather inclined to +regard as one of the forms of Bêl. +</p> + +<p> +In the end the god Merodach, the son of Aa, was +asked to be the champion of the gods against the +great emblem of the powers of evil, the Dragon of +Chaos. To become, by this means, the saviour of +the universe, was apparently just what the patron-god +of the city of Babylon desired, for he seems +immediately to have accepted the task of destroying +the hated Dragon— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The lord rejoiced at his father's word,</q></l> +<l>His heart was glad, and he saith to his father:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>O lord of the gods, fate of the great gods!</q></q></l> +<l>If then I be your avenger,</l> +<l>(If) I bind Tiamtu and save you,</l> +<l>Assemble together, cause to be great, (and) proclaim ye, my lot.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>In Upšukenaku assembled, come ye joyfully together,</l> +<l>Having opened my mouth, like you also, let me the fates decide,</l> +<l>That naught be changed that I do, (even) I.</l> +<l><q rend='post'><q rend='post'>May the word of my lips neither fail nor altered be!</q></q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<pb n='022'/><anchor id='Pg022'/> + +<p> +Anšar, without delay, calls his messenger Gaga, and +directs him to summon all the gods to a festival, +where with appetite they may sit down to a feast, +to eat the divine bread and drink the divine wine, +and there let Merodach <q>decide the fates,</q> as the +one chosen to be their avenger. Then comes the +message that Gaga was to deliver to Laḫmu and +Laḫamu, in which the rebellion of Tiamtu is related +in practically the same words as the writer used at +the beginning of the narrative to describe Tiamtu's +revolt. Merodach's proposal and request are then +stated, and the message ends with the following +words— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Hasten, and quickly decide for him your fate—</q></l> +<l><q rend='post'>Let him go, let him meet your mighty foe!</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Laḫmu and Laḫamu having heard all the words +of Anšar's message, which his messenger Gaga faithfully +repeated to them, they, with the Igigi, or gods +of the heavens, broke out in bitter lamentation, +saying that they could not understand Tiamtu's +acts. +</p> + +<p> +Then all the great gods, who <q>decided the fates,</q> +hastened to go to the feast, where they ate and drank, +and, apparently with loud acclaim, <q>decided the +fate</q> for Merodach their avenger. +</p> + +<p> +Here follow the honours conferred on Merodach on +account of the mighty deed that he had undertaken +to do. They erected for him princely chambers, +wherein he sat as the great judge <q>in the presence of +his fathers,</q> and they praised him as the highest +honoured among the great gods, incomparable as to +his ordinances, changeless as to the word of his mouth, +uncontravenable as to his utterances. None of them +would go against the authority that was to be henceforth +his domain. +</p> + +<pb n='023'/><anchor id='Pg023'/> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Merodach, thou art he who is our avenger,</q></l> +<l><q rend='post'>(Over) the whole universe have we given thee the kingdom.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +His weapons were never to be defeated, his foes +were to be smitten down, but as for those who trusted +in him, the gods prayed him that he would grant them +life, <q>pouring out,</q> on the other hand, the life of the +god who had begun the evil against which Merodach +was about to fight. +</p> + +<p> +Then, so that he should see that they had indeed +given him the power to which they referred, they laid +in their midst a garment, and in accordance with their +directions, Merodach spoke, and the garment vanished,—he +spoke, and it reappeared— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'><q rend='pre'>Open thy mouth, may the garment be destroyed,</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Speak to it once more, and let it be restored again!</q></q></l> +<l>He spoke with his mouth, and the garment was destroyed,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>He spoke to it again, and the garment was reproduced.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Then all the gods called out, <q>Merodach is king!</q> +and they gave him sceptre, throne, and insignia of +royalty, and also an irresistible weapon, which should +shatter his enemies. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'><q rend='pre'>Now, go, and cut off the life of Tiamtu,</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Let the winds bear away her blood to hidden places!</q></q></l> +<l>(Thus) did the gods, his fathers, fix the fate of Bel.</l> +<l><q rend='post'>A path of peace and goodwill they set for him as his road.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Then the god armed himself for the fight, taking +spear (or dart), bow, and quiver. To these he added +<pb n='024'/><anchor id='Pg024'/> +lightning flashing before him, flaming fire filling his +body; the net which his father Anu had given him +wherewith to capture <q><foreign rend='italic'>kirbiš Tiamtu</foreign></q> or <q>Tiamtu +who is in the midst,</q> he set north and south, east and +west, in order that nothing of her might escape. In +addition to all this, he created various winds—the +evil wind, the storm, the hurricane, <q>wind four and +seven,</q> the harmful, the uncontrollable (?), and these +seven winds he sent forth, to confuse <foreign rend='italic'>kirbiš Tiamtu</foreign>, +and they followed after him. +</p> + +<p> +Next he took his great weapon called <foreign rend='italic'>âbubu</foreign>, and +mounted his dreadful, irresistible chariot, to which +four steeds were yoked—steeds unsparing, rushing +forward, flying along, their teeth full of venom, foam-covered, +experienced (?) in galloping, schooled for +overthrowing. Merodach being now ready for the +fray, he fared forth to meet the Dragon. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Then, they clustered around him, the gods clustered around him,</q></l> +<l>The gods his fathers clustered around him, the gods clustered around him.</l> +<l>And the lord advanced, Tiamtu's retreat regarding</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Examining the lair of Kingu her consort.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +The sight of the enemy was so menacing, that even +the great Merodach began to falter and lose courage, +whereat the gods, his helpers, who accompanied him, +were greatly disturbed in their minds, fearing approaching +disaster. The king of the gods soon recovered +himself, however, and uttered to the demon a longish +challenge, on hearing which she became as one possessed, +and cried aloud. Muttering then incantations +and charms, she called the gods of battle to arms, and +the great fight for the rule of the universe began. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The lord spread wide his net, made it enclose her.</q></l> +<l>The evil wind following behind, he sent on before.</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='025'/><anchor id='Pg025'/> + +<lg> +<l>Tiamtu opened her mouth as much as she could.</l> +<l>He caused the evil wind to enter so that she could not close her lips,</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>The angry winds filled out her body,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Her heart was overpowered, wide opened she her mouth.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Being now at the mercy of the conqueror, the divine +victor soon made an end of the enemy of the gods, +upon whose mutilated body, when dead, he stood triumphantly. +Great fear now overwhelmed the gods +who had gone over to her side, and fought against the +heavenly powers, and they fled to save their lives. +Powerless to escape, however, they were captured, and +their weapons broken to pieces. Notwithstanding +their cries, which filled the vast region, they had to +bear the punishment which was their due, and were +shut up in prison. The creatures whom Tiamtu had +created to help her and strike terror into the hearts of +the gods, were also brought into subjection, along with +Kingu, her husband, from whom the tablets of fate +were taken by the conqueror as things unmeet for +Tiamtu's spouse to own. It is probable that we +have here the true explanation of the origin of +this remarkable legend, for the tablets of fate were +evidently things which the king of heaven alone might +possess, and Merodach, as soon as he had overcome +his foe, pressed his own seal upon them, and placed +them in his breast. +</p> + +<p> +He had now conquered the enemy, the proud +opposer of the gods of heaven, and having placed her +defeated followers in safe custody, he was able to +return to the dead and defeated Dragon of Chaos. +He split open her skull with his unsparing weapon, +hewed asunder the channels of her blood, and caused +the north wind to carry it away to hidden places. +His fathers saw this, and rejoiced with shouting, and +brought him gifts and offerings. +</p> + +<pb n='026'/><anchor id='Pg026'/> + +<p> +And there, as he rested from the strife, Merodach +looked upon her who had wrought such evil in the fair +world as created by the gods, and as he looked, he +thought out clever plans. Hewing asunder the corpse +of the great Dragon that lay lifeless before him, he +made with one half a covering for the heavens, keeping +it in its place by means of a bolt, and setting there a +watchman to keep guard. He also arranged this portion +of the Dragon of Chaos in such a way, that <q>her +waters could not come forth,</q> and this circumstance +suggests a comparison with <q>the waters above the +firmament</q> of the Biblical story in Genesis. +</p> + +<p> +Passing then through the heavens, he beheld that +wide domain, and opposite the abyss, he built an +abode for the god Nudimmud, that is, for his father +Aa as the creator. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Then measured the lord the abyss's extent,</q></l> +<l>A palace in its likeness he founded:—Êšarra;</l> +<l>The palace Êšarra, which he made, (is) the heavens,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>(For) Anu, Bêl, and Aa he founded their strongholds.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +With these words, which are practically a description +of the creation or building, by Merodach, of the +heavens, the fourth tablet of the Babylonian legend of +the Creation comes to an end. It is difficult to find a +parallel to this part of the story in the Hebrew account +in Genesis. +</p> + +<milestone unit='tb' rend='rule: 50%'/> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <anchor id='Plate_II'/> + <figure url='images/illus-ii.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Plate II. Fragments of tablets (duplicates), giving the words for the different fasts, +festivals, etc., of the Babylonians and Assyrians. Line 4 of the small piece, +and 16 of the large one, have the words <foreign rend='italic'>ûm nûh libbi</foreign>, "day of rest of the +heart," explained by <foreign rend='italic'>sapattum</foreign> (from the Sumerian <foreign rend='italic'>sa-bat</foreign>, "heart-rest"), +generally regarded as the original of the Hebrew <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>Sabbath</foreign>. <foreign rend='italic'>Sapattum</foreign>, however, +was the 15th day of the month. The nearest approaches to Sabbaths +were the 7th, 14th, 21st, 28th, and 19th, which were called <foreign rend='italic'>u-hul-gallu</foreign> or +<foreign rend='italic'>ûmu limnu</foreign>, "the evil day" (the 19th being a <emph>week of weeks</emph>, from the 1st day +of the preceding month), because it was unlawful to do certain things on +those days.</head> + <figDesc>Plate II.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +The fifth tablet of the Babylonian story of the +Creation is a mere fragment, but is of considerable +interest and importance. It describes, in poetical +language, in the style with which the reader has now +become fairly familiar, the creation and ordering, by +Merodach, of the heavenly bodies, as the ancient +Babylonians conceived them to have taken place. +The text of the first few stanzas is as follows— +</p> + +<pb n='027'/><anchor id='Pg027'/> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>He built firmly the stations of the great gods—</q></l> +<l>Stars their likeness—he set up the Lumaši,</l> +<l>He designated the year, he outlined the (heavenly) forms.</l> +<l>He set for the twelve months three stars each.</l> +<l>From the day when the year begins, ... for signs.</l> +<l>He founded the station of Nîbiru, to make known their limits,</l> +<l>That none might err, nor go astray.</l> +<l>The station of Bêl and Aa he placed with himself,</l> +<l>Then he opened the great gates on both sides,</l> +<l>Bolts he fixed on the left and on the right,</l> +<l>In its centre (?) then he set the zenith (?).</l> +<l>Nannaru (the moon) he caused to shine, ruling the night,</l> +<l>So he set him as a creature of the night, to make known the days,</l> +<l>Monthly, without failing, he provided him with a crown,</l> +<l>At the beginning of the month then, dawning in the land,</l> +<l>The horns shine forth to make known the seasons (?),</l> +<l>On the 7th day crown (perfect)ing (?).</l> +<l>The [Sa]bbath shalt thou then fall in with, half-monthly,</l> +<l>When the sun (is) in the base of the heavens, at thy [approach?].</l> +<l>...... hath caused to be cut off and</l> +<l>... nearing the path of the sun.</l> +<l>[The ...]th [day] shalt thou then fall in with, the sun shall change (?)...</l> +<l>...... the sign seeking its path.</l> +<l>... cause to approach and give the judgment.</l> +<l>........................ to injure (?)</l> +<l><q rend='post'>........................... one.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +The final lines of this portion seem to refer to the +moon on the 7th and other days of the month, and +<pb n='028'/><anchor id='Pg028'/> +would in that case indicate the quarters. <q>Sabbath</q> +is doubtful on account of the mutilation of the first +character, but in view of the forms given on pl. <ref target='Plate_II'>II</ref>. +and p. <ref target='Pg527'>527</ref> (<foreign rend='italic'>šapattu<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>m</hi></foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>šapatti</foreign>) the restoration as <foreign rend='italic'>šapattu</foreign> +seems possible. It is described on p. <ref target='Pg527'>527</ref> as the 15th +of the month, but must have indicated also the 14th, +according to the length of the month. +</p> + +<p> +An exceedingly imperfect fragment of what is +supposed to be part of the fifth tablet exists. It +speaks of the bow with which Merodach overcame the +Dragon of Chaos, which the god Anu, to all appearance, +set in the heavens as one of the constellations. +After this comes, apparently, a fragment that may +be regarded as recording the creation of the earth, +and the cities and renowned shrines upon it, the +houses of the great gods, and the cities Nippuru +(Niffer) and Asshur being mentioned. Everything, +however, is very disconnected and doubtful. +</p> + +<p> +The sixth tablet, judging from the fragment recognized +by Mr. L. W. King, must have been one of special +interest, as it to all appearance contained a description +of the creation of man. Unfortunately, only the beginning +of the text is preserved, and is as follows:— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Merodach, on hearing the word of the gods,</q></l> +<l>His heart urged him, and he made [cunning plans].</l> +<l>He opened his mouth and [said] to the god Aê—</l> +<l>[What] he thought out in his heart he communicates ...:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Let me gather my blood and let me ... bone,</q></q></l> +<l>Let me set up a man, and let the man ....</l> +<l>Let me make then men dwelling ....</l> +<l>May the service of the gods be established, and as for them, let ....</l> +<l>Let me alter the ways of the gods, let me chan[ge their paths]—</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>As one let them be honoured, as two let them be ....</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='post'>Aê answered him, and the word he spake.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<pb n='029'/><anchor id='Pg029'/> + +<p> +Here come the remains of ten very imperfect lines, +which probably related the consent of the other gods +to the proposal, and must have been followed by a +description of the way in which it was carried out. +All this, however, is unfortunately not preserved. +That the whole of Merodach's work received the +approval of <q>the gods his fathers</q> is shown by the +remains of lines with which the sixth tablet closes:— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>They rejoiced ....................</q></l> +<l>In Upšukenaku they caused .............</l> +<l>Of the son, the hero, who brought back [benefit for them]</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q>As for us, whom, succouring, he ...........</q></q></l> +<l>They sat down, and in their assembly they proclaimed</l> +<l><q rend='post'>... they all announced ...............</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +What they proclaimed and announced was apparently +his glorious names, as detailed in the seventh +and last tablet of the series, which was regarded by +George Smith as containing an address to primitive +man, but which proves to be really an address to +the god Merodach praising him on account of the +great work that he had done in overcoming the +Dragon, and in thereafter ordering the world anew. +As this portion forms a good specimen of Babylonian +poetry at its best, the full text of the tablet, with +the exception of some short remains of lines, is here +presented in as careful a translation as is at present +possible. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +The Seventh Tablet Of The Creation-Series, +Also Known As The Tablet Of The Fifty-One +Names. +</p> + +<p> +1 Asari, bestower of planting, establisher of irrigation. +</p> + +<p> +2 Creator of grain and herbs, he who causes verdure +to grow. +</p> + +<pb n='030'/><anchor id='Pg030'/> + +<p> +3 Asari-alim, he who is honoured in the house of +counsel, [who increases counsel?]. +</p> + +<p> +4 The gods bow down to him, fear [possesses them?]. +</p> + +<p> +5 Asari-alim-nunna, the mighty one, light of the +father his begetter. +</p> + +<p> +6 He who directs the oracles of Anu, Bel, [and Aa]. +</p> + +<p> +7 He is their nourisher, who has ordained.... +</p> + +<p> +8 He whose provision is fertility, sendeth forth.... +</p> + +<p> +9 Tutu, the creator of their renewal, [is he?]. +</p> + +<p> +10 Let him purify their desires, (as for) them, let +them [be appeased]. +</p> + +<p> +11 Let him then make his incantation, let the gods +[be at rest]. +</p> + +<p> +12 Angrily did he arise, may he lay low [their breast]. +</p> + +<p> +13 Exalted was he then in the assembly of the gods.... +</p> + +<p> +14 None among the gods shall [forsake him]. +</p> + +<p> +15 <foreign rend='italic'>Tutu.</foreign><note place='foot'>Written on the edge of the tablet in the Assyrian copy.</note> <q>Zi-ukenna,</q> <q>life of the people</q> +</p> + +<p> +16 <q>He who fixed for the gods the glorious heavens;</q> +</p> + +<p> +17 Their paths they took, they set +</p> + +<p> +18 May the deeds (that he performed) not be forgotten +among men. +</p> + +<p> +19 <foreign rend='italic'>Tutu.</foreign> <q>Zi-azaga,</q> thirdly, he called (him),—<q>he +who effects purification,</q> +</p> + +<p> +20 <q>God of the good wind,</q> <q>Lord of hearing and +obedience,</q> +</p> + +<p> +21 <q>Creator of fulness and plenty,</q> <q>Institutor of +abundance,</q> +</p> + +<p> +22 <q>He who changes what is small to great,</q> +</p> + +<p> +23 In our dire need we scented his sweet breath. +</p> + +<p> +24 Let them speak, let them glorify, let them render +him obedience. +</p> + +<p> +25 <foreign rend='italic'>Tutu.</foreign> <q>Aga-azaga,</q> fourthly, May he make the +crowns glorious, +</p> + +<p> +26 <q>The lord of the glorious incantation bringing +the dead to life,</q> +</p> + +<p> +27 <q>He who had mercy on the gods who had been +overpowered,</q> +</p> + +<pb n='031'/><anchor id='Pg031'/> + +<p> +28 <q rend='pre'>He who made heavy the yoke that he had laid +on the gods who were his enemies,</q> +</p> + +<p> +29 <q rend='post'>(And) for their despite (?), created mankind.</q> +</p> + +<p> +30 <q>The merciful one,</q> <q>He with whom is lifegiving,</q> +</p> + +<p> +31 May his word be established, and not forgotten, +</p> + +<p> +32 In the mouth of the black-headed ones (mankind) +whom his hands have made. +</p> + +<p> +33 <foreign rend='italic'>Tutu.</foreign> <q>Mu-azaga,</q> fifthly, May their mouth +make known his glorious incantation, +</p> + +<p> +34 <q>He who with his glorious charm rooteth out all +the evil ones,</q> +</p> + +<p> +35 <q>Sa-zu,</q> <q>He who knoweth the heart of the +gods,</q> <q>He who looketh at the inward +parts,</q> +</p> + +<p> +36 <q>He who alloweth not evil-doers to go forth +against him,</q> +</p> + +<p> +37 <q>He who assembleth the gods,</q> appeasing their +hearts, +</p> + +<p> +38 <q>He who subdueth the disobedient,</q>... +</p> + +<p> +39 <q>He who ruleth in truth (and justice</q>), ... +</p> + +<p> +40 <q>He who setteth aside injustice,</q> ... +</p> + +<p> +41 <foreign rend='italic'>Tutu.</foreign> <q>Zi-si</q> (<q>He who bringeth about +silence</q>), ... +</p> + +<p> +42 <q>He who sendeth forth stillness.</q> ... +</p> + +<p> +43 <foreign rend='italic'>Tutu.</foreign> <q>Suḫ-kur,</q> <q>Annihilator of the enemy,</q> ... +</p> + +<p> +44 <q>Dissolver of their agreements,</q> ... +</p> + +<p> +45 <q>Annihilator of everything evil.</q> ... +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +About 40 lines, mostly very imperfect, occur here, +and some 20 others are totally lost. The text after +this continues:— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +107 <q rend='pre'>Then he seized the back part (?) of the head,</q> +which he pierced (?), +</p> + +<p> +108 And as Kirbiš-Tiamtu he circumvented restlessly, +</p> + +<p> +109 His name shall be Nibiru, he who seized Kirbišu +(Tiamtu). +</p> + +<pb n='032'/><anchor id='Pg032'/> + +<p> +110 Let him direct the paths of the stars of +heaven, +</p> + +<p> +111 Like sheep let him pasture the gods, the whole +of them. +</p> + +<p> +112 May he confine Tiamtu, may he bring her life +into pain and anguish, +</p> + +<p> +113 In man's remote ages, in lateness of days, +</p> + +<p> +114 Let him arise, and he shall not cease, may he +continue into the remote future +</p> + +<p> +115 As he made the (heavenly) place, and formed the +firm (ground), +</p> + +<p> +116 Father Bêl called him (by) his own name, <q>Lord +of the World,</q> +</p> + +<p> +117 The appellation (by) which the Igigi have themselves +(always) called him. +</p> + +<p> +118 Aa heard, and he rejoiced in his heart: +</p> + +<p> +119 Thus (he spake): <q rend='pre'>He, whose renowned name his +fathers have so glorified,</q> +</p> + +<p> +120 He shall be like me, and Aa shall be his name! +</p> + +<p> +121 The total of my commands, all of them, let him +possess, and +</p> + +<p> +122 <q rend='post'>The whole of my pronouncements he, (even) he, +shall make known.</q> +</p> + +<p> +123 By the appellation <q>fifty</q> the great gods +</p> + +<p> +124 His fifty names proclaimed, and they caused his +career to be great (beyond all). +</p> + +<milestone unit='tb' rend='rule: 50%'/> + +<p> +125 May they be accepted, and may the primæval +one make (them) known, +</p> + +<p> +126 May the wise and understanding altogether well +consider (them), +</p> + +<p> +127 May the father repeat and teach to the son, +</p> + +<p> +128 May they open the ears of the shepherd and +leader. +</p> + +<p> +129 May they rejoice for the lord of the gods, +Merodach, +</p> + +<p> +130 May his land bear in plenty; as for him, may he +have peace. +</p> + +<pb n='033'/><anchor id='Pg033'/> + +<p> +131 His word standeth firm; his command changeth +not— +</p> + +<p> +132 No god hath yet made to fail that which cometh +forth from his mouth. +</p> + +<p> +133 If he frown down in displeasure, he turneth not +his neck, +</p> + +<p> +134 In his anger, there is no god who can withstand +his wrath. +</p> + +<p> +135 Broad is his heart, vast is the kindness (?) of +(his) ... +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='post'>136 The sinner and evildoer before him are (ashamed?).</q> +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +The remains of some further lines exist, but they +are very uncertain, the beginnings and ends being +broken away. All that can be said is, that the poem +concluded in the same strain as the last twelve lines +preserved. +</p> + +<p> +In the foregoing pages the reader has had placed +before him all the principal details of the Babylonian +story of the Creation, and we may now proceed to +examine the whole in greater detail. +</p> + +<p> +If we may take the explanation of Damascius as +representing fairly the opinion of the Babylonians +concerning the creation of the world, it seems clear +that they regarded the matter of which it was formed +as existing in the beginning under the two forms of +Tiamtu (the sea) and <foreign rend='italic'>Apsû</foreign> (the deep), and from these, +being wedded, proceeded <q>an only begotten son,</q> +<foreign rend='italic'>Mummu</foreign> (Moumis), conceived by Damascius to be <q>no +other that the intelligible world proceeding from the +two principles,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> from Tiamtu and <foreign rend='italic'>Apsû</foreign>. From +these come forth, in successive generations, the other +gods, ending with Marduk or Merodach, also named +Bêl (Bêl-Merodach), the son of Aa (Ea) and his consort +Damkina (the Aos and Dauké of Damascius). +</p> + +<p> +Judging from the material that we have, the +Babylonians seemed to have believed in a kind of +evolution, for they evidently regarded the first creative +<pb n='034'/><anchor id='Pg034'/> +powers (the watery waste and the abyss) as the rude +and barbaric beginnings of things, the divine powers +produced from these first principles (Laḫmu and +Laḫamu, Anšar and Kišar, Anu, Ellila, and Aa, +and finally Marduk), being successive stages in the +upward path towards perfection, with which the first +rude elements of creation were ultimately bound to +come into conflict; for Tiamtu, the chief of the two +rude and primitive principles of creation, was, notwithstanding +this, ambitious, and desired still to be +the creatress of the gods and other inferior beings +that were yet to be produced. All the divinities +descending from Tiamtu were, to judge from the +inscriptions, creators, and as they advanced towards +perfection, so also did the things that they created +advance, until, by contrast, the works of Tiamtu +became as those of the Evil Principle, and when she +rebelled against the gods who personified all that +was good, it became a battle between them of life and +death, which only the latest-born of the gods, elected +in consequence of the perfection of his power, to be +king and ruler over <q>the gods his fathers,</q> was found +worthy to wage. The glorious victory gained, and +the Dragon of Evil subdued and relegated to those +places where her exuberant producing power, which, +to all appearance, she still possessed, would be of use, +Merodach, in the fulness of his power as king of the +gods, perfected and ordered the universe anew, and +created his crowning work, Mankind. Many details +are, to all appearance, wanting on account of the +incompleteness of the series, but those which remain +seem to indicate that the motive of the whole story +was as outlined here. +</p> + +<p> +In Genesis, however, we have an entirely different +account, based, apparently, upon a widely different +conception of the origin of the Universe, for one principle +only appears throughout the whole narrative, be +it Elohistic, Jehovistic, or priestly. <q>In the beginning +<pb n='035'/><anchor id='Pg035'/> +God created the heavens and the earth,</q> and from the +first verse to the last it is He, and He alone, who is +Creator and Maker and Ruler of the Universe. The +only passage containing any indication that more than +one person took part in the creation of the world and +all that therein is, is in verse 26, where God is referred +to as saying, <q>Let <hi rend='smallcaps'>us</hi> make man,</q> but that this is +simply the plural of majesty, and nothing more, seems +to be proved by the very next verse, where the wording +is, <q>and God made man in <hi rend='smallcaps'>his</hi> own image,</q> etc. +There is, therefore, no trace of polytheistic influence in +the whole narrative. +</p> + +<p> +Let us glance awhile at the other differences. +</p> + +<p> +To begin with, the whole Babylonian narrative is +not only based upon an entirely different theory of +the beginning of all things, but upon an entirely +different conception of what took place ere man +appeared upon the earth. <q>In the beginning God +created the heavens and the earth,</q> implies the conception +of a time when the heavens and the earth existed +not. Not so, seemingly, with the Babylonian account. +There the heavens and the earth are represented as +existing, though in a chaotic form, from the first. +Moreover, it is not the external will and influence of +the Almighty that originates and produces the forms +of the first creatures inhabiting the world, but the +productive power residing in the watery waste and +the deep: +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The primæval ocean (<foreign rend='italic'>apsû rêstū</foreign>) was their +producer (lit. seeder);</q></l> +<l><q rend='post'>Mummu Tiamtu was <emph>she who brought forth</emph> the +whole of them.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +It is question here of <q>seeding</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>zaru</foreign>) and <q>bearing</q> +(<foreign rend='italic'>âlādu</foreign>), not of creating. +</p> + +<p> +The legend is too defective to enable us to find out +anything as to the Babylonian idea concerning the +formation of the dry land. Testimony as to its non-existence +<pb n='036'/><anchor id='Pg036'/> +at the earliest period is all that is vouchsafed +to us. At that time none of the gods had come forth, +seemingly because (if the restoration be correct) <q>the +fates had not been determined.</q> There is no clue, +however, as to who was then the determiner of the fates. +</p> + +<p> +Then, gradually, and in the course of long-extended +ages, the gods Laḫmu and Laḫamu, Anšar and Kišar, +with the others, came into existence, as already related, +after which the record, which is mutilated, goes on to +speak of Tiamtu, Apsū, and Mummu. +</p> + +<p> +These deities of the Abyss were evidently greatly +disquieted on account of the existence and the work +of the gods of heaven. They therefore took counsel +together, and Apsū complained that he could not rest +either night or day on account of them. Naturally +the mutilated state of the text makes the true reason of +the conflict somewhat uncertain. Fried. Delitzsch regarded +it as due to the desire, on the part of Merodach, +to have possession of the <q>Tablets of Fate,</q> which the +powers of good and the powers of evil both wished to +obtain. These documents, when they are first spoken +of, are in the hands of Tiamtu (see p. <ref target='Pg019'>19</ref>), and she, on +giving the power of changeless command to Kingu, her +husband, handed them to him. In the great fight, +when Merodach overcame his foes, he seized these +precious records, and placed them in his breast— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>And Kingu, who had become great over (?) them—</q></l> +<l>He bound him, and with Ugga (the god of death) ... he counted him;</l> +<l>From him then he took the Fate-tablets, which were not his,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>With his ring he pressed them, and took them to his breast.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +To all appearance, Tiamtu and Kingu were in +unlawful possession of these documents, and the king +<pb n='037'/><anchor id='Pg037'/> +of the gods, Merodach, when he seized them, only +took possession of what, in reality, was his own. +What power the <q>Tablets of Fate</q> conferred on their +possessor, we do not know, but in all probability the +god in whose hands they were, became, by the very +fact, creator and ruler of the universe for ever and ever. +</p> + +<p> +This creative power the king of the gods at once +proceeded to exercise. Passing through the heavens, +he surveyed them, and built a palace called Ê-šarra, +<q>The house of the host,</q> for the gods who, with himself, +might be regarded as the chief in his heavenly +kingdom. Next in order he arranged the heavenly +bodies, forming the constellations, marking off the year; +the moon, and probably the sun also, being, as stated +in Genesis, <q>for signs, and for seasons, and for days +and years,</q> though all this is detailed, in the Babylonian +account, at much greater length. Indeed, had +we the whole legend complete, we should probably +find ourselves in possession of a detailed description +of the Babylonian idea of the heavens which they +studied so constantly, and of the world on which they +lived, in relation to the celestial phenomena which +they saw around them. +</p> + +<p> +Fragments of tablets have been spoken of that seem +to belong to the fifth and sixth of the series, and one +of them speaks of the building of certain ancient cities, +including that now represented by the mounds known +by the name of Niffer, which must, therefore, apart +from any considerations of paleographic progression +in the case of inscriptions found there, or evidence +based on the depth of rubbish-accumulations, be one +of the oldest known. It is probably on account of +this that the Talmudic writers identified the site with +the Calneh of Gen. x. 10, which, notwithstanding the +absence of native confirmation, may very easily be +correct, for the Jews of those days were undoubtedly +in a better position to know than we are, after a lapse +of two thousand years. The same text, strangely +<pb n='038'/><anchor id='Pg038'/> +enough, also refers to the city of Aššur, though this +city (which did not, apparently, belong to Nimrod's +kingdom) can hardly have been a primæval city in +the same sense as <q>Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and +Calneh.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The text of the Semitic Creation-story is here so +mutilated as to be useless for comparative purposes, +and in these circumstances the bilingual story of +the Creation, published by me in 1891, practically +covering, as it does, the same ground, may be held, +in a measure, to supply its place. Instead, therefore, +of devoting to this version a separate section, I insert +a translation of it here, together with a description +of the tablet upon which it is written. +</p> + +<p> +This second version of the Creation-story is +inscribed on a large fragment (about four and a half +inches high) of a tablet found by Mr. Rassam at Sippar +(Abu Habbah) in 1882. The text is very neatly +written in the Babylonian character, and is given +twice over, that is, in the original (dialectic) Akkadian, +with a Semitic (Babylonian) translation. As it was +the custom of the Babylonian and Assyrian scribes, +for the sake of giving a nice appearance to what they +wrote, to spread out the characters in such a way that +the page (as it were) was <q>justified,</q> and the ends of +the lines ranged, like a page of print, it often happens +that, when a line is not a full one, there is a wide +space, in the middle, without writing. In the Akkadian +text of the bilingual Creation-story, however, a +gap is left in <emph>every</emph> line, sufficiently large to accommodate, +in slightly smaller characters, the whole +Semitic Babylonian translation. The tablet therefore +seems to be written in three columns, the first being +the first half of the Akkadian version, the second (a +broad one) the Semitic translation, and the third the +last half of the Akkadian original text, separated from +the first part to allow of the Semitic version being +inserted between. +</p> + +<pb n='039'/><anchor id='Pg039'/> + +<p> +The reason of the writing of the version already +translated and in part commented upon is not difficult +to find—it was to give an account of the origin of the +world and the gods whom they worshipped. The +reason of the writing of the bilingual story of the +Creation, however, is not so easy to decide, the account +there given being the introduction to one of those +bilingual incantations for purification, in which, however, +by the mutilation of the tablet, the connecting-link +is unfortunately lost. But whatever the reason +of its being prefixed to this incantation, the value and +importance of the version presented by this new +document is incontestable, not only for the legend +itself, but also for the linguistic material which a +bilingual text nearly always offers. +</p> + +<p> +The following is a translation of this document— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Incantation: The glorious house, the house of the gods, in a glorious place had not been made,</q></l> +<l>A plant had not grown up, a tree had not been created,</l> +<l>A brick had not been laid, a beam had not been shaped,</l> +<l>A house had not been built, a city had not been constructed,</l> +<l>A city had not been made, no community had been established,</l> +<l>Niffer had not been built, Ê-kura had not been constructed,</l> +<l>Erech had not been built, Ê-ana had not been constructed,</l> +<l>The Abyss had not been made, Êridu had not been constructed,</l> +<l>(As for) the glorious house, the house of the gods, its seat had not been made—</l> +<l>The whole of the lands were sea.</l> +<l>When within the sea there was a stream,</l> +<pb n='040'/><anchor id='Pg040'/> +<l>In that day Eridu was made, Ê-sagila was constructed—</l> +<l>Ê-sagila, which the god Lugal-du-azaga founded within the Abyss.</l> +<l>Babylon he built, Ê-sagila was completed.</l> +<l>He made the gods (and) the Anunnaki together,</l> +<l>The glorious city, the seat of the joy of their hearts, supremely he proclaimed.</l> +<l>Merodach bound together a foundation before the waters,</l> +<l>He made dust, and poured (it) out beside the foundation,</l> +<l>That the gods might sit in a pleasant place.</l> +<l>He made mankind—</l> +<l>Aruru made the seed of mankind with him.</l> +<l>He made the beasts of the field and the living creatures of the desert,</l> +<l>He made the Tigris and the Euphrates, and set (them) in (their) place—</l> +<l>Well proclaimed he their name.</l> +<l>Grass, the marsh-plant, the reed and the forest, he made,</l> +<l>He made the verdure of the plain,</l> +<l>The lands, the marsh, the thicket also,</l> +<l>The wild cow (and) her young the steer; the ewe (and) her young—the sheep of the fold,</l> +<l>Plantations and forests also.</l> +<l>The goat and the wild goat multiplied for him (?).</l> +<l>Lord Merodach on the sea-shore made a bank,</l> +<l>... (which) at first he made not,</l> +<l>... he caused to be.</l> +<l>(He caused the plant to be brought forth), he made the tree,</l> +<l>(Everything?) he made in (its) place.</l> +<l>(He laid the brick), he made the beams,</l> +<l>(He constructed the house), he built the city,</l> +<l>(He built the city), the community exercised power,</l> +<pb n='041'/><anchor id='Pg041'/> +<l>(He built the city Niffer), he built Ê-kura, the temple,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>(He built the city Erech, he built Ê-a)na, the temple,</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<milestone unit='tb' rend='rule: 50%'/> + +<p> +Here the obverse breaks off, and the end of the +bilingual story of the Creation-story is lost. How +many more lines were devoted to it we do not know, +nor do we know how the incantation proper, which +followed it, and to which it formed the introduction, +began. Where the text (about half-way down on the +reverse) again becomes legible, it reads as follows— +</p> + +<milestone unit='tb' rend='rule: 50%'/> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Thy supreme messenger, Pap-sukal, the wise one, counsellor of the gods.</q></l> +<l>Nin-aḫa-kudu, daughter of Aa,</l> +<l>May she make thee glorious with a glorious lustration (?),</l> +<l>May she make thee pure with pure fire,</l> +<l>With the glorious pure fountain of the abyss purify thou thy pathway,</l> +<l>By the incantation of Merodach, king of the universe of heaven and earth,</l> +<l>May the abundance of the land enter into thy midst,</l> +<l>May thy command be fulfilled for ever.</l> +<l>O Ê-zida, seat supreme, the beloved of Anu and Ištar art thou,</l> +<l>Mayest thou shine like heaven; mayest thou be glorious like the earth; mayest thou shine like the midst of heaven;</l> +<l>May the malevolent curse dwell outside of thee.</l> +<l>Incantation making (the purification of the temple).</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Incantation: The star ... the long chariot of the heavens.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +The last line but one is apparently the title, and +is followed by the first line of the next tablet. From +<pb n='042'/><anchor id='Pg042'/> +this we see that this text belonged to a series of at +least two tablets, and that the tablet following the +above had an introduction of an astronomical or +astrological nature. +</p> + +<p> +It will be noticed that this text not only contains +an account of the creation of gods and men, and flora +and fauna, but also of the great and renowned sites +and shrines of the country where it originated. It is +in this respect that it bears a likeness to the fragmentary +portions of the intermediate tablets of the +Semitic Babylonian story of the Creation, or Bêl and +the Dragon, and this slight agreement may be held to +justify, in some measure, its introduction here. The +bilingual version, however, differs very much in style +from that in Semitic only, and seems to lack the +poetical form which characterizes the latter. This, +indeed, was to be expected, for poetical form in a +translation which follows the original closely is an +impossibility, though the poetry of words and ideas +which it contains naturally remains. It is not unlikely +that the original Sumerian text is in poetical form, as +is suggested by the cesura, and the recurring words. +</p> + +<p> +In the bilingual account of the Creation one seems +to get a glimpse of the pride that the ancient Babylonians +felt in the ancient and renowned cities of their +country. The writer's conception of the wasteness +and voidness of the earth in the beginning seems to +have been that the ancient cities Babel, Niffer, Erech +and Eridu had not yet come into existence. For +him, those sites were as much creations as the vegetation +and animal life of the earth. Being, for him, +sacred sites, they must have had a sacred, a divine +foundation, and he therefore attributes their origin to +the greatest of the gods, Merodach, who built them, +brick, and beam, and house, himself. Their renowned +temples, too, had their origin at the hands of the +Divine Architect of the Universe. +</p> + +<p> +A few words are necessary in elucidation of what +<pb n='043'/><anchor id='Pg043'/> +follows the line, <q>When within the sea there was a +stream.</q> <q>In that day,</q> it says, <q>Êridu was made, +Ê-sagila was constructed—Ê-sagila which the god +Lugal-du-azaga founded within the Abyss. Babylon +he built, Ê-sagila was completed.</q> The connection of +Ê-sagila, <q>the temple of the lofty head,</q> which was +within the Abyss, with Êridu, shows, with little or no +doubt, that the Êridu there referred to was not the +earthly city of that name, but a city conceived as +lying also <q>within the Abyss.</q> This Êridu, as we +shall see farther on, was the <q>blessed city,</q> or Paradise, +wherein was the tree of life, and which was +watered by the twin stream of the Tigris and the +Euphrates. +</p> + +<p> +But there was another Ê-sagila than that founded +by the god Lugal-du-azaga within the Abyss, namely +the Ê-sagila at Babylon, and it is this fane that is +spoken of in the phrase following that mentioning the +temple so called within the Abyss. To the Babylonian, +therefore, the capital of the country was, in that +respect, a counterpart of the divine city that he +regarded as the abode of bliss, where dwelt Nammu, +the river-god, and the sun-god Dumuzi-Abzu, or +<q>Tammuz of the Abyss.</q> Like Sippar too, Babylon +was situated in what was called the plain, the +<foreign rend='italic'>edina</foreign>, of which Babylonia mainly consisted, and +which is apparently the original of the Garden of +Eden. +</p> + +<p> +The present text differs from that of the longer +(Semitic) story of the Creation, in that it makes +Merodach to be the creator of the gods, as well as +of mankind, and all living things. This, of course, +implies that it was composed at a comparatively late +date, when the god Merodach had become fully +recognized as the chief divinity, and the fact that Aa +was his father had been lost sight of, and practically +forgotten. The goddess Aruru is apparently introduced +into the narrative out of consideration for the +<pb n='044'/><anchor id='Pg044'/> +city Sippar-Aruru, of which she was patron. In +another text she is called <q>Lady of the gods of Sippar +and Aruru.</q> There is also a goddess (perhaps +identical with her) called Gala-aruru, <q>Great Aruru,</q> +or <q>the great one (of) Aruru,</q> who is explained as +<q>Ištar the star,</q> on the tablet K. 2109. +</p> + +<p> +After the account of the creation of the beasts of +the field, the Tigris and the Euphrates, vegetation, +lands, marshes, thickets, plantations and forests, which +are named, to all appearance, without any attempt at +any kind of order, <q>The lord Merodach</q> is represented +as creating those things which, at first, he had not +made, namely, the great and ancient shrines in whose +antiquity and glorious memories the Babylonian—and +the Assyrian too—took such delight. The list, +however, is a short one, and it is to be supposed that, +in the lines that are broken away, further cities of the +kingdom of Babylon were mentioned. That this was +the case is implied by the reverse, which deals mainly—perhaps +exclusively—with the great shrine of Borsippa +called Ê-zida, and identified by many with the +Tower of Babel. How it was brought in, however, we +have no means of finding out, and must wait patiently +for the completion of the text that will, in all probability, +ultimately be discovered. +</p> + +<p> +The reverse has only the end of the text, which, as +far as it is preserved, is in the form of an <q>incantation +of Êridu,</q> and mentions <q>the glorious fountain of +the Abyss,</q> which to was to <q>purify</q> or <q>make glorious</q> +the pathway of the personified fane referred to. As +it was the god Merodach, <q>the merciful one,</q> <q>he who +raises the dead to life,</q> <q>the lord of the glorious +incantation,</q> who was regarded by the Babylonians +as revealing to mankind the <q>incantation of Êridu,</q> +which he, in his turn, obtained from his father Aa, we +may see in this final part of the legend not only a +glorification of the chief deity of the Babylonians, but +also a further testimony of the fact that the composition +<pb n='045'/><anchor id='Pg045'/> +must belong to the comparatively late period +in the history of Babylonian religion, when the worship +of Merodach had taken the place of that of his father Aa. +</p> + +<p> +Of course, it must not be supposed that the longer +account of the Creation was told so shortly as the +bilingual narrative that we have introduced here to +supply the missing parts of the longer version. +Everything was probably recounted at much greater +length, and in confirmation of this there is the testimony +of the small fragment of the longer account, +translated on p. <ref target='Pg028'>28</ref>. This simply contains the announcement +that Merodach had made cunning plans, +and decided to create man from his own blood, and +[to form?] his bones, but there must have been, in +the long gap which then ensues, a detailed account +of the actual creation of the human race, probably +with some reference to the formation of animals. +One cannot base much upon this mutilated fragment, +but, as the first translator has pointed out, the object +in creating man was seemingly to ensure the performance +of the service (or worship) of the gods, and the +building of their shrines, prayer and sacrifice, with +the fear of God, being duties from which there was +no escape. +</p> + +<p> +In the last tablet of the series—that recording the +praises of Merodach and his fifty new names,—there +are a few points that are worthy of examination. In +the first place, the arrangement of the first part is +noteworthy. The principal name that was given to him +seems not to have been Merodach, as one would expect +from the popularity of the name in later days, but +Tutu, which occurs in the margin, at the head of six +of the sections, and was probably prefixed to at least +three more. This name Tutu is evidently an Akkadian +reduplicate word, from the root <foreign rend='italic'>tu</foreign>, <q>to beget,</q> +and corresponds with the explanation of the word +given by the list of Babylonian gods, K. 2107; <foreign rend='italic'>muâllid +îlāni, mûddiš îlāni</foreign>, <q>begetter of the gods, renewer +<pb n='046'/><anchor id='Pg046'/> +of the gods</q>—a name probably given to him on +account of his identification with his father, Aa, for, +according to the legend, Merodach was rather the +youngest than the oldest of the gods, who are even +called, as will be remembered, <q>his fathers.</q> In the +lost portion at the beginning of the final tablet he +was also called, according to the tablet here quoted, +Gugu = <foreign rend='italic'>muttakkil îlāni</foreign>, <q>nourisher of the gods</q>; +Mumu = <foreign rend='italic'>mušpiš îlāni</foreign>, <q>increaser (?) of the gods</q>; +Dugan = <foreign rend='italic'>banî kala îlāni</foreign>, <q>maker of all the gods</q>; +Dudu = <foreign rend='italic'>muttarrû îlāni</foreign>, <q>saviour (?) of the gods</q>; +Šar-azaga = <foreign rend='italic'>ša šipat-su êllit</foreign>, <q>he whose incantation is +glorious</q>; and Mu-azaga = <foreign rend='italic'>ša tû-šu êllit</foreign>, <q>he whose +charm is glorious</q> (cf. p. <ref target='Pg031'>31</ref>, l. 33). After this we +have Ša-zu or Ša-sud = <foreign rend='italic'>mûdê libbi īlāni</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>libbi rûḳu</foreign>, +<q>he who knoweth the heart of the gods,</q> or <q>the remote +of heart</q> (p. <ref target='Pg031'>31</ref>, l. 35); Zi-uḳenna = <foreign rend='italic'>napšat napḫar +îlāni</foreign>, <q>the life of the whole of the gods</q> (p. <ref target='Pg030'>30</ref>, l. 15); +Zi-si = <foreign rend='italic'>nasiḫ šabuti</foreign>, <q>he who bringeth about silence</q> +(p. <ref target='Pg031'>31</ref>, l. 41); Suḫ-kur = <foreign rend='italic'>muballû aabi</foreign>, <q>annihilator +of the enemy</q> (p. <ref target='Pg031'>31</ref>, l. 43); and other +names meaning <foreign rend='italic'>muballû napḫar aabi, nasiḫ raggi</foreign>, +<q>annihilator of the whole of the enemy, rooter out of +evil,</q> <foreign rend='italic'>nasiḫ napḫar raggi</foreign>, <q>rooter out of the whole of +the evil,</q> <foreign rend='italic'>êšû raggi</foreign>, <q>troubler of the evil (ones),</q> and +<foreign rend='italic'>êšû napḫar raggi</foreign>, <q>troubler of the whole of the evil +(ones).</q> All these last names were probably enumerated +on the lost part of the tablet between where the +obverse breaks off and the reverse resumes the narrative, +and the whole of the fifty names conferred upon +him, which were enumerated in their old Akkadian +forms and translated into Semitic Babylonian in this +final tablet of the Creation, were evidently repeated in +the form of a list of gods, on the tablet in tabular form +from which the above renderings are taken. +</p> + +<p> +Hailed then as the vanquisher of Kirbiš-Tiamtu, +the great Dragon of Chaos, he is called by the name of +Nibiru, <q>the ferry,</q> a name of the planet Jupiter as +<pb n='047'/><anchor id='Pg047'/> +the traverser of the heavens (one of the points of +contact between Babylonian and Greek mythology), +the stars of which he was regarded as directing, and +keeping (lit. pasturing) like sheep. (Gods and stars +may here be regarded as convertible terms.) His +future is then spoken of, and <q>father Bêl</q> gives him +his own name, <q>lord of the world.</q> Rejoicing in the +honours showered on his son, and not to be outdone +in generosity, Aa decrees that henceforth Merodach +shall be like him, and that he shall be called Aa, +possessing all his commands, and all his pronouncements—<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> +all the wisdom which he, as god of deep +wisdom, possessed. Thus was Merodach endowed +with all the names, and all the attributes, of the gods +of the Babylonians—<q>the fifty renowned names of the +great gods.</q> +</p> + +<p> +This was, to all intents and purposes, symbolic of a +great struggle, in early days, between polytheism and +monotheism—for the masses the former, for the more +learned and thoughtful the latter. Of this we shall +have further proof farther on, when discussing the +name of Merodach. For the present be it simply +noted, that this is not the only text identifying +Merodach with the other gods. +</p> + +<p> +The reference to the creation of mankind in line +29 of the obverse (p. <ref target='Pg031'>31</ref>) is noteworthy, notwithstanding +that the translation of one of the words—and +that a very important one—is very doubtful. +Apparently man was created to the despite of the rebellious +gods, but there is also just the possibility that +there exists here an idiomatic phrase meaning <q>in +their room.</q> If the latter be the true rendering, this +part of the legend would be in striking accord with +Bishop Avitus of Vienne, with the old English poet +Caedmon, and with Milton in his <hi rend='italic'>Paradise Lost</hi>. In +connection with this, too, the statement in the reverse, +lines 113 and 114, where <q>man's remote ages</q> is +referred to, naturally leads one to ask, Have we here +<pb n='048'/><anchor id='Pg048'/> +traces of a belief that, in ages to come (<q>in lateness of +days</q>), Merodach was to return and live among men +into the remote future? The return of a divinity or a +hero of much-cherished memory is such a usual thing +among popular beliefs, that this may well have been +the case likewise among the Babylonians. +</p> + +<p> +The comparison of the two accounts of the Creation—that +of the Hebrews and that of the Babylonians, +that have been presented to the reader—will probably +have brought prominently before him the fact, that +the Babylonian account, notwithstanding all that has +been said to the contrary, differs so much from the +Biblical account, that they are, to all intents and +purposes, two distinct narratives. That there are +certain ideas in common, cannot be denied, but most +of them are ideas that are inseparable from two +accounts of the same event, notwithstanding that +they have been composed from two totally different +standpoints. In writing an account of the Creation, +statements as to what are the things created must of +necessity be inserted. There is, therefore, no proof of +a connection between two accounts of the Creation in +the fact that they both speak of the formation of dry +land, or because they both state that plants, animals, +and man were created. Connection may be inferred +from such statements that the waters were the first +abode of life, or that an expansion was created +dividing the waters above from those below. With +reference to such points of contact as these just mentioned, +however, the question naturally arises, Are +these points of similarity sufficient to justify the belief +that two so widely divergent accounts as those of the +Bible and of the Babylonian tablets have one and the +same origin? In the mind of the present writer there +seems to be but one answer, and that is, that the two +accounts are practically distinct, and are the production +of people having entirely different ideas upon the +subject, though they may have influenced each other +<pb n='049'/><anchor id='Pg049'/> +in regard to certain points, such as the two mentioned +above. For the rest, the fact that there is— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +No direct statement of the creation of the heavens +and the earth; +</p> + +<p> +No systematic division of the things created into +groups and classes, such as is found in Genesis; +</p> + +<p> +<hi rend='smallcaps'>No reference to the Days of Creation</hi>; +</p> + +<p> +No appearance of the Deity as the first and only +cause of the existence of things— +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +must be held as a sufficient series of prime reasons why +the Babylonian and the Hebrew versions of the +Creation-story must have had different origins. +</p> + +<p> +As additional arguments may also be quoted the +polytheism of the Babylonian account; the fact that +it appears to be merely the setting to the legend of +Bêl and the Dragon, and that, as such, it is simply the +glorification of Merodach, the patron divinity of the +Babylonians, over the other gods of the Assyro-Babylonian +Pantheon. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Sidelights:—Merodach.</head> + +<p> +To judge from the inscriptions of the Babylonians +and Assyrians, one would say that there were not +upon the earth more pious nations than they. They +went constantly in fear of their gods, and rendered to +them the glory for everything that they succeeded in +bringing to a successful conclusion. Prayer, supplication, +and self-debasement before their gods seem to +have been their delight. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The time for the worship of the gods was my heart's delight,</q></l> +<l><q rend='post'>The time of the offering to Ištar was profit and riches,</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<pb n='050'/><anchor id='Pg050'/> + +<p> +sings Ludlul the sage, and one of a list of sayings is +to the following effect— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>When thou seest the profit of the fear of God,</q></l> +<l><q rend='post'>Thou wilt praise God, thou wilt bless the king.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Many a penitential psalm and hymn of praise +exists to testify to the piety of the ancient nations of +Assyria and Babylonia. Moreover, this piety was, to +all appearance, practical, calling forth not only self-denying +offerings and sacrifices, but also, as we shall +see farther on, lofty ideas and expressions of the +highest religious feeling. +</p> + +<p> +And the Babylonians were evidently proud of their +religion. Whatever its defects, the more enlightened—the +scribes and those who could read—seem to have +felt that there was something in it that gave it the +very highest place. And they were right—there was +in this gross polytheism of theirs a thing of high +merit, and that was, the character of the chief of their +gods, Merodach. +</p> + +<p> +We see something of the reverence of the Babylonians +and Assyrians for their gods in almost all of +their historical inscriptions, and there is hardly a single +communication of the nature of a letter that does not +call down blessings from them upon the person to +whom it is addressed. In many a hymn and pious +expression they show in what honour they held them, +and their desire not to offend them, even involuntarily, +is visible in numerous inscriptions that have been +found. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>My god, who art displeased, receive (?) my (prayer?),</q></l> +<l>My goddess, who art wroth, accept (my supplication)—</l> +<l>Accept my supplication, and let thy mind be at rest.</l> +<pb n='051'/><anchor id='Pg051'/> +<l>My lord, gracious and merciful, (let thy mind be at rest).</l> +<l>Make easy (O my goddess) the day that is directed for death,</l> +<l>My god, (grant that I be?) free (?).</l> +<l>My goddess, have regard for me, and receive my supplication.</l> +<l>Let my sins be separated, and let my misdeeds be forgotten—</l> +<l>Let the ban be loosened, let the fetter fall.</l> +<l>Let the seven winds carry away my sighing.</l> +<l>Let me tear asunder my evil, and let a bird carry it aloft to the sky.</l> +<l>Let a fish carry off my trouble, and let the stream bear it away.</l> +<l>Let the beasts of the field take (it) away from me.</l> +<l>Let the flowing waters of the stream cleanse me.</l> +<l>Make me bright as a chain of gold—</l> +<l>Let me be precious in thy eyes as a diamond ring!</l> +<l>Blot out my evil, preserve my life.</l> +<l>Let me guard thy court, and stand in thy sanctuary (?).</l> +<l>Make me to pass away from my evil state, let me be preserved with thee!</l> +<l>Send to me, and let me see a propitious dream—</l> +<l>Let the dream that I shall see be propitious—let the dream that I shall see be true,</l> +<l>Turn the dream that I shall see to a favour,</l> +<l>Let Mašara (?), the god of dreams, rest by my head,</l> +<l>Make me to enter into Ê-sagila, the temple of the gods, the house of life.</l> +<l>Deliver me, for his favour, into the gracious hands of the merciful Merodach,</l> +<pb n='052'/><anchor id='Pg052'/> +<l>Let me be subject to thy greatness, let me glorify thy divinity;</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Let the people of my city praise thy might!</q></l> +</lg> + +</quote> + +<p> +Here the text breaks off, but sufficient of it remains +to show of what the devotion of the Babylonians and +Assyrians to their gods consisted, and what their +beliefs really were. For some reason or other, the +writer recognizes that the divinity whom he worships +is displeased with him, and apparently comes to the +conclusion that the consort of the god is displeased +also. He therefore prays and humbles himself before +them, asking that his misdeeds may be forgotten, and +that he may be separated from his sins, by which he +feels himself to be bound and fettered. He imagines +to himself that the seven winds, or a little bird, or a +fish, or a beast of the field, or the waters of a stream, +may carry his sin away, and that the flowing waters of +the river may cleanse him from his sin, making him +pure in the eyes of his god as a chain of gold, and +precious to him as the most precious thing that he +can think of, namely, a diamond ring (upon such +material and worldly similes did the thoughts of the +Babylonians run). He wishes his life (or his soul—the +word in the original is <foreign rend='italic'>napišti</foreign>, which Zimmern +translates <foreign rend='italic'>Seele</foreign>) to be saved, to pass away from his +evil state, and to dwell with his god, from whom he +begs for a sign in the form of a propitious dream, a +dream that shall come true, showing that he is in +reality once more in the favour of his god, who, he +hopes, will deliver him into the gracious hands of the +merciful Merodach, that he and all his city may praise +his great divinity. +</p> + +<p> +Fragment though it be, in its beginning, development, +and climax, it is, to all intents and purposes, perfect, +and a worthy specimen of compositions of this class. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that the suppliant almost re-echoes +<pb n='053'/><anchor id='Pg053'/> +the words of the Psalmist in those passages where he +speaks of his guarding the court of the temple of his +god and dwelling in his temple (Ê-sagila, the renowned +temple at Babylon), wherein, along with other deities, +the god Merodach was worshipped—the merciful one, +into whose gracious hands he wished to be delivered. +The prayer that his sin might be carried away by a +bird, or a fish, etc., brings up before the mind's eye the +picture of the scapegoat, fleeing, laden with the sins of +the pious Israelite, into the desert to Azazel. +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance, the worshipper, in the above +extract, desires to be delivered by the god whom he +worships into the hands of the god Merodach. This +is a point that is worthy of notice, for it seems to show +that the Babylonians, at least in later times, regarded +the other deities in the light of mediators with the +chief of the Babylonian Pantheon. As manifestations +of him, they all formed part of his being, and through +them the suppliant found a channel to reconciliation +and forgiveness of his sins. +</p> + +<p> +In this there seems to be somewhat of a parallel to +the Egyptian belief in the soul, at death, being united +with Osiris. The annihilation of self, however, did +not, in all probability, recommend itself to the Babylonian +mind any more than it must have done to the +mind of the Assyrian. To all appearance, the preservation +of one's individuality, in the abodes of bliss +after death, was with them an essential to the reality +of that life beyond the grave. If we adopt here +Zimmern's translation of <foreign rend='italic'>napišti</foreign> by <q>soul,</q> the necessity +of interpreting the above passage in the way here +indicated seems to be rendered all the greater. +</p> + +<p> +The Creation legend shows us how the god +Merodach was regarded by the Babylonians as having +attained his high position among the <q>gods his +fathers,</q> and the reverence that they had for this deity +is not only testified to by that legend, but also by the +many documents of a religious nature that exist. +<pb n='054'/><anchor id='Pg054'/> +This being the case, it is only natural to suppose, that +he would be worshipped both under the name of +Merodach, his usual appellation, and also under any +or all of the other names that were attributed to him +by the Babylonians as having been conferred upon +him by the gods at the time of his elevation to the +position of their chief. +</p> + +<p> +Not only, therefore, was he called Marduk (Amaruduk, +<q>the brightness of day</q>), the Hebrew Merodach, +but he bore also the names of Asaru or Asari, identified +by the Rev. C. J. Ball and Prof. Hommel with +the Egyptian Osiris—a name that would tend to +confirm what is stated above concerning the possible +connection between the Egyptian and Babylonian +beliefs in the immortality of the soul. This name +Asaru was compounded with various other (explanatory) +epithets, making the fuller names Asari-lu-duga +(probably <q>Asari, he who is good</q>), Asari-lu-duga-namsuba +(<q>Asari, he who is good, the charm</q>), +Asari-lu-duga-namtî (<q>Asari, he who is good, the +life</q>), Asari-alima (<q>Asari, the prince</q>), Asari-alima-nuna +(<q>Asari, the prince, the mighty one</q>), +etc., all showing the estimation in which he was +held, and testifying to the sacredness of the first +component, which, as already remarked, has been +identified with the name of Osiris, the chief divinity of +the Egyptians. Among his other names are (besides +those quoted from the last tablet of the story of the +Creation and the explanatory list that bears upon it) +some of apparently foreign origin, among them being +Amaru (? short for Amar-uduk) and Sal-ila, the latter +having a decidedly western Semitic look.<note place='foot'>Cf. the royal names, Anman-ila, Buntaḫtun-ila, etc., in the +so-called Arabic Dynasty of Babylon. (P. <ref target='Pg154'>154</ref>.)</note> As <q>the +warrior,</q> he seems to have borne the name of Gušur +(? <q>the strong</q>); another of his Akkadian appellations +was Gudibir, and as <q>lord</q> of all the world he was +called Bêl, the equivalent of the Baal of the Phœnicians +<pb n='055'/><anchor id='Pg055'/> +and the Beel of the Aramæans. In astronomy his +name was given to several stars, and he was identified +with the planet Jupiter, thus making him the counterpart +of the Greek and Latin Zeus or Jove. +</p> + +<p> +As has been said above, Merodach was the god that +was regarded by the Babylonians and Assyrians as +he who went about doing good on behalf of mankind. +If he saw a man in affliction—suffering, for instance, +from any malady—he would go and ask his father Aa, +he who knew all things, and who had promised to +impart all his knowledge to his royal son, what the +man must do to be cured of the disease or relieved of +the demon which troubled him. The following will +give some idea of what the inscriptions detailing these +charms and incantations, which the god was supposed +to obtain from his father, were like— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Incantation: The sickness of the head hath darted forth from the desert, and rushed like the wind.</q></l> +<l>Like lightning it flasheth, above and below it smiteth,</l> +<l>The impious man<note place='foot'>Literally <q>he who feareth not his god.</q></note> like a reed it cutteth down, and</l> +<l>His nerves like a tendril it severeth.</l> +<l>(Upon him) for whom the goddess Ištar hath no care, and whose flesh is in anguish,</l> +<l>Like a star of heaven it (the sickness) flasheth down, like a night-flood it cometh.</l> +<l>Adversity is set against the trembling man, and threateneth him like a lion—</l> +<l>It hath stricken that man, and</l> +<l>The man rusheth about like one who is mad—</l> +<l>Like one whose heart is smitten he goeth to and fro,</l> +<l>Like one thrown into the fire he burneth,</l> +<pb n='056'/><anchor id='Pg056'/> +<l>Like the wild ass that runneth (?), his eyes are filled with cloud,</l> +<l>Being alive, he eateth, yet is he bound up with death.</l> +<l>The disease,<note place='foot'>The Akkadian line has <q>the sickness (disease) of the head.</q></note> which is like a violent wind, nobody knoweth its path—</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Its completed time, and its connection nobody knoweth.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +(Here come abbreviations of the set phrases stating +that the god Merodach perceived the man who was +suffering, and went to ask his father Aa, dwelling in +the Abyss, how the man was to be healed of the sickness +that afflicted him. In the texts that give the +wanting parts, Aa is represented as asking his son +Merodach what it was that he did not know, and in +what he could still instruct him. What he (Aa) +knows, that Merodach shall also know. He then tells +Merodach to go and work the charm.) +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The ḫaltigilla plant groweth alone in the desert</q></l> +<l>Like the sun-god entering his house, cover its head with a garment, and</l> +<l>Cover the ḫaltigilla plant, and enclose some meal, and</l> +<l>In the desert, before the rising sun</l> +<l>Root it out from its place, and</l> +<l>Take its root, and</l> +<l>Take the skin of a young goat, and</l> +<l>Bind up the head of the sick man, and</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>May a gust (?) of wind carry it (the disease) away, and may it not return to its place.</l> +<l><q rend='post'>O spirit of heaven, exorcise; spirit of earth, exorcise.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<pb n='057'/><anchor id='Pg057'/> + +<p> +The numerous incantations of this class, in which +the god Merodach is represented as playing the part +of benefactor to the sick and afflicted among mankind, +and interesting himself in their welfare, are exceedingly +numerous, and cover a great variety of maladies +and misfortunes. No wonder, therefore, that the +Babylonians looked upon the god, their own god, +with eyes of affection, and worship, and reverence. +Indeed, it is doubtful whether the Hebrews themselves, +the most God-fearing nation of their time, looked upon +the God of their fathers with as much affection, or +reverence, as did the Babylonians regard the god +Merodach. They show it not only in the inscriptions +of the class quoted above, but also in numerous +other texts. All the kings of Babylonia, and not +a few of those of Assyria, with one consent pay him +homage, and testify to their devotion. The names +of princes and common people, too, often bear +witness to the veneration that they felt for this, the +chief of their gods. <q>Merodach is lord of the gods,</q> +<q>Merodach is master of the word,</q> <q>With Merodach +is life,</q> <q>The dear one of the gods is Merodach,</q> +<q>Merodach is our king,</q> <q>(My, his, our) trust is +Merodach,</q> <q>Be gracious to me, O Merodach,</q> +<q>Direct me, O Merodach,</q> <q>Merodach protects,</q> +<q>Merodach has given a brother</q> (Marduk-nadin-aḫi, +the name of one of Nebuchadrezzar's sons), <q>A judge +is Merodach,</q> etc., etc., are some of the names compounded +with that of this popular divinity. Merodach +was not so much in use, as the component part of a +name, as the god of wisdom, Nebo, but it is not by +any means improbable that this is due to the reverence +in which he was held, which must, at times, have led +the more devout to avoid the pronunciation of his +name any more than was necessary, though, if that +was the case, it never reached the point of an utter +prohibition against its utterance, such as caused the +pronunciation of the Hebrew Yahwah to become +<pb n='058'/><anchor id='Pg058'/> +entirely lost even to the most learned for many +hundred years. Those, therefore, who wished to avoid +the profanation, by too frequent utterance, of this +holy name, could easily do so by substituting the +name of some other deity, for, as we have seen above, +the names of all the gods could be applied to him, and +the doctrine of their identification with him only grew +in strength—we know not under what influence—as +time went on, until Marduk or Merodach became +synonymous with the word <foreign rend='italic'>îlu</foreign>, <q>God,</q> and is even +used as such in a list where the various gods are +enumerated as his manifestations. The portion of the +tablet in question containing these advanced ideas is +as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +81-11-3, 111. +</p> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>... is Merodach of planting.</q></l> +<l>Lugal-a-ki- ... is Merodach of the water-spring.</l> +<l>Ninip is Merodach of the garden (?).</l> +<l>Nergal is Merodach of war.</l> +<l>Zagaga is Merodach of battle.</l> +<l>Bêl is Merodach of lordship and dominion.</l> +<l>Nebo is Merodach of wealth (or trading).</l> +<l>Sin is Merodach the illuminator of the night.</l> +<l>Šamaš is Merodach of truth (or righteousness).</l> +<l>Rimmon is Merodach of rain.</l> +<l>Tišḫu is Merodach of handicraft.</l> +<l>Sig is Merodach of....</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Suqamuna is Merodach of the (irrigation-) reservoir.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +As this tablet is not complete, there is every probability +that the god Merodach was identified, on the +lost portion, with at least as many deities as appear +on the part that time has preserved to us. +</p> + +<p> +This identification of deities with each other would +<pb n='059'/><anchor id='Pg059'/> +seem to have been a far from uncommon thing in the +ancient East during those heathen times. A large +number of deities of the Babylonian Pantheon are +identified, in the Assyrian proper names, with a very +interesting divinity whose name appears as Aa, and +which may possibly turn out to be only one of the +many forms that are met with of the god Ya'u or Jah, +who was not only worshipped by the Hebrews, but +also by the Assyrians, Babylonians, Hittites, and other +nations of the East in ancient times. Prof. Hommel, +the well-known Assyriologist and Professor of Semitic +languages at Munich, suggests that this god Yâ is +another form of the name of Ea, which is possible, +but any assimilation of the two divinities is probably +best explained upon the supposition that the people +of the East in ancient times identified them with each +other in consequence of the likeness between the two +names. +</p> + +<p> +In any case, the identification of a large number of +the gods—perhaps all of them—with a deity whose +name is represented by the group Aa, is quite certain. +Thus we have Aššur-Aa, Ninip-Aa, Bel-Aa, Nergal-Aa, +Šamaš-Aa, Nusku-Aa, Sin-Aa, etc., and it is +probable that the list might be greatly extended. +Not only, however, have we a large number of deities +identified with Aa, but a certain number of them are +also identified with the deity known as Ya, Ya'u, or +Au, the Jah of the Hebrews. Among these may be +cited Bêl-Yau, <q>Bel is Jah,</q> Nabû-Yâ', <q>Nebo is Jah,</q> +Aḫi-Yau, <q>Aḫi is Jah,</q> a name that would seem to +confirm the opinion which Fuerst held, that <foreign rend='italic'>aḫi</foreign> was, in +this connection, a word for <q>god,</q> or a god. In Ya-Dagunu, +<q>Jah is Dagon,</q> we have the elements +reversed, showing a wish to identify Jah with Dagon, +rather than Dagon with Jah, whilst another interesting +name, Au-Aa, shows an identification of Jah with Aa, +two names which have every appearance of being +etymologically connected. +</p> + +<pb n='060'/><anchor id='Pg060'/> + +<p> +There is then but little doubt that we have in these +names an indication of an attempt at what may be +regarded as concentration—a desire and tendency +towards monotheism. When this began, and what +the real opinions of the more thoughtful upon the +subject of the unity or the plurality of the deity may +have been, we have at present no means of finding +out. There can be no doubt, however, that it sprang +from more than one cause—the desire not to offend +either heavenly or earthly powers by seeming to +favour one divinity more than another, the difficulty +of dividing and apportioning the domain in nature of +every divinity, the wish to identify the divine patrons +of the various nationalities with a view to understanding +what they really were, and describing their nature +for either religious or political purposes—all these +things, and probably others, would tend to counteract +not only polytheistic bigotry, but also the exclusive +appropriation by one tribe or people of any particular +divinity, who was their own special helper against their +enemies, and to whose particular protection they +defiantly laid claim. When in conflict or in dispute +with another, there is no doubt that the man bearing +the name of Šamaš-nûri, for instance, would be met +with the fierce taunt, <q>The Sun-god is not more thy +light than he is mine,</q> and, as an answer to Yâ-abî-ni, +<q>Jah is our father too, and more so than he is yours,</q> +would at once spring to the lips of any Jew with whom +the bearer of the name may have had a dispute. +</p> + +<p> +For the thoughtful, God was one, and all the various +gods of the heathen were but His manifestations, misconceived +and misunderstood by the ignorant and +thoughtless, but, rightly regarded, full of deep significance. +The Jews in later times had, in all probability, +no tendency to polytheism, yet it is certain that they +had but little objection to bearing heathen names, and +of all the examples that might be adduced, there is +probably not one that is more noteworthy than +<pb n='061'/><anchor id='Pg061'/> +Mordecai, or Mardecai, the worshipper of Merodach +as typical of the God beside whom there was none +other, of whom, as we have seen,—and that from a +Babylonian tablet,—all the other deities of the Babylonian +Pantheon were but manifestations. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The God Aa, Ae, Or Ea.</head> + +<p> +As the primitive deity of the Babylonian Pantheon, +and as apparently closely identified with the well-known +deity Jah, who was worshipped by a large +section of the Semitic nations, and whose name is one +of the words for <q>god</q> in the Assyro-Babylonian language, +the god Ea, Ae, or Aa, deserves notice here not +only on account of his being the creator of all the +gods, but also on account of his fatherhood to Merodach, +who, in Babylonian mythology, was conceived +as supplanting him—not by any unfair means, but by +the right of being the fittest to exercise power and +dominion over the world, the universe, and even over +<q>the gods his fathers.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Assyriologists early recognized the attributes of the +god whose name they then read Hea. They saw that +he was regarded by the ancient Babylonians and +Assyrians as the god of streams, rivers, seas, and the +watery abyss of the under-world—the waters under the +earth. Of the god Ae or Ea all sorts of wonderful +stories were told by the Babylonians, who attributed +to him, as the god of wisdom and knowledge, the +origin of the civilization which they enjoyed. His +name, as god of deep wisdom, was Nin-igi-azaga, +<q>the lord of the bright eye,</q> a name which would +seem to show that the Akkadians (the names of most +of the deities of the Assyro-Babylonian Pantheon are +written in Akkadian) associated, as we also do at the +present day, intelligence with brightness of the eyes, +or, more correctly, with alertness of appearance. +</p> + +<p> +But this god had many other names than those +<pb n='062'/><anchor id='Pg062'/> +mentioned above. He was En-ki, <q>lord of the world</q>; +Amma-ana-ki, <q>lord of heaven and earth</q>; Engur, +<q>god of the Abyss</q>; Nudimmud, <q>god of creation</q>; +Nadimmud, <q>god of everything</q>; Nun-ura, <q>god of +the potter</q>; Nin-agal, <q>god of the smith</q>; Dunga, +<q>god of the singer</q> (?); Nin-bubu, <q>god of the +sailor</q>; Kuski-banda, <q>god of goldsmiths</q>;—in fact, +he seems to have been the god of arts and crafts in +general. He was also called Ellila-banda, <q>the powerful +lord</q>; En-uru and Nin-uru, <q>the protecting lord</q>; +Lugal-ida, <q>king of the river</q>; Lugal, En, Nuna, and +Dara-abzu, <q>king,</q> <q>lord,</q> <q>prince,</q> and <q>ruler of the +abyss</q>; Dara-dim, Dara-nuna, and Dara-banda, +honorific titles as <q>creator,</q> <q>princely ruler,</q> and +<q>powerful ruler</q>; Alima-nuna, Alima-banda, and +Alima-šum-ki, <q>princely lord,</q> <q>powerful lord,</q> and +<q>lord disposer of the earth.</q> He bore also besides +these a large number of names, among which may +be cited, as an example of his many-sidedness, the +following— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l>Šaršara, apparently <q>the overwhelmer,</q> probably as lord of the sea and its teeming myriads.</l> +<l>En-tî, <q>lord of life.</q></l> +<l>Gana-si, probably <q>the enclosure full (of life).</q></l> +<l>Nam-zida, <q>righteousness.</q></l> +<l>Idima (Akk.) or Naqbu (Bab.), <q>the deep.</q></l> +<l>Sa-kalama, <q>ruler of the land.</q></l> +<l>Šanabaku and Šanabi, the god <q>40.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +That the sea was the abode of the god of knowledge +seems to have been the belief of the Babylonians +from the earliest times. According to Berosus, whose +record has been preserved by Apollodoros, Abydenus, +and Alexander Polyhistor, there appeared more than +once, from the Erythræan Sea (the Persian Gulf), <q>the +Musaros Oannes, the Annedotos,</q> a creature half man +and half fish, probably conceived in shape of the deity +<pb n='063'/><anchor id='Pg063'/> +answering to this description found on certain Babylonian +cylinder-seals, in a sculpture with representations +of marine monsters, now preserved in the Louvre, +and in the divine figures in the shape of a man clothed +with a fish's skin, preserved in the form of clay +statuettes and large sculptures (bas-reliefs) in the +British Museum. Abydenus apparently understands +Berosus differently, for he makes Annedotos and +Oannes to be different personages. All those who +have quoted Berosus, however, agree in the main +point, that these beings, half man and half fish, came +out of the sea to teach mankind. There is hardly any +doubt that in some of these cases the deity that is +intended is the god whose name is now read Ae or +Ea, who was called Aos by Damascius. After the +appearance of the fourth Annedotos, there came +another person, also from the Erythræan Sea, named +Odakon, having, like the former, the same complicated +form, between a man and a fish. To these names +Abydenus, still quoting Berosus, adds those of four +more <q>double-shaped personages</q> named Euedocos, +Eneugamos, Eneuboulos, and Anementos. These +last came forth in the reign of Daos (probably Dumuzi +(Duwuzi) or Tammuz) the shepherd, of Pantibiblon +(Sippar or Sippara), who reigned for the space of ten +sari (360,000 years)! <q>After these things was +Anodaphos, in the time of Euedoreschos.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Besides his son Merodach, who, in Babylonian +mythology, became <q>king of the gods,</q>—like Jupiter, +in the place of his father—Ae or Ea was regarded as +having six other sons, Dumu-zi-abzu, <q>Tammuz of +the abyss</q>; Ki-gulla, <q>the destroyer of the world</q>; +Nira (meaning doubtful); Bara, <q>the revealer</q> (?); +Bara-gula, <q>the great revealer (?)</q>; and Burnunta-sā, +<q>the broad of ear.</q> One daughter is attributed to +him, her name being Ḫi-dimme-azaga, <q>the glorious +spirit's offspring,</q> called, in one of the incantations +(W.A.I. iv., 2nd ed., col. ii., line 54), <q>the daughter of +<pb n='064'/><anchor id='Pg064'/> +the abyss.</q> He had also two bull-like guardians +(probably those composite creatures, winged bulls +with human heads, representations of which guarded +the approaches to the Assyrian palaces), one seemingly +named Duga, <q>the good,</q> and the other Dub-ga, +apparently meaning <q>he who causes (the bolt) to be +raised,</q> giving the suppliant access to the palace of +his lord. To all appearance, the gates giving access +to his domain were guarded by eight porters, the +names of most of whom are unfortunately broken +away on the tablet that gives these details, but one of +them seems to have borne the name of Eniw-ḫengala, +<q>the bespeaker of fertility,</q> whilst another was named +Igi-ḫen(?)gala, <q>the eye of fertility,</q> and the third +had a name beginning, like that of the first, with the +element Eniw, a circumstance which would lead one +to ask whether this may not be the element Eneu +found in the names of the two creatures Eneugamos +and Eneuboulos, mentioned by Berosus. +</p> + +<p> +His consort was called Damkina, <q>the lady of the +earth,</q> the Dauké of Damascius, or Dam-gala-nuna, +<q>the great princely lady.</q> She likewise had two +bull-like attendants, A-eru and E-a-eru, of whom but +little or nothing is known. +</p> + +<p> +The tablet already quoted (W.A.I. iv., pl. 1, col. ii., +ll. 36-39) names Engur (the deep) as being the mother +of Ae or Ea, and attributes to him another daughter, +Nina, with whom the name of Nineveh is apparently +connected. +</p> + +<p> +Down in the Abyss, in the city called Eridu, <q>the +good city,</q> there dwelt Ae, with all his court. Sitting +on his throne, he waited for the time when his son +Merodach, the good of heart, came to ask him for +those health-bringing incantations for the benefit of +mankind. Sometimes, seemingly, instead of Merodach, +his sixth son Burnunsia (Burnunta-sā), <q>the broad of +ear,</q> would perform this office. Ae was always ready +to help with his counsels, and no one whose case +<pb n='065'/><anchor id='Pg065'/> +Merodach forwarded was spurned by the King of the +Abyss. +</p> + +<p> +Here, too, dwelt <q>Tammuz of the Abyss,</q> one of +Ae's sons, but whether this was the well-known +Tammuz who was the husband of the goddess Ishtar, +is uncertain. Judging from the legends of the Babylonians, +Ishtar's husband descended, not to the abode +of the lord of the deep, but to the realms of the Babylonian +Persephone, the consort of Nergal, in Hades, +<q>the land of no return,</q> whither Ishtar once descended +in search of him. Concerning the Babylonian paradise, +where Ae dwelt, see the following chapter. +</p> + +<p> +The second month of the Babylonian year, Iyyar, +corresponding to April—May, was dedicated to Ae as +lord of mankind, though in this the records contradict +each other, for the Creation-stories of the Babylonians +attribute the creation of mankind to Merodach, who +has, therefore, the best right to be regarded as their +lord. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Anšar And Kišar (pp. <ref target='Pg016'>16</ref>, <ref target='Pg017'>17</ref>, <ref target='Pg020'>20</ref>, etc.).</head> + +<p> +Anšar, <q>host of heaven,</q> and Kišar, <q>host of +earth,</q> are, it will be remembered, given in the +Semitic Babylonian account of the Creation as the +names of the powers that succeeded Laḫmu and +Laḫamu, according to Damascius, the second progeny +of the sea and the deep (Tiamtu and Apsū). The +Greek forms, Assoros and Kisaré, imply that Damascius +understood the former to be masculine and the +latter feminine, though there is no hint of gender in +the wedge-written records. That the Babylonians +regarded them as being of different genders, however, +is conceivable enough. The Greek form of the first, +Assoros, moreover, implies that, in course of time, +the <foreign rend='italic'>n</foreign> of Anšar became assimilated with the <foreign rend='italic'>š</foreign> (as was +usual in Semitic Babylonian), and on account of this, +the etymology that connects Anšar with the name +<pb n='066'/><anchor id='Pg066'/> +of the Assyrian national god Aššur, is not without +justification, though whether it be preferable to that +of Delitzsch which makes Aššur to be really Ašur, +and connects it with <foreign rend='italic'>ašaru</foreign>, meaning <q>holy,</q> is +doubtful. In favour of Delitzsch, however, is the +fact that the Assyrians would more probably have +given their chief divinity the name of <q>the Holy +one</q> than that of one of the links in the chain of +divinities which culminated in the rise of the god +Merodach to the highest place in the kingdom of +heaven. +</p> + +<p> +The question naturally arises: Who were these +deities, <q>the host of heaven</q> and <q>the host of +earth</q>? and this is a question to which we do not +get a very complete answer from the inscriptions. +According to the explanatory lists of gods (as +distinct from the mythological texts proper) Kišar +is explained as the <q>host of heaven and earth</q> and +also as Anu and Antum, in other words, as the male +and female personifications of the heavens. Strange +to say, this is just the explanation given in the +inscriptions of the names Laḫmu and Laḫamu, for +though they are not <q>the host of heaven and earth,</q> +they are the same, according to the lists of gods, +as the deities Anu and his consort Antum. This +probably arises from the worship of Anu, the god of +the heavens, and his consort, at some period preceding +that of the worship of Merodach, or even that +of his father Aa or Ea, whose cult, as we have seen, +was in early times abandoned for that of the patron +god of the city of Babylon. Concerning this portion +of the legend of the Creation, however, much more +light is required. +</p> + +<p> +Besides the simple form Kišar, there occurs in the +lists of gods also Kišaragala, which is likewise explained +as a manifestation of Anu and Antum, and +described moreover as <q>Anu, who is the host (<foreign rend='italic'>kiššat</foreign>) +of heaven and earth.</q> In addition to Anšar and +<pb n='067'/><anchor id='Pg067'/> +Kišar, the deities Enšara and Ninšara are mentioned. +These names are apparently to be translated <q>lord of +the host</q> and <q>lady of the host</q> respectively, and +are doubtless both closely connected with, or the +same as, the Anšar and Kišar of the Babylonian +story of the Creation, in close connection with which +they are, in fact, mentioned. En-kišara is given, in +W.A.I., III., pl. 68, as one of the three <foreign rend='italic'>mu-gala</foreign> +(apparently <q>great names</q>) of Anu, the god of the +heavens. Another Nin-šara (the second element +written with a different character) is given as the +equivalent of both Antum and Ištar, the latter being +the well-known goddess of love and war, Venus. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Tiamat.</head> + +<p> +Tiamat is the common transcription of a name +generally and more correctly read as Tiamtu. The +meaning of this word is <q>the sea,</q> and its later and +more decayed pronunciation is <foreign rend='italic'>tâmtu</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>tâmdu</foreign>, the +feminine <foreign rend='italic'>t</foreign> having changed into <foreign rend='italic'>d</foreign> after the nasal <foreign rend='italic'>m</foreign>, +a phenomenon that also meets us in other words +having a nasal before the dental. As this word is +the Tauthé of the Greek writer Damascius, it is clear +that in his time the <foreign rend='italic'>m</foreign> was pronounced as <foreign rend='italic'>w</foreign> (this +peculiarity is common to the Semitic Babylonian and +Akkadian languages, and finds its converse illustration +in the provincialism of <foreign rend='italic'>mir</foreign> for <foreign rend='italic'>wir</foreign>, <q>we,</q> in +German), though the decayed word <foreign rend='italic'>tâmtu</foreign> evidently +kept its labial unchanged, for it is difficult to imagine +<foreign rend='italic'>w</foreign> changing <foreign rend='italic'>t</foreign> into <foreign rend='italic'>d</foreign>, unless it were pronounced in a +way to which wee are not accustomed. We have here, +then, an example of a differentiation by which one and +the same word, by a change of pronunciation, forms +two <q>vocables,</q> the one used as a proper noun and +the other—a more decayed form—as a common one. +</p> + +<p> +Tiamtu (from the above it may be supposed that +the real pronunciation was as indicated by the Greek +form, namely, Tiauthu), meaning originally <q>the sea,</q> +<pb n='068'/><anchor id='Pg068'/> +became then the personification of the watery deep +as the producer of teeming animal life such as we +find in the waters everywhere. Dominating and +covering at first the whole earth, it was she who was +the first producer of living things, but when the land +appeared, and creatures of higher organization and +intelligence began, under the fostering care of the +higher divinities, to make their appearance, she saw, +so the Babylonians seem to have thought, that with +the advent of man, whom the gods purposed forming, +her power and importance would, in a short time, +disappear, and rebellion on her part was the result. +How, in the Babylonian legends, this conflict ended, +the reader of the foregoing pages knows, and after +her downfall and destruction or subjugation, she +retained her productive power under the immediate +control and direction of the gods under whose +dominion she had fallen. +</p> + +<p> +Tiamtu is represented in the Old Testament by +<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>tehôm</foreign>, which occurs in Gen. i. 2, where both the +Authorised and Revised Versions translate <q>the +deep.</q> The Hebrew form of the word, however, is +not quite the same, the Assyrian feminine ending +being absent. +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance the legend of Tiamtu was well +known all over Western Asia. As Gunkel and +Zimmern have shown, there is a reference thereto +in Ps. lxxxix. 10, where Rahab, who was broken in +pieces, is referred to, and under the same name +she appears also in Isaiah li. 9, with the additional +statement that she is the dragon who was pierced; +likewise in Job xxvi. 12 and ix. 13, where her followers +are said to be referred to; in Ps. lxxiv. 14 the dragon +whose heads (a plural probably typifying the diverse +forms under which Nature's creative power appears) +are spoken of. Tiamtu, as Rahab and the dragon, +therefore played a part in Hebrew legends of old as +great, perhaps, as in the mythology of Babylonia, +where she seems to have originated. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='069'/><anchor id='Pg069'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter II. The History, As Given In The Bible, From The +Creation To The Flood.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +Eden—The so-called second story of the Creation and the +bilingual Babylonian account—The four rivers—The tree of +life—The Temptation—The Cherubim—Cain and Abel—The +names of the Patriarchs from Enoch to Noah. +</quote> + +<p> +<q>And the Lord God planted a garden eastward in +Eden; and there He put the man whom He had +formed.</q> There also He made every pleasant and +good tree to grow, including the tree of life, and the +tree of knowledge of good and evil. A river came +out of Eden to water the garden, and this river was +afterwards divided into four smaller streams, the +Pishon, flowing round <q>the Hawilah,</q> a land of gold +(which was good) and bdellium and onyx stone; the +Gihon, flowing round the whole land of Cush; the +Hiddekel or Tigris, and the Euphrates. +</p> + +<p> +It is to be noted that it was not the garden itself +that was called Eden, but the district in which it lay. +The river too seems to have risen in the same tract, +and was divided at some indeterminate point, either +in the land of Eden or on its borders. +</p> + +<p> +The whereabouts of the Garden of Eden and its +rivers has been so many times discussed, and so +many diverse opinions prevail concerning them, that +there is no need at present to add to these theories +yet another, more or less probable. Indeed, in the +present work, theories will be kept in the background +<pb n='070'/><anchor id='Pg070'/> +as much as possible, and prominence given to such +facts as recent discoveries have revealed to us. +</p> + +<p> +It had long been known that one of the Akkadian +names for <q>plain</q> was <foreign rend='italic'>edina</foreign>, and that that word had +been borrowed by the Babylonians under the form of +<foreign rend='italic'>êdinnu</foreign>, but it was Prof. Delitzsch, the well-known +Assyriologist, who first pointed out to a disbelieving +world that this must be the Eden of Genesis. The +present writer thought this identification worthless +until he had the privilege of examining the tablets +acquired by Dr. Hayes Ward in Babylonia on the +occasion of his conducting the Wolfe expedition. +Among the fragments of tablets that he then brought +back was a list of cities in the Akkadian language +(the Semitic Babylonian column was unfortunately +broken away) which gave the following— +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(15) lw(40)'"> +<row><cell>Transcription.</cell><cell>Translation.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Sipar,</cell><cell>D.S. Sippara.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Sipar Edina,</cell><cell>D.S. Sippara of Eden.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Sipar uldua,</cell><cell>D.S. Sippara the everlasting.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Sipar Šamaš,</cell><cell>D.S. Sippara of the Sun-god.</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +Here at last was the word Eden used as a geographical +name, showing that the explanation of +Delitzsch was not only plausible, but also, in all probability, +true in substance and in fact. Less satisfactory, +however, were the learned Professor's identifications +of the rivers of Eden, for he regards the Pishon and +the Gihon as canals—the former being the Pallacopas +(the Pallukatu of the Babylonian inscriptions), and +the latter the Guḫandê (also called the Araḫtu, now +identified with a large canal running through Babylon). +He conjectured that it might be the waterway known as +the Shatt en-Nîl. Whatever doubt, however, attaches +to his identifications of the rivers, he seems certainly +to be right with regard to the Biblical Eden, and this +is a decided gain, for it locates the position of that +district beyond a doubt. +</p> + +<pb n='071'/><anchor id='Pg071'/> + +<p> +To Prof. Sayce belongs the honour of identifying +the Babylonian story of the nature and position of +Paradise as they conceived it, and here we have +another example of the important details that the +incantation-tablets may contain concerning beliefs +not otherwise preserved to us, for the text in question, +like the bilingual story of the Creation, is simply an +introduction to a text of that nature. This interesting +record, to which I have been able to add a few +additional words since Prof. Sayce first gave his +translation of it to the world, is as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Incantation: <q rend='pre'>(In) Êridu a dark vine grew, it was made in a glorious place,</q></q></l> +<l>Its appearance (as) lapis-lazuli, planted beside the Abyss,</l> +<l>Which is Ae's path, filling Êridu with fertility.</l> +<l>Its seat is the (central) point of the earth,</l> +<l>Its dwelling is the couch of Nammu.</l> +<l>In the glorious house, which is like a forest, its shadow extends,</l> +<l>No man enters its midst.</l> +<l>In its interior is the Sun-god Tammuz.</l> +<l><q rend='post'><q rend='post'>Between the mouths of the rivers (which are) on both sides.</q></q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +The lines which follow show how this plant, which +was a miraculous remedy, was to be used in the cure +of a sick man. It was to be placed upon his head, +and beneficent spirits would then come and stay with +him, whilst the evil ones would stand aside. +</p> + +<p> +From the introductory lines above translated, we +see that Êridu, <q>the good city,</q> which Sir Henry +Rawlinson recognized many years ago as a type of +paradise, was, to the Babylonians, as a garden of +Eden, wherein grew a glorious tree, to all appearance +a vine, for the adjective <q>dark</q> may very reasonably +be regarded as referring to its fruit. Strange must +<pb n='072'/><anchor id='Pg072'/> +have been its appearance, for it is described as +resembling <q>white lapis-lazuli,</q> that is, the beautiful +stone of that kind mottled blue and white. The +probability that it was conceived by the Babylonians +as a garden is strengthened by the fact that the god +Aê, and his path, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> the rivers, filled the place with +fertility, and it was, moreover, the abode of the river-god +Nammu, whose streams, the Tigris and Euphrates, +flowed on both sides. There, too, dwelt the Sun, +making the garden fruitful with his ever-vivifying +beams, whilst <q>the peerless mother of heaven,</q> as +Tammuz seems to be called, added, by fructifying +showers, to the fertility that the two great rivers +brought down from the mountains from which they +flowed. To complete still further the parallel with +the Biblical Eden, it was represented as a place to +which access was forbidden, for <q>no man entered its +midst,</q> as in the case of the Garden of Eden after the +fall. +</p> + +<p> +Though one cannot be dogmatic in the presence of +the imperfect records that we possess, it is worthy of +note that Eden does not occur as the name of the +earthly paradise in any of the texts referring to the +Creation that have come down to us; and though it +is to be found in the bilingual story of the Creation, it +there occurs simply as the equivalent of the Semitic +word <foreign rend='italic'>ṣêrim</foreign> in the phrase <q>he (Merodach) made the +verdure of the <emph>plain</emph>.</q> That we shall ultimately find +other instances of Eden as a geographical name, +occurring by itself, and not in composition with +another word (as in the expression <foreign rend='italic'>Sipar Edina</foreign>), and +even a reference to <foreign rend='italic'>gannat Edinni</foreign>, <q>the Garden of +Eden,</q> is to be expected. +</p> + +<p> +Schrader<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions and the O.T.</hi>, 2nd edit. vol. i. p. 28.</note> has pointed out that whilst in Eden the +river bears no name, it is only after it has left the +sacred region that it is divided, and then each separate +branch received a name. So, also, in the Babylonian +<pb n='073'/><anchor id='Pg073'/> +description of the Eridu, the rivers were unnamed, +though one guesses that the Tigris and the Euphrates +are meant. The expression, <q>the mouth of the rivers +[that are on] both sides</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>pî nârãti ... kilallan</foreign>), recalls +to the mind the fact, that it was to <q>a remote place +at the mouth of the rivers</q> that the Babylonian Noah +(Pir-napištim) was translated after the Flood, when +the gods conferred upon him the gift of immortality. +To all appearance, therefore, Gilgameš, the ancient +Babylonian hero who visited the immortal sage, +entered into the tract regarded by the Babylonians +of old times as being set apart for the abode of the +blessed after their journeyings on this world should +cease. +</p> + +<p> +The connection of the stream which was <q>the path +of Ae</q> with Eridu, seems to have been very close, +for in the bilingual story of the Creation the flowing +of the stream is made to be the immediate precursor +of the building of Êridu and Êsagila, <q>the lofty-headed +temple</q> within it— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>When within the sea there was a stream,</q></l> +<l>In that day Êridu was made, Êsagila was built—</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Êsagila which the god Lugal-du-azaga had founded within the Abyss.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +In this Babylonian Creation-story it is a question of +a stream and two rivers. In Genesis it is a question +of a river and four branches. The parallelism is +sufficiently close to be noteworthy and to show, +beyond a doubt, that the Babylonians had the same +accounts of the Creation and descriptions of the +circumstances concerning it, as the Hebrews, though +told in a different way, and in a different connection. +</p> + +<p> +Two trees are mentioned in the Biblical account of +the Creation, <q>the tree of life</q> and <q>the tree of the +knowledge of good and evil.</q> By the eating of the +former, a man would live for ever, and the latter +would confer upon him that knowledge which God +<pb n='074'/><anchor id='Pg074'/> +alone was supposed to possess, namely, of good and +evil, carrying with it, however, the disadvantage of +the loss of that innocence which he formerly possessed. +Like the Hebrews, the Babylonians and Assyrians +also had their sacred trees, but whether they attached +to them the same deep significance as the Hebrews +did to theirs we do not know. Certain, however, it +is, that they had beliefs concerning them that were +analogous. +</p> + +<p> +The most familiar form of the sacred tree is that +employed by the Assyrians, to a certain extent as a +decorative ornament, on the sculptured slabs that +adorned the walls of the royal palaces. This was the +curious conglomeration of knots and leaves which +various figures—winged genii with horned hats emblematic +of divinity, eagle-headed figures, etc.—worship, +and to which they make offerings, and touch +with a conical object resembling the fruit of the fir or +pine. An ingenious suggestion has been made to the +effect that the genius with the pine-cone is represented +in the act of fructifying the tree with the pollen (in an +idealized form) from the flowers of another tree, just +as it is necessary to fructify the date-palm from the +pollen of the flowers growing on the <q>male</q> tree. +This, however, can hardly be the true explanation of +the mystic act represented, as similar genii are shown +on other slabs not only holding out the conical object +as if to touch therewith the figure of the king, but +also doing the same thing to the effigies of the great +winged bulls. Of course, the fructification of the king +would be not only a possible representation to carve +in alabaster, but one that we might even expect to +find among the royal sculptures. The fructification +of a winged bull, however, is quite a different thing, +and in the highest degree improbable, unless the +divine bull were a kind of representation of the king, +which, though possible, is at present unprovable. +</p> + +<p> +This symbolic scene, therefore, remains still a +<pb n='075'/><anchor id='Pg075'/> +mystery for scholars to explain when they obtain the +material to do so. It seems to be a peculiarly +Assyrian design, for the offering of a pine-cone or +similarly-shaped object to the sacred tree has not yet +been found in Babylonian art. The Babylonian +sacred tree is, moreover, a much more natural-looking +object than the curious combination of knots and +honeysuckle-shaped flowers found in the sculptures of +Assyria. As in the case of the tree shown in the +picture of the Temptation, described below, the sacred +tree of the Babylonians often takes the form of a +palm-tree, or something very like one. (See pl. <ref target='Plate_III'>III</ref>.) +</p> + +<p> +As has been already remarked, the tree of Paradise +of the Babylonians was, to all appearance, a vine, +described as being in colour like blue and white +mottled lapis-lazuli, and apparently bearing fruit +(grapes) of a dark colour. That the Babylonian tree +of life was a vine is supported by the fact that the +ideograms composing the word for <q>wine</q> are +<foreign rend='italic'>geš-tin</foreign> (for <foreign rend='italic'>kaš-tin</foreign>), <q>drink of life,</q> and <q>the vine,</q> +<foreign rend='italic'>giš geš-tin</foreign>, <q>tree of the drink of life.</q> In the text +describing the Babylonian Paradise and its divine +tree, the name of the latter is given as <foreign rend='italic'>kiškanû</foreign> in +Semitic, and <foreign rend='italic'>giš-kin</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>giš-kan</foreign> in Akkadian, a word +mentioned in the bilingual lists among plants of the +vine species. Whether the Hebrews regarded the +tree of life as having been a vine or not, cannot at +present be decided, but it is very probable that they +had the same ideas as the Babylonians in the matter. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy, in this connection, that the +Babylonians also believed that there still existed in +the world a plant (they do not seem to have regarded +it as a tree) which <q>would make an old man young +again.</q> Judging from the statements concerning it, +one would imagine that it was a kind of thorn-bush. +As we shall see later, when treating of the story of +the Flood, it was this plant which the Chaldean Noah +gave the hero Gilgameš instructions how to find—for +<pb n='076'/><anchor id='Pg076'/> +the desire to become young again had seized him—and +he seems to have succeeded in possessing +himself of it, only to lose it again almost immediately, +for a lion, coming that way at a time when Gilgameš +was otherwise occupied, carried it off—to his own +benefit, as the hero remarks, for he naturally supposed +that the lion who had seized the plant would have +his life renewed, and prey all the longer upon the +people. +</p> + +<p> +The title of a lost legend, <q>When the <foreign rend='italic'>kiškanû</foreign> (? vine, +see above) grew in the land</q> (referring, perhaps, to +the tree of life which grew in Êridu), leads one to ask +whether <q>The legend of Nisaba (the corn-deity) and +the date-palm,</q> and <q>The legend of the <foreign rend='italic'>luluppu</foreign>-tree</q> +may not also refer to sacred trees, bearing upon the +question of the tree of knowledge referred to in Gen. ii. +As, however, the titles (generally a portion of the +first line only) are all that are at present preserved, +there is nothing to be done but wait patiently until it +pleases Providence to make them further known to us. +</p> + +<p> +The <foreign rend='italic'>kiškanû</foreign> was of three kinds, white (<foreign rend='italic'>piṣu</foreign>), black +(<foreign rend='italic'>ṣalmi</foreign>), as in the description of the tree of Paradise, +and grey or blue (<foreign rend='italic'>sâmi</foreign>). In view of there being these +three colours, it would seem that they refer rather to +the fruit of the tree than to the tree itself. Now the +only plant growing in the country and having these +three colours of fruit, is the vine. Of course, this +raises the question whether (1) the <foreign rend='italic'>kiškanû</foreign> is a +synonym of <foreign rend='italic'>gištin</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>karanu</foreign>, or (2) the word <foreign rend='italic'>gištin</foreign>, +which is generally rendered <q>vine,</q> is, in reality, +correctly translated. Whatever be the true explanation, +one thing is certain, namely, that in the description +of Paradise, the word black or dark (<foreign rend='italic'>ṣalmu</foreign>), +applied to the tree there mentioned, cannot refer to +the tree itself, for that is described as being like <q>white +lapis</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>uknū êbbu</foreign>), a beautiful stone mottled blue and +white. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <anchor id='Plate_III'/> + <figure url='images/illus-iii-a.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Babylonian Mythological Composition. +Impression of a cylinder-seal showing a male figure on the right and a +bull-man on the left, holding erect bulls by the horns and tails. In the centre +is a form of the sacred tree on a hill. Date about 2500 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> British Museum.</head> + <figDesc>Plate III A.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-iii-b.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Babylonian Mythological Composition. +Impression of a cylinder-seal showing Istar, goddess of love and of war +as archeress, standing on the back of a lion, which turns its head to caress +her feet. Before her is a worshipper (priest) and two goats (reversed to +form a symmetrical design), leaping. Behind her is a date-palm. Date +about 650 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> British Museum.</head> + <figDesc>Plate III B.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +Among other trees of a sacred nature is <q>the cedar +<pb n='077'/><anchor id='Pg077'/> +beloved of the great gods,</q> mentioned in an inscription +of a religious or ceremonial nature, though exactly in +what connection the imperfectness of the document +does not enable us to see. It would seem, however, +that there were certain priests or seers to whom was +confided the <q>tablet of the gods,</q> containing the secret +of the heavens and earth (probably the <q>tablet of +fate,</q> which Merodach took from the husband of +Tiamat after his fight with her for the dominion of +the universe). These persons, who seem to have been +the descendants of En-we-dur-an-ki (the Euedoranchos +of Berosus), king of Sippar, were those to whom was +confided <q>the cedar beloved of the great gods</q>—perhaps +a kind of sceptre. They had, however, not +only to be of noble race, but also perfect physically +and free from every defect and disease. Moreover, +one who did not keep the command of Šamaš and +Addu (Hadad) could not approach the place of Ae, +Šamaš, Marduk, and Nin-edina, nor the number of +the brothers who were to enter the seership; they +were not to reveal to him the word of the oracle, and +<q>the cedar beloved of the great gods</q> was not to be +delivered into his hands. +</p> + +<p> +There is hardly any doubt, then, that we have here +the long-sought parallel to the Biblical <q>tree of knowledge,</q> +for that, too, was in the domain of <q>the lord of +knowledge,</q> the god Ae, and also in the land which +might be described as that of <q>the lord of Eden,</q> the +<q>hidden place of heaven and earth</q> for all the sons +of Adam, who are no longer allowed to enter into +that earthly Paradise wherein their first parents +gained, at such a cost, the knowledge, imperfect as it +must have been, and evidently undesirable, which +they handed down to their successors. +</p> + +<div> +<head>Adam.</head> + +<p> +The name of the first man, Adam, is one that has +tried the learning of the most noted Hebraists to +<pb n='078'/><anchor id='Pg078'/> +explain satisfactorily. It was formerly regarded as +being derived from the root <foreign rend='italic'>ādam</foreign>, <q>to be red,</q> but +this explanation has been given up in favour of the +root <foreign rend='italic'>ādam</foreign>, <q>to make, produce,</q> man being conceived +as <q>the created one.</q> This etymology is that put +forward by the Assyriologist Fried. Delitzsch, who +quotes the Assyrian <foreign rend='italic'>âdmu</foreign>, <q>young bird,</q> and <foreign rend='italic'>âdmi +summāti</foreign>, <q>young doves,</q> literally, <q>the young of +doves,</q> though he does not seem to refer the Assyrian +<foreign rend='italic'>udumu</foreign>, <q>monkey,</q> to the same root. He also quotes, +apparently from memory, the evidence of a fragment +of a bilingual list found by Mr. Rassam, in which +Adam is explained by the usual Babylonian word for +<q>man,</q> <foreign rend='italic'>amēlu</foreign>. +</p> + +<p> +The writer of Genesis has given to the first man the +name of Adam, thus personifying in him the human +race, which was to descend from him. In all probability, +the Babylonians had the same legends, but, +if so, no fragment of them has as yet come to light. +That the Hebrew stories of the Creation had their +origin in Babylonia, will probably be conceded by +most people as probable, if not actually proven, and +the fact that the word <foreign rend='italic'>a-dam</foreign> occurs, as Delitzsch has +pointed out, in a bilingual list would, supposing the +text to which he refers to be actually bilingual, be a +matter of peculiar significance, for it would show that +this word, which does not occur in Semitic Babylonian +as the word for <q>man,</q> occurred in the old Akkadian +language with that meaning. +</p> + +<p> +And the proof that Delitzsch was right in his recollection +of the tablet of which he speaks, is shown by +the bilingual Babylonian story of the Creation. There, +in lines 9, 10, we read as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l>Akkadian (dialectic): Uru nu-dim, a-dam nu-mun-ia.</l> +<l>Babylonian: Âlu ûl êpuš, nammaššu ûl šakin.</l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +<q>A city had not been made, the community had not +been established.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='079'/><anchor id='Pg079'/> + +<p> +Here we have the non-Semitic <foreign rend='italic'>adam</foreign> translated by +the Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>nammaššu</foreign>, which seems to mean a +number of men, in this passage something like community, +for that is the idea which best fits the context. +But besides this Semitic rendering, the word also has +the meanings of <foreign rend='italic'>tenišētu</foreign>, <q>mankind,</q> <foreign rend='italic'>amelūtu</foreign>, <q>human +beings.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The word <foreign rend='italic'>adam</foreign>, meaning <q>man,</q> is found also +in Phœnician, Sabean, and apparently in Arabic, +under the form of <foreign rend='italic'>atam</foreign>, a collective meaning +<q>creatures.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The possibility that the Babylonians had an +account of the Fall similar to that of the Hebrews, is +not only suggested by the legends treated of above, but +also by the cylinder-seal in the British Museum with +what seems to be the representation of the Temptation +engraved upon it. We have there presented to us the +picture of a tree—a palm—bearing fruit, and on each +side of it a seated figure, that on the right being to all +appearance the man, and that on the left the woman, +though there is not much difference between them, +and, as far as the form of either goes, the sexes might +easily be reversed. That, however, which seems to be +intended for the man has the horned hat emblematic +of divinity, or, probably, of divine origin, whilst from +the figure which seems to be that of the woman this +head-dress is absent. Behind her, moreover, with +wavy body standing erect on his tail, is shown the +serpent, towering just above her head, as if ready to +speak with her. Both figures are stretching out a +hand (the man the right, the woman the left) as if to +pluck the fruit growing on the tree. Notwithstanding +the doubts that have been thrown on the explanation +here given of this celebrated and exceedingly interesting +cylinder, the subject and its arrangement are +so suggestive, that one can hardly regard it as being +other than what it seems to be, namely, a Babylonian +representation of the Temptation, according to records +<pb n='080'/><anchor id='Pg080'/> +that the Babylonians possessed. The date of this +object may be set down as being from about 2750 to +2000 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +Future excavations in Babylonia and Assyria will, +no doubt, furnish us with the legends current in those +countries concerning the Temptation, the Fall, and the +sequel thereto. Great interest would naturally attach +to the Babylonian rendering of the details and development +of the story, more particularly to the terms of +the penalty, the expulsion, and the nature of the +beings—the cherubim—placed at the east of the +garden, and <q>the flaming sword turning every way, +to keep the way of the tree of life.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Though the Babylonian version of this Biblical +story has not yet come to light, the inscriptions in the +wedge-writing give us a few details bearing upon the +word <q>cherub.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The Hebrews understood these celestial beings as +having the form which we attribute to angels—a +glorified human appearance, but with the addition of +wings. They are spoken of as bearing the throne of +the Almighty through the clouds (<q>He rode upon a +cherub, and did fly</q>), and in Psalm xviii. 11 he is +also represented as sitting upon them. In Ezekiel i. +and x. they are said to be of a very composite form, +combining with the human shape the face of a cherub +(whatever that may have been), a man, an ox, a lion, +and an eagle. It has been supposed that Ezekiel was +indebted to Assyro-Babylonian imagery for the details +of the cherubic creatures that he describes, but it may +safely be said that, though the sculptures furnish us +with images of divine creatures in the form of a man +with the face of an eagle, or having a modification of +a lion's head, and bulls and lions with the faces of +men, there has never yet been found a figure provided +with a wheel for the purpose of locomotion, and +having four heads, like those of which the prophet +speaks. We may, therefore, safely conclude, that +<pb n='081'/><anchor id='Pg081'/> +Ezekiel applied the word <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>kerûb</foreign> (cherub) to the +creatures that he saw in his vision, because that was +the most suitable word he could find, not because it +was the term usually applied to things of that kind. +It is hardly likely that the guardians of the entrance +into the earthly Paradise and the creatures that bore +up the throne of the Almighty were conceived as +being of so complicated a form as the cherubim of +Ezekiel. +</p> + +<p> +Whatever doubt may exist as to the original form +of this celestial being, the discussion of the origin of +the Hebrew word <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>kerûb</foreign> may now be regarded as +finally settled by the discovery of the Assyro-Babylonian +records. It is undoubtedly borrowed from the +Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>kirubu</foreign>, a word meaning simply <q>spirit,</q> +and conceived as one who was always in the presence +(<foreign rend='italic'>ina kirib</foreign>) of God, and formed from the root <foreign rend='italic'>qarābu</foreign>, +<q>to be near.</q> The change from <emph>q</emph> (qoph) to <emph>k</emph> (kaph) +is very common in Babylonian, and occurs more frequently +before <emph>e</emph> and <emph>i</emph>, hence the form in Hebrew, +<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>kerûb</foreign> (cherub—the translators intended that <emph>ch</emph> should +be pronounced as <emph>k</emph>) for <foreign rend='italic'>qerûb</foreign> (which the translators +would have transcribed as <foreign rend='italic'>kerub</foreign>). +</p> + +<p> +Originally the Assyro-Babylonian word <foreign rend='italic'>kirubu</foreign> +seems to have meant something like <q>intimate friend,</q> +or <q>familiar,</q> as in the expression <foreign rend='italic'>kirub šarri</foreign>, +<q>familiar of the king,</q> mentioned between <q>daughter +of the king,</q> and <q>the beloved woman of the king.</q> +An illustration of its extended meaning of <q>spirit,</q> +however, occurs in the following lines from <q>the +tablet of Good Wishes</q>— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>In thy mouth may there be perfection of speech</q></l> +<l>(<foreign rend='italic'>lû asim dababu</foreign>);</l> +<l>In thine eye may there be brightness of sight</l> +<l>(<foreign rend='italic'>lû namir niṭlu</foreign>);</l> +<l><q rend='post'>In thine ear may there be a spirit of hearing</q></l> +<l>(<q rend='post'><foreign rend='italic'>lû</foreign> <hi rend='smallcaps'>kirub</hi> <foreign rend='italic'>nišmû</foreign>, lit. <q>a cherub of hearing</q>).</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<pb n='082'/><anchor id='Pg082'/> + +<p> +The cherubim were therefore the good spirits who +performed the will of God, and, in the minds of the +Assyrians and Babylonians, watched over and guarded +the man who was the <q>son of his God,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> the pious +man. +</p> + +<p> +The cherub upon which the Almighty rode, and +upon whom he sat, corresponds more to the <foreign rend='italic'>guzalū</foreign> or +<q>throne-bearer</q> of Assyro-Babylonian mythology. +They were apparently beings who bore up the thrones +of the gods, and are frequently to be seen in Babylonian +sculptures thus employed, at rest, and waiting +patiently, to all appearance, until their divine master, +seated on the throne which rests on their shoulders, +should again give them word, or make known that it +was now his will to start and journey forth once more. +</p> + +<p> +The story of Cain and Abel, and the first tragedy +that occurred in the world after the creation of man, +has always attracted the attention of the pious on +that account, and because the first recorded murder +was that of a brother. This is a story to which the +discovery of a Babylonian parallel was least likely to +be found, and, as a matter of fact, none has as yet +come to light. Notwithstanding this, a few remarks +upon such remote parallels which exist, and such few +illustrations of the event that can be found, may be +cited in this place. +</p> + +<p> +These are contained in the story of Tammuz or +Adonis, who, though not supposed to have been slain +by his brother, was nevertheless killed by the cold of +Winter, who might easily have been regarded as his +brother, for Tammuz typified the season of Summer, +the Brother-season, so to say, of Winter. As is well +known, the name Tammuz is Akkadian, and occurs in +that language under the form of Dumu-zi, or, more +fully, Dumu-zida, meaning <q>the everlasting son,</q> in +Semitic Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>âblu kênu</foreign>. It is very noteworthy +that Prof. J. Oppert has suggested that the name of +Abel, in Hebrew Habel, is, in reality, none other than +<pb n='083'/><anchor id='Pg083'/> +the Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>ablu</foreign>, <q>son,</q> and the question naturally +arises, May not the story of Cain and Abel have given +rise to the legend of Tammuz, or <foreign rend='italic'>Ablu kênu</foreign>, as his +name would be if translated into Semitic Babylonian? +</p> + +<p> +Unless by a folk-etymology, however, the Semitic +Babylonian translation of the name of Tammuz can +hardly be a composition of Abel and Cain, because the +first letter is <emph>q</emph> (qoph) and not <emph>k</emph> (kaph), the transcription +Cain for Kain or Kayin being faulty in the A.V. +Still, we feel bound to recognize that there is a possibility, +though naturally a remote one, that the legend +of Tammuz is connected with that of Cain and Abel, +just as the division of the Dragon (in the Babylonian +story of the Creation) by the god Merodach into two +halves, with one of which he covered the heavens, +leaving the other below upon the earth, typifies the +division of the waters above the earth from those +below in the Biblical story of the same event. +</p> + +<p> +There is a legend, named by me (for want of a +more precise title) <q>The Lament of the Daughter of +the god Sin,</q> in which the carrying off (by death?) of +<q>her fair son</q> is referred to. Here we have another +possible Babylonian parallel to the story of the death +of Abel, in which the driving forth of her who makes +the lament from her city and from her palace might +well typify the expulsion of Eve from Paradise, and +her delivery into the power of her enemy, who is, to +all appearance, the king of terrors, into whose hands +she and her husband were, for their disobedience, consigned. +In this really beautiful Babylonian poem +her <q>enemy</q> seems to reproach her, telling her how it +was she, and she alone, who had ruined herself. +</p> + +<p> +Though there may be something in the comparisons +with the story of Cain and Abel which are quoted +here, more probably (as has been already remarked) +there is nothing, and the real parallels have yet to be +found. In any case, they are instances of the popularity +among the Babylonians and Assyrians of those +stories of one, greatly beloved and in the bloom of +<pb n='084'/><anchor id='Pg084'/> +youth, coming, like Abel, to an untimely end through +the perversity of fate, and by no fault of his own. +Though neither may be the original of the Biblical +story nor yet derived from it, they are of interest and +value as beautiful legends of old time, possibly throwing +light on the Biblical story. +</p> + +<p> +As yet the Babylonian and Assyrian records shed +but little light on the question of the patriarchs of +the early ages succeeding Adam, the details that are +given concerning them, and their long lives. Upon +this last point there is only one remark to be made, +and that is, that the prehistoric kings of Babylonia +likewise lived and reigned for abnormally long ages, +according to the records that have come down to +us. Unfortunately, there is nothing complete in +the important original of the Canon of Berosus first +published by the late G. Smith, and the beginning is +especially mutilated. +</p> + +<p> +The likeness between Enoch and the Akkadian +name of the city of Erech, Unug, has already been +pointed out, and it has been suggested that the two +words are identical. This, however, can hardly be +the case, for the Hebrew form of Enoch is Ḫanôḳ, the +initial letter being the guttural <foreign rend='italic'>ḫeth</foreign>, which, notwithstanding +the parallel ease of Hiddekel, the Akkadian +Idigna (the Tigris), weakens the comparison. The +principal argument against the identification, however, +is the fact that, in the bilingual story of the Creation, +the god Merodach is said to have built the city, and +such was evidently the Babylonian belief.<note place='foot'>A later explanation by Prof. Sayce is, that Enoch may be +Ḫana, <q>on the east side of Babylonia,</q> with the determinative +suffix <foreign rend='italic'>ki</foreign> (making Ḫanaki) added. See <hi rend='italic'>Expository Times</hi>, Jan. +1902, p. 179.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The name of Enoch's great-grandson, Methusael, +finds, as has many times been pointed out, its counterpart +in the Babylonian Mut-îli, with the same +meaning (<q>man of God</q>). +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <anchor id='Plate_IV'/> + <figure url='images/illus-iv.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Lower part of the obverse of a terra-cotta tablet from Nineveh, inscribed +with the names of Babylonian kings in Sumerian and Semitic Babylonian. +The 13th line (that running across two columns) has the statement, "These +are the kings who were after the Flood. They are not written in their proper +order." The names of Sargina (Sargon of Agadé) and Hammurabi (Amraphel) +also occur. Found by Sir A. H. Layard and Hormuzd Rassam.</head> + <figDesc>Plate IV.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='085'/><anchor id='Pg085'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter III. The Flood.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +The Biblical account—Its circumstantial nature and its great +length—The Babylonian account—The reason of the Flood and +why Pir-napištim built the Ark—His devotion to the God Ea—Ea +and Jah—Ea's antagonism to Bêl—The bloodless sacrifice—Ea's +gift of immortality—Further observations—Appendix: +The second version of the Flood-story. +</quote> + +<p> +Noah, son of Lamech, had reached the age of five +hundred years, and had three sons, Shem, Ham, and +Japhet; and at this time men had begun to multiply +on the face of the earth, and daughters were born +unto them; then <q>the sons of God saw the daughters +of men that they were fair, and they took them wives +of all that they chose.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The question naturally arises, <q>Who were these +sons of God?</q> According to Job xxxviii. 7, where +we have the statement that <q>The morning stars +sang together, and all the sons of God shouted for +joy,</q> it would seem to be the angels that are intended +by these words, and this is apparently the opinion +generally held by scholars and divines on the subject. +This view seems to be favoured by the Second Epistle +of Peter (ii. 1), though, as the words do not actually +agree with those of the text of Genesis quoted above, +nothing very positive can be maintained concerning +the apostle's dictum—in fact, his words in the passage +referred to, <q>for if God spared not the angels that +sinned, but cast them down to hell, and delivered +them into chains and darkness, to be reserved unto +<pb n='086'/><anchor id='Pg086'/> +judgment,</q> can much more reasonably be regarded as +referring, and therefore giving authority to, the story +of the fall of the angels, as indicated in Avitus, +Caedmon, and Milton, a legend of which the germs +are found in the Babylonian account of the Creation, +referred to in Chapter I. The other passages of Job +where this expression occurs (i. 6, and ii. 2) are not +conclusive as to the meaning <q>angels,</q> for the expressions +<q>sons of God,</q> in those passages, who are said +to have come before the Almighty, may very well +have been merely men. +</p> + +<p> +However the matter may stand, for the passages in +Job, there is every probability that it is not the angels +that are intended in the description we are examining +as to the reasons of the coming of the Flood. As the +late George Bertin was the first to point out, the +Babylonians often used the phrase <q>a son of his god,</q> +apparently to designate <q>a just man,</q> or something +similar. The connection in which this expression +occurs is as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>May Damu, the great enchanter, make his thoughts happy,</q></l> +<l>May the lady who giveth life to the dead, the goddess Gula, heal him by the pressure of her pure hand,</l> +<l>And thou, O gracious Merodach, who lovest the revivification of the dead,</l> +<l>With thy pure incantation of life, free him from his sin, and</l> +<l><q rend='post'>May the man, the son of his god, be pure, clean, and bright.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +In this passage the phrase in question is (in Akkadian) +<foreign rend='italic'>gišgallu dumu dingirana</foreign>, and (in Assyrian) +<foreign rend='italic'>amēlu mâr îli-šu</foreign>. It is a frequent expression in +documents of this class, and always occurs in a similar +connection. In some cases, instead of <q>the man, +the son of his god,</q> the variation <q>the king, the +<pb n='087'/><anchor id='Pg087'/> +son of his god</q> occurs, and is apparently to be paraphrased +in the same way, and understood as <q>the pious +king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +May it not be, then, that <q>the sons of God,</q> who +saw that the daughters of men were fair (lit. good), +and took of them as many wives as they wanted, +were those who were regarded as the pious men of +the time? For who among the angels would at any +time have thought of allying himself with an earthly +and mortal spouse, and begetting children—offspring +who should turn out to be <q>mighty men which were +of old, men of renown,</q> as verse 4 has it? In this +case, the <q>daughters of men</q> would be children of +common people, not possessing any special piety or +other virtue to recommend them, the only thing being +that their daughters were fair, and good enough, in +the opinion of those <q>sons of God,</q> to have as their +wives. +</p> + +<p> +It is apparently given as the result of these unions +between the pious men and the daughters of the +people that wickedness became rife in the earth, and +man's imagination continually evil; and this was so +to such an extent that the Almighty repented of +having created man, and decided to destroy the +wicked generation—both man, and beast, and creeping +thing, and fowl of the air—dwelling upon the +earth—all except Noah, who found favour in the eyes +of Yahwah. +</p> + +<p> +Having decided to destroy the life of the world by +means of a flood, God communicated His intention +and the reason thereof to the patriarch, and instructed +him to build an ark in which he was to save both +himself and his family from the impending destruction. +The vessel is to be built of gopher-wood, to +have rooms in it, and to be pitched within and without +with pitch. The dimensions also are specified. +Its length was to be three hundred cubits, its width +fifty cubits, and its height thirty cubits. He was to +<pb n='088'/><anchor id='Pg088'/> +make the ark <q>with light</q> (צהר or רהצ), that is, with windows, +and their length or height, apparently, was to be a +cubit. The vessel was to have a door, and to be +built with three stories, lower, second, and third. In +accordance with God's covenant with the patriarch, +he, his sons, and his sons' wives were to be saved, +along with every living thing, male and female of +each kind. For all this great multitude a sufficiency +of food was directed to be provided. +</p> + +<p> +Then comes the command (the ark having been +duly built, and all the directions followed) to enter +into the vessel, and further instructions are given with +regard to the creatures that are to be saved, with a +slight modification in the numbers, for the clean +beasts are to be taken in <q>by sevens,</q> and all the +rest, <q>the unclean,</q> by pairs. God then announces +that in seven days' time He will cause rain to come +upon the earth for forty days and forty nights. <q>All +the fountains of the great deep</q> were broken up, and +the Lord shut up those upon whom He had favour in +the ark. +</p> + +<p> +Then, as the rain continued, the waters <q>prevailed +exceedingly</q> upon the earth, and the high hills that +were under the whole heaven were covered, the depth +of the waters being <q>fifteen cubits and upwards.</q> +Everything was destroyed, <q>Noah alone remained +alive, and those who were with him in the ark.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>And the waters prevailed upon the earth an +hundred and fifty days.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The <q>fountains of the deep</q> and <q>the windows of +heaven</q> having been stopped, and the <q>rain from +heaven</q> restrained, the waters abated, leaving the +ark high and dry upon the mountains of Ararat; and +after the tops of the mountains were seen, Noah +looked out of the window that he had made. He +then sent forth a raven and a dove, and the latter, not +finding a resting-place, returned to him, to be sent +forth again at the end of another week. The dove +<pb n='089'/><anchor id='Pg089'/> +again returned bearing in her beak an olive-leaf. +Seven days more passed, and the dove, having been +sent out a third time, returned to him no more. +Recognizing that the waters were now all returned +into their old channels, and that the land was dry +enough for him and his, Noah removed the covering +of the vessel, and saw that his supposition was correct, +and having received the command to come forth from +the ark, which had been his abiding-place for so long, +and to send forth the living creatures that were with +him, the patriarch obeyed, and, when on dry land, +built an altar to Yahwah, and offered burnt offerings +thereon of every clean beast and every clean fowl. +</p> + +<p> +<q>And the Lord smelled a sweet savour (lit. a savour +of rest); and the Lord said in His heart, I will not +again curse the ground any more for man's sake, for +the imagination of man's heart is evil from his youth.... +While the earth remaineth, seedtime and harvest, +and cold and heat, and summer and winter, and day +and night shall not cease.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Then comes, in the ninth chapter, the blessing of +God, with a charge concerning the shedding of blood. +He makes also a covenant with Noah, by the sign of +the rainbow, declaring that a like calamity shall never +again come upon the earth to destroy all life that is +upon it. +</p> + +<p> +Such is, in short, the Bible story of the great flood +that destroyed, at a remote age of the world, all life +upon the earth. It is a narrative circumstantially +told, with day, month, and year all indicated, and it +forms a good subject for comparison with the Babylonian +account, with which it agrees so closely in all +the main points, and from which it differs so much in +many essential details. +</p> + +<p> +As in the case of the Babylonian story of the +Creation, it has been thought well not only to give a +fairly full translation of the Babylonian story of the +Flood, but also to indicate under what circumstances +<pb n='090'/><anchor id='Pg090'/> +that story appears in the series of tablets in which it +is found. +</p> + +<p> +The first to detect the nature of the series of tablets +giving the story of the Flood was the late George +Smith, who had unrivalled opportunities of making +himself thoroughly acquainted with the treasures of +the British Museum in the matter of Assyrian records. +As the story runs, it was whilst searching for the +fragments of the Creation-series that he came across a +fragment of a tablet mentioning that <q>the ship rested +on the mountain of Niṣir,</q> and this at once suggested +to him that this was a reference to the Flood, as, in +fact, it turned out to be. Continued and unremitting +research among the treasures of the Department in +which he was employed enabled him to bring together +a large number of other fragments of the series, +leaving, in fact, very little indeed for any future +student to do in the way of collecting together texts +from the fragments that he had an opportunity of +examining. The <hi rend='italic'>Daily Telegraph</hi> expedition to +Assyria, which was conducted by Mr. Smith himself, +enabled him to add many other fragments to those +which he had already recognized in the Oriental +Department of the British Museum, and Mr. Rassam's +very successful excavations in the same place have +since very considerably increased the list of additions. +</p> + +<p> +The story of the Flood, as known to the Babylonians +and Assyrians, is one chapter or book of a legend +consisting of twelve similar divisions, the first line of +the series beginning with the words <foreign rend='italic'>Ša naqba imûru</foreign>, +<q>He who saw everything,</q> and to this is added in +the colophons, <q>the legend of Gilgameš.</q> The number +of fragments extant is large, but the individual tablets +are very imperfect, that giving the account of the +Flood being by far the most complete, though even +that has very regrettable lacunæ. Incomplete as the +legend is as a whole, an attempt will nevertheless be +made here to give some sort of a connected story, +<pb n='091'/><anchor id='Pg091'/> +which may be regarded as accurate in all its main +details. +</p> + +<p> +The first tablet begins with the words that +have been quoted above, <q>He who saw everything, +[who] ... the land.</q> This is followed, +it would seem, by a description of the hero, who, +apparently, knew <q>the wisdom of the whole (of the +lands?),</q> and <q>saw secret and hidden things.... +He brought news of before the flood, went a +distant road, and (suffered) dire fatigue (?).</q> All +his journeyings and toils were, apparently, inscribed on +tablets of stone, and records thus left for future ages. +</p> + +<p> +Gilgameš, as we learn in the course of the narrative, +was lord or king of <foreign rend='italic'>Uruk supuri</foreign>, or <q>Erech the +walled,</q> and at the time when the story begins, the +fortifications were in a ruinous state, and the treasury +(?) of the sanctuary Ê-anna, the temple of the goddess +Ištar, which is mentioned in the legend immediately +after, was, we may suppose, empty. Other details of +the desolation of the temple are given, and the ruinous +state of the walls of the city are spoken of, together +with the decay of their foundations. +</p> + +<p> +No other fragment of Col. I. of the first tablet of +the Legend of Gilgameš seems to have been recognized, +so that the further references to the city are lost. An +interesting piece that Mr. G. Smith thought to be part +of the third column of this text refers to some misfortune +that came upon the city when the people +moaned like calves, and the maidens grieved like +doves. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The gods of Erech the walled</q></l> +<l>Turned to flies, and hummed in the streets;</l> +<l>The winged bulls of Erech the walled</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Turned to mice, and went out through the holes.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +The city was, on this occasion, besieged for three +years, until at last the god Bêl and the goddess Ištar +interested themselves in the state of things. As to +<pb n='092'/><anchor id='Pg092'/> +who the enemy was who brought the people into such +distress, there is no means at present of finding out, +but Mr. G. Smith suggested, with at least some show +of probability, that they were the Elamites under +Ḫumbaba, who appears later as the opponent of our +hero. The indifference of the gods and the divine +bulls that were supposed to protect the city is well +expressed in the statement that they respectively +turned into flies and mice, buzzing about and active, +but doing no good whatever. +</p> + +<p> +After the reference to the state of Erech, the text +is exceedingly mutilated, and the sense difficult to +gather, but it would seem to have contained a further +description of the hero, who, according to Jensen's +translation, is described as <q>two parts god and the +third part man.</q> To all appearance there was none +in all his realm like him, and also no consort suitable +for him, though he collected to him all the young men +and maidens in the land. This was a matter for +grief, which the (divine powers ?) heard, and they +called upon the goddess Aruru to make another in +his likeness. This being was Êa-banî,<note place='foot'>In this description of the contents of the 12 tablets referring +to Gilgameš, the common reading of the name of his +friend and companion has been retained, partly to keep a form +which was more or less familiar, and partly because the reading +is doubtful. From the new text discovered by Meissner, +however, the name would seem not to be Êa-bani, but Êa-du +or Enki-du. Future discoveries may ultimately give us the true +reading.</note> the mighty +one, to all appearance made to be the rival of +Gilgameš, but if this be the case, he did not fulfil +his destiny, for his delight was to remain with the +beasts of the field. All his body was covered with +hair, and he had long tresses on his head, like those +of a woman (recalling Samson's luxuriant locks). +Far, too, from being the rival of Gilgameš, he became +his most devoted friend and companion. +</p> + +<pb n='093'/><anchor id='Pg093'/> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'><q rend='pre'>Thou, Aruru, hast created (mankind),</q></q></l> +<l>Now make thou (one in) his likeness.</l> +<l>The first day let his heart be (formed?),</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Let him rival (?) and let him overcome (??) Erech.</q></q></l> +<l>Aruru hearing this,</l> +<l>Made the likeness of Anu in the midst of her heart.</l> +<l>Aruru washed her hands,</l> +<l>She pinched off some clay, she threw it on the ground—</l> +<l>(Thus?) Êa-banî she made, the warrior,</l> +<l>The offspring, the seed, the possession of Ninip.</l> +<l>Covered with hair was all his body,</l> +<l>He had tresses like a woman,</l> +<l>The amount (?) of his hair grew thick like corn.</l> +<l>He knew not (?) people and land.</l> +<l>Clothed with a garment like the god Gira.</l> +<l>With the gazelles he eateth the grass,</l> +<l>With the wild beasts he drinketh drink,</l> +<l>With the dwellers in the water his heart delighteth.</l> +<l>The hunter, the destroyer, a man,</l> +<l>Beside the drinking-place he came across him,</l> +<l>The first day, the second day, the third day, beside the drinking-place he came across him.</l> +<l>The hunter saw him, and his (Êa-banî's) countenance became stern,</l> +<l>(He) and his wild beasts entered his house,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>(He became an)gry, stern, and he called out.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Apparently he did not like being watched so long +by the hunter, and becoming suspicious of his intentions, +showed resentment, and tried to drive him +away. It may be noted by the way, that this description +of Êa-banî would answer excellently to the +state attributed for a time to Nebuchadnezzar in the +Book of Daniel. +</p> + +<p> +The hunter has a conversation with his father, who +<pb n='094'/><anchor id='Pg094'/> +was with him, and the upshot of it is that they decide +to communicate to Gilgameš an account of the terrible +man whom they had seen. It was therefore decided +to try to catch or, rather, entice him to Erech by +means of a female named Samḫat. In accordance +with the instructions received, therefore, the hunter +took with him the woman who was intrusted to him, +and they awaited Êa-banî in the same place, by the +side of the water. After watching for him for two +days, they got into communication with him, and the +woman asked him why he dwelt with the wild +animals, depicting at the same time all the glory +of Erech the walled and the nobility of Gilgameš, so +that he soon allowed himself to be persuaded, and, in +the end, went and took up his abode there. +</p> + +<p> +Various things are then narrated, the most important +of them being the episode of the Elamite +Ḫumbaba, the same name, though not the same +person, as the Kombabos of the Greeks. +</p> + +<p> +Gilgameš seems to have gone to a place where there +was a forest of cedar-trees, accompanied by Êa-banî. +Near this place, apparently, there was a splendid +palace, the abode (?) of a great queen. Judging from +what remains of the text, they ask their way of her, +and she it is who seems to tell them how to reach the +dominions of the potentate whom they seek. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>A distant road is the place of Ḫumbaba.</q></l> +<l>A conflict that he (Gilgameš) knoweth not he will meet,</l> +<l>A road that he knoweth not he will ride,</l> +<l>As long as he goeth and returneth,</l> +<l>Until he reach the forest of cedars,</l> +<l>Until the mighty Ḫumbaba he subdueth,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>And whatever is evil, what ye hate, he shall destroy in the l(and).</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Evidently, from the extent of the record in this place, +many adventures befell them, but the fragmentary +<pb n='095'/><anchor id='Pg095'/> +lines and the numerous lacunæ make a connected +narrative absolutely impossible, and it is not until we +reach the first column of what Mr. G. Smith regarded as +the fifth tablet that we get something more satisfactory +than this. The hero has apparently come within +measurable distance of his goal— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>They stood and looked on the forest,</q></l> +<l>They regarded the height of the cedar,</l> +<l>They regarded the depth of the forest,</l> +<l>Where Ḫumbaba walked, striding high (?),</l> +<l>The roads prepared, the way made good.</l> +<l>They saw the mountain of the cedar, the dwelling of the gods, the shrine of the god Irnini,</l> +<l>Before the mountain the cedar raised its luxuriance—</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Good was its shade, full of delight.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +They had still a long way to go, however, and +many things, seemingly, to overcome, before they +should reach the abode of the dreaded Elamite ruler, +but unfortunately, the details of their adventures are +so very fragmentary that no connected sense whatever +is to be made out. The last line of the tablet referring +to this section, mentioning, as it does, the +head of Ḫumbaba, leads the reader to guess the +conclusion of the story, whatever the details may +have been. +</p> + +<p> +It is with the sixth tablet that we meet, for the +first time, almost, with something really satisfactory +in the matter of completeness, though even here one +is sometimes pulled up sharp by a defective or +doubtful passage. +</p> + +<p> +Apparently, Gilgameš had become, at the time to +which this tablet refers, very prosperous, and that, +combined with his other attractions, evidently drew +upon him the attention of the goddess Ištar— +</p> + +<pb n='096'/><anchor id='Pg096'/> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Come, Gilgameš, be thou the bridegroom,</q></l> +<l>Give thy substance to me as a gift,</l> +<l>Be thou my husband, and let me be thy wife.</l> +<l>I will cause to be yoked for thee a chariot of lapis-lazuli and gold,</l> +<l>Whose wheels are gold and adamant its poles.</l> +<l>Thou shalt harness thereto the white ones, the great steeds.</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Enter into our house mid the scent of the cedar.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +At his entering, the people were to kiss his feet, +and kings, lords, and princes do him homage, and +lastly, he was to have no rival upon the earth. +</p> + +<p> +In the mutilated passage that follows, Gilgameš +answers the goddess, reproaching her with her treatment +of her former lovers or husbands, which seems +to have been far from satisfactory. Reference to a +<q>wall of stone,</q> and to <q>the land of the enemy,</q> +seem to point to imprisonment and expulsion, and +the words <q>Who is the bridegroom (whom thou hast +kept?) for ever?</q> indicate clearly the opinion in which +the hero held the goddess. From generalities, however, +he proceeds to more specific charges— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>To Tammuz, the husband of thy youth,</q></l> +<l>From year to year thou causest bitter weeping.</l> +<l>Thou lovedst the bright-coloured Allala bird,</l> +<l>Thou smotest him and brokest his wings,</l> +<l><q rend='none'>He stayed in the forests crying, <q>My wings!</q></q></l> +<l>Thou lovedst also a lion, perfect in strength,</l> +<l>By sevens didst thou cut wounds in him.</l> +<l>Thou lovedst also a horse, glorious in war,</l> +<l>Harness, spur, and bit (?) thou laidest upon him,</l> +<l>Seven <foreign rend='italic'>kaspu</foreign> (49 miles) thou madest him gallop,</l> +<l>Distress and sweat thou causedst him,</l> +<l>To his mother Silili thou causedst bitter weeping.</l> +<l>Thou lovedst also a shepherd of the flock,</l> +<pb n='097'/><anchor id='Pg097'/> +<l>Who constantly laid out before thee rich foods (?),</l> +<l>Daily slaughtering for thee suckling kids,</l> +<l>Thou smotest him and changedst him to a jackal,</l> +<l>His own shepherd-boy drove him away,</l> +<l>And his dogs bit his limbs.</l> +<l>Thou lovedst also Išullanu, thy father's gardener,</l> +<l>Who constantly transmitted (?) thy provisions (?),</l> +<l>Daily making thy dishes bright.</l> +<l>Thou raisedst thine eyes to him, and preparedst food.</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>My Išullanu, divide the food, let us eat,</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>And stretch forth thine hand, and taste of our dish.</q></q></l> +<l>Išullanu said to thee:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Me, what (is this that) thou askest me?</q></q></l> +<l>My mother, do not cook (this), I have never eaten (of it)—</l> +<l>For should I eat foods of enchantments and witcheries?</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>[Food bringing?] cold, exhaustion, madness (?)?</q></q></l> +<l>Thou heardest this [the speech of Išullanu],</l> +<l>Thou smotest him, and changedst him into a statue (?),</l> +<l>Thou settest him in the midst of (thy) dom(ain?),</l> +<l>He raiseth not the libation-vase, he descendeth (?) not....</l> +<l><q rend='post'>And as for me, thou wouldst love me and (make me) even as these!</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Ištar being angry at these reproaches and accusations +of the Babylonian hero, immediately ascended +to heaven and complained to her father Anu and her +mother Anatum that Gilgameš had reproached her +with her enchantments and witcheries, and after a +long conversation, a divine bull is sent against the +hero and his friend. The heavenly animal is overcome, +principally by the activity of Êa-banî, who after +<pb n='098'/><anchor id='Pg098'/> +its death, when the goddess Ištar was lamenting its +overthrow, cut off a portion of the body, and threw it +at her. Great were the rejoicings at Erech the walled +at the triumph of the hero and his counsellor, and +after the feast that was held, they all lay down to +sleep. Êa-banî also lay down with the rest, and +during the night he saw a dream, of the details of +which nothing is known, though, from the words with +which it seems to be introduced, <q>My friend, on +account of what do the gods take counsel,</q> it may be +supposed that the defiance and opposition which +these mortals had offered to the goddess Ištar was +engaging the attention of the heavenly powers with a +view to some action being taken. As it is with these +words that Êa-banî begins to tell his dream to +Gilgameš, there is no doubt that the Babylonians +regarded the former as having been admitted, whilst +asleep (as in the case of the Babylonian Noah), into +the councils of the gods. The solitary line that is +quoted above is the first of the seventh tablet. +</p> + +<p> +The details of the legend now again become obscure, +but thus much can be gathered, namely, that Gilgameš +in his turn had a dream, and that, all appearance, +Êa-banî interpreted it. Later on, Êa-banî falls ill, +and lies without moving for twelve days. Though +unwilling to regard his friend as dead, Gilgameš +mourns for him bitterly, and decides to make a +journey, apparently with the object of finding out +about his friend Êa-banî, and ascertaining whether +there were any means of bringing him back to earth +again. +</p> + +<p> +He sets out, and comes to the place where the +<q>scorpion-men,</q> with their heads reaching to heaven, +and their breasts on a level with Hades, guarded the +place of the rising and the setting sun. The horror +of their appearance, which was death to behold, is +forcibly described on the tablet. The hero was +struck with terror on seeing them, but as he was of +<pb n='099'/><anchor id='Pg099'/> +divine origin (<q>his body is of the flesh of the gods,</q> +as the scorpion-man says to his female), death has no +power over him on account of them. He seems to +describe to them his journey, and the object he had +in view. Pir-napištim, the Babylonian Noah, is +mentioned in the course of the conversation, and it +may be supposed that it is on account of his desire to +visit him that he asks these monsters for advice. He +afterwards comes into contact with the goddess Siduri, +<q>who sits upon the throne of the sea,</q> and she, on +seeing him, shuts her gate. He speaks to her of this, +and threatens to break it open. Having gained admission, +he apparently tells the goddess the reason of his +journey, and she, in return, describes to him the way +that he would have to take, the sea that he would +have to cross, and of the deep waters of death that +bar the way to the abode of the Babylonian Noah, +who had attained unto everlasting life, and whose +pilot or boatman, Ur-Šanabi, was to take the Erechite +hero to his presence. +</p> + +<p> +After a long conversation with Ur-Šanabi, concerning +the road that they will take, they start +together, and after passing through a forest, they +embark in a ship, and reach, at the end of a month +and ten days, the <q>waters of death.</q> There +Gilgameš does something a number of times, and +afterwards sees afar off Pir-napištim, the Babylonian +Noah, who apparently communes with himself concerning +the visitor who has come to his shores. The +conversation which follows is very mutilated, but in +the course of his explanation of the reason of his visit, +Gilgameš relates all his adventures—how he had +traversed all the countries, and crossed difficult +mountains, his visit to Siduri, and her refusal to +open the door to him, with many other things. The +conversation apparently, after a time, becomes of +a philosophical nature, for, in the course of it, Pir-napištim +says— +</p> + +<pb n='100'/><anchor id='Pg100'/> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Always have we built a house,</q></l> +<l>Always do we seal (?) (the contract).</l> +<l>Always have brothers share together,</l> +<l>Always is the seed in (the earth?),</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Always the river rises bringing a flood.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +He then discourses, apparently among other things, +of death, and says— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The Anunnaki, the great gods, are assembled (?).</q></l> +<l>Mammitum, maker of fate, sets with them the destinies.</l> +<l>They have made life and death,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>(But) the death-days are not made known.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +With these words the tenth tablet of the Gilgameš +series comes to an end. +</p> + +<div> +<head>The Eleventh Tablet Of The Gilgameš Series, +Containing The Story Of The Flood.</head> + +<p> +As this tablet is the most complete of the series, it +may not be considered out of place to give here a +description of the outward appearance of the document—or, +rather, of the documents, for there are +many copies. This description will serve, to a certain +extent, for all the other tablets of the series, when in +their complete state. +</p> + +<p> +The size of the document which best shows the +form is about 8-½ inches wide, by 5-7/8 inches high. +It is rectangular in form, and is inscribed on +both sides with three columns of writing (six in +all). The total number of lines, as given in the +text published in the second edition of the fourth +vol. of the <hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia</hi>, +is 293, including the catch-line and colophon, but as +many of these lines are, in reality, double ones (the +scribes frequently squeezed two lines into the space of +one, so as to economize space), the original number +<pb n='101'/><anchor id='Pg101'/> +of the lines was probably nearer 326, or, with the +catch-line and colophon, 330. It is probable that the +other tablets of the series were not so closely written +as this, and in these cases the number of lines is +fewer. +</p> + +<p> +The tablet opens with the continuation of the conversation +between Gilgameš and <q>Pir-napištim the +remote</q>— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Gilgameš said also to him, to Pir-napištim the remote:</q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>I perceive thee, O Pir-napištim,</q></q></l> +<l>Thy features are not changed—like me art thou,</l> +<l>And thou (thyself) art not changed, like me art thou.</l> +<l>Put an end in thine heart to the making of resistance,</l> +<l>(Here?) art thou placed, does that rise against thee,</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>(Now?) that thou remainest, and hast attained life in the assembly of the gods?</q></q></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pir-napištim said also to him, to Gilgameš:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Let me tell thee, Gilgameš, the account of my preservation,</q></q></l> +<l>And let me tell thee, even thee, the decision of the gods.</l> +<l>Šurippak, the city which thou knowest,</l> +<l>Lies (upon the bank) of the Euphrates.</l> +<l>That city was old, and the gods within it.</l> +<l>The great gods decided in their hearts to make a flood.</l> +<l>There (?) was (?) their father Anu,</l> +<l>Their counsellor, the warrior Ellila,</l> +<l>Their throne-bearer, Ninip,</l> +<l>Their leader, En-nu-gi.</l> +<l>Nin-igi-azaga, the god Ae, communed with them, and</l> +<pb n='102'/><anchor id='Pg102'/> +<l>Repeated their command to the earth:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Earth, earth! Town, town!</q></q></q></l> +<l>O earth, hear: and town, understand!</l> +<l>Surippakite, son of Umbara-Tutu,</l> +<l>Destroy the house, build a ship,</l> +<l>Leave what thou hast (?), see to thy life.</l> +<l>Destroy the hostile and save life,</l> +<l>Take up the seed of life, all of it, into the midst of the ship.</l> +<l>The ship which thou shalt make, even thou,</l> +<l>Let its size be measured,</l> +<l>Let it agree (as to) its height and its length;</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>(Behold) the deep, launch her (thither).</q></q></q></l> +<l>I understood and said to Ae, my lord:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>[Behol]d, my lord, what thou, even thou, hast said, verily (?)</q></q></q></l> +<l>It is excellent (?), (and) I will do (it).</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>(How?) may I answer the city—the young men and the elders?</q></q></q></l> +<l>Ae opened his mouth and spake,</l> +<l>He said to his servant, to me:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Thus, then, shalt thou say unto them;</q></q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>It has been told me (that) Ellila hates me,</q></q></l> +<l>I will not dwell in ... and</l> +<l>In the territory of Ellila I will not set my face—</l> +<l>I will descend to the deep, with (Ae) my lord I shall (constantly) dwell.</l> +<l>(As for) you, he will cause abundance to rain down upon you, and</l> +<l>(Beasts and?) birds (shall be) the prey (?) of the fishes, and</l> +<l>... he will enclose, (?), and</l> +<l>... of a storm (?),</l> +<l><q rend='post'><q rend='post'><q rend='post'>(In the night) the heavens will rain down upon (y)ou destruction.</q></q></q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +With these words the second paragraph comes to +an end, the total number of lost or greatly mutilated +<pb n='103'/><anchor id='Pg103'/> +lines being about nine. Very little of the contents of +these lines can be made out, as not much more than +traces of words remain. Where the lines begin to +become fairly complete, the text seems to refer to the +building of the ship, upon which four days had already +been spent, its form being laid down on the fifth day. +The description of the building, which is somewhat +minute, is exceedingly difficult to translate, and +any rendering of it must therefore, at the present +time, be regarded as tentative. Its bulwarks seem to +have risen four measures, and a deck (apparently) is +mentioned. Its interior was pitched with six <foreign rend='italic'>šar</foreign> +of bitumen, and its outside with three <foreign rend='italic'>šar</foreign> of pitch, +or bitumen of a different kind. The provisionment +of the vessel is next described, but this part is +mutilated. A quantity of oil for the crew and pilot +is referred to, and oxen were also slaughtered, apparently +as a propitiatory sacrifice on the completion +of the vessel. Various kinds of drink were then +brought on board, both intoxicating and otherwise, +plentiful (this may be regarded as the word to be +supplied here) <q>like the waters of a river.</q> After +this we have references to the completion of certain +details—holes for the cables above and below, etc., +and with this the third paragraph comes to an end. +</p> + +<p> +In the next paragraph Pir-napištim collects his +goods and his family, and enters into the ark:— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>All I possessed I transferred thereto,</q></l> +<l>All I possessed I transferred thereto, silver,</l> +<l>All I possessed I transferred thereto, gold;</l> +<l>All I possessed I transferred thereto, the seed of life, the whole</l> +<l>I caused to go up into the midst of the ship. All my family and relatives,</l> +<l>The beasts of the field, the animals of the field, the sons of the artificers—all of them I sent up.</l> +<l>The god Šamaš appointed the time—</l> +<pb n='104'/><anchor id='Pg104'/> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Muir kukki</foreign>—In the night I will cause the heavens to rain destruction,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Enter into the midst of the ship and shut thy door.</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>That time approached—</q></l> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Muir kukki</foreign>—In the night the heavens rained destruction.</l> +<l>I saw the appearance of the day:</l> +<l>I was afraid to look upon the day—</l> +<l>I entered into the midst of the ship, and shut my door.</l> +<l>For the guiding of the ship, to Buzur-Kurgala, the pilot,</l> +<l>I gave the great house with its goods.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>At the appearance of dawn in the morning,</l> +<l>There arose from the foundation of heaven a dark cloud:</l> +<l>Rimmon thundered in the midst of it, and</l> +<l>Nebo and Šarru went in front</l> +<l>Then went the throne-bearers (over) mountain and plain.</l> +<l>Ura-gala dragged out the cables,</l> +<l>Then came Ninip, casting down destruction,</l> +<l>The Anunnaki raised (their) torches,</l> +<l>With their brilliance they illuminated the land.</l> +<l>Rimmon's destruction reached to heaven,</l> +<l>Everything bright to darkness turned,</l> +<l>... the land like ... it ...</l> +<l>The first day, the storm (?) ...</l> +<l>Swiftly it swept, and ... the land (?)....</l> +<l>Like a battle against the people it sought....</l> +<l>Brother saw not brother.</l> +<l>The people were not to be recognized. In heaven</l> +<l>The gods feared the flood, and</l> +<l>They fled, they ascended to the heaven of Anu.</l> +<l>The gods kenneled like dogs, crouched down in the enclosures.</l> +<pb n='105'/><anchor id='Pg105'/> +<l>Ištar spake like a mother.<note place='foot'>Variant, <q>with loud voice.</q></note></l> +<l>The lady of the gods<note place='foot'>Variant, <q>Maḫ.</q></note> called out, making her voice resound:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>All that generation has turned to corruption.</q></q></l> +<l>Because I spoke evil in the assembly of the gods,</l> +<l>When I spoke evil in the assembly of the gods,</l> +<l>I spoke of battle for the destruction of my people.</l> +<l>Verily I have begotten (man), but where is he?</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Like the sons of the fishes he fills the sea.</q></q></l> +<l>The gods of the Anunnaki were weeping with her.</l> +<l>The gods had crouched down, seated in lamentation,</l> +<l>Covered were their lips in (all) the assemblies,</l> +<l>Six days and nights</l> +<l>The wind blew, the deluge and flood overwhelmed the land.</l> +<l>The seventh day, when it came, the storm ceased, the raging flood,</l> +<l>Which had contended like a whirlwind,</l> +<l>Quieted, the sea shrank back, and the evil wind and deluge ended.</l> +<l>I noticed the sea making a noise,</l> +<l>And all mankind had turned to corruption.</l> +<l>Like palings the marsh-reeds appeared.</l> +<l>I opened my window, and the light fell upon my face,</l> +<l>I fell back dazzled, I sat down, I wept,</l> +<l>Over my face flowed my tears.</l> +<l>I noted the regions, the shore of the sea,</l> +<l>For twelve measures the region arose.</l> +<l>The ship had stopped at the land of Niṣṣir.</l> +<l>The mountain of Niṣir seized the ship, and would not let it pass.</l> +<l>The first day and the second day the mountain of Niṣir seized the ship, and would not let it pass,</l> +<pb n='106'/><anchor id='Pg106'/> +<l>The third day and the fourth day the mountain of Niṣir, etc.,</l> +<l>The fifth and sixth the mountain of Niṣir, etc.,</l> +<l>The seventh day, when it came</l> +<l>I sent forth a dove, and it left,</l> +<l>The dove went, it turned about,</l> +<l>But there was no resting-place, and it returned.</l> +<l>I sent forth a swallow, and it left,</l> +<l>The swallow went, it turned about,</l> +<l>But there was no resting-place, and it returned.</l> +<l>I sent forth a raven, and it left,</l> +<l>The raven went, the rushing of the waters it saw,</l> +<l>It ate, it waded, it croaked, it did not return.</l> +<l>I sent forth (the animals) to the four winds, I poured out a libation,</l> +<l>I made an offering on the peak of the mountain,</l> +<l>Seven and seven I set incense-vases there,</l> +<l>In their depths I poured cane, cedar, and rosewood (?).</l> +<l>The gods smelled a savour,</l> +<l>The gods smelled a sweet savour,</l> +<l>The gods gathered like flies over the sacrificer.</l> +<l>Then the goddess Maḫ, when she came,</l> +<l>Raised the great signets that Anu had made at her wish:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>These gods—by the lapis-stone of my neck—let me not forget,</q></q></l> +<l>These days let me remember, nor forget them forever!</l> +<l>Let the gods come to the sacrifice,</l> +<l>But let not Ellila come to the sacrifice,</l> +<l>For he did not take counsel, and made a flood,</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>And consigned my people to destruction.</q></q></l> +<l>Then Ellila, when he came,</l> +<l>Saw the ship. And Ellila was wroth,</l> +<l>Filled with anger on account of the gods and the spirits of heaven.</l> +<pb n='107'/><anchor id='Pg107'/> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>What, has a soul escaped?</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Let not a man be saved from the destruction.</q></q></l> +<l>Ninip opened his mouth and spake,</l> +<l>He said to the warrior Ellila:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Who but Ae has done the thing</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>And Ae knows every event.</q></q></l> +<l>Ae opened his mouth and spake,</l> +<l>He said to the warrior Ellila:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Thou sage of the gods, warrior,</q></q></l> +<l>Verily thou hast not taken counsel, and hast made a flood.</l> +<l>The sinner has committed his sin,</l> +<l>The evildoer has committed his misdeed,</l> +<l>Be merciful—let him not be cut off—yield, let (him) not perish.</l> +<l>Why hast thou made a flood?</l> +<l>Let the lion come, and let men diminish.</l> +<l>Why hast thou made a flood?</l> +<l>Let the hyæna come, and let men diminish.</l> +<l>Why hast thou made a flood?</l> +<l>Let a famine happen, and let the land be destroyed (?).</l> +<l>Why hast thou made a flood?</l> +<l>Let Ura (pestilence) come, and let the land be devastated (?).</l> +<l>I did not reveal the decision of the great gods—</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>I caused Atra-ḫasis to see a dream, and he heard the decision of the gods.</q></q></l> +<l>When he had taken counsel (with himself),</l> +<l>Ae went up into the midst of the ship,</l> +<l>He took my hand and he led me up, even me</l> +<l>He brought up and caused my woman to kneel (?) at my side;</l> +<l>He touched us, and standing between us, he blessed us (saying):</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Formerly Pir-napištim was a man:</q></q></l> +<l>Now (as for) Pir-napištim and his woman, let them be like unto the gods, (even) us,</l> +<pb n='108'/><anchor id='Pg108'/> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>And let Pir-napištim dwell afar at the mouths of the rivers.</q></q></l> +<l>He took me, and afar at the mouths of the rivers he caused me to dwell.</l> +<l>Now as for thee, who of the gods shall restore thee to health?</l> +<l>That thou see the life that thou seekest, even thou?</l> +<l>Well, lie not down to sleep six days and seven nights,</l> +<l>Like one who is sitting down in the midst of his sorrow (?),</l> +<l>Sleep like a dark cloud hovereth over him.</l> +<l>Pir-napištim then said to his wife:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>See, the hero who desireth life,</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Sleep like a dark cloud hovereth over him.</q></q></l> +<l>His wife then said to Pir-napištim the remote:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Touch him, and let him awake a man—</q></q></l> +<l>Let him return in health by the road that he came,</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Let him return to his country by the great gate by which he came forth.</q></q></l> +<l>Pir-napištim said to his wife:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>The suffering of men hurteth thee.</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Come, cook his food, set it by his head.</q></q></l> +<l>And the day that he lay down in the enclosure of his ship,</l> +<l>She cooked his food, she set it by his head:</l> +<l>And the day when he lay down in the enclosure of his cabin</l> +<l>First his food was ground,</l> +<l>Secondly it was sifted,</l> +<l>Thirdly it was moistened,</l> +<l>Fourthly she rolled out his dough,</l> +<l>Fifthly she threw down a part,</l> +<l>Sixthly it was cooked,</l> +<l>Seventhly he (or she) touched him suddenly, and he awoke a man!</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='109'/><anchor id='Pg109'/> + +<lg> +<l>Gilgameš said to him (even) to Pir-napištim the remote:</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>That sleep quite overcame me</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='post'><q rend='post'>Swiftly didst thou touch me, and didst awaken me, even thou.</q></q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Pir-napištim, in answer to this, tells Gilgameš what +had been done to him, repeating the description of +the preparation of his food in the same words as +had been used to describe the ceremony (for such it +apparently is), and ending by saying, <q>Suddenly I +touched thee, (even) I, and thou awokest, (even) thou.</q> +Thus putting beyond question the personality of the +one who effected the transformation which was +brought about, though he leaves out the word <q>man,</q> +which hid from the hero the fact that a transformation +had in consequence taken place in him. The ceremonies +were not by any means finished, however, for +the boatman or pilot had to take him to the place +of lustration to be cleansed, and for the skin, with +which he seems to have been covered, to fall off. +The Babylonian patriarch then tells him of a wonderful +plant which would make an old man young again, and +Gilgameš gets possession of one of these. On his +way to his own country in the company of the boatman +or pilot, he stops to perform what seems to be +a religious ceremony, at a well, when a serpent smells +the plant,<note place='foot'>Compare the story of Aesculapius, who, when in the +house of Glaucus, killed a serpent, upon which another of +these reptiles came with a herb in its mouth, wherewith it +restored its dead companion to life. Aesculapius was to all +appearance luckier than Gilgameš, for it was with this herb +that he restored the sick and dead, whereas the Babylonian +hero seems to have lost the precious plant.</note> and, apparently in consequence of that, a +lion comes and takes it away. Gilgameš greatly +laments his loss, saying that he had not benefited +by the possession of this wonderful plant, but the +lion of the desert had gained the advantage. After +<pb n='110'/><anchor id='Pg110'/> +a journey only varied by the religious festivals that +they kept, they at length reached Erech, the walled. +Here, after a reference to the dilapidation of the place, +and a statement seemingly referring to the offerings +to be made if repairs had not, during his absence, +been effected, the eleventh and most important tablet +of the Gilgameš series comes to an end. +</p> + +<p> +Of the twelfth tablet but a small portion exists, +though fragments of more than one copy have been +found. In this we learn that Gilgameš still lamented +for his friend Êa-banî, whom he had lost so long +before. Wishing to know of his present state and +how he fared, he called to the spirit of his friend +thus— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Thou restest not the bow upon the ground,</q></l> +<l>What has been smitten by the bow surround thee.</l> +<l>The staff thou raisest not in thine hand,</l> +<l>The spirits (of the slain) enclose thee.</l> +<l>Shoes upon thy feet thou dost not set,</l> +<l>A cry upon earth thou dost not make:</l> +<l>Thy wife whom thou lovest thou kissest not,</l> +<l>Thy wife whom thou hatest thou smitest not;</l> +<l>Thy child whom thou lovest thou kissest not,</l> +<l>Thy child whom thou hatest thou smitest not.</l> +<l><q rend='post'>The sorrowing earth hath taken thee.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Gilgameš then seems to invoke the goddess +<q>Mother of Nin-a-zu,</q> seemingly asking her to restore +his friend to him, but to all appearance without +result. He then turned to the other deities—Bêl, +Sin, and Ea, and the last-named seems to have +interceded for Êa-banî with Nerigal, the god of the +under-world, who, at last, opened the earth, <q>and +the spirit of Êa-banî like mist arose (?).</q> His friend +being thus restored to him, though probably only +for a time, and not in bodily form, Gilgameš asks +<pb n='111'/><anchor id='Pg111'/> +him to describe the appearance of the world from +which he had just come. <q>If I tell thee the appearance +of the land I have seen,</q> he answers, <q>... sit +down, weep.</q> Gilgameš, however, still persists—<q>... +let me sit down, let me weep,</q> he answers. +Seeing that he would not be denied, Êa-banî complies +with his request. It was a place where dwelt +people who had sinned in their heart, where (the +young) were old, and the worm devoured, a place +filled with dust. This was the place of those who +had not found favour with their god, who had met +with a shameful death (as had apparently Êa-banî +himself). The blessed, on the other hand— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Whom thou sawest [die] the death (?) [of] . .[I see]—</q></l> +<l>In the resting-place of .... reposing, pure water he drinketh.</l> +<l>Whom in the battle thou sawest killed, I see—</l> +<l>His father and his mother support his head</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>And his wife sitteth [? beside him].</l> +<l>Whose corpse thou hast seen thrown down on the plain, I see—</l> +<l>His spirit on earth reposeth not.</l> +<l>Whose spirit thou sawest without a caretaker, I see—</l> +<l>The leavings of the dish, the rejected of the food,</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><q rend='post'>Which in the street is thrown, he eateth.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +And with this graphic description of the world of +the dead the twelfth and concluding tablet of the +Gilgameš series comes to an end. +</p> + +<p> +With the Gilgameš series of tablets as a whole we +have not here to concern ourselves, except to remark, +that the story of the Flood is apparently inserted in +it in order to bring greater glory to the hero, whom +the writer desired to bring into connection with one +who was regarded as the greatest and most renowned +of old times, and who, on account of the favour that +<pb n='112'/><anchor id='Pg112'/> +the gods had to him, had attained to immortality +and to divinity. Except the great Merodach himself, +no divine hero of past ages appealed to the Babylonian +mind so strongly as Pir-napištim, who was called +Atra-ḫasis, the hero of the Flood. +</p> + +<p> +The reason of the coming of the Flood seems to +have been regarded by the Babylonians as two-fold. +In the first place, as Pir-napištim is made to say +(see p. <ref target='Pg100'>100</ref>), <q>Always the river rises and brings a +flood</q>—in other words, it was a natural phenomenon. +But in the course of the narrative which he relates +to Gilgameš, the true reason is implied, though it +does not seem to be stated in words. And this +reason is the same as that of the Old Testament, +namely, the wickedness of the world. If it should +again become needful to punish mankind with +annihilation on account of their wickedness, the +instrument was to be the lion, or the hyæna, or +pestilence—not a flood. And we have not to go far +to seek the reason for this. By a flood, the whole +of mankind might—in fact, certainly would—be destroyed, +whilst by the other means named some, in all +probability, would escape. There was at least one +of the gods who did not feel inclined to witness +the complete destruction of the human race without +a protest, and an attempt on his part to frustrate +such a merciless design. +</p> + +<p> +Little doubt exists that there is some motive in +this statement on the part of the Babylonian author +of the legend. It has been already noted that +Merodach (the god who generally bears the title of +<foreign rend='italic'>Bêl</foreign>, or <q>lord</q>) was, in Babylonian mythology, not +one of the older gods, he having displaced his +father Ea or Ae, in consequence of the predominance +of Babylon, whose patron god Merodach was. +Could it be that the Babylonians believed that the +visitation of the flood was due to the vengeful +anger of Merodach, aroused by the people's non-acceptance +<pb n='113'/><anchor id='Pg113'/> +of his kingship? It seems unlikely. +Pir-napištim was himself a worshipper of Ae, and +on account of that circumstance, he is represented +in the story as being under the special protection +of that god. To all appearance, therefore, the reason +which Pir-napištim is represented as having given, +for the building of the ship, to his fellow-townsmen, +was not intended to be altogether false. The god +Ellila hated him, and therefore he was going to dwell +with Ae, his lord—on the bosom of the deep which +he ruled. An announcement of the impending +doom is represented as having been made to the +people by the patriarch, and it is therefore doubly +unfortunate that the next paragraph is so mutilated, +for it doubtless gave, when complete, some account +of the way in which they received the notice of the +destruction that was about to be rained down upon +them. +</p> + +<p> +It has been more than once suggested, and Prof. +Hommel has stated the matter as his opinion, that +the name of the god Aê or Ea, another possible +reading of which is Aa, may be in some way +connected with, and perhaps originated the Assyro-Babylonian +divine name Ya'u, <q>God,</q> which is +cognate with the Hebrew Yah or, as it is generally +written, Jah. If this be the case, it would seem to +imply that a large section of the people remained +faithful to his worship, and the flood of the +Babylonians may symbolize some persecution of +them by the worshippers of the god Ellila, angry +at the slight put upon him by their neglect or +unwillingness to acknowledge him as the chief of +the Pantheon. Some of the people may, indeed, +have worshipped Ae or Aa alone, thus constituting +a kind of monotheism. This, nevertheless, is very +uncertain, and at present unprovable. It is worthy +of note, however, that at a later date there was a +tendency to identify all the deities of the Babylonian +<pb n='114'/><anchor id='Pg114'/> +Pantheon with Merodach, and what in the <q>middle +ages</q> of the Babylonians existed with regard to +Merodach may very well have existed for the worship +of Ae or Ea at an earlier date. The transfer, in the +Semitic Babylonian Creation-story, of the name of +Aê to his son Merodach may perhaps be a re-echo +of the tendency to identify all the gods with Ae, when +the latter was the supreme object of worship in the +land. There is one thing that is certain, and that +is, that the Chaldean Noah, Pir-napištim, was faithful +in the worship of the older god, who therefore +warned him, thus saving his life. Ae, the god who +knew all things, knew also the design of his fellows +to destroy mankind, and being <q>all and always eye,</q> +to adopt a phrase used by John Bunyan, he bore, as +a surname, that name Nin-igi-azaga, <q>Lord of the +bright eye,</q> so well befitting one who, even among +his divine peers, was the lord of unsearchable wisdom. +</p> + +<p> +It is unfortunately a difficult thing to make a +comparison of the ark as described in Genesis with +a ship of the Babylonian story. It was thought, +by the earlier translators of the Babylonian story +of the Flood, that its size was indicated in the +second paragraph of the story (p. <ref target='Pg102'>102</ref>, ll. 11, 12), but +Dr. Haupt justly doubts that rendering. If the +size of the vessel were indicated at all, it was +probably in the next paragraph, where the building +of the ship is described. This part, however, +is so very mutilated, that very little clear sense can +be made out of it. The Babylonian home-land of +the story seems certainly to be indicated by the +mention of two kinds of bitumen or pitch for +caulking the vessel, Babylonia being the land of +bitumen <foreign rend='italic'>par excellence</foreign>. Those who were to live +on board were to sustain themselves with the flesh +of oxen, and to all appearance they cheered the +weary hours with the various kinds of drink of +which they laid in store. They were not neglectful, +<pb n='115'/><anchor id='Pg115'/> +either, of the oil that they used in preparing +the various dishes, and with which they anointed +their persons. All these points, though but little +things in themselves, go to show that the story, +in its Babylonian dress, was really written in the +country of that luxury-loving people. The mention +of holes for the cables, too, shows that the +story is the production of maritime people, such +as the Babylonians were. +</p> + +<p> +Apparently the Babylonians found there was +something inconsistent in the patriarch being saved +without any of his relatives (except his sons), +and the artificers who had helped him to build +the ship which was to save him from the destruction +that overwhelmed his countrymen and theirs. +For this reason, and also because of the relationship +that might be supposed to exist between +master and servant, his relatives and the sons of +the artificers<note place='foot'>Apparently meaning the same as if the word <q>artificers</q> +only had been used. Compare the expression <q>a son of +Babylon</q> for <q>a Babylonian.</q></note> are saved along with his own family, +which, of course, would not only include his sons, +but their wives also. On this point, therefore, the +two accounts may be regarded as in agreement. +</p> + +<p> +When all was ready, the Sun-god, called by the +usual Semitic name of Šamaš, appointed the time +for the coming of the catastrophe. This would seem +to be another confirmation of the statement already +made, that the Babylonians, like the Hebrews +(see Gen. i. 14-18), regarded one of the uses +of the sun as being to indicate seasons and +times. It was a great and terrible time, such +as caused terror to the beholder, and the patriarch +was smitten with fear. Here, as in other parts of +the Babylonian version, there is a human interest +that is to a large extent wanting in the precise and +detailed Hebrew account. Again the maritime +<pb n='116'/><anchor id='Pg116'/> +nation is in evidence, where the consigning of the +ship into the care of a pilot is referred to. Of +course such an official could do but little more +than prevent disastrous misfortune from the vessel +being the plaything of the waves. In the description +of the storm, the terror of the gods, Ištar's grief, +and Maḫ's anger at the destruction of mankind, we +see the production of a nation steeped in idolatry, +but there are but few Assyro-Babylonian documents +in which this fact is not made evident. +</p> + +<p> +We have a return to the Biblical story in the +sending forth of the birds, and the sacrifice of +odoriferous herbs, when the gods smelled a sweet +savour, and gathered like flies over the sacrificer. +In the signets of Maḫ, <q>the lady of the gods,</q> by +which she swears, we may, perhaps, see a reflection +of the covenant by means of the rainbow, which the +Babylonians possibly explained as being the necklace +of the goddess. Instead of the promise that a similar +visitation to destroy the whole of mankind should not +occur again, there is simply a kind of exhortation on +the part of the god Ae, addressed to Ellila, not to +destroy the world by means of a flood again. To +punish mankind for sins and misdeeds committed, +other means were to be employed that did not involve +the destruction of the whole human race. +</p> + +<p> +Noah died at the age of 950 years (Gen. ix. 29), +but his Babylonian representative was translated +to the abode of the blessed <q>at the mouths of the +rivers,</q> with his wife, to all appearance immediately +after the Flood. In this the Babylonian account +differs, and the ultimate fate of the patriarch resembles +that of the Biblical Enoch, he who <q>was not, +for God took him</q> (Gen. v. 24). +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='117'/><anchor id='Pg117'/> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Appendix. The Second Version Of The Flood-Story.</head> + +<p> +This was found by the late George Smith at Nineveh +when excavating for the proprietors of the <hi rend='italic'>Daily Telegraph</hi>, +and was at first supposed to belong to the text translated on +pp. 101-109. This, however, is impossible, as the narrative +is in the third person instead of the first, and in the +form of a conversation between Atra-ḫasis (= Pir-napištim) +and the god Aê— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +Tablet D. T. 42. +</p> + +<lg> +<l>......................</l> +<l>....... may it be</l> +<l>....... like the vault of</l> +<l>....... may it be strong above and below.</l> +<l>Enclose the ... and ...............</l> +<l>[At] the time that I shall send to thee</l> +<l>Enter [the ship] and close the door of the ship,</l> +<l>Into the midst of it [take] thy grain, thy furniture, and [thy] goods,</l> +<l>Thy . . ., thy family, thy relatives, and the artisans;</l> +<l>[The beasts] of the field, the animals of the field, as many as I shall collect (?),</l> +<l>[I will] send to thee, and thy door shall protect them.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>[Atra]-ḫasis opened his mouth and spake,</l> +<l>Sa]ying to Aê, his lord:</l> +<l><q rend='pre'>...... a ship I have not made .......</q></l> +<l>Form [its shape (?) upon the gr]ound.</l> +<l>Let me see the [plan], and [I will build] the ship.</l> +<l>[Form] ...... on the ground ........</l> +<l>........ what thou hast said .......</l> +<l>.........................</l> +</lg> + +</quote> + +<p> +It is not improbable that the fragment published by the +Rev. V. Scheil, O. P., belongs to this legend (see <hi rend='italic'>The King's +Own</hi>,<note place='foot'>Marshall Brothers, Paternoster Row.</note> April 1898, pp. 397-400). +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='118'/><anchor id='Pg118'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter IV. Assyria, Babylonia, And The Hebrews, With +Reference To The So-Called Genealogical +Table.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +The Akkadians—The Semitic Babylonians—The Hebrews—Nimrod—Assur—The +Tower of Babel and the confusion of +tongues—Babylonian temple-towers—How the legend probably +arose—The Patriarchs to the time of Abraham. +</quote> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>And Cush begat Nimrod: he began to be a mighty +one in the earth.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>He was a mighty hunter before the Lord: wherefore +it is said, Even as Nimrod, the mighty hunter +before the Lord.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel, and +Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Out of that land went forth Asshur, and builded +Nineveh, and the city Rehoboth (or, the streets of the +city), and Calah.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>And Resen between Nineveh and Calah: the +same is a great city.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Such is the Biblical account of the origin of the two +most powerful states of the ancient East, Babylonia +and Assyria. It has been many times quoted and +discussed, but there seems always to be something +new to say about it, or to add to it, or what has +already been said may be put in another and clearer +way. It is for one or more of these reasons, as well +as for the completeness of this work, that the author +ventures again to approach the well-worn problems +that these verses present. +</p> + +<pb n='119'/><anchor id='Pg119'/> + +<p> +Every reader, on taking up a book dealing with this +period of ancient Eastern history, will probably have +noticed, that the word which most frequently meets +his eye (if the book be an English one) is Akkad, the +Semitic equivalent of the Biblical Accad. If, however, +it be a continental work, the equivalent expression +will be Šumer—which word, indeed, he will meet with +also in English works, if the writer be at all under +German or other foreign influence. +</p> + +<p> +The reason for this divergence of opinion is very +simple, the fact being that there were two tribes or +nationalities, Šumer being before Akkad when the +two countries are mentioned together, and as it is +regarded as identical with the Shinar of Gen. x. 10, +Šumer and Šumerian may possibly be preferable, but +in all probability Akkad and Akkadian are not +wrong. +</p> + +<p> +As we see from the chapter of Genesis referred to, +there were many nationalities in the Euphrates valley +in ancient times, and the expression <q>Cush begat +Nimrod,</q> would imply that the inhabitants of +Babylonia were all Cushites. Yet the great majority +of the inscriptions found in that country of a later +date than about 2000 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> are Semitic. +</p> + +<p> +Large additions have of late years been made to +the number of ancient remains from Babylonia, and +most of these are of a very early period. We are +thus in a position to compare not only the different +types of that early period with each other, but also +with the sculptures of later date. The cylinder-seals +show us a comparatively slim race, long-bearded, +erect and dignified, and these characteristics are also +recognizable among the various types revealed to us +by the still earlier sculptures. The representations of +kings and deities are often heavily bearded, but, on +the other hand, high officials and others are generally +clean shaven. These peculiarities, with the difference +of costume, especially the thick-brimmed hats, +<pb n='120'/><anchor id='Pg120'/> +would seem to imply distinct foreign influence, or, rather, +in combination with the differences of racial type +exhibited, considerable foreign admixture. Perhaps, +however, the true explanation is, that the plain of +Shinar represents the meeting-point of two different +races—one Cushite and the other Semitic. +</p> + +<p> +And this fact, as is well known, is confirmed by +the existence of what is regarded as the language of +the Akkadians, and also of a dialect of the same. +This is not the place to discuss the question whether +these non-Semitic idioms be really languages or only +cryptographs—the author holds, in common with +Sayce, Oppert, Hommel, and all the principal +Assyriologists, that they are real languages—but a +reference to the few passages where these idioms are +spoken of may not be without interest. +</p> + +<p> +One of these is the fragment known as S. 1190 in +the British Museum, where the contents of the tablet +of which it formed a part are referred to as <q>Two +Šumerian incantations used</q> (seemingly) <q>for the +stilling of a weeping child.</q> Another tablet refers to +the languages, and states that the tongue of Šumer +was like (the tongue of) Akkad, or assumed a likeness +to it at some time or other. This document also +refers to another form of speech that was the tongue +of the prince, chief, or leader. Yet another fragment +refers to Akkad as below (? to the south) and +Šumer above (? to the north),<note place='foot'>The Assyrians, when referring to Babylonia, generally call it +<q>Akkad,</q> which ought rather, therefore, to be the district nearest +to them—that is, the northern part of the country, immediately +south of their own borders. They also called this part Karduniaš, +one of the names by which it was known in Babylonia.</note> but it is doubtful +whether this refers to the position of the country. A +fourth large fragment written partly in the <q>dialect</q> +is referred to as a <q>Šumerian</q> text. +</p> + +<p> +Both from the ethnographical and the linguistic +side, therefore, ample testimony to the existence of a +<pb n='121'/><anchor id='Pg121'/> +non-Semitic race (or non-Semitic races) in the plain +of Shinar in ancient times is at hand. As to the +language intended in the expression <q>Two Šumerian +incantations</q> (spoken of above) there can be no doubt, +the original idiom in question being the non-Semitic +tongue already referred to—that tongue which was +like the tongue of Akkad, of which it was apparently +a more decayed form. The title given cannot refer +to the translation into Assyro-Babylonian which +accompanies it, as this is undoubtedly of later date +than the composition itself. +</p> + +<p> +There is then no doubt that the Akkadians and the +Šumerians were two tribes of the same race, probably +intermixed to a certain extent with foreign elements +(people with oblique eyes being depicted on at least +two of the sculptures of the early period from Tel-Loh), +and speaking a language differing entirely from +that of their Semitic fellow-countrymen,—a language +which was of an agglutinative nature, introducing into +its verbal forms whole rows of analytical particles, +which sometimes gave to the phrase a precision of +meaning to which the Semitic Babylonian has but +little pretension, though Šumero-Akkadian is generally +difficult enough in other respects, in consequence of +the excessive number of the homophones that it +contains. Indeed, it is sometimes difficult to see how +the speakers of the latter language could have understood +each other without resorting to some such distinctive +aids similar to the tones used in modern—as +probably also in ancient—Chinese, of which Šumero-Akkadian +is regarded by the Rev. C. J. Ball as an +exceedingly ancient form. +</p> + +<p> +The question of the origin of the Akkadians is one +concerning which there has been and is still much +uncertainty, and which presents many problems for the +future. It has been remarked that the fact that there +is no special ideograph for <q>river,</q> and the fact that +<q>mountain</q> and <q>country</q> are represented by the +<pb n='122'/><anchor id='Pg122'/> +same character, imply that the people with whom the +cuneiform script originated came from a mountainous +country—probably the tract to the east or the north-east. +This assumption, however, is not wholly +dependent on what is here stated, for it is a +well-known and admitted fact that the ideograph +generally used for <q>Akkad</q> stands also for other +tracts that are largely mountainous, namely, Phœnicia +and Ararat. +</p> + +<p> +It may be of interest here to quote the passage +referring to this. +</p> + +<p> +The text in question is the exceedingly important +syllabary designated by Prof. Fried. Delitzsch +<q>Syllabary <hi rend='italic'>B</hi>.</q> The text is unfortunately defective +in the British Museum copy, but a duplicate found +at Babylon by the German explorers completes it as +follows:— +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{1.5cm} p{2cm} p{2cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(10) lw(15) lw(15)'"> +<row><cell>Uri</cell><cell>[Cuneiform]</cell><cell>Akkadū</cell></row> +<row><cell>Ari</cell><cell>[Cuneiform]</cell><cell>Amurrū</cell></row> +<row><cell>Tilla</cell><cell>[Cuneiform]</cell><cell>Urṭū.</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +From this we see that the ideograph for Akkad not +only stood for that country, but also for the land of +the Amorites (Amurrū), and for Ararat (Urṭū), both +of them being more or less mountainous districts. +That the ancient home of the Akkadians was of the +same nature is, therefore, more than probable. +</p> + +<p> +That the Akkadians were a conquering race is +indicated by the legend of the god Ura, generally +called <q>the Dibbara Legend,</q> where the hero, <q>the +warrior Ura,</q> is represented as speaking prophetically +as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Tâmtu with Tâmtu</q>,</l> +<l>Subartu with Subartu,</l> +<l>Assyrian with Assyrian,</l> +<l>Elamite with Elamite,</l> +<l>Kassite with Kassite,</l> +<pb n='123'/><anchor id='Pg123'/> +<l>Sutite with Sutite,</l> +<l>Qutite with Qutite,</l> +<l>Lullubite with Lullubite,</l> +<l>Country with country, house with house, man with man,</l> +<l>Brother with brother, shall not agree: let them annihilate each other,</l> +<l>And afterwards let the Akkadian come, and</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Let him overthrow them all, and let him cast down the whole of them.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +The Akkadians had dominion, at one time or +another, over all the above nationalities, some of whom +were permanently subjected. Tâmtu, the region of +the Persian Gulf, was under their domination constantly, +though the inhabitants were apparently rather +turbulent, and unwilling subjects. The Assyrians +were apparently for a time under Akkadian (Babylonian) +rule, but threw it off at a very early period, +and later on conquered Akkad itself. The Elamites, +too, were for a while conquered by the inhabitants of +Babylonia, and the Sutites (people of Sutî) are said +to have been all transported by Kadašman-Muruš +(he reigned about 1209 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, according to Hilprecht). +It will thus be seen that they played an important +part in the history of the plain of Shinar where +they settled, and to all appearance introduced their +civilization. +</p> + +<p> +In the earliest ages known to us, the land of Akkad +was a collection of small states resembling the +Heptarchy. These states differed considerably in +power, influence, and prosperity, and the passing +centuries brought many changes with them. From +time to time one of the kings or viceroys of these +small states would find himself more powerful than +his contemporaries, and would gradually overcome all +the others. One of the earliest instances of this is the +ruler Lugal-zag-gi-si, whose reign is placed by Hilprecht +<pb n='124'/><anchor id='Pg124'/> +at about 4500 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> He was son of Ukuš (the reading +is doubtful), viceroy (<foreign rend='italic'>patesi</foreign>) of a district which +seems to be that of which Kis was capital. <q>He had +conquered all Babylonia and established an empire +extending from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean +Sea</q> (Hilprecht). +</p> + +<p> +Whether he and his successors were able to maintain +real dominion over all this extensive tract or +not, we do not know, but a few hundred years later +we find Sargon of Agadé (known as <q>Šargani king of +the city</q>) subduing the land of the west in the 11th +year of his reign, and placing the districts under +one control, whilst his son, Naram-Sin, apparently +added Elam to his dominions, and Uruwuš (whom +Prof. Sayce suggests as the original of the Horus +of Pliny), at a later date, led a warlike expedition +thither, and brought away much spoil, some of which +is still extant as a lasting testimony to the reality +of this historical fact. +</p> + +<p> +Among the states which existed in Akkad before +the whole country was united under one king may be +mentioned Isin or Karrak, Ur (the supposed Ur of +the Chaldees), Kêš, Nippur (or Niffur), the modern +Niffer, Lagaš, Êridu, Êrech, and Larsa (identified with +Ellasar), with some others. Akkad and Babylon +were always important centres, the former being +supreme before the date of the dynasty of Babylon +(about 2200 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), and the latter afterwards. +</p> + +<p> +Until about the time of the dynasty of Babylon, the +language principally used was to all appearance the +non-Semitic Babylonian or Akkadian—in any case, +the numerous texts (mainly temple-accounts) of the +period of Dungi, Bûr-Sin, Gimil-Sin, and Ibi-Sin are +written in that tongue. Nevertheless, Akkadian seems +to have been the official language of the country for +a considerable time after, if we may judge from the +contracts, and especially the historical dates of these +documents, which are always written in Akkadian. +<pb n='125'/><anchor id='Pg125'/> +The names, too, which were before this period wholly +Akkadian, gradually become more and more Semitic +(Assyro-Babylonian), and finally the Akkadian element +only exists as a remnant of the non-Semitic +tongue which prevailed before the Semitic Dynasty +of Babylon—that to which Ḫammurabi or Amraphel +belonged—made the Semitic tongue, spoken by +Sargon of Agadé more than 1500 years before, the +official language of the country. +</p> + +<p> +Such, then, is the history of the ancient Akkadians, +from whose intermingled stock the later Semitic Babylonians +sprang, and who inherited, at the same time, +their method of writing, their literature, their arts and +sciences, and also, to a great extent, their manners, +customs, and religion. It was to all appearance +with the Semitic dynasty of Ḫammurabi that the +change from non-Semitic to Semitic predominance +took place. This change must have been slow +enough, and in all probability it occurred without any +national upheaval, and without any interruption of the +national life. Semitic names gradually replaced the +Akkadian ones, most of the religious works, incantations, +national histories, bilingual lists, and syllabaries +were supplied with Semitic translations, and legal precedents +in Semitic Babylonian for the information of +the judges of later times were drawn up, whilst the +old Akkadian laws, though retained, were translated +for the use of students who no longer learned Akkadian +as their mother-tongue, and who committed +them to memory at the same time as they learned the +set phrases they would have to use when, their education +completed, they should attain to the dignity of +full-fledged ministers to the legal needs of the community. +By this time, or somewhat later, the racial +type must have become fixed, for the sculptures from +the thirteenth century <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> downwards no longer show +the slim, elegant form of the Akkadians, but the thick-set, +well-developed figure of the Semites, such as at +<pb n='126'/><anchor id='Pg126'/> +least some of the native Christians of Baghdad and +the neighbourhood show at the present day. +</p> + +<p> +As has been already noticed, the Assyrians spoke +the same language, and had practically the same +religion and literature (including the ancient Akkadian +classics) as the Babylonians, whom they resembled +in manners, customs, and outward appearance. The +old translation of the verse referring to Assyria, <q>Out +of that land (Babylonia) went forth Assur,</q> is, in all +probability, perfectly correct, whatever may be the +arguments in favour of the rendering, <q>He (Nimrod) +went out into Assyria,</q> for it is exceedingly likely +that the Babylonian civilization of Assyria is wholly +due to emigration of settlers from Babylonia. Moreover, +as will be seen later on, the enigmatical Nimrod +is none other than the well-known head of the Babylonian +Pantheon, Merodach, who is actually stated to +have built Babel (= the city Babylon), Erech, and +Niffer (identified in Rabbinical tradition, which in +this case is probably correct, with Calneh). The Babylonian +tradition as to the foundation of the city of +Akkad is still wanting, but that its origin was attributed +to Merodach is more than probable. If, however, +there had been any grounds for honouring Calah, +Nineveh, and Resen with the same divine origin, the +Assyrians would certainly not have allowed the tradition +to go unrecorded. Properly speaking the <q>land of +Nimrod</q> (Micah v. 6) is Babylon, notwithstanding +all arguments to the contrary, for that was the land +which he loved, the land whose great cities he was +regarded as having founded and as still favouring, and +the land where, if we may trust the language of his +name (in Akkadian it means <q>the brightness of +day</q>), he ruled when he was king upon earth—the +land, in fact, which gave him birth. +</p> + +<p> +At first governed by <foreign rend='italic'>patesis</foreign>, or viceroys (many +Assyriologists call them priest-kings or pontiffs), this +title was abandoned for that of <foreign rend='italic'>šarru</foreign>, <q>king,</q> between +<pb n='127'/><anchor id='Pg127'/> +1600 and 1800 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> The use of the title <foreign rend='italic'>patesi</foreign> (in +Assyrian <foreign rend='italic'>iššaku</foreign>, <q>chief</q>) implies that the earlier rulers +of Assur acknowledged some overlord, and in all +probability this overlord was the paramount king +of Babylonia at the time. If we regard Nimrod +(Merodach) as the first king of Babylonia (or the first +really great ruler of the country), then it is certain that +it was not he who founded the great cities of Assyria, +for they can have no pretensions to the same antiquity +as the great cities of Babylonia, any more than +Assyrian civilization can be of the same period. Of +course it is probable that the cities of Assyria were +founded at an exceedingly early date, perhaps many +of them are as old as any Babylonian foundation, but +their importance was nothing like so great as those of +Babylonia until the latter had already been renowned +many hundreds—perhaps many thousands—of years, +and to attribute the origin of these unimportant places +to Nimrod would bring him no honour, even if it were +probable that he had founded them. +</p> + +<p> +The founder of Nineveh, Calah, Rehoboth Ir, and +Resen was either a Babylonian emigrant named Asshur, +the first viceroy of the district, or else Asshur, in the +tenth chapter of Genesis, stands for the Assyrian +nation. It is noteworthy that, in the verse in question, +there is no mention of the foundation of the old capital, +the city of Aššur. This is probably to be explained +by the fact that the book of Genesis was compiled at +a time when the primæval capital had already fallen +into the background, and Nineveh, the city first mentioned +in the enumeration, had assumed the first place—indeed, +the fact that it is mentioned first seems +to prove this contention. +</p> + +<p> +Being far away from the centre of civilization, and +apparently mingling with barbarous races to the north—the +people of Urarṭu (Ararat), Van, Ukka, Muṣaṣir, +etc.—in all probability the ancient Assyrians lost what +polish they had brought with them from Babylonia, +<pb n='128'/><anchor id='Pg128'/> +and, like all pioneers, developed into hardy, fearless, +and cruel warriors, constantly striving for the mastery +over all the other tribes and nationalities around. Thus +it came to pass that, having ascertained her strength, +Assyria refused to acknowledge the overlordship of +the kings of Babylonia, and the rulers of the country +abandoned the title of <foreign rend='italic'>patesi</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>iššaku</foreign> for that of <foreign rend='italic'>šarru</foreign> +or <q>king.</q> The country from which the Assyrians +had sprung did not long remain secure from the +attacks of her offspring, and the conquest of Babylonia +by the Assyrians took place more than once. Brave, +warlike, and cruel, the Assyrians at last possessed +for a time not only Babylonia, with the overlordship +of Elam, but also the whole of Western Asia +as far as the Mediterranean and Cyprus, and a large +part of Egypt. Notwithstanding the polish that they +had attained during the last years of the empire, the +nations around remembered against them all the +cruelties that they had committed during the foregoing +centuries, and when the time of weakness came, +when the ruling mind that should have held the empire +together, and turned the tide of disaster into the +channel of success, was wanting, then came the chance +of the nations that had known the Assyrian empire in +former ages, and the end of the seventh century before +Christ saw the last of the power that had dominated +Western Asia so long and so successfully. +</p> + +<p> +Yet Assyria was a most remarkable power, and produced +a number of really great rulers and generals. +The Assyrian kings retained for a long time their +dominion over fairly distant tracts, and made themselves +greatly feared by all the nations around. As +is well known, they had made great advances in the +art of sculpture, so much so that visitors to the British +Museum, on seeing the wonderful hunting-scenes in +the Assyrian side-gallery, have been heard to express +the opinion that Greek artists must either have +originated them, or influenced their production. Their +<pb n='129'/><anchor id='Pg129'/> +literature was naturally influenced by that of Babylonia, +but one has only to read the historical records of Tiglath-pileser +I., who declaims his successes in forceful and +elegant paragraphs; Sennacherib, with his wealth of +words; or Assur-banî-âpli, who in moderate and elegant +phrases tells of the successes of his soldiers and generals, +to see that, when occasion arose, they could produce +literary works as good as the best of ancient times. +</p> + +<p> +It will probably be a matter of regret to many +people, but the name of Nimrod, which we have been +accustomed to associate with the pleasures and perils +of the chase for so many hundred years, must now be +relegated to the domain of words misunderstood or +purposely changed for reasons that can without much +difficulty be divined. +</p> + +<p> +It is not Nimrod alone that comes under this +category—Nibhaz (2 Kings xvii. 31), judging from the +Greek, is in the same case, Nisroch (2 Kings xix. 37) is +certainly so, and Abed-nego for Abed-nebo is a well-known +instance. +</p> + +<p> +But why, it will be asked, should these names have +been intentionally changed? The answer is simple. +All these names were, or contained, the names of +heathen deities, and this offended the strongly monotheistic +Hebrew scribe who, at a certain period, was +copying the portions of the Hebrew Bible in which +they occur, so he defaced them, adding or changing a +letter, and thus making them unrecognizable, and in +all probability ridiculous as well. A different punctuation +(vowelling) completed the work, and the names +were then in such a form that pious and orthodox +lips could pronounce them without fear of defilement. +</p> + +<p> +Nibhaz is probably for some such name as Aba-hazar, +Nisroch is for Assur or Assuraku, and Nimrod +is, by similar changes, for Amaruduk or Amarudu +(original Akkadian), Maruduk or Marduk (Assyro-Babylonian). +The change was brought about by +making the root triliteral, and the ending <foreign rend='italic'>uk</foreign> (<foreign rend='italic'>ak</foreign> in +<pb n='130'/><anchor id='Pg130'/> +Merodach-baladan) disappearing first, Marduk appeared +as Marad. This was connected with the root Marad, +<q>to be rebellious,</q> and the word was still further +mutilated, or, rather, deformed by having a (<foreign rend='italic'>ni</foreign>) +attached, assimilating it to a certain extent to the +<q>niphal forms</q> of the Hebrew verbs, and making a +change altogether in conformity with the genius of +the Hebrew language. This alteration is also clearly +visible in Nibhaz and Nisroch, which fully confirm the +explanation here given. +</p> + +<p> +From a linguistic point of view, therefore, the identification +of Nimrod as a changed form of Merodach +is fully justified. +</p> + +<p> +But there is another and a potent reason for eliminating +Nimrod from the list of Babylonian heroes, +and that is, the fact that his name is nowhere found +in the extensive literature which has come down to +us. His identification with Gišdubar was destroyed +when it was discovered that the true reading of that +doubtful name was not, as it was expected that it +would be, a Babylonian form of Nimrod, but something +entirely different, namely, Gilgameš. Moreover, +there is some doubt whether the personage represented +on the cylinder-seals struggling with lions and bulls +be really Gilgameš (Gišdubar)—his prowess in hunting +does not seem to be emphasized in the legend recounting +his exploits (see pp. <ref target='Pg092'>92-111</ref>)—he is in all probability +the wild man of the woods who became his +great friend and counsellor, the satyr-like figure who +is represented as accompanying and imitating the +hunter being simply one of those beings who, the +Babylonians imagined, existed in wild and waste +places, for that this creature is not, as was at first +supposed, Êa-banî, the friend of Gilgameš, is not only +proved by the fact that in the legend he is described +as a man with hairy body and hair long like that of a +woman, but also by the incontestable circumstance +that this satyr-like creature is, on certain cylinders, +<pb n='131'/><anchor id='Pg131'/> +represented more than once, and in such a way that +the repetition cannot be attributed to the exigencies of +the design. Moreover, he is sometimes represented +in positions that seem to have no connection with the +Gilgameš-legend at all. +</p> + +<p> +It would seem therefore to be certain that Gilgameš +is not Nimrod; that as he had little or no fame as a +<q>great hunter before the Lord,</q> it cannot be he who +is represented on the cylinder-seals; and that, in all +probability, the hunter there represented is Êa-banî, +who overcame the divine bull before Erech, and a +lion after the defeat of Ḫumbaba, in both cases, however, +assisted by his royal patron. +</p> + +<p> +But, it may be asked, how is it that Nimrod, otherwise +Merodach, is described as <q>the mighty hunter +before the Lord</q>? +</p> + +<p> +The explanation is very simple, and remarkably +conclusive in its way. Merodach, in the legend of +the Creation, there appears as the greatest hunter +(using the word in the Hebrew sense of <q>entrapper</q>) +that ever lived. For did he not, when Tiamtu, the +great dragon of chaos and disorder, tried to usurp +the dominion of the gods, and bring ruin on their fair +work, chase and entrap her, thereby winning the +throne of the kingdom of heaven, and laying the +universe under an everlasting debt to him? With his +net he caught and held her fast, and, standing on her +body, slew her. This was the feat of a real <foreign rend='italic'>gibbor +ṣayid</foreign>, a <q>hero in hunting,</q> or entrapping with a net, +for <foreign rend='italic'>ṣayid</foreign>, <q>hunting,</q> is from the same root as Sidon, +the name of the ancient <q>fishing town,</q> renowned of +old, and still existing at the present day. +</p> + +<pb n='132'/><anchor id='Pg132'/> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>The Tower Of Babel.</head> + +<p> +There is no doubt that one of the most striking +and attractive episodes of the sacred narrative of +Genesis is the Tower of Babel. It has attracted the +attention of all from its circumstantial details, and +has, as an authoritative narrative, had the full belief of +all the faithful for many thousand years. This being +the case, it is needful to go rather carefully into the +matter, not only to try to account for its origin, but +also to satisfy the believer of to-day with regard to +the story being a real historical fact. +</p> + +<p> +<q>Of these were the isles of the Gentiles divided +in their lands,</q>—<q>These are the sons of Ham, after +their families,</q>—<q>These are the sons of Shem, after +their families,</q> says the author of Genesis in ch. x. +5, 20, and 31, and then he adds, in slightly varying +words, <q>after their tongues, in their lands, in their +nations.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Yet, after this (ch. xi. 1) we have the statement, +<q>And the whole earth was of <emph>one</emph> language, +and of <emph>one</emph> speech.</q> Moreover, how was it possible +that the whole of the nations of the earth there +enumerated in the tenth chapter should have had their +origin at Babel, the beginning of Nimrod's (Merodach's) +kingdom, coeval with Erech, Akkad, and +Calneh, in the land of Shinar? The effect of such a +statement as this would surely be to make the +language of Nimrod the primitive language of the +world, unless, indeed, all the languages of the earth +resulting from the confusion of tongues were regarded +as new, the primitive speech of man having been +destroyed on that occasion. Then, again, as we +know, the building of the city was not stopped, for +it continued until it became the greatest and most +important centre in the known world when it was at +the height of its glory. +</p> + +<p> +With the best will in the world, therefore, there +<pb n='133'/><anchor id='Pg133'/> +seems to be no escape from regarding both the story +of the Tower of Babel, and the reference to Nimrod +and Asshur in the foregoing chapter as interpolations, +giving statements from ancient and possibly fairly +well-known records, recording what was commonly +believed in the ancient East in those early ages. It +is also noteworthy, that both extracts, referring as +they do, to Babylonia, are probably on that account +from a Babylonian source. May it not be possible, +that they have been inserted in the sacred narrative +as statements of what was the common opinion among +the more well-informed inhabitants of Western Asia +at the time, without any claim to an inspired authority +being either stated or implied? This would seem to +be the most reasonable way of looking at the matter, +and would take away what might well be regarded as +a great difficulty to the believer in good faith. +</p> + +<p> +If this be conceded, we can with the greater ease +analyze this portion of the eleventh chapter of Genesis, +and estimate it at its true value. +</p> + +<p> +In any case, there is great improbability that the +statement that the whole earth was of one language +and of one speech, was ever believed, by thinking men +at the time as an actual historical fact. A better +translation would be <q>the whole land,</q> that is, the +whole tract of country from the mountains of Elam +to the Mediterranean Sea, rather than <q>the whole +earth.</q> The same word is used when the <q>land</q> of +Israel is spoken of, and also when <q>the land of Egypt</q> +is referred to. It will thus be seen that no violence +whatever is done to the text if the restricted use of +the word be accepted. +</p> + +<p> +That this is, in a sense, provable as an historical +fact, we shall see in the sequel. +</p> + +<p> +Having thus in a measure cleared the way, the +various points of the first nine verses of the eleventh +chapter of Genesis may be taken in order. +</p> + +<p> +<q>As they journeyed in the east</q> apparently refers +<pb n='134'/><anchor id='Pg134'/> +to the remembrance of the migrations that many a +nation, handing down its traditions from mouth to +mouth, must have preserved in ancient times. Whilst +thus engaged, <q>they found a plain in the land of +Shinar; and they dwelt there</q>—a statement which +would seem to point to the migrants having been +wandering about in various districts, some of them +mountainous—like Armenia on the north of Assyria, +and Elam and other mountainous tracts on the east. +This would seem to agree with the migration which, +from the evidence of the monuments of Babylonia, +the Akkadians apparently made before they settled +in that country. And here it may be noted, in +support of that fact, that the ideograph<note place='foot'>See p. <ref target='Pg122'>122</ref>.</note> for Akkad, +Uri or Ura in Akkadian, and Akkadū in Semitic +Babylonian, not only stood for Akkad, but also (often +used in the Assyrian letters) for Ararat (Urṭū), and +likewise (this in a syllabary only) for Amurrū, the +land of the Amorites, or Phœnicia. Both these being +districts more or less mountainous, it is only reasonable +to suppose that the original home of the Akkadians +was likewise of the same nature, and that they +were not aborigines of the Babylonian plain. The Akkadians +at least, therefore, <q>journeyed in the east.</q> +</p> + +<p> +In the expression <q>they found a plain in the land +of Shinar,</q> we have a reference to the old name of a +district of Babylonia, generally regarded as the Šumer +of the Babylonian inscriptions, called Kingi or Kengi +<q>the country</q> <foreign rend='italic'>par excellence</foreign> in the native tongue of +the inhabitants. The land of Shinar here spoken of, +if this explanation be correct, not merely contained a +plain—it was, in fact, itself a large plain, through +which the rivers Tigris and Euphrates ran, and it was +covered, when the land had been brought into a really +good state of cultivation, by a network of canals connected +with them. It must, when the ancient Akkadians +first settled there, have been a land of remarkable +<pb n='135'/><anchor id='Pg135'/> +fertility, and would be so still were it brought +into the same efficient state of cultivation, with irrigation +and drainage, such as the old inhabitants +effected. +</p> + +<p> +Here, having settled down, they built a city and a +tower, using brick for stone, and bitumen for mortar—just +as they are proved to have done from the +remains of cities found in the country at the present +day. That Babylon was the site of the first settlement +of the nature of a city is conceivable, and it is +very possible that the first tower in Babylonia, which +in later times had many towers, as had also Assyria, +was situated in that ancient city. Everything points, +therefore, to the correctness of the statements made +in this portion of the sacred narrative. According +to native tradition, however (and this seems to be +supported by the statements in ch. x. 10), there +were other important cities on the Babylonian plain +of almost equal antiquity, namely, Erech, Akkad, and +Calneh, which last is identified with Niffer (see p. <ref target='Pg126'>126</ref>). +Notwithstanding the extensive ruins, proof of the same +remote date for Babylon will doubtless be difficult to +obtain, on account of the country around and a large +portion of the site of the city being so marshy. The +result of this condition of things will in all probability +be, that very few remains of a really ancient date will +be discovered in a condition to render services to archæology. +To this must also be added the fact, that the +city, being the capital for some thousands of years, +underwent many changes at the hands of its various +kings, partly from the necessity of keeping in good +repair the many comparatively perishable brick +monuments that the city contained, and partly from +a desire to add more to the glories of the city than +any of their predecessors had done. +</p> + +<p> +<q>And they said, Come, let us build us a city, and a +tower, and its top (lit. head) shall be in the heavens.</q> +To all appearance, this means simply that they would +<pb n='136'/><anchor id='Pg136'/> +build a very high structure,—to many a student of +the sacred text it has seemed that the writer only +intended to say, that the tower (<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>migdol</foreign>) that they +were about to build was to be very high. The mountains +of Elam were not so very far off, and travellers +from that part would have been able to assure them +that the heavens would not be appreciably nearer on +account of their being a few hundred cubits above the +surface of the earth, even if traditions of their fathers' +wanderings had not assured them of the same thing. +They wished simply to make them a name and a +rallying-point, <q>lest,</q> as the sacred text has it, <q>we +be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth.</q> +</p> + +<p> +And here a few remarks upon the temple-towers of +the Babylonians might not be out of place. +</p> + +<p> +As has already been stated, most of the principal +towns of Babylonia each possessed one. That of +Babylon (called Šu-ana in the list published in the +<hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia</hi>, vol. ii., +pl. 50) was named Ê-temen-ana, <q>the temple of the +foundation-stone of Heaven</q>; that of Borsippa, near +to Babylon, was called Ê-ur-imina-ana, generally translated +<q>the temple of the seven spheres of heaven,</q> on +account of its being dedicated to the sun, moon, and +planets. This was a high and massive tower in seven +stages, each coloured with an emblematic tint indicating +the heavenly body with which each stage was +associated. At Niffer the tower seems to have had +three names, or else there were three towers (which is +unlikely), the principal one being Im-ur-sag. Agade, +the Akkad of Gen. x. 10, had two of these temple-towers, +Ê-Dadia, apparently meaning <q>the temple of the +(divine) Presence,</q> and Ê-šu-gala or Ê-igi-ê-di, the latter +apparently meaning <q>the temple of the wonder (of +mankind),</q> which was dedicated to the god Tammuz. +At Cuthah there was the temple of Nannara (Nan-naros); +at Ur the temple Ê-šu-gan-du-du; at Erech +Ê-gipara-imina, <q>the temple of the seven enclosures</q>; +<pb n='137'/><anchor id='Pg137'/> +at Larsa Ê-dur-an-ki, <q>the Temple of the bond of +heaven and earth.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The only temple-tower that contains in its name a +distinct reference to the seven stages of which it was +composed, is that at Borsippa, though that at Erech +may possibly have in its name <q>seven enclosures</q> a +suggestion of something of the kind. As, however, +the ruins of the towers at Dûr-Sargina (Khorsabad) +in Assyria, Erech, Niffer, and elsewhere, show distinctly +this form of architecture, there is every probability +that they were all, or almost all, built on the +same plan. In his description of the glories of +Babylon, Herodotus gives details, in his usual minute +way, of the temple of Belos (Ê-sagila) there. He +describes it as having eight stages (the platform upon +which the tower proper was built being counted as +one), and judging from his description, this building +must have differed somewhat from the others, the +various platforms being connected by a gradually +rising ascent, arranged spirally as it were, so that by +constantly walking upwards, and turning at the corners +of the edifice, one at last reached the top. About +the middle of this long ascending pathway there was +a stopping-place, with seats to rest upon. Having +reached the top of the structure, the visitor came upon +a cell, within which there was a couch and a golden +table. Here it was supposed that the god descended +from time to time to dwell. Below, he relates, there +was another cell, wherein was a large statue of Zeus +(Belos) sitting. This image was of gold, as were also +the table in front of it, the god's footstool, and his +seat. It is probable that at the time to which the +narrative in Genesis refers, the tower was neither so +high, nor the workmanship so splendid and valuable, +as in later times. +</p> + +<p> +But was this the Tower of Babel? We do not +know. The general opinion is that the great and +celebrated temple-tower at Borsippa, extensive remains +<pb n='138'/><anchor id='Pg138'/> +of which still exist, was that world-renowned +erection. Its name, however, was Ê-zida, and it was +not situated within Babylon. Notwithstanding the +fact, therefore, that Borsippa, the town on the outskirts +of the great city, was called <q>the second +Babylon,</q> and that tradition associates the site of the +Tower of Babel with that spot, it must still be held +to be very doubtful whether that was really the place. +Neither the renown of Ê-zida nor that of Ê-sagila +prove that either of them must have been the place, +for the populace is fickle-minded in this as in other +matters, and holy fanes have the periods when they +are in fashion, just like anything else. +</p> + +<p> +This being the case, the question is, what was that +Ê-temen-ana-kia which is apparently mentioned in +the list of temple-towers quoted above? In many +an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar, this temple-tower +is referred to, though very shortly, as having been +restored by him. Thus, in the great cylinder of +Nebuchadnezzar, 85-4-30, <hi rend='smallcaps'>i</hi>, the following occurs— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>I caused the fanes of Babylon and Borsippa to be rebuilt and endowed.</q></l> +<l>Ê-temen-ana-kia, the temple-tower of Babylon;</l> +<l>Ê-ur-imina-ana-kia, the temple-tower of Borsippa, all their structure with bitumen and brick</l> +<l><q rend='post'>I made, I completed.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +In the above Ê-temen-ana-kia takes the place of +Ê-sagila, and Ê-ur-imina-ana-kia that of Ê-zida, implying +that they respectively belonged to each other. +The passage corresponding to the above in the India +House Inscription is greatly expanded, and recounted +with much detail. The portion referring to Ê-temen-ana-kia +is as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The vessels of the temple Ê-sagila with massive gold—</q></l> +<pb n='139'/><anchor id='Pg139'/> +<l>the bark Ma-kua (Merodach's shrine) with electrum and stones—</l> +<l>I made glorious</l> +<l>like the stars of heaven.</l> +<l>The fanes of Babylon</l> +<l>I caused to be rebuilt and endowed.</l> +<l>Of Ê-temen-ana-kia</l> +<l>with brick and bright lapis stone</l> +<l>I reared its head.</l> +<l>To rebuild Ê-sagila</l> +<l>my heart urged me—</l> +<l><q rend='post'>constantly did I set myself,</q> etc., etc.</l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +According to the plan of Babylon drawn up by +Weissbach, one of the German explorers, Ê-temen-ana-kia +was situated to the north of Ê-sagila, which +latter was evidently the temple connected with it. +As both were dedicated to Merodach (Bel), they +practically formed one centre of worship, and it is +possibly on this account that the Tower is called <q>the +Temple of Belus</q> in Herodotus. The description, +from a Babylonian tablet probably in private hands, +published by the late George Smith, agrees well with +that given by Herodotus, but has some noteworthy +differences—the great height of the lowest stage, the +sloping (?) sides of the second stage, and the buildings +grouped near it. Unfortunately, the baked brickwork +of Ê-temen-ana-kia has been cleared away, practically +destroying the remains. +</p> + +<p> +Concerning the miracle of the confusion of tongues, +there is, of course, no historical reference. The Babylonian +inscriptions know nothing of it. Yet the +stranger visiting Babylon could not have been otherwise +than struck by the number of languages spoken +there. There was the religious tongue, which is +called by modern scholars Akkadian or Šumerian, +and its dialect, together with the language known as +Assyrian, or, more correctly, Semitic Babylonian. +<pb n='140'/><anchor id='Pg140'/> +Besides this, there were various Aramaic dialects—Chaldee, +Aramean (Syriac), and the language of the +dockets on the trade-documents, which is also found +in Assyria. In addition to these, the Elamite and +Kassite conquerors of Babylonia brought with them +large numbers of people, and each of these nations +naturally introduced, in larger measure than before, +the use of their respective languages. Speakers of +other tongues long since dead must also have visited +the city for the purposes of trade, and of this the +so-called Hittite is in all probability an example +(in the researches of Profs. Sayce and Jensen we +shall, perhaps, see the beginnings of the recovery +of this tongue), and a docket in an unknown script +implies that yet another language heard there in later +times has to be discovered, though this may simply +be some other way of writing one of the tongues +spoken there that is already known to scholars. With +regard to the oneness of the language of the rest of +the earth, in all probability this expression referred, +as has been already remarked, to the tract enclosed +between the mountains of Persia on the east, the +Mediterranean on the west, Asia Minor and Armenia +on the north, and Arabia on the south—a tract in +which the <foreign rend='italic'>lingua franca</foreign> of diplomacy was, as is proved +by the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, the tongue now called +Assyrian, which could easily have been regarded as +the proofs and the remains of the thing that had +been. +</p> + +<p> +To recapitulate: The story of the Tower of Babel +is a break in the narrative of the genealogies, so +striking that any thinking man must have been able +to recognize it easily. It is a narrative that practically +glorifies Babylonia, making it the centre of the human +race, and the spot from which they all migrated after +the dispersion caused by the confusion of tongues. +It was probably given for, and recognized as, the +legend current in Babylonia at the time, and must, +<pb n='141'/><anchor id='Pg141'/> +therefore, have been recognized and valued by the +people of the time at its true worth. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>The Patriarchs To Abraham.</head> + +<p> +Little information is unfortunately to be obtained +from Assyro-Babylonian sources concerning the +patriarchs from Shem to Abraham. It is true that +certain comparisons can be made in the matter of the +names, but these, when more precise information +comes to light, may be found to be more or less +erroneous. As a matter of fact, with one or two +exceptions, it is probable that we have nothing from +Babylonian sources bearing on the patriarchs who +preceded Abraham at all. +</p> + +<p> +Nevertheless, there are one or two things that may +be put forward in a more or less tentative way, and +these may well be discussed with this reservation in +this place. +</p> + +<p> +As we have seen, it was the custom of the early +Babylonians to deify the early rulers of their race, and +as a well-known example of this, the case of the god +Merodach will at once occur to the mind. As has +been shown, this deity is none other than the long-known +and enigmatical hero Nimrod, and it is +probable that, if we had more and more complete +sources of information, other instances would be found. +This being the case, it may be permitted to the +student to try to find similar instances of deification +by the Babylonians of the men of old who were their +ancestors in common with the Jews and other nations +of the ancient East. +</p> + +<p> +To begin with Shem, the name of the ancestor of +the Semitic race. As a word, this means, in Hebrew, +<q>name.</q> Now, the Assyro-Babylonian equivalent +and cognate word is <foreign rend='italic'>šumu</foreign>, <q>name,</q> and this naturally +leads one to ask whether Shem may not have been +designated <q>He of the Name</q> <foreign rend='italic'>par excellence</foreign>, and +<pb n='142'/><anchor id='Pg142'/> +deified under that appellation. If this be the case, we +may perhaps see the word Shem in certain names of +kings and others of the second dynasty of Babylon +(that to which Ḫammurabi or Amraphel belonged, +and which held the power from about 2230 to 1967 +<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>). Sumu-abi, the name of the first ruler of the +dynasty, would then mean <q>Shem is my father,</q> +Sumu-la-ili would mean <q>a name to his god,</q> with +a punning allusion to the deified ancestor of the +Semitic nations. +</p> + +<p> +Other names, not royal, are Sumu-Upê, apparently, +<q>Shem of Opis</q>; Sumu-Dagan, <q>Shem is Dagon,</q> or +<q>Name of Dagon</q>; Sumu-ḫatnu, <q>Shem is a protection</q>; +Sumu-atar, <q>Shem is great,</q> and the form +Samu-la-ili for Sumu-la-ili leads one to ask whether +Samia may not be for Sumia, <q>my Shem,</q> a pet +name abbreviated from a longer one similar to those +already quoted; Sumu-ya (= Sumia) also occurs. All +these forms, being written with s, instead of š, like +Samsu-iluna for Šamšu-iluna, betray foreign (so-called +Arabic) influence, and are not native Babylonian. +That the Babylonians had at this time names compounded +with the native representative of Sumu is +shown by the contracts of that time, where the name +Šumum-libši, <q>let there be a name,</q> occurs. Many +later instances of this are to be found.<note place='foot'>Other possible instances of the occurrence of this element +in names of this time are Zumu-rame, Šumu-ḫammu (apparently +for Sumu-ḫammu), Sumu-ḫala, Samu-abum, Samukim, Sumu-entel +(so probably to be read instead of Sumu-ente-al), Sumu-ni-Ea, +<q>Our Shem is Ea,</q> and in all probability many others +could be found. (See Hommel, <hi rend='italic'>Ancient Hebrew Tradition</hi>.)</note> +</p> + +<p> +From other than Bible sources there is but little +that can be gathered concerning the descendants of +Shem, though in this, as in many other things, one +lives in hopes of something coming to light later on. +And such a record, as may readily be imagined, would +be of the greatest interest and value. Shem, as one +of those born before the Flood, must certainly on that +<pb n='143'/><anchor id='Pg143'/> +account have been renowned (as we have just seen he +was, if it be true that he was deified) among other +nations of Semitic stock than the Hebrews. To all +appearance, the lives of the patriarchs decreased +greatly after the Flood, and are represented, in the +Bible narrative, as gradually assuming the average +duration of those who attain a hoary old age at the +present day. It is noteworthy that his eldest son was +born two years after the Flood, and if this have any +ethnic meaning, it ought to point to the foundation of +the settlement known as Arpachshad at about that +period, though it could not have attained to the +renown of a well-known and recognized community +until some time after that date. +</p> + +<p> +The theory that Arpachshad represents a community +is rather supported by the fact that it is +mentioned in Gen. x. 22, where it is accompanied by +the names of Elam, Asshur, Lud, and Aram, which +were later, as we know, names of nationalities. +Indeed, the long lives of the patriarchs of this exceedingly +early period are best explained if we suppose +that they represent a people or community. +</p> + +<p> +There is a considerable amount of difference of +opinion as to the correct identification of the Arpachshad +of Gen. ix. 10, though nearly every critic places +the country it represents in the same tract. It has +been identified with Arrapkha, or Arrapachitis, in +Assyria. Schrader makes it to be for Arpa-cheshed, +<q>the coast of the Chaldeans.</q> Prof. Hommel, who is +always ready with a seductive and probable etymology, +suggests that Arpachshad is an Egyptianized way of +writing Ur of the Chaldees—Ar-pa-Cheshed, for Ur-pa-Cheshed. +</p> + +<p> +This, it must be admitted, is a possible etymology, +for Egyptianized words were really used in that +district in ancient times. This is shown in the +name of Merodach, Asari, which is apparently connected +with the Egyptian Osiris, just as one of the +<pb n='144'/><anchor id='Pg144'/> +names of the Sun-god Šamaš, Amna, is probably an +Akkadianized form of the Egyptian Ammon, and +even the Egyptian word for <q>year,</q> <foreign rend='italic'>ronpet</foreign>, made, +probably by early Babylonian scribes, into a kind of +pun, became, by the change of a vowel, <foreign rend='italic'>ran pet</foreign>, <q>name +of heaven,</q> transcribed, by those same scribes, into +<foreign rend='italic'>mu-anna</foreign>, which, in its ordinary signification, means +likewise <q>name of heaven,</q> in Akkadian; the whole +being used with the meaning of <foreign rend='italic'>ronpet</foreign>, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> <q>year.</q> It +will thus be seen that there is but little that is unlikely +in Prof. Hommel's etymology of Arpachshad, and that +the explanation which he gives may turn out to be +correct.<note place='foot'>For further information upon Babylonia and Egypt, compare +Prof. F. Hommel's <q>Der babylonische Ursprung der ägyptischen +Kultur,</q> München, G. Franz, 1892. A new etymology of +Arpachshad, very similar to that of Prof. Schrader, has, however, +lately been suggested by Prof. Sayce, and afterwards by +Prof. Hommel, who has apparently abandoned that given above.</note> +</p> + +<p> +In any case, we may take it that the consensus of +opinion favours the supposition that the name in +question refers to Babylonia, and if this be the case, +Abraham, the father of the Hebrew nation, as well as +of other peoples, was really, as has been supposed, of +Babylonian or Chaldean origin. This is also implied +by the statement in Gen. xi. 28, that Ur of the Chaldees +was the land of the nativity of Haran, Abraham's +brother, who died in the country of his birth before +the family of Terah went to settle at Haran, on the +way to Canaan. The theory of the identity of +Arpachshad is moreover important, because it is contended +that Ur of the Chaldees was not in Babylonia, +but is to be identified with the site known as Urfa, +in Mesopotamia. +</p> + +<p> +Concerning the names of Shelah, Eber, Peleg, Reu, +Serug, and Nahor, there is not much that can be said. +To all appearance they are not Babylonian names, or, +rather, they receive little or no illustration from +<pb n='145'/><anchor id='Pg145'/> +Babylonian sources. Nothing is recorded concerning +these patriarchs except their ages at the time their +eldest sons were born, and at what age they died. +The question whether the Hebrews derived their name +from their ancestor Eber is not set at rest by any +passage in the Bible, nor is there any statement in +secular literature which would enable this to be +decided. To all appearance, it is needful to keep the +name of Eber distinct from that of the Hebrews, notwithstanding +that they are from the same root. If, +however, the Hebrews were <q>the men from beyond,</q> +then Eber may well have been <q>the man from beyond,</q> +indicating for his time a migration similar to that of +Abraham. In this way, if in no other, the names may +be connected. +</p> + +<p> +We have seen that in many cases the names of +these <q>genealogical tables</q> are regarded as nationalities, +and, indeed, there is sufficient justification for +such a theory on account of many of the names +appearing as those of well-known nations. This +being conceded, it would probably not be too much +to regard the names of the patriarchs from Shelah to +Serug as indicating ethnical historical events. Thus +Shelah might mean <q>extension,</q> indicating the time +when the Semitic race began to go beyond its ancient +borders. Treating the other names in the same way, +Eber would mean the period when that race crossed +some river into another district; Peleg would mean +that, at the time referred to, that race, or a portion of +it, was divided into small states, as Babylonia was at +the period preceding that of the dynasty of Amraphel; +whilst Reu would mean <q>friendliness,</q> denoting +the time when those states were united under one +head, and the old dissensions ceased. Serug would +then mean something like <q>interweaving,</q> perhaps +referring to the time when the various races (? of +Babylonia) intermingled. These explanations of the +names receive a certain amount of confirmation from +<pb n='146'/><anchor id='Pg146'/> +the parallel list in Gen. x. 25, where to the name +Peleg the note is added, <q>for in his days was the earth +divided.</q> +</p> + +<p> +With regard to Nahor and his son Terah the Jews +had other traditions, and they speak thus concerning +them— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Terah, son of Nahor, was the chief officer of king +Nimrod, and a great favourite with his royal master. +And when his wife Amtheta, the daughter of Kar-Nebo, +bare him a son, she called his name Abram, +meaning <q>great father.</q> And Terah was seventy years +old when his son Abram was born.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here we have, in Amtheta, a doubtful Babylonian +name, in Kar-Nebo a possible Babylonian name, and +in the meaning of Abram a signification that does +not militate against the indications given by the +tablets of Babylonia and Assyria. This being the +case, it would seem that there were trustworthy data +to go upon for certain facts connected with Abraham's +ancestors, and that these facts were known to the +Jews of earlier ages. The Talmudic account of the +wonders seen at the birth of Abram, however, are not +sufficiently worthy of credence to allow of repetition +here, notwithstanding their reference to Terah and +Abraham's youth. +</p> + +<p> +Eusebius quotes the following from Eupolemus concerning +Abraham— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>He saith, moreover, that in the tenth generation +in a city of Babylonia, called Camarina (which, by +some, is called the city of Urie, and which signifyeth +a city of the Chaldeans), there lived, the thirteenth in +descent, (a man named) Abraham, a man of a noble +race, and superior to all others in wisdom.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Of him they relate that he was the inventor of +astrology and the Chaldean magic, and that on +account of his eminent piety he was esteemed by God. +It is further said that under the directions of God he +removed and lived in Phœnicia, and there taught the +<pb n='147'/><anchor id='Pg147'/> +Phœnicians the motions of the sun and moon, and all +other things; for which reason he was held in great +reverence by their king</q> (<hi rend='italic'>Praep. Evan.</hi> 9). +</p> + +<p> +Nicolas of Damascus, apparently wishing to glorify +his own city, states that Abram was king of Damascus, +and went there, with an army, from that part of the +country which is situated above Babylon of the +Chaldeans, afterwards transferring his dwelling to the +land which was at that time called Canaan, but is +now called Judea. Justin also states that Abraham +lived at Damascus, from which city he traces the +origin of the Jews. +</p> + +<p> +According to the most trustworthy traditions, therefore, +as well as from the Bible itself, Abraham was of +Chaldean or Babylonian origin. If the city of Urie +or Ur be, as he says, that which was also called +Camarina, this would in all probability be the Aramean +form of the Arabic <foreign lang='ar' rend='italic'>qamar</foreign>, <q>the moon,</q> and the name +Camarina would be due to the fact that the Moon-god, +Sin or Nannara, was worshipped there. It is also +noteworthy that the city whither the family of Terah +emigrated, Haran (in Assyro-Babylonian, Ḫarran), +was likewise a centre of lunar worship, and some have +sought to see in that a reason for choosing that settlement. +In connection with this it may be remarked, +that in the Talmud Terah, the father of Abraham, is +represented as an idolater, reproved by his son +Abraham for foolish and wicked superstition. +</p> + +<p> +We see, therefore, from the eleventh chapter of +Genesis, that Abraham was a Babylonian from Ur, +now known as Mugheir (Muqayyar), or (better still) +from that part of the country which lay north of +Babylon, known by the non-Semitic inhabitants as Uri, +and by the Semitic population as Akkad. As the +family of Terah was a pastoral one, they must have +pastured their flocks in this district until they heard +of those more fruitful tracts in the west, and decided +to emigrate thither. And here it may be noted that +<pb n='148'/><anchor id='Pg148'/> +they did not, by thus quitting their fatherland, go to +swear allegiance to another ruler, for the sway of the +king of Babylon extended to the farthest limits of the +patriarch's wanderings, and wherever he went, Babylonian +and Aramean or Chaldean would enable him +to make himself understood. He was, therefore, +always as it were in his own land, under the governors +of the same king who ruled in the place of his birth. +</p> + +<p> +The name of the patriarch, moreover, seems to +betray the place of his origin. The first name that +he bore was Abram, which has already been compared +with the Abu-ramu, <q>honoured father,</q> of the Assyrian +eponym-lists (in this place an official by whose name +the year 677, the 5th year of Esarhaddon, was distinguished). +At an earlier date than this the name +has not been found, and the element <foreign rend='italic'>ram</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>ramu</foreign>, +<foreign rend='italic'>rame</foreign>, etc., seems to be rare. Ranke's list gives only +<foreign rend='italic'>Sumu-ramê</foreign>, <q>the name is established,</q> or <q>Sumu +(? Shem) is established,</q> or something similar, but +<foreign rend='italic'>ramê</foreign> here is probably not connected with the second +syllable of Abram's name. The name of Sarah has +been compared with the Assyro-Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>šarratu</foreign>, +<q>queen,</q> but seems not to occur in the inscriptions. +Isaak is also absent, but Ishmael, under the form of +<foreign rend='italic'>Išme-îlu</foreign> (meaning <q>(the) god has heard</q>) occurs, as +well as others in which <foreign rend='italic'>îlu</foreign> is replaced by Êa, Sin, and +Addu or Adad (Hadad). +</p> + +<p> +When, however, it was revealed to Abram that he +was to stay in the Promised Land, a change was made +in his name—he was no longer known by the Assyro-Babylonian +name Abram, <q>honoured father,</q> but, +in view of the destiny appointed for him, he was +to be called Abraham, <q>father of a multitude of +nations.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The first stratum of the Hebrew nation was, therefore +to all appearance, Babylonian, the second stratum +Aramean, probably a kindred stock, whilst the third +was to all appearance Canaanitish. All these must +have left their trace on the Hebrew character, and, +<pb n='149'/><anchor id='Pg149'/> +like most mixed races, they showed at all times +superior intelligence in many ways. They were good +diplomates, brave warriors, divine lawgivers, and they +excelled in literary skill. One great defect they had—among +their many defects—they were stiffnecked +to a fatal degree. Had their kings been less obstinate +and better rulers, conciliating their subjects instead of +exasperating them, the nation might have outlasted +the power of Rome, and built upon its ruins in their +land a kingdom dominating the Semitic world in the +nearer East to the present day. +</p> + +<p> +Of all the characters of early Bible history, there is +hardly one which stands out with greater prominence +than the patriarch Abraham. And not only is it his +history and personality that is important—the historical +facts touched upon in the course of his biography +are equally so. Facts concerning the ancient East, +from Babylonia on the east to Egypt on the west, face +the reader as he goes through that attractive narrative, +and make him wonder at the state of society, the +political situation, and the beliefs of the people which +should have made his migrations possible, brought +about the monotheistic belief which characterizes his +life and that of his descendants, and enabled him and +his sons after him to attain such a goodly store of the +riches of this world. +</p> + +<p> +To begin with Babylonia, his native place. As is +well known, that country had already been in existence +as a collection of communities far advanced in arts, +sciences, and literature, at an exceedingly early date, and +many of the small kingdoms of which it consisted +had become united under Ḫammurabi (Amraphel) +into one single state, making it one of the greatest +powers at the time. Of course, it is not by any means +improbable that something similar to this had existed +before, but if so, we have no record of the fact, though +it is certain that different states had from time to time +become predominant and powerful to an extent hardly +<pb n='150'/><anchor id='Pg150'/> +conceivable. The influence, if not the sway, of Sargon +of Agadé, who reigned about 3800 years before Christ, +for example, extended from Elam on the east to the +Mediterranean on the west—a vast tract of territory +to acknowledge the suzerainty of so small a state. +</p> + +<p> +Babylonia, therefore, with a long history behind it, +was beginning to feel, to all appearance, a new national +life. It had passed the days when the larger states +boasted strength begotten of mere size, and when the +smaller states sought mutual protection against the +larger, finding in that alone, or in the acknowledgment +of an overlord, the security upon which their +existence as separate states depended. There is every +probability that it was at this time that the legends +which formed the basis of Babylonian national literature +were collected and copied, thus assuring their +preservation. It is also probable that the translations +from Akkadian of the numerous inscriptions written +in that language, and the bilingual lists, syllabaries, +and other texts of a similar nature, belong to this +period. +</p> + +<p> +The social condition of Babylonia itself at this time +is now fairly well known. The ancient Akkadian +laws were still in force, but as they did not provide +for all the possibilities that might arise, a large series +of legal enactments was compiled, in which points were +decided in a very common-sense and just manner. It +is noteworthy that the number of tablets of a legal +nature is very numerous, and arouses the suspicion +that the Babylonians were exceedingly fond of litigation, +due, no doubt, to the tendency they had to overreach +each other. It is therefore very probable that +this is the reason why we meet with that remarkable +contract of the purchase of the field of Machpelah from +the children of Heth. One would have imagined that +the frequent protestations, made by the head of the +tribe there located, to the effect that he gave the field +and the cave to Abraham, would have been sufficient, +<pb n='151'/><anchor id='Pg151'/> +especially at that solemn moment of the burial of +Sarah, and that the matter could have been put upon +a legal footing later on. But no, the patriarch was +determined to have the matter placed beyond dispute +there and then, and knowing how prone the Babylonians +(with whom he had passed his youth) were to +deny a contract, and try to get back again, by perjury, +what they had already parted with for value, the +matter was at once placed beyond the possibility of +being disputed in any court of law.<note place='foot'>See the tablet translated on pp. <ref target='Pg182'>182-183</ref>, and compare the +documents quoted on pp. <ref target='Pg174'>174</ref>, <ref target='Pg178'>178</ref> ff., <ref target='Pg180'>180</ref>, <ref target='Pg184'>184</ref>, <ref target='Pg185'>185</ref>, <ref target='Pg186'>186-7</ref>.</note> +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='152'/><anchor id='Pg152'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<anchor id='Chapter_V'/> +<head>Chapter V. Babylonia At The Time Of Abraham.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +The first dynasty of Babylon—The extent of its dominion—The +Amorites—Life in Babylonia at this time—The religious +element—The king—The royal family—The people—Their +manners and customs as revealed by the contract-tablets—Their +laws. +</quote> + +<p> +Much has been learnt, but there is still much to +learn, concerning the early history of Babylonia. +</p> + +<p> +During the period immediately preceding that of +the dynasty of Babylon—the dynasty to which +Amraphel (Ḫammurabi) belonged—there is a gap in +the list of the kings, which fresh excavations alone +can fill up. Before this gap the records, as far as we +know them, are in the Akkadian language. After +this gap they are in the Semitic-Babylonian tongue. +To all appearance, troublous times had come upon +Babylonia. The native rulers had been swept away +by the Elamites, who, in their turn, had been driven +out by the Semitic kings of Babylonia, but those +Semitic kings were not Babylonians by origin, notwithstanding +that the native scribes, who drew up the +lists of kings, describe them as being a Babylonian +dynasty. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <anchor id='Plate_V'/> + <figure url='images/illus-v.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Envelope (Printed upside down on account of seal-impressions 2 to 4) +of a contract-tablet recording a sale of land by +Sin-êribam, Pî-sa-nunu, and Idis-Sin, three brothers, to Sin-ikîsam. Reign +of Immerum, contemporary with Sumula-îlu, about 2100 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +Seal Impressions. +1. (Here reversed.) Two deities, one (in a flounced robe) holding a sceptre. +On the left, a worshipper; on the right, a man overcoming a lion. +This scene is repeated, less distinctly, on the left. +2. Left: Two deities, one holding a sceptre and a weapon; right: deity, +divine attendant adoring, and worshipper (?). +3. Men overcoming lions; winged creature devouring a gazelle. +4. Figure on plinth, holding basket and cup; worshipper; deity, holding +sword; lion (or dog); deity, holding weapon. Inscription: Aa (the +moon-goddess), Samas (the sun-god). +(Tablet 92,649 in the British Museum (Babylonian and Assyrian Room, +Table-case A, No. 62). The edges have also some very fine impressions.)</head> + <figDesc>Plate V.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +The change may have been gradual, but it +was great. Many of the small states which had +existed at the time of Dungi, Bûr-Sin, Gimil-Sin, +Ibi-Sin, and their predecessors had to all appearance +passed away, and become part of the Babylonian +Empire long before the dynasty of Babylon came to +<pb n='153'/><anchor id='Pg153'/> +an end, though some at least were in existence in the +time of the great conqueror Ḫammurabi. But the +change was, as it would seem, not one of overlordship +only—another change which had been gradually +taking place was, by this, carried one step farther, +namely, the Semiticizing of the country. Before the +period of the dynasty of Babylon, the two races of +Akkadians and Semitic Babylonians had been living +side by side, the former (except in the kingdom of +which Sippar was the capital) having the predominance, +the records being written in the Akkadian +language, and the kings bearing mainly Akkadian +names, though there were, for the Semitic inhabitants, +translations of those names. Translations of the +inscriptions and legends, as well as the old Akkadian +laws, probably did not (except in the Semitic kingdom +of Agadé) exist. +</p> + +<p> +How it came about is not known, but it is certain +that, about 2200 years <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, a purely Semitic dynasty +occupied the throne of the chief ruler in Babylonia. +The first king was Sumu-abi, who reigned 14 years. +This monarch was followed by Sumu-la-ili and Zabû, +36 and 14 years respectively. Then come two rulers +with Babylonian names—Abil-Sin and Sin-mubaliṭ, +18 years and 20 years. These are followed, in their +turn, by Ḫammurabi (43), Samsu-iluna (38), Ebišum +(25), Ammi-ṭitana (25), Ammi-zaduga (21), and Samsu-ṭitana +(31 years). This dynasty, therefore, lasted about +285<note place='foot'>In consequence of variations in the lists, there is doubt as +to the total of the reigns of the above kings. The shorter +indications have been given above, as far as the reign of Samsu-iluna. +A small tablet from Babylon (Rassam excavations) gives +Sumu-abi 15, Sumu-la-ila 35, Zabû 14, Abil-Sin 18, Sin-mubaliṭ +30, Ḫammurabi 55, and Samsu-iluna 35—total, with the others, +304 years instead of 285. Perhaps there were usurpers, whose +reigns have not been included. There seems to have been an +interregnum after the reign of Samu-abi (<hi rend='italic'>Proceedings of the +Society of Biblical Archæology</hi>, 1899, p. 161).</note> years, and with two exceptions, Abil-Sin and +Sin-mubaliṭ, the names, though Semitic, are not +Babylonian. +</p> + +<pb n='154'/><anchor id='Pg154'/> + +<p> +Yet it was called by Babylonians <q>the dynasty of +Babylon!</q> +</p> + +<p> +And this, in all probability, is correct. The dynasty +must, on account of the name given to it, have come +from that city, but was, at the same time, of foreign +origin, its kings being descended from another dynasty +which came from some other part of the Semitic +world of that time. This is indicated by the following +facts. +</p> + +<p> +Three of the tablets of which we shall learn something +more farther on, and which are preserved in +the British Museum, have invocations of a personage, +apparently a king, named Anmanila. The name of +this ruler naturally recalls the Anman of the dynasty +following that of Babylon—namely, the dynasty of +Uru-ku; but the style of the writing of these three +documents is not that of the later period, but of the +beginning of the dynasty of Babylon, and there is, on +that account, every probability that Anmanila was one +of the predecessors of Sumu-abi, the first king of the +dynasty of Babylon. It is, of course, possible that +this ruler was simply a co-regent with one of the +kings already known, like Immerum, who lived at the +time of Sumu-la-îla, or Buntaḫun-îla,<note place='foot'>Or <foreign rend='italic'>Buntaḫtun-ila</foreign>, in an inscription published by Hermann +Ranke (<hi rend='italic'>Pennsylvania Expedition</hi>, vol. VI., part 1, 1906).</note> another associate +with Sumu-la-îla on the throne, but there is a +certain amount of improbability in this, as Anmanila is +named alone, and not in connection with any other. +Moreover, it is probable that, in the case of the two +co-regents here mentioned, we have examples of sons +associated with their father, and one replacing the +other on account of the early death of his brother. +Another ruler, probably of the period preceding that +of the dynasty of Babylon, is Manamaltel, whose name +<pb n='155'/><anchor id='Pg155'/> +is found on a tablet belonging to the Rev. Dr. J. P. +Way, head-master of Rossall School, and it is noteworthy +that one of the tablets bearing the name of +Anmanila gives, among the witnesses, a certain Sumuentel,<note place='foot'>The name really seems, however, to be Sumuenteal, probably +a scribe's error.</note> +a name having the same termination as +Manamaltel, a component which seems to have been +common at this early period, and rare or non-existent +later. Most, if not all, the above are foreign names. +</p> + +<p> +The next question that arises is, what was the +nationality of these rulers, who, though belonging to +what was called <q>the dynasty of Babylon,</q> were not +really of Babylonian origin? +</p> + +<p> +The key to the matter is probably furnished by the +following inscription of Ammi-ṭitana, the ninth king +of the dynasty— +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(30) lw(30)'"> +<row><cell><q rend='pre'>Ammi-ṭi(tana),</q></cell><cell>his(?) ...</cell></row> +<row><cell>the powerful king,</cell><cell>(in) a seat of gladness</cell></row> +<row><cell>king of Babylon,</cell><cell>he has made him sit.</cell></row> +<row><cell>king of Kiš,</cell><cell></cell></row> +<row><cell>king of Šumer and (Akkad),</cell><cell></cell></row> +<row><cell>king of the vast land of Amoria,</cell><cell></cell></row> +<row><cell>am I;</cell><cell>its wall.</cell></row> +<row><cell>descendant</cell><cell>Asari-lu-duga (Merodach)</cell></row> +<row><cell>of Sumu-la-îli,</cell><cell>has revealed him as his worshipper—</cell></row> +<row><cell>eldest son<note place='foot'>Or <q>heroic son</q>—<foreign rend='italic'>dumu ursa[ga?]</foreign>.</note></cell><cell>may his name be established</cell></row> +<row><cell>of Abēšu',<note place='foot'>The Ebišum of the chronological lists.</note> am I,</cell><cell>in heaven and earth.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Obedient(?) (to) Bel</cell><cell><q rend='pre'>(Inscription) of Bêl-ušallim,</q></cell></row> +<row><cell><q rend='post'>the seat(?)</q></cell><cell><q rend='post'>son of ... -bi, the enchanter.</q></cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +In this inscription, Ammi-ṭitana calls himself not +only <q>king of Babylon,</q> and other important places +in Babylonia, but <q>king of Amoria</q> (if the coining +of a word for the district be allowed) also. Now, as +we know from the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, Amurrū is +<pb n='156'/><anchor id='Pg156'/> +the name that the Babylonians used for <q>the west,</q> +which Assyriologists formerly read (on account of the +polyphony of the Babylonian system of writing) +Aḫarrū. In reality, however, this word, Amurrū, +stands for the land of the Amorites, and the probability +is, that the land of the Amorites belonged to +the Babylonian Empire because it formed part of the +original domain of the rulers of Babylonia at this +time, who, if not of Amorite descent, may at least +have had Amorite connections. +</p> + +<p> +In any case, there is but little doubt that the population +of Babylonia was very mixed 2000 years before +Christ. As we know from the tablets, Amorites were, +during this period, numerous in Babylonia, and the +god whose name is written with the characters MARTU +(a common group for Amurrū)—the fact is revealed +by one of the tablets of late date published by +Reisner—are to be read Amurrū, and the best translation +is <q>the Amorite god,</q> whose name and worship +seem to have been introduced into the Babylonian +Pantheon at a much earlier date, and was known to +the Akkadians under the name of Martu. It is noteworthy +that, in the text in question (<hi rend='italic'>Mitteilungen aus +den orientalischen Sammlungen</hi>, Heft. x. pl. 139, 147-81), +the Akkadian Martu and Babylonian Amurrū is +called <q>lord of the mountain,</q> probably because the +country of the Amorites, especially when compared +with Babylonia, is mountainous. +</p> + +<p> +In addition to the god Amurrū, other deities of +western origin appear in the inscriptions (generally in +the names) from time to time. Thus we have Abdu-Ištara, +interesting as giving an early form of the +name Astarte (Ashtoreth), before it received the +feminine termination; Ụsur-Malik, probably <q>protect, +O Malik</q> (Moloch), Nabu-Malik, probably <q>Nebo is +Malik</q> (Moloch), or <q>Nebo is king</q>; Ibi-Šân, +probably <q>speak, O Shân,</q> which reminds the reader +of Beth-Shean, the modern Beisan; and there are +<pb n='157'/><anchor id='Pg157'/> +also, in all probability, other Amorite deities whom +we cannot identify, on account of their names not +occurring in other ancient literatures than the Babylonian. +Ibaru, found in the name Arad-Ibari, +<q>servant of Ibari,</q> Abâ, in the name Arad (Abdi)-Abâ, +Alla, in the name Ur-Alla, <q>man of Alla</q> +(though this is possibly a Babylonian [Akkadian] +name), etc., are probably non-Babylonian, but not +Amorite. +</p> + +<p> +Besides the names of west Semitic deities, however, +the names of west Semites themselves occur, and +show that there was a considerable immigration in +those ancient days into the country. Thus the word +Amurrū, <q>the Amorite,</q> is exceedingly common, and +one is not surprised to learn that, in consequence of +the Amorites being so numerous, there was an Amorite +district in the neighbourhood of Sippar. Other names +of men which are apparently from the country spoken +of are, Sar-îli, probably <q>prince of God,</q> and the same +as Israel; Karanatum (probably for Qaranatum), +which would seem to mean <q>she of the horned deity</q> +(compare Uttatum, <q>he of the sun,</q> Sinnatum, <q>he of +the moon</q>), and reminds us of Ashteroth Karnaim, +<q>Ashteroth of the two horns,</q> the well-known site in +Palestine. Besides these, we meet more than once +with such names as Ya'kub, Jacob, with its longer +form, Ya'kub-îlu, Jacob-el; and in like manner the +name of Joseph and its longer form Joseph-el occur—Yasup +and Yasup-îlu. Êsâ, the father of a man +named Siteyatum, reminds us of Esau; Abdi-îli, +<q>servant of God,</q> is the same as Abdeel; and Ya'zar-îlu, +<q>God has helped</q> (compare Azrael), Yantin-îlu, +<q>God has given</q> (compare Nethanel), with many +others similar, receive illustration. In all probability, +too, many of the bearers of names compounded with +Addu (Hadad), Amurrū, and other names of deities +naturalized in Babylonia, as well as some of the +bearers of true Babylonian names, were, in reality, +<pb n='158'/><anchor id='Pg158'/> +pure west Semites. Further examples will be found +in the texts translated farther on, and the more noteworthy +will be pointed out when they occur. +</p> + +<p> +It will thus be seen that the population of Babylonia +2000 years before Christ had a considerable admixture +of west Semites, many of whom would come under the +designation of Amorites; besides other nationalities, +such as Armenians or people of Aram-Naharaim +(Mesopotamia)—at least two tablets refer exclusively +to transactions between members of this northern +race—Sutites, and Gutites, who were low-class people +seemingly light-haired, <q>fair Gutian slaves</q> being in +one place spoken of. +</p> + +<p> +Life in Babylonia at this early period must have +been exceedingly primitive, and differed considerably, +as the East does even now, from what we in Europe +are accustomed to. The city of which we can get the +best idea, Sippar, the Sippara of the Greeks, generally +regarded (though probably wrongly) as the Sepharvaim +of the Bible, now represented by the mounds known +as Abu-habbah, whence most of the early contract-tablets +revealing to us the daily life of these ancient +Babylonians came, was situated on the Euphrates, +<q>the life of the land.</q> The name of this river is +written, when phonetically rendered, by the characters +Purattu (probably really pronounced Phuraththu), in +Akkadian Pura-nunu, <q>the great water-channel,</q> often +expressed (and then, of course, not phonetically) with +characters meaning <q>the river of Sippar,</q> showing in +what estimation the ancient Babylonians held both +river and city. The mound of Abu-habbah is four +miles from the river Euphrates, and situated, in +reality, on the canal called Nahr-Malka, <q>the royal +river,</q> which runs through it; but the tablets of the +period of which we are now speaking refer not +only to the city itself, but to the district all round +from the Tigris on the east to the Euphrates on the +west. +</p> + +<pb n='159'/><anchor id='Pg159'/> + +<p> +The following paragraph from Mr. Rassam's <hi rend='italic'>Asshur +and the Land of Nimrod</hi> will give a fair idea of what +this district is like:— +</p> + +<p> +<q>It is most interesting to examine this canal (the +Nahr-Malka) all the way between the Euphrates and +the Tigris, as it shows the magnitude of the Babylonian +agricultural industry in days gone by, when it irrigated +hundreds of miles of rich alluvial soil. The remains +of countless large and small watercourses, which +intersect the country watered by those two branches<note place='foot'>Yosephia and Habe-Ibraheem.</note> +of Nahr-Malka, are plainly seen even now. Vestiges +of prodigious basins are also visible, wherein a surplus +supply must have been kept for any emergency, +especially when the water of the Euphrates falls low +in summer.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The digging of canals, which was an exceedingly +important work in those days, as indeed it is now, was +evidently very systematically done, and the king often, +to all appearance, made a bid for increased popularity +by digging an important new canal for irrigation +purposes, to which his name was attached. Thus we +find the work of Sumu-la-ilu, Sin-mubaliṭ, Ḫammurabi, +Samsu-iluna, and other kings recorded and chosen as +the event of the year to date by. This, with the rebuilding +or new decoration of the temples and shrines, +endeared the king to the people and the priesthood, +ensuring for him the faithful service of both, and +willing submission to his rule. Indeed, there is but +little doubt that the presence of foreign rulers in the +country was often due to their having made friends of +the priestly classes, and afterwards of the people, in +this way. +</p> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>The Religious Element.</head> + +<p> +As may be judged from the specimens of Babylonian +names already given, the inhabitants of this +part of the world were exceedingly religious. In +<pb n='160'/><anchor id='Pg160'/> +every city of the land there were great temples, each +of which made its claim on the people who formed +the congregation—in other words, the whole population. +In the district of which we are at present +treating—the tract where the majority of early +contract-tablets were found, namely, Sippar—the chief +objects of worship were the Sun-god Šamaš; his +consort, the Moon-goddess, Aa; Bunene, a deity of +whom but little is known; Anunitum, a goddess +identified with Ištar or Venus; Addu or Rammanu +(Hadad or Rimmon), and, in later times at least, +among others, <q>the divine Daughters of Ê-babbarra.<note place='foot'>See the <hi rend='italic'>Quarterly Statement</hi> of the Palestine Exploration +Fund, July 1900, pp. 262, 263.</note></q> +All these deities were worshipped in the temple of the +place, called Ê-babbarra, <q>the (divinely) brilliant +house,</q> the earthly abode of the god Šamaš and his +companions. In addition to this great and celebrated +temple, of such renown in later times that even Egyptians, +sun-devotees in their own country, attended the +services and made gifts, temples were erected to the +other gods of Babylon, notably Sin, the Moon-god; +to Merodach, the chief deity of Babylon; and likewise +in all probability to Merodach's consort, Zer-panitum, +who was worshipped along with him. There was +probably hardly a town in ancient Babylonia and +Assyria where one or more of these gods were not +honoured—indeed, the sun had also another centre of +worship, namely, Larsa, the Ellasar of Gen. xiv. 1, as well +as less renowned shrines. Ištar was venerated at Erech +along with Anu; Sin, the moon, under the name of +Nannar, had a great and celebrated temple at Ur +(generally regarded as Ur of the Chaldees), and also at +Haran, the city of Abraham's sojourning; Nebo was +worshipped at Borsippa; Nergal at Cuthah; Gula, +goddess of healing, at Babylon; Ê-girsu (<q>the lord of +Girsu</q>) at the city of Girsu, apparently a part of +Lagaš; Êa and Tammuz at Eridu, etc. +</p> + +<pb n='161'/><anchor id='Pg161'/> + +<p> +In the province of which Sippar was capital, however, +the people were more than usually religious, or +else more records of their piety have come down to +us. Numerous persons, more especially women, are +described as devotees, or perhaps priestesses, of the +Sun-god there, and sometimes similar devotees of +Merodach are mentioned. Though we have no certain +information, it is very probable that there were all +over the country people dedicated to the various +deities, <q>the gods of the land,</q> for what was customary +in the district of Sippar (Sippar-Amnanu and Sippar-Ya'ruru) +was in all probability equally so in the other +provinces of the empire. From the earliest times the +temples acquired and held large tracts of land, which +the priests let to various people, agriculturists and +others, to cultivate, a certain proportion of the produce +being paid to them, added to the revenues of the +temples, and passed into the treasury of the god. To +this lucrative business of land-letting was added that +of money-lending, and interest in the weaving-industry +of the place, both of which increased +enormously in later times. That the temples received +from time to time rich gifts from the king, goes without +saying, for the colophon-dates record many +instances of this. Sumu-abu, for instance, rebuilt or +restored the temples of the Lady of Isin, and the +temple Ê-maḫ of Nannar (the Moon-god); Sumu-la-îla +made a throne of gold and silver for the great +shrine of Merodach; Abil-Sin seems to have given a +similar object to the temple of the Sun at Babylon; +Ḫammurabi restored or gave thrones to the temples of +Zer-panitum, Ištar of Babylon, Nannar (the moon), and +built a great shrine for Bel. Samsu-iluna, likewise, +was not negligent of the gods, for it is related of him +that he dedicated a bright shining mace (?) of gold +and silver, the glory of the temple, to Merodach, and +made Ê-sagila (the great temple of Belus at Babylon) +to shine like the stars of heaven. It is needless to +<pb n='162'/><anchor id='Pg162'/> +say, that the long lists of the pious works of the rulers +of Babylon would be much too long to enumerate here. +</p> + +<p> +All this the kings did from motives of policy, to +conciliate the priests, and, through them, the people. +Sometimes, though, they had need of the priests, who +were able to render them service, and then, naturally, +they bought their good-will cheerfully. The service +which the priests rendered in return was to pray to the +gods for the king's health and his success against his +enemies, or in any undertaking in which he might be +engaged, and to inquire of the gods for him whether +he would be successful. Many, too, were the ceremonies +and festivals in which king, priests, and people +took part, and the king (who was himself a priest) and +the priesthood thrived exceedingly. +</p> + +<p> +Sometimes, too, it happened that a devotee or +servant of another god than that which was the +divinity of the place, struck with the neglect of the +deities whom he worshipped, would decide to remedy +that defect, and to this end he would found a small +temple himself, and endow it. The following will +show in what way this took place— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Nûr-îli-šu has built for his god the temple of +Šarru and Šullat. One <foreign rend='italic'>šar</foreign> (is the measure of) the +temple of his god—he has dedicated it for his life. +Pî-ša-Šamaš is the priest of the temple. Nûr-îli-šu +shall not make a claim against the priesthood (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> +demand the restitution of the property he has given). +He is an enemy of Šamaš and Suma-îlu who brings +an action.</q> +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Before Bur-nunu, son of Ibubu (?);</q></l> +<l>before Ibik-ištar, son of Ibubu;</l> +<l>before Sin-rabu, son of Aba-Ellila-kime;</l> +<l>before Idin-Sin, son of Ilu-malik;</l> +<l>before Sin-idinnaššu, son of Lu-Ninsaḫ;</l> +<l>before Aḫum-ḫibum, son of Aḫu-šina;</l> +<l><q rend='post'>before Sin-idinnaššu, son of Pi-ša-Nin-Karak,</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<pb n='163'/><anchor id='Pg163'/> + +<p> +<q>The light of his god,</q> Nûr-îli-šu apparently +wished to justify his name, and to show what a +faithful servant he was, and he therefore dedicated +the temple to the deity mentioned. This, according +to the inscriptions, should be Merodach, one of whose +titles was <foreign rend='italic'>šarru</foreign>, <q>the king.</q> It is to be noted, however, +that in the district of Sippar the Sun-god was +<q>king,</q> and if this be the case, the pious giver of the +temple, instead of wishing to honour the patron god +of another district, merely intended to honour the +patron god of his own in another aspect, namely, as +king in the heavens, along with his consort, here +called Šullat, a name which, to all appearance, simply +means <q>the bride.</q> That the Sun-god was intended +seems to be indicated by the name of the priest, +Pî-ša-Šamaš, <q>Word of the Sun-god,</q> though it was +not by any means impossible for a man bearing the name +of another god as part of his own to officiate in this +capacity, especially in the case of Merodach, for the +latter was, in many respects, a sun-god, and therefore +identified with Šamaš. In any case, the new temple +was under the protection of the Sun-god, as the statement +(<q>he is an enemy of Šamaš and Šuma-ilu</q>) +shows. It is noteworthy that, in the names of the +witnesses, Šamaš does not occur as a component part +in any case. +</p> + +<p> +But a small foundation like this must have had but +little influence beside the great temple of the Sun-god +at Sippara, with its revenues from lands, dues on +grain, tithes, free-will offerings, and gifts on special +occasions. In addition to all that has been mentioned +above, the temple of the Sun-god was the great court +of justice, and the people resorted thither to settle +their disputes, and in all probability gifts were made +to the Sun-god on those occasions. The gates of the +city, too, were favourite places for this, especially that +of Šamaš, and there is every probability that gifts to +the god had to be made there also. The power and +<pb n='164'/><anchor id='Pg164'/> +influence of the places of worship on account of all +these temporal and sacerdotal duties invested in them +can be easily imagined. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>The King.</head> + +<p> +Around the Babylonian king is hedged a certain +amount of mystery, for we see him but dimly. What +he did year by year we know, but what his general +way of life was the tablets do not reveal to us. He +lived in a <q>great house,</q> <foreign rend='italic'>ê-gala</foreign> in Akkadian, <foreign rend='italic'>êkallu</foreign> +in Semitic Babylonian, and there is hardly any doubt +that the people looked upon him as a great high-priest, +and often as being himself divine. Indeed, +some, if not many, of the Babylonian kings were +regarded as gods, and had their worshippers, apparently +whilst they were still inhabitants of this +earth. The deification of the early Babylonian kings +is made known to us by the scribes placing the usual +divine prefix before their names, and with certain +rulers this is seldom or never wanting. Thus we +know that Dungi (about 2650 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>) was deified, as +were also Bûr-Sin, Gimil-Sin, and Ibi-Sin. This +custom seems to have been continued until later +times, for Rim-Sin of Larsa, the opponent of Ḫammurabi +or Amraphel, was thus honoured, and even +Ḫammurabi himself, who never has this divine prefix +before his name, was sometimes paid this exceptional +tribute, as such names as Ḫammurabi-Šamši, <q>Hammurabi +is my Sun,</q> or <q>my Sun-god,</q> show. The +East was ever the home of flattery, which could +hardly reach a higher point than that of deification. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <anchor id='Plate_VI'/> + <figure url='images/illus-vi-a.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>The Adoration of a Deified King. +Impression of a cylinder inscribed "Danatum, son of Sin-tâar, servant +( = worshipper) of Rîm-Sin" (see p. <ref target='Pg164'>164</ref>). +Published by permission of the owner, Mr. J. Offord, and the Society of Biblical Archæology.</head> + <figDesc>Plate VI A.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-vi-b.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>The Adoration of a God. +Impression of a cylinder-seal inscribed with the name of Appâni-îl +(see p. 555). (The figure on the left has been added by a later hand to +obliterate part of the inscription.) +Published by permission of the owner, Mr. J. Offord, and the Society of Biblical Archæology.</head> + <figDesc>Plate VI B.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +Yet the king does sometimes come forth from his +shell, and then we see him in his two aspects—as +king, giving his orders to the officials of his court +and army, and as the chief citizen of the country +over which he ruled. The former is illustrated by +the despatches and letters in which his name occurs, +<pb n='165'/><anchor id='Pg165'/> +and the latter by such references to him as we find +in the contracts—and these are very few, as the +colophon-dates and invocations of his name in the +legal oaths do not count. +</p> + +<p> +Many letters of Ḫammurabi have been found, and +indicate how active he was as a ruler. These texts, +which, as far as they are published, are generally in +a very incomplete state, nevertheless show that this +most successful king paid every attention to the welfare +of his subjects, even those in distant parts of the +country. Thus in one of these communications he +gives instructions to Sin-idinnam (who was apparently +military governor of Larsa or Ellasar) to pronounce +judgment against a certain person who laid claim to +a field. Another letter to the same person refers to +grain taken by Awel-îli, concerning which the king +says, <q>I have seen these reports. The grain of the +recorder (?), which Awel-îli has taken, let him return +to the recorder.</q> In another place he writes to his +officer rather angrily because Inuḫ-samar, apparently +Sin-idinnam's lieutenant, had taken away from Sin-magir +certain documents signed by the king. He +asks Sin-idinnam why he had done this (placing the +blame directly upon him), and concludes, <q>The documents, +the property of Sin-magir ... with the impress +of my seal, which thou hast taken, restore to him.</q> +If Sin-idinnam had not been a very high-placed +official, he would in all probability have been +dismissed. +</p> + +<p> +The following is a letter from king Ammi-ṭitana to +his agent— +</p> + +<p> +<q>To the agent of Sippar-Ya'rurum say thus: <q>It is +Ammi-ṭitana. The wool-merchant has thus informed +me: <q>I keep sending to the purveyor of Sippar-Ya'rurum +concerning the wool ordered from him, to +cause (it) to be sent to Babylon, but he has not +caused the wool ordered from him to be sent.</q> Thus +he informs me. Why hast thou not caused the wool +<pb n='166'/><anchor id='Pg166'/> +ordered from thee to be sent to Babylon? As thou +hast not feared to do this, when thou seest this +tablet, cause the wool ordered from thee to be +brought to Babylon.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +It will thus be seen that the early kings of +Babylonia identified themselves with the people of +the country over which they ruled much more than +the sovereigns of Europe have for many hundreds of +years been accustomed to do. More than this—their +families were accustomed to intermarry with the +people, as did Elmešu—<q>Diamond</q> or <q>Crystal,</q> +daughter of Ammi-ṭitana— +</p> + +<p> +(<q rend='pre'>Tablet of) Elmešum, daughter of Ammi-ṭit[ana +the king], whom Kizirtum, daughter of Ammi-ṭitana +the king, by the consent of Šumum-libšî, her brother, +Šamaš-lipir, son of Riš-Šamaš, and Taram-šullim (?), +his wife, have married to Ibku-Annunitum, their son, +as (his) consort. Four shekels of silver, the wedding-gift +of Elmešu, daughter of Ammi-ṭitana, the king, +Šumum-libšî, son of Ammi-ṭitana, the king, and +Kizirtum, his sister, have received. If Ibku-Annunitum, +son of Šamaš-lipir, say to Elmešum, his wife, +<q>Thou art not my wife,</q> he shall pay (1)[½] (?) mana +of silver. If Elmešum say to Ibku-Annunitum, her +husband, <q>Thou art not my husband,</q> to.... Before +Utul- ...; before ... -šemi, son of ... -um; before +Ibni-Addu, son of ... -um; before Šumma-lum- +..., (son of) Ili-bani; before Addu-šarrum, son of +Riš-Šamaš; before Baši-îlu (?), son of ... -mar; +before Nabi-îlu (?), (son of) ... -be (?); before ... +-pi- ....</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Sebat, day 2nd, year Ammi-ṭitana the king +built (?) Kar- ... (and) the wall of....</q> +</p> + +<p> +This is not only a curious document—it is also an +interesting one, and shows under what conditions a +woman of royal blood and race could in ancient +Babylonia be wedded to a commoner. To all appearance +the king himself, Elmešu's father, had nothing +<pb n='167'/><anchor id='Pg167'/> +to do with the transaction—perhaps he purposely +held aloof—and this being the case, it is the bride's +brother and sister who have charge of the ceremony +and contract; and, with the bridegroom's father and +mother, marry her as consort to Ibku-Annunitum. +The wording differs from that used in ordinary cases, +and is more elegant and select. A wedding-gift of four +shekels of silver is hardly, perhaps, what one would +expect to be made to a royal bride, but perhaps it +was the customary amount in such cases. The +penalty if the husband afterwards divorced his wife +was, as usual, a money-payment, but the amount is +doubtful, though it seems to be above the average. +The penalty if Elmešu forsook her husband is +unfortunately wanting by the mutilation of the +document, but in ordinary cases it was generally +death. +</p> + +<p> +Naturally, the members of the king's family were +rich, and had a tendency to <q>add field to field,</q> for +their own advantage. Or they would, like other +people of means, hire land adjoining their own, in +order to cultivate them both together, as did Iltani, +daughter of king Abēšu'— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>1/3 <foreign rend='italic'>gan</foreign>, a field in the good tract, beside the field +of the king's daughter, its first end (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> front) the +river (or canal) Pariktum, from Melulatum, sun-devotee, +daughter of Ibku-ša, owner of the field, Iltani, +the king's daughter, has hired the field for cultivation, +and for profit. At harvest-time, (upon) every <foreign rend='italic'>gan</foreign>, +she will pay six <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of grain, the due of the Sun-god, +in Kar-Sippar.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Edi- ..., (son of) ...-te (?); before Abil +(?)- ... (son of) ... -aqar; before Šumu-libšî, son +of Pî-ša-Sin; before Addu-napišti-iddina, the scribe.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Nisan, day 2nd, year Abēšu', the king +(made ?) an image (?) of (gold) and silver.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Thirty years, or thereabouts later, Iltani (or a +younger namesake, daughter of Ammi-zaduga) is +<pb n='168'/><anchor id='Pg168'/> +found providing the wherewithal for agricultural +operations— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>One <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of grain, the property of the Sun-god, +for the reaper, which was from Iltani, sun-devotee, +daughter of the king, Šeritum, son of Ibni-Amurrū, +has received. At harvest-time, (in) the month Adar, +he will come—(if) he come not, he shall be like a +king's thrall.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Idin-Marduk, the officer, son of Idin-îli-šu; +before Ina-lali-šu, son of Ibni-Marduk.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Adar, day 25th, year Ammi-zaduga the +king (made ?) a weapon (?) of gold.</q> +</p> + +<p> +This contract is not quite clear without a little +explanation. The grain advanced was, to all appearance, +from the storehouse of the temple of the Sun-god +at Sippara, and Iltani, as a sun-devotee, seems +to have had it at her disposal for the benefit of the +temple. In any case, the amount came from her, and +was received by Šeritum, who seems to have been the +reaper referred to. He promises to come to do the +work in Adar, that very month, when the grain would +have to be reaped, and the penalty for failing to fulfil +his contract was apparently slavery. Evidently the +work was urgent. +</p> + +<p> +It is needless to say, that interesting as these texts +are, they are very incomplete, and leave a great deal +to the imagination, and still more altogether unrecorded. +Nevertheless, they are very valuable as far +as they go, and show us the royal family of Babylonia +at the time working among the people as members +of the community. Each one, however, evidently +worked for his or her own interest, or for the interest +of the religious community to which he or she belonged, +and not for the people at large. It was only +the king who worked for his people, and he did it, it +is hardly going too far to say, because it was his +interest to do so. Most people, however, acted for +their own interest in those days, as now. +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='169'/><anchor id='Pg169'/> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>The People.</head> + +<p> +In all probability the Babylonians consisted of +what may be called the original Semites of that +tract, with the Akkadians, also aboriginal, with whom +they lived and had already, at the time of the +dynasty of Babylon, mingled to such an extent +that they must have become a homogeneous people, +notwithstanding the racial differences which were +probably noticeable at certain points—for example, a +more strongly-marked Semitic type at Sippar and in +that neighbourhood, and a more strongly-marked +Akkadian type in the State to which Lagaš belonged. +Other invasions, however, seem to have taken place, +the principal being that of the Amorites, to which +allusion has already been made—an invasion which +the tablets of this period indicate to have been sufficiently +numerous, and which must have left its mark +on the population, to all appearance increasing the +Semitic preponderance, and emphasizing the type. +The existence of an <q>Amorite tract</q> in the district +of Sippar, and the fact that Sin-idinnam, Ḫammurabi's +general, is designated by the characters GAL-MAR-TU, +in Semitic Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>Rab-Amurrî</foreign>, <q>chief +of the Amorite(s),</q> are in themselves sufficient testimony +to this invasion. It is noteworthy, too, that +the dynasty to which Ḫammurabi belonged is apparently +that described by Berosus as <q>Arabic,</q> in +which case we should have to recognize yet another +invasion of Semites; but there is just the probability, +that <q>Arabic</q> and <q>Amorite</q> were interchangeable +terms, the Amorites being regarded as a collection of +wandering hordes of whom a portion entered the +country, and took possession of the government. +In any case, they shared the fate of all invaders of +the kind referred to, for they were speedily conquered +by the superior civilization of the conquered, and +became so naturalized that notwithstanding their +<pb n='170'/><anchor id='Pg170'/> +western names, they were called by the Babylonians +<q>the dynasty of Babylon.</q> This Amorite element +was to all appearance a sufficiently large one, as the +more easily recognizable names show. Thus we have +<foreign rend='italic'>Amurrū-bani</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Karasumia</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Asalia</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Kuyatum</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Bizizana</foreign>, +<foreign rend='italic'>Izi-idrê</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Sumu-raḳ</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Betani</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Sar-ili (Israel)</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Awel-Addî</foreign> +(<q>man of Hadad,</q> described an Amorite,) with many +others, though the different nationalities cannot +always be distinguished, as many Amorites bore +Babylonian names, and <hi rend='italic'>vice versâ</hi>. +</p> + +<p> +Naturally other nationalities than the Babylonians, +Akkadians, Šumerians, and Amorites were represented +in the country—Elamites from the invasions +of earlier centuries, Kassites and Sutites who came, +in all probability, to trade, Qutites or Gutians brought +into the country as slaves, or possibly living there as +freemen—all these and others helped to increase the +confusion of tongues which existed in the land from +remote ages, and reminded people of the legend of +the Tower of Babel, when <q>the Lord did there confound +the language of all the earth.</q><note place='foot'>An interesting commentary on this is furnished by the +British Museum tablet K, 2100, which informs us that the god +Rimmon or Hadad was called <foreign rend='italic'>Addu</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>Dadu</foreign> in Amorite, <foreign rend='italic'>Tešsub</foreign> +in the language of <foreign rend='italic'>Su</foreign> (Mesopotamia), <foreign rend='italic'>Maliku</foreign> in the language of +<foreign rend='italic'>Suḫ</foreign>, (the Shuites), <foreign rend='italic'>Kunzibami</foreign> in Elamite, and <foreign rend='italic'>Buriaš</foreign> in Kassite. +The same inscription also states that the word for <q>God</q> +was <foreign rend='italic'>ene</foreign> in <foreign rend='italic'>Su</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>nab</foreign> in Elamite, <foreign rend='italic'>malaḫum</foreign> in Amorite, <foreign rend='italic'>kiurum</foreign> in +Lulubite, <foreign rend='italic'>mašḫu</foreign> in Kassite, and gives the additional synonyms +(? in Babylonian) <foreign rend='italic'>qadmu</foreign>, <q>he who was first,</q> <foreign rend='italic'>digirū</foreign> (from the +Akkadian <foreign rend='italic'>dingir</foreign>, <q>god</q>), and also, seemingly, <foreign rend='italic'>ḫilibu.</foreign></note> +</p> + +<p> +Documents of an earlier date than those now under +our notice indicate that Babylonian civilization goes +back no less than three thousand years before the +period of the dynasty of Babylon, and this, in consideration +of the date calculated for the foundation of +Niffer (another three thousand years earlier), must be +regarded as a moderate estimate. Babylonian civilization +was already, at the time now treated of, exceedingly +<pb n='171'/><anchor id='Pg171'/> +ancient. The early village settlement of +primitive houses, clustered around an equally primitively-constructed +temple, had grown into a large +city, with many fanes therein. The scattered outlying +smaller villages around this primitive settlement +had gradually been incorporated with it, and +formed its suburbs, each retaining its ancient name. +Villages of more recent foundation were scattered all +over the land, and the whole country was instinct +with national life, due to the increase of importance +which the comparatively recent union of several +small states in a single large and therefore powerful +kingdom had brought into existence. +</p> + +<p> +Thus we find Babylonia at the period of the +dynasty of Babylon. It could even then look back +into a past stretching back into a remote and dim +antiquity. Its laws, manners, customs, and religion +were already old, and were our knowledge of this +interesting period complete, we should probably find +that there was much that was excellent in their laws, +and interesting and instructive in the administration +of those laws, as well as in their manners and customs +with regard to legal matters in general. +</p> + +<p> +Something of what the tablets of the period are +able to inform us concerning the sacred person of the +king and the position of his family has already been +treated of, and we have now to turn to the next in +the social scale—the people of the middle class. To +this class belonged the priests, the leaders of the +troops, the landowners, the employers of labour, the +scribes, the physicians, the land-hirers, and the small +farmers. In all probability artists and artisans also +formed part of it, though their position may have +been sometimes as bad as that of many who toiled in +servitude, for the slaves seem, on the whole, to have +been exceedingly well treated. +</p> + +<p> +With regard to the scribes at least, the head and +beard were shaven, they wore a simple garment like +<pb n='172'/><anchor id='Pg172'/> +a toga thrown over the left shoulder, leaving the right +arm free, and in all probability had on their feet no +shoes, but sandals, though this point is doubtful. +</p> + +<p> +A member of this upper class was polite in his +address. When he wrote to a friend, whether on +business or otherwise, he said, <q>to so and so, whom +Merodach preserve,</q> and after saying who it was who +was writing, added, <q>may the Sun-god and Merodach +grant thee to live for length of days—mayest thou +have peace, mayest thou have life, may the god thy +protector preserve thy head (<foreign rend='italic'>rêš-ka</foreign>) for happiness. I +have sent to ask after thy health,—may thy health +before the Sun-god and Merodach be lasting.</q> Other +forms of address are found, generally shorter, but this +may be taken as a fair specimen of the general style, +which, however, seems to have been regulated by +established usage, the form quoted here being that +used in addressing a personage named Epišu, and it +is always the same, though the letters, four or five in +number, all come from different persons. +</p> + +<p> +The following letter from a son to his father will +show the general style of these missives— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Say to my father thus: <q>It is Elmešum.</q><note place='foot'>To all appearance letters were originally read out to the +person addressed by a professional reader.</note></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>May Šamaš and Merodach cause my father to +live enduring days. My father, mayest thou have +health and life. The god protecting my father preserve +my father's happy head. I have sent (to ask) +after my father's health—may my father's health +before Šamaš and Merodach be lasting.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>From (the time) Sin and Amurrū recorded thy +name, my father, and I humbly (?) answered, thou, my +father, hast said thus: <q>As I am going to Dûr-Ammi-zaduga +on the river Sarqu, one sheep with five +mana of silver (?) I will cause to be brought for the +young man (?).</q> This, my father, thou saidst—my +ear, my father, I made to attend—and thou hast not +<pb n='173'/><anchor id='Pg173'/> +caused (these things) to be brought. And when thou, +my father, sentest to the presence of Taribu, the +queen, I caused a tablet to be brought to the presence +of my father. My father, thou didst not (even) ask +(concerning) the information of my tablet, when I +caused the tablet of my father to be brought to the +city, and he took it to my father for a shekel of +silver. Like thy brother, thou hast not caused (the +things) to be brought. Like Merodach (?) and Sin +Amurrū who are gracious to my father, my ears are +attentive. My father, cause (the things) to be brought, +and my heart will not be downcast—Before Šamaš +and Merodach for my father let me plead.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Such is the way in which a son writes to his father, +or to one who, from his age, might have stood in +that relationship. It is one of the less difficult of a +number of exceedingly difficult texts, and the translation +is therefore given with all reserve. As, however, +the words and phrases are for the most part fairly +familiar, it is believed that the general drift of the +whole is correctly indicated. Although it is a letter +in which the writer seems to believe that he has just +reason to find fault, the respectful and apparently +reverent tone of the whole is very noteworthy. +</p> + +<p> +In all probability the Babylonian household consisted +of the man and his wife, children if he had +any, and as many servants or slaves as he could +afford. A second wife was taken if the man was +rich enough to afford such an addition, though he +seems to have sometimes married again for economic +reasons, namely, the acquisition of a suitable attendant +for his first wife without having to pay her wages. +</p> + +<p> +The following is an example of the ordinary +wedding contract— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Ana-Aa-uzni is daughter of Salimatum. As Salimatum +has set her free, she has given her in marriage +to Bêl-šunu, son of Nemelum. Ana-Aa-uzni is a +virgin—no one has anything against Ana-Aa-uzni. +<pb n='174'/><anchor id='Pg174'/> +They have invoked the spirit of Šamaš, Merodach, +and Šumu-la-îlu (the king). Whoever changes the +words of this tablet (shall pay the penalty).</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Before Libit-Ištar; before Bûr-nunu; before +Amurrū-bani; before Rammānu-rêmeni; before Nida-dum; +before Šamaš-êmuki; before Imgurrum; before +Sin-ikišam; before Belizunu; before Aa-šiti; before +Lamazi; before Ḫunabia; before Betani; before +Amat-Šamaš; before Nabritum; before Šad-Aa.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Sometimes, however, the wedding contract contains +severe penalties in case the newly-wedded wife should +prove to be unfaithful, as in the following text— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Aḫḫu-ayabi is daughter of Innabatum. Innabatum, +her mother, has given her in marriage to +Zukania. Should Zukania forsake her, he shall pay +one mana of silver. Should Aḫḫu-ayabi deny him, +he may throw her down from the tower. As long as +Innabatum lives, Aḫḫu-ayabi shall support her, and +Innabatum afterwards (shall have nothing?) against +Aḫḫu-ayabi, ... (They have invoked the spirit of +the Sun-god and Zabi)um (the king). Whoever +changes the words of (th)is (tablet) (shall pay the +penalty</q>). +</p> + +<p> +Here follow the names of sixteen witnesses—seven +males and nine females, one of the former being the +priest of the devotees of the Sun-god. +</p> + +<p> +When there were two wives, a marriage contract +was given to each, and by a fortunate chance, the +British Museum possesses two documents connected +in this way, which have come together, though +acquired at different times.<note place='foot'>This often happens, the most interesting case being the +tablets referring to Bunanitum, four in number, acquired in +1876, 1877, and a year or two later. Another of the series is in +New York. Cf. pp. 459-465.</note> The following is the +document drawn up for the principal wife— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Arad-Šamaš has taken in marriage Taram-Sagila +and Iltani, daughter of Sin-abu-šu. (If) Taram-Sagila +<pb n='175'/><anchor id='Pg175'/> +and Iltani say to Arad-Šamaš, their husband, <q>Thou +art not (our) husband,</q> he may throw them down +from the tower; and (if) Arad-Šamaš say to Taram-Sagila +or Iltani, his wives, <q>Thou art not my wife,</q> +she shall depart from house and goods. And Iltani +shall wash the feet of Taram-Sagila, shall carry her +seat to the house of her god; Iltani shall put on +Taram-Sagila's ornaments, shall be well inclined +towards her, shall not destroy her (marriage) contract, +shall grind (?) her meal (?), and shall obey (?) +her.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here follow the names of nine witnesses. +</p> + +<p> +The marriage contract drawn up for Iltani, the +second wife, is as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Iltani is sister of Taram-Sagila. Arad-Šamaš, +son of Ili-ennam, has taken them in marriage from +Uttatum, their father. Iltani, her sister, shall prepare +her food, shall be well inclined towards her, (and) +shall carry her seat to the temple of Merodach. The +children, as many as have been born, and they shall +bear, are their children. (If) Taram-Sagila say to +Iltani, her sister, <q>Thou art not my sister,</q> (then) ... +(If Iltani say to Arad-Šamaš, her husband), <q>Thou +(art not my husband),</q> he may shave (her head), and +sell her for silver. And (if) Arad-Šamaš say to his +wives, <q>(Ye) are not my wives,</q> he shall pay one +mana of silver. And they, (if) they say to Arad-Šamaš, +their husband, <q>Thou art not our husband,</q> +he may strangle (?) them, and throw them into the +river.</q> +</p> + +<p> +This document is attested by eleven witnesses. +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance there was a kind of adoption of +Iltani as daughter of Uttatum (she is called daughter +of Sin-abu-šu in the first text), and having thus been +raised in position so as to be somewhat the equal of +Taram-Sagila in rank, she could become the second +wife of Arad-Šamaš, to live with and wait upon her +adopted sister. +</p> + +<pb n='176'/><anchor id='Pg176'/> + +<p> +The household itself, however, seldom or never +meets our gaze in these texts, though we get glimpses +of it from time to time. One of the best is in all +probability the following for the insight it gives— +</p> + +<p> +<q>... He has made him his adopted son. The +field, plantation, goods, and furniture of his house, +which Êtel-pî-Sin and Sin-nada, his wife, possess—Êtel-pî-Sin +and Sin-nada have five sons—to Bêl-êzzu, +their son, like a son, they will give. If Bêl-êzzu say +to Êtel-pî-Sin, his father, and Sin-nada, his mother, +<q>Thou art not my father—thou art not my mother,</q> +they may sell him for silver. And if Êtel-pî-Sin, and +Sin-nada, his wife, say to Bêl-êzzu, their son, <q>Thou +art not my son,</q> field, plantation, and goods, his +share, he may take, and may carry away. He +(apparently Êtel-pî-Sin) has invoked the spirit of the +king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Before Lugal-gištug, the lord of the oracle; Lu-Dingira, +the inspector(?) of the deep(?); Îlu-dakullu, +do.; Nidnat-Sin, do.; Ṣili-Ê-kišnugal, do.; Mu-batuga, +son of Azagga-Innanna; Zarriqu, son of Nannara-manšum; +Aappâ, son of Sin-êribam; Nûr-îli-šu, the ...; +Êrib-Sin, the scribe; ... -Ningal, the sword-bearer; +... -Sin, son of Zazia;</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>(The seal of) the contracting parties (has been +impressed).</q> +</p> + +<p> +(The remainder of the text, containing the date, is +lost.) +</p> + +<p> +The above tablet from Tel-Sifr gives a most complete +statement of the circumstances attending the +adoption of a son (a very common thing during this +period in Babylonia), omitting only the reason for this +step. It is to be noted, however, that five of the +witnesses belong, apparently, to the priestly class, +and this may, perhaps, have been the reason, their +influence being, at this time, to all appearance, very +great, and the necessity for appeasing them proportionately +so. +</p> + +<pb n='177'/><anchor id='Pg177'/> + +<p> +The following is an example under different conditions, +and presents other points of interest— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Arad-Išḫara is son of Ibni-Šamaš. Ibni-Šamaš +has taken him as his son. The day that Arad-Išḫara +says to Ibni-Šamaš his father, <q>Thou art not my +father,</q> he may put him into fetters and sell him for +silver. And (if) Ibni-Šamaš say to Arad-Išḫara, his +son, <q>Thou art not my son,</q> he shall depart from the +house and the goods. And he may have sons, and +with his sons he shall share.</q> (This last phrase is +expressed clearer on the envelope of the tablet as +follows: <q>And Ibni-Šamaš may beget sons, and Arad-Išḫara +shall share like one.</q>) +</p> + +<p> +The names of ten witnesses are attached to this +document. +</p> + +<p> +In this case the reason for the adoption of Arad-Išḫara +probably was, that Ibni-Šamaš had no sons, +though there was a possibility that he would have +some later on. +</p> + +<p> +The following refers to the adoption of a daughter, +which was also a common custom— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Karanatum is daughter of Nûr-Sin, with his sons +and his daughters. No one has anything against +Karanatum, daughter of Nûr-Sin. Damiqtum is sister +of Karanatum. He (Nûr-Sin) will give her to a +husband.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here follow the names of five witnesses. +</p> + +<p> +Though the inscription is short, it is sufficient to +suggest that Nûr-Sin adopted Karanatum for some +special reason, though what that reason may have +been is uncertain. Probably it was in order that she +should accompany Damiqtum as second wife of a +man who wished to marry two women, as in the case +of Iltani and Taram-Sagila. +</p> + +<p> +Tablets referring to adoption are, however, very +numerous, and do not furnish much variety. Considerations +of space also forbid any great multiplication +of examples, so that it is needful to pass to +<pb n='178'/><anchor id='Pg178'/> +the next stage, namely, the inscriptions referring to +inheritance, which, though containing less information, +are not without interest. +</p> + +<p> +On the death of the father of the family, his children +to all appearance met and divided his property as +agreed upon, or in accordance with the will of their +father. Thus we have the record of the three brothers +Sin-ikišam, Ibni-Šamaš, and Urra-naṣir, who divided +their inheritance after the death of their father— +</p> + +<div> +<head>1.</head> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>1 ŠAR, a dwelling-house (and) domain, beside the +house of Ibni-Šamaš, and beside the house of the +street, its exit (being) to the street, is the share of +Sin-ikišam, which he has shared with Ibni-Šamaš and +Urra-naṣir. From the word to the gold the division +of the property is completed. They shall not make +claim against each other. They have invoked the +spirit of Šamaš, Aa, and Sin-mubaliṭ (the king).</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Before Liširammu; before Sin-puṭram, son of Êa-balaṭi (?); +before Sin-idinnam, son of Mannîa; before +Arad-ili-šu, son of Nûr-Sin; before Ša-Išḫara, son +of Ilâ; before Sin-magir, son of Etelum; before +Arad-Amurri, before Sin-îlu, sons of Upîa; before +Libur-nadi-šu, son of Uštašni-ili; before ... ; before +... ; before ... . Year of the river (canal) +Tutu-ḫengal.</q> +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>2.</head> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>1 ŠAR, a dwelling-place (and) domain, beside the +house of Sin-ikišam, and beside the house of Ištar-umma-ša, +the second exit to the street, is the share of +Ibni-Šamaš, which he has shared with Sin-ikišam and +Urra-naṣir. From the word to the gold they have +shared the (property). They shall not make claim +against each other. They have invoked the spirit of +Šamaš, Aa, Marduk, and Sin-mubaliṭ.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Before Sin-puṭram; before Sin-idinnam; before +<pb n='179'/><anchor id='Pg179'/> +Liširram; before Arad-ili-šu; before Ša-Išḫara; before +Sin-magir; before Arad-Amurri; before Sin-îlu; +before Libur-nadi-šu. Year of the river Tutu-ḫengal.</q> +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>3.</head> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>1 ŠAR, a dwelling-house and domain, beside the +house of Ubarria, and beside the house of Puṭur-Sin, +the second exit to the street, is the share of Urra-naṣir, +which he has shared with Sin-ikišam and Ibni-Šamaš. +From the word to the gold the division is +completed. They shall not make claim against each +other. They have invoked the spirit of Šamaš, Aa, +Marduk, and Sin-mubaliṭ.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Before Sin-puṭram; before Liširram; before Sin-magir; +before Sin-idinnam; before Arad-ili-šu; before +Ša-Išḫara; before Arad-Amurri; before Sin-îlu; +before Libur-nadi-šu. Year of the river Tutu-ḫengal.</q> +</p> + +<milestone unit='tb' rend='rule: 50%'/> + +<p> +That the first tablet translated above was that first +written is proved by the fact that the fathers' names +of several of the witnesses are given, and by the blank +spaces with the word <q>before,</q> showing that the scribe +did not know exactly how many witnesses there would +be. In the other two documents he had the right +number, and did not therefore write the word in +question too many times. In all probability the +three brothers are mentioned in the first document +in the order of their age, and it is naturally the title-deed +of the eldest which is written first. All three +documents are attested by the same witnesses. +</p> + +<p> +The following tablet in the possession of Sir +Cuthbert Peek, Bart., shows a division of property +consisting of goods and chattels, as well as land— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>3 GAN, a field by the territory of Kudma-bani, +with 1 GAN, a field which (was) the share of Aḫḫati-šunu, +(situated) beside the field of Amat-Samaš, +daughter of Libit-Ištar, and beside the field of Bêl-šunu, +its first end (being) the river Euphrates, (and) +<pb n='180'/><anchor id='Pg180'/> +its second end the common. 2/3 of a ŠAR (and) 5 ZU +(of ground by) the temple of Sippara, 1-½ ŠAR (by) +the temple of Kudma-bani, 1 ox, 1 young bull, 1 +<foreign rend='italic'>'ikuše</foreign> stone—all this is the share of Kubbutu, which, +along with Ibku-Annunitum, Bêl-šunu, Bêl-bani, Il-šu-bani, +Rêmum, and Marduk-naṣir, they have divided. +The division is complete. They are satisfied. From +the word to the gold they shall not at any future time +bring claims against each other. They have invoked +the spirit of Šamaš, Aa, Marduk, and Samsu-iluna the +king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Dadu-ša, son of Aḫum; before Ṭaridum, +the scribe; before Sin-idinnam, son of Ibku-Šala; +before Anatum, son of Sin-âbu-šu; before Šamaš-naṣir-âbli.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Iyyar, day 18th, second year after the +completion (?) of the temple of Bêl.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Where the division of the property and the drawing +up of the tablets took place is uncertain, there being +in the documents translated above no indication. In +the case of the three brothers Urra-kaminiši, Riš-Urra, +and Buria, the declaration of the division of the +property which they inherited, and possibly the drawing +up of their respective tablets as well, took place in +the Beth-el (<foreign rend='italic'>bêt îli</foreign>) of the city, where legal matters +were often transacted. Whether this Beth-el was the +temple of the Sun and the Moon, where solemn contracts +were also made, is uncertain, but not improbable. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that there is sometimes a statement +indicating that the inheritors chose their lots— +</p> + +<p> +<q>1 ŠAR, a dwelling-house beside the house of +Belaqu, and beside Awel-Nannara, is the share of +Erištum, the sodomite, daughter of Ribam-îli, which +she has shared with Amat-Šamaš, the priestess of +the sun, her sister. The division is complete. From +the word to the gold they shall not bring claim +against each other. Choice of Amat-Šamaš, her +sister. (The envelope has: Her choice—the place +<pb n='181'/><anchor id='Pg181'/> +(which seems) good unto her she will give.) (They +have invoked) the spirit of Šamaš, Merodach, Sin-mubaliṭ +(the king), and the city of Sippar.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here follow the names of eighteen witnesses, all of +them, apparently, men. +</p> + +<p> +Another tablet, referring to the sharing of property, +shows how brothers sometimes cared for their sister, +all the property (at least in this case) being in their +hands— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Tablet (referring to) 1 GAN, a field in the <foreign rend='italic'>karê</foreign>, +beside (the field of) Aḫi-daani (?) and Enkim-îlu, +Kiš-nunu, Imgurrum, and Ilu-abi, her brothers, have +given to Ḫudultum, daughter of Inib-nunu, as her +share.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Mašpirum (var. Mašparum), son of Ušlu-rum; +before Bûr-ya, son of Munawirum; before +Ḫayâbum, (before) Kiranum (?), sons of Sin-ennam; +before Sin-naṣir.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year Sumulel the king built the wall of Sippar.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Thus, in varying ways, did the ancient Babylonians +live and wed, adopt children and inherit. Other +incidents were there in their lives also, as when a man +divorced his wife—an unpleasant experience for them +both, in all probability—though often enough this +must have taken place to the great joy of one or the +other, or possibly of both, for it must have been a +much less solemn thing with them than with us—the +marriage tie. It is gratifying to know that documents +referring to divorce are comparatively rare, though they +are to be met with sometimes, as the following text +shows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Šamaš-rabi has divorced Naramtum his wife. She +has taken away her property (?) and received her +portion (as a woman divorced). (If) Naramtum wed +another, Šamaš-rabi shall not bring action against her. +They have invoked the spirit of Šamaš, Aa, Marduk, +and Sin-mubaliṭ.</q> +</p> + +<p> +(Here follow the names of ten witnesses.) +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='182'/><anchor id='Pg182'/> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf' level1='Year of Samas and Rimmon.'/> +<head><q>Year of Šamaš and Rimmon.</q></head> + +<p> +Sometimes the even tenor of early Babylonian life +was interrupted by a lawsuit on the part of a relative +(often one who ought to have known better), and, +though less of a family convulsion than a divorce, it +must have been sufficiently annoying, especially when +the plaintiff was one's own father. The following +gives details of such a case— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(Tablet concerning) one slave, her maid, whom +Ayatia, her mother, left to Ḫulaltum, her daughter, +and Ḫulaltum (on that account) supported Ayatia, +her mother. And Sin-naṣir (was) husband of Ayatia. +Ayatia left to her (Ḫulaltum), in the 20th year, that +which was in the city Buzu, but there was no tablet +(?) (documentary evidence) concerning Ayatia's property. +After Ayatia died, Sin-naṣir brought an action +against Ḫulaltum on account of the maidservant, and +Išarlim, scribe of the city of Sippar and the court (?) of +Sippar, caused them to receive judgment. He declared +him (Sin-naṣir) to be in the wrong. He is not +again to bring action in the matter. (They have +invoked) the spirit of Šamaš, Merodach, and Ḫammurabi. +Judgment of Išarlim; Awat-Šamaš, the merchant; +Itti-Bêl-kinni; Bûr-Sin; Gimil-bani. Month +Adar, year of the canal Tišida-Ellilla.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Many documents of this kind exist, though people +did not generally bring actions against their own +(step-) daughters, as Sin-naṣir is recorded as having +done. The ancient Babylonians were at all times, +however, very keen in standing up for their own +rights, and went to law on the slightest provocation. +The following records a claim upon some property, +and its issue, which was as unsuccessful as that +translated above— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Sin-êribam, son of Upê-rabi, laid claim to the house +of Šumu-râḫ, which is beside the house of Nidnu-ša +and beside the house (temple) of Allat; and they +went before the judges, and the judges pronounced +<pb n='183'/><anchor id='Pg183'/> +judgment. And as for Sin-êribam, they declared +him to be in the wrong, and made him deliver a +document which could not be proceeded against. He +shall not bring action, and Sin-êribam shall not again +lay claim to the house of Šumu-râḫ.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>They have invoked the spirit of Šamaš, Zabium +(the king), and the city of Sippar.</q> +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that the name of the first of the +twelve witnesses attached to the document is Ya'kub-ilu, +or Jacob-el, which is supposed to be connected +with the name of the patriarch Jacob. +</p> + +<p> +As in these days, many a man in those ancient +times, for the better conducting of his business, would +enter into partnership. As usual, all would go well +for a time, but at last, in consequence of disagreements +or disputes or some unpleasantness, they would decide +to part. Several texts of this class exist, of which the +following is a typical example— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Ṣili-Ištar and Iribam-Sin made partnership, and, +to dissolve it, they had a judge, and they went down +to the temple of Šamaš, and in the temple of Šamaš +the judge caused them to receive judgment. They +give back their capital, and receive back their shares, +1 male-slave Luštamar-Šamaš, with a chain (?), and +1 female-slave Lišlimam, the share of Iribam-Sin; +1 male-slave Ibšina-ilu, and 1 female-slave Am-anna-lamazi, +the share of Ṣili-Ištar, they have received as +their shares. In the temple of the Sun-god and the +Moon-god they declared that they would treat each +other well. One shall not bring action against the +other, nor act hostilely towards him. There is no +cause for action on the part of the one against the +other. They have invoked the spirit of Nannara, +Šamaš, Merodach, Lugal-ki-ušuna, and Ḫammurabi +the king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Utuki-šemi, son of Awiatum; before Abil-Sin, +son of Nannara-manšum; before Sin-êreš, the +provost; before Ipuš-Êa, the <foreign rend='italic'>du-gab</foreign>; before Šamašmubaliṭ, +<pb n='184'/><anchor id='Pg184'/> +the priest of Gula; before Nabi-Sin, son of +Idin-Sin; before Sin-uzeli, son of Ṣili-Ištar; before +Ubar-Sin, son of Sin-šemi; before Sin-gimlanni, the +attendant of the judges.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>He has impressed the seal of the contracting +parties.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Adar, year Ḫammurabi the king made +(images of) Ištar and Nanaa.</q><note place='foot'>I have purposely given the translation of the inner tablet, +that of the envelope being less simply worded, and therefore not +quite so easy to understand. The list of witnesses, however, is +from the envelope, this being much more satisfactory in that it +gives the father's name and the title of the person in some +cases.</note> +</p> + +<p> +Iribam-Sin, however, seems not to have been +satisfied that he had been fairly dealt with, for notwithstanding +that they were not to act hostilely +towards each other, he immediately brought an action +to get possession of property belonging to Ṣili-Ištar +and his brothers, the result of which was the following +declaration on the part of the latter— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Concerning 1 ŠAR, a dwelling-house, and 2 +ŠAR, a large enclosure, which Ṣili-Išstar and Awel-ili, +his brother, sons of Ili-sukkalu, bought from Sin-mubaliṭ +and his brothers, sons of Pirḫum. In the +temple of the Sun-god Ṣili-Ištar said thus: <q>I verily +bought (it) with the money of my mother—it was not +bought with the money that was ours in common. +Iribam-Sin, son of Ubar-Sin, has no share in the house +and large enclosure.</q><note place='foot'>The envelope here adds: <q>At no future time shall he make +a claim.</q></note> He has invoked the spirit of +the king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Utuki-šemi, son of Awiatum; before Abil-Sin, +son of Nannara-manšum; before Sin-êreš, the +provost; before Sin-uzelli, son of Nûr-îli; before +Ipuš-Êa, the <foreign rend='italic'>du-gab</foreign>; before Nabi-Sin, son of Idin-Sin; +before Ubar-Sin, son of Sin-šemi, his father; +before Šamaš-mubaliṭ, the priest of Gula; before Singimlanni, +<pb n='185'/><anchor id='Pg185'/> +the attendant of the judges. They have +impressed the seal of the parties.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Adar, year of the (images of) Ištar and +Nanaa.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The day of the month is not given, so that we are +in doubt as to whether the second tablet preceded the +first or followed it. In all probability the latter was +the case, or else the two actions were simultaneous, +and the fact that the witnesses and officials of the +court are the same in both documents speaks in favour +of this. +</p> + +<p> +In Babylonia, as in all the ancient East, there was +the great blot upon their civilization which has not even +at the present time, the dawn of the twentieth century, +disappeared from the earth, namely, that of slavery. +Throughout the long ages over which Babylonian +domestic literature extends, the student finds this to +be always present, and one of the most striking +examples is contained in the following document, +which exhibits the blot with all its possible horrors— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(Tablet of) Šamaš-nûri, daughter of Ibi-Šân. +Bunini-âbi and Bêlisunu have bought her from Ibi-Šân, +her father—for Bunini-âbi a wife—for Bêlisunu a +servant. The day Šamaš-nûri says to Bêlisunu, her +mistress, <q>Thou art not my mistress,</q> they shall shave +off her hair, and sell her for silver. As the complete +price he has paid five shekels of silver. He has taken +the key.<note place='foot'>This is apparently an expression taken from the contracts +referring to the purchase of houses, in which the same set +phrases were used.</note> The affair is concluded. He is content. +(At no future time) shall one bring a claim against +the other. They have invoked the spirit of Šamaš, +Aa, Marduk, and Ḫammurabi.</q> +</p> + +<p> +(Here follow the names of seven witnesses.) +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Iyyar, day 3rd, year of the throne of Zērpanitum</q> +(the 12th year of Ḫammurabi or Amraphel). +</p> + +<p> +That a father should part with his daughter for +<pb n='186'/><anchor id='Pg186'/> +money in order that that daughter should become the +wife of a man already married, agreeing at the same +time that the young woman should become the slave +of the first wife, would seem to the ordinary Western +mind at the present day most barbarous. That it was +not the lowest depth, however, is implied by the condition +attached to the contract, and containing a kind +of penalty, namely, that if the new wife denied that +the first wife was her mistress, she might be sold as a +slave. In what her position differed from that of a +thrall, however, does not appear. +</p> + +<p> +Naturally the case of Hagar, the slave of Sarah, +Abraham's wife, will at once occur to the reader, +though the two differ somewhat. Nevertheless, it is +not improbable that the well-known Bible-story explains +that of the tablet, in giving a reason for the +purchase of Šamaš-nûri—namely, in order to give the +purchaser, Bunini-âbi, a chance of having offspring, +which, in all probability, his first wife Bêlisunu had +not brought him. It is difficult to imagine that she +would consent to the introduction of a rival for any +other reason. Of course, the new wife may have been +well treated, but a transaction of the kind here recorded +naturally gave an opening to all possible +abuses. Another case of the taking of a second wife, +with the proviso that she is to be the servant of the +first, is that of Iltani (see pp. <ref target='Pg174'>174-175</ref>), who, however, +was not a slave, and had a regular marriage-deed. +Moreover, she is described as the sister (<foreign rend='italic'>âḫat</foreign>), not the +slave (<foreign rend='italic'>âmat</foreign>) of the first wife. +</p> + +<p> +On the same plate of the British Museum publication +from which the foregoing is taken, there is a more +ordinary document referring to slavery, and in this +case it is to all appearance the sale of a real slave-woman +and her child— +</p> + +<p> +<q>1 slave-woman, Bêlti-magirat by name, and her +child, handmaid of Šarrum-Addu and Ḫammurabi-Šamši, +Nabium-malik, son of Addu-naṣir, has bought +<pb n='187'/><anchor id='Pg187'/> +from Šarrum-Addu, son of Addu-naṣir, and Ḫammurabi-Šamši, +his wife. As the complete price he has +paid 18-½ shekels of silver. At no future time shall +they make claim against each other. They have +invoked the spirit of Marduk and Ḫammurabi.</q> +</p> + +<p> +(Here follow the names of eight witnesses, including +two brothers of the contracting parties.) +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Tebet, day 21st, year Ḫammurabi the +king destroyed, by command of Anu and Bêl, the +fortification of Mair, and Malgia.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Tablets referring to the sale and purchase of slaves +are numerous, and do not present much variety, being +nearly all written in accordance with the usual legal +forms. In the <emph>hiring</emph> of slaves, however, there is a +little more dissimilarity— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Awel-Addi, son of Sililum, has hired Arad-îli-remeanni +from Erišti-Šamaš, sun-devotee, daughter of +Sin-bêl-âbli, for a year. The hire for a year, 5 shekels +of silver, he will pay. A first instalment of the sum, +2 shekels of silver, she has received. He will be +clothed by his hirer.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>He entered (upon his duties) on the 16th of Elul.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Šamaš, Aa; before Taribatum; before +Nûr-Marduk; before Laḫutum.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year Samsu-iluna (made) a throne of gold (shining +like the stars, for Nin-gala</q>). +</p> + +<p> +The following is a similar text with additional +clauses— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Asir-Addu, son of Libit-Urra, has hired Šamaš-bêl-ili +from Aḫatani, sun-devotee, daughter of Šamaš-ḫazir, +for his first year. As hire for his first year, he +shall pay 3-½ shekels of silver. He shall clothe himself. +He entered (on his duties) on the 4th of the +month Dûr-Addi, in the month Mamitu he will complete +(his term), and may leave.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Asirum, son of Ea-rabi; before Nin-gira-âbi, +son of Eribam; before Arad-Sin, son of Sin-idinnam.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='188'/><anchor id='Pg188'/> + +<p> +<q>The year of Samsu-iluna, the king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +(The accession-year of Amraphel's successor.) +</p> + +<p> +In the following the slave is hired for produce— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Riš-Šamaš, son of Marduk-naṣir, has hired Nawir-nûr-šu +from Šubtum for a year. He will pay 20 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> +of oil as his hire for the year. He will clothe him. +He entered in the month Elul, in the month Tirinu +he may go forth.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Rišutum; before Êrišti-Aa.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year the great fortification....</q> +</p> + +<p> +When a man had no master—was his own master, +in fact—he was hired <q>from himself</q>— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Idin-Ittum has hired for wages Naram-ili-šu from +himself, for six months. He will receive 2 shekels of +silver as wages for the six months.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Before Êtel-pî-Uraš, before Sin-îlu, before Aḫum, +the scribe.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Nisan, day 20th, year the throne ... +was....</q> +</p> + +<p> +Servants were not only hired from their masters +and themselves, but also from their fathers, mothers, +brothers, and whoever else might have charge of them. +There are also lists of workmen hired for various purposes +in batches. Those who went about doing +reaping seem to have been of various nationalities, +and interesting names are on that account found in +the lists from time to time. +</p> + +<p> +In all probability the towns at that early period +resembled closely those of the Semitic East at the +present day, the streets being as a rule narrow (from +the necessity of obtaining protection from the excessive +heat of the sun during the hot season) and +exceedingly dirty. This is shown by the excavations +at Niffer, where, at the earliest period, when the street +in question was constructed, the houses were entered +by going up a few steps. Later on, in consequence +of the accumulations, the footpath became level with +the floor of the house, and, at a later period still, a +<pb n='189'/><anchor id='Pg189'/> +little staircase had to be built leading down into the +building. As may easily be imagined, the conditions +in which the ancient Babylonians lived were in the +highest degree insanitary, and such as would probably +not be tolerated for a day in Europe at the present time. +</p> + +<p> +Judging from the remains of private houses which +have been found, these buildings were not by any +means large. In fact, they must have contained only +a few small rooms. Where, however, there was space—as, +for example, when the house was built in the +middle of a field—the rooms were probably moderately +large, and more numerous. They were of either unburnt +or burnt brick, and the roofs were supported by +beams. The floors seem to have been generally the +bare earth. +</p> + +<p> +Many lists of the furniture of these dwelling-places +are extant, and allow us to estimate to a certain extent +the amount of comfort which their inhabitants enjoyed. +They reclined upon couches, and sometimes—perhaps +often—it happened that the owner of the house possessed +several of these articles of furniture. Apparently, +too, it was their custom to sit upon chairs, and +not upon the ground, as they do in the East at the +present day, and have done for many centuries. +Various vessels, of wood, earthenware, and copper, +were also to be found there, together with measures +of different kinds,<note place='foot'>In the list of household goods inscribed on the tablet Bu. +91-5-9, 337, are enumerated 1 bed, 1 couch, 2 tables, other +objects, mostly of wood, to the number of 42; 7 pots, 1 chair, 4 +<foreign rend='italic'>ušratum</foreign> (probably vessels containing the tenth part of some +measure), 5 <foreign rend='italic'>hamsatum</foreign> (probably vessels containing the fifth part +of a measure), 31 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> of sesame, and a few other things.</note> implements needed in the trade of +the owner, and certain objects of stone. In some +cases things of precious stone are referred to, a circumstance +which points to a considerable amount of +prosperity on the part of the owner of the house and +its contents. +</p> + +<pb n='190'/><anchor id='Pg190'/> + +<p> +As will be seen farther on, when Babylonian life of +a later period comes to be treated of, the leasehold +system, with all its disadvantages, was in full force, +and there is just the possibility that it was already in +use during the time of the dynasty of Babylon. Even +at this early date the question of party walls was an +important one, as the tablet of Šamaš-în-mâtim and +Êrišti-Aa, daughter of Zililum, shows. They were to +set up the dividing wall (<foreign rend='italic'>gušuru</foreign>, apparently palings) +<foreign rend='italic'>aḫum mala aḫim</foreign>, lit. <q>brother as much as brother,</q> +<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> one as much as the other. They managed things +differently in ancient Babylonia, and if this was the +usual arrangement, it must have given rise to endless +disputes. +</p> + +<p> +It is probable that, before the time of Ḫammurabi, +the ancient Babylonians had no code of laws in the +true sense of the term. All the legal decisions known +seem to have been decided on their merits by the +judges who tried the cases, and in such actions in +which the judges could not come to a decision, the +matter seems to have been referred to the king, whose +word was, to all appearance, final. Naturally an +enormous responsibility rested on the judges on +account of this, but they were not entirely without +help in the matter of deciding difficult and unusual +questions. Lists of precedents were kept, and to these, +in all probability, they constantly referred—indeed, +the tablets of legal precedents were held in such high +esteem, that copies of them were kept in the libraries +of Assyria, and in Babylonia also, in all probability, +until long after the destruction of the Assyrian power, +notwithstanding that legal use and wont had by that +time somewhat changed. One or two examples of +these legal precedents may here be quoted to show +their nature:— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>If a son say to his father, <q>Thou art not my +father,</q> they may shave him, put him in fetters, and +sell him for silver.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='191'/><anchor id='Pg191'/> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>If a son say to his mother, <q>Thou art not my +mother,</q> they may shave off his hair, lead him round +the city, and drive him forth from the house.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>If a wife hate her husband, and say to him, <q>Thou +art not my husband,</q> they may throw her into the +river.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>If a husband say to his wife, <q>Thou art not my +wife,</q> he shall pay her half a mana of silver.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>If a man hire a slave, and he dies, is lost, runs +away, gets locked up, or falls ill, he shall pay as his +hire every day half a measure of grain.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Thus did the ancient Babylonians punish those who +offended against their laws, and protect property (for +the slave-hirer was undoubtedly saddled with a heavy +responsibility). Was it that the death of a hired +slave was regarded as testifying to the severity of his +temporary hirer? In all probability it was so, and in +that case, one cannot help regarding the law as a wise +one. To all appearance, also, illness was attributed to +his employer's cruelty. As to his running away, or +falling into the hands of the police, these things would +prove that his employer was not watchful enough +with regard to him. A modern European lawyer +would most likely not regard this particular law as +being very exactly worded (there is no limit of time +during which the slave's wages were payable, and one +can only <emph>guess</emph> that the term of his service with his +hirer was understood), but there seems to be no +doubt as to its intention—to safeguard the slave, and +his owner at the same time, by making his hirer +responsible for every mishap and accident which +might happen to him whilst he was with his temporary +master. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='192'/><anchor id='Pg192'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter VI. Abraham.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +A short account of this period, with the story of Chedorlaomer, +Amraphel, Arioch, and Tidal. +</quote> + +<p> +Haran died in the presence of his father Terah in +the land of his nativity, in Ur of the Chaldees, and +afterwards Terah took Abram his son, Lot, his grandson, +and Sarai, his son Abram's wife, and they went +forth from Ur of the Chaldees to go to Canaan. +Arriving at Haran, they dwelt there until Terah died +at an exceedingly advanced age. +</p> + +<p> +There have been many discussions as to the position +of Ur of the Chaldees. Some, on account of the +distance from Canaan, apparently, have contended +that Ur of the Chaldees is the same as the site known +for many hundreds of years as Urfa, in Mesopotamia—the +district in which the proto-martyr, St. Stephen +(Acts vii. 2, 41), places it. Mesopotamia, however, +is an appellation of wide extent, and altogether +insufficiently precise to enable the exact locality to +be determined. To all appearance, though, Urfa or +Orfa, called by the Greeks Edessa, was known as +Orrha at the time of Isidore of Charax (date about +150 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>). Pocock, in his Description of the East, +states that it is the universal opinion of the Jews that +Orfa or Edessa was the ancient Ur of the Chaldees, +and this is supported by local tradition, the chief +place of worship there being called <q>the Mosque of +Abraham,</q> and the pond in which the sacred fish are +<pb n='193'/><anchor id='Pg193'/> +kept being called <foreign rend='italic'>Bahr Ibrahím el-Halíl</foreign>, <q>the Lake +of Abraham the Beloved.</q> The tradition in the +Talmud and in certain early Arabian writers, that Ur +of the Chaldees is Warka, the Ὀρχόη of the Greeks, +and Ὀρέχ of the Septuagint, need not detain us, as +this site is certainly the Erech of Gen. x. 10, and is +excluded by that circumstance. +</p> + +<p> +Two other possibilities remain, the one generally +accepted by Assyriologists, the other tentatively put +forward by myself some years ago. The former has +a series of most interesting traditions to support it, +the latter simply a slightly greater probability. The +reader may adopt that which seems to him best to +suit the circumstances of the case. +</p> + +<p> +The identification generally accepted is, that Ur of +the Chaldees is the series of mounds now called +Mugheir, or, more in accordance with correct pronunciation, +Muqayyar, <q>the pitchy,</q> from the noun +<foreign rend='italic'>qír</foreign>, <q>pitch,</q> that material having been largely used +in the construction of the buildings whose ruins +occupy the site. The identification of these ruins +with those of Ur-kasdim or Ur of the Chaldees was +first proposed by Sir Henry Rawlinson in 1855, on +the ground that the name of the city on the bricks +found there, which he read Hur, resembled that of +the name as given in Gen. xi. 28 and 31. As a +matter of fact, the Semitic Babylonian form of the +name approaches even nearer than the celebrated +Assyriologist then thought, for it is given in the +bilingual texts as <foreign rend='italic'>Uru</foreign>. The Akkadian form (which +is most probably the more ancient of the two), on the +other hand, is not so satisfactory, as it contains an +additional syllable, the full form being <foreign rend='italic'>Uriwa</foreign> (the +vowel before the <emph>w</emph> only is a little doubtful). This, +with the absence of any addition corresponding to +the Hebrew <foreign rend='italic'>Kasdim</foreign>, is the principal flaw in what +would otherwise be a perfect philological comparison. +</p> + +<p> +Ur or Uriwa, the modern Mugheir, is situated +<pb n='194'/><anchor id='Pg194'/> +about 140 miles S.E. of Babylon, and about 560 +miles S.E. of Ḫaran. In ancient days it was a place +of considerable importance, and the site of a celebrated +temple-tower called Ê-šu-gan-dudu, probably +the Ê-giš-nu-gala<note place='foot'>Generally read Ê-giš-šir-gal.</note> of other texts, the shrine of the +god Nannara, also called Sin, the Moon-god, whose +worship had gained considerable renown. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Father Nannar, lord of Ur, prince of the gods, in +heaven and earth he alone is supreme;</q> +</p> + +<p> +Father Nannar, lord of Ê-giš-nu-gala, prince of the +gods, in heaven and earth he alone is supreme: +</p> + +<p> +Father Nannar, lord, bright-shining diadem, +prince of the gods, in heaven and earth he +alone is supreme; +</p> + +<p> +Father Nannar, whose dominion is greatly perfect, +prince of the gods, in heaven and earth he +alone is supreme; +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='post'>Father Nannar, who in a princely garment is +resplendent, prince of the gods, in heaven and +earth he alone is supreme,</q> etc. +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +The above is the beginning of a long hymn written +in the Sumerian dialect, in which an ancient Babylonian +poet praises him, and in many another composition +is his glory sung, and in adversity his name +invoked— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The temple of the Life of Heaven is destroyed—who, in the day of its glory, has cut off its glory?</q></l> +<l>The everlasting temple, the building of Uriwa,</l> +<l>The everlasting temple, the building of Ê-kiš-nu-gala.</l> +<l>The city Uriwa is a house of darkness in the land—</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Ê-kiš-nu-gala (and) Nannara.</q></l> +</lg> + +<pb n='195'/><anchor id='Pg195'/> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Let heaven rest with earth, heaven enclosed with earth.</q></l> +<l>Father Nannar, lord of Uriwa,</l> +<l>To the great lady, the lady of Ê-kiš-nu-gala, give thou rest.</l> +<l>To heaven with earth, heaven and earth, (give thou rest).</l> +<l>To the heaven of Uraš, at <foreign rend='italic'>še-gu-nu</foreign>,</l> +<l>The god Enki, the goddess Ninki, the god Endu, the goddess Nindu,</l> +<l>The god En-da-u-ma, the goddess Nin-da-u-ma,</l> +<l>The god En-du-azaga, the goddess Nin-du-azaga,</l> +<l>The god En-u-tila, the god En-me-šarra,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>The princess of the Life of Heaven, the lady of the mountain.</q></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>... he will restore the site of Ê-kiš-nu-gala.</q><note place='foot'>Probably the first line of the next tablet.</note></l> +</lg> + +</quote> + +<p> +Thus does the poet of ancient days, in a composition +in the non-Semitic idiom of his time, lament the +misfortunes which had come over the temple and +city—how, whether by was by famine, or by some +other mischance, we know not. It serves to show, +however, not only the poetical spirit which animated +the Akkadians at the time, but also the high esteem +in which the temple and the deities venerated therein +were held, and the power attributed to the Moon-god +in the centre of his worship. The fact that Ur +(Mugheir) was an important place for the worship of +the Moon-god has been not seldom quoted in support +of the identity of this city with Ur of the Chaldees, +because Haran, the city to which Abram migrated +with his father Terah, was also a centre of the worship +of Sin. This, in itself, is not at all improbable, the +Jewish tradition being, that Terah was an idolater.<note place='foot'>The Talmud says that Terah worshipped twelve divinities, +one for each month of the year.</note> +<pb n='196'/><anchor id='Pg196'/> +That Terah should go 560 miles simply for this +reason, when he might have found a suitable settlement +nearer, seems to be in the highest degree +unlikely, minor shrines of the Moon-god being, in all +probability, far from rare in Babylonia.<note place='foot'>There was a temple of the sun and the moon at a town at +no great distance from Ur [Mugheir], now represented by the +mounds of Tel-Sifr, where a number of tablets with envelopes +were found.</note> He simply +sojourned there because, in his journeyings, it suited +him to stay there. If he were a devotee of the Moon-god, +he was in all probability the more pleased to +take up his abode there. But he may not have +worshipped that divinity at all, or if he did do so, +may not have honoured him more than the Sun-god, +Anu, the god of the heavens, or the goddess Ištar. +</p> + +<p> +Many legends concerning Abram—legends of +sufficiently high antiquity—exist, but how far they +are trustworthy must always be a matter of opinion. +In any case, the writers had the advantage—if +advantage it was—of living 2000 years nearer to +Abraham's time than we have. Thus Eupolemus +(as has already been pointed out on p. <ref target='Pg146'>146</ref>) states, +that in the tenth generation, in the city of Babylonia +called Camarina (which by some is called Urie, +and which signifies a city of the Chaldeans), there +lived, the thirteenth in descent, Abraham, a man of +a noble race, and superior to all others in wisdom. +They relate of him that he was the inventor of +astrology and Chaldean magic, and that on account +of his eminent piety he was esteemed by God. It is +said, moreover, that under the direction of God he +departed and lived in Phœnicia, and there taught the +Phœnicians the motions of the sun and moon, and all +other things, and was on that account held in great +reverence by their king. +</p> + +<p> +All this, naturally, points to Babylonia and the +city of Uru or Uriwa as the original dwelling-place of +<pb n='197'/><anchor id='Pg197'/> +Abram, Camarina being connected with the Arabic +<foreign lang='ar' rend='italic'>qamar</foreign>, <q>the moon,</q> which, as we have seen, was the +deity worshipped there. It is noteworthy that the +transcription of the Babylonian name of the city, Urie, +contains traces of the Akkadian termination <foreign rend='italic'>-iwa</foreign> +(<foreign rend='italic'>Uriwa</foreign>) which is absent in the Hebrew form Ur. +This is important, as it shows that at a comparatively +late date (Eupolemus lived just before the Christian +era), the ending in question made itself felt in the +transcription of the word, and that the form in +Genesis, Ur, does not quite agree, as traces of that +termination (two syllables in the Akkadian form) are +altogether wanting in it. There can be no doubt, +therefore, that the theory that Abram lived and +passed his earlier years at the Ur which is now +represented by the ruins of Mugheir, originated with +the Jews during their captivity at Babylon and in the +cities of Babylonia. Eupolemus, as a student of +Jewish history, would naturally get his information +from a Jewish source, and the Jews had, in common +with most of the nations of the earth, a tendency to +attribute to their own forefathers, whom they venerated +so highly, the glory of being connected with any +renowned city or great discovery of earlier ages. +Thus it arises that Eupolemus, following his Jewish +informant, makes Abraham to be the inventor of +astrology and Chaldean magic; and to have dwelt at +Ur. It must have been the Jewish captives exiled +in Babylonia who first identified Ur with the renowned +city Uru or Uriwa, quite forgetting that the +form of the name could not have been Ur in Hebrew, +and that there was another Ur, much more suitable +as the dwelling-place of a nomad family like that of +Terah and his sons, namely, the country of Akkad +itself, called, in the non-Semitic idiom, Uri or +Ura, a tract which included the whole of northern +Babylonia. +</p> + +<p> +In whatever part of Babylonia, however, the +<pb n='198'/><anchor id='Pg198'/> +patriarch may have sojourned, of one thing there +is no doubt, and that is, that if he dwelt there, the +life which he saw around him, and in which he must +have taken part, was that depicted by the tablets +translated in the foregoing chapter. He saw the +idolatry of the people, and the ceremonies and +infamies which accompanied it; he saw the Babylonians +as they were in his day, with all their faults, +and all their virtues—their industry, their love of +trade, their readiness to engage in litigation, and all +the other interesting characteristics which distinguished +them. He must have been acquainted with their +legends of the Creation, the Flood, and all their gods +and heroes, and the poetry for which the Hebrew race +has always been renowned must have had its origin +in the land of Nimrod, whence Abraham of old went +forth free, and his descendants, a millennium and a +half later, returned as captives. +</p> + +<p> +How it came about (if it be really true) that Terah +was an idolater, whilst his son Abram was a +monotheist, will probably never be known. It is +only reasonable to suppose, however, that among a +people so intelligent as the Babylonians, there were +at least some who, thinking over the nature of the +world in which they lived and the destiny of mankind, +saw that the different gods whom the people worshipped +could not all be governors of the universe, +but, if they existed at all, must be only manifestations +of the Deity who held the supreme power. Indeed, +it was, to all appearance, this doctrine which really +prevailed, as is shown by the text translated on p. +<ref target='Pg058'>58</ref>. Whether taught generally to the learned class +(the scribes) or not, is not known, but it must have +been very commonly known to those who could +read, otherwise it is hardly likely that such a tablet +would have been drawn up and written out again +at a later date (the text we possess being but a copy +of a lost original). As the divinity with whom the +<pb n='199'/><anchor id='Pg199'/> +others are identified is Merodach, it is most likely +that this special doctrine of the unity of the Deity +became general some time after the commencement +of the Dynasty of Babylon (that to which Ḫammurabi +or Amraphel belonged), when the city of Babylon +became the capital of the country. Abram's monotheism +would, therefore, naturally fit in with the new +doctrine which apparently became the general belief +of the learned class at this time.<note place='foot'>One of the most interesting names found in the texts of +this period is that of Yau<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>m</hi>-îlu, <q>Jah is God,</q> occurring in a +letter. Yau (Jah) was one of the Babylonian words indicating +the Supreme God, only used, however, in special cases. (Cf. +pp. <ref target='Pg058'>58</ref> ff.)</note> +</p> + +<p> +Concerning the journey of Abraham, there is +naturally nothing to be said, the Bible narrative +merely stating that Terah and his family migrated to +Haran. The only thing worth noting is, that the distance +they had to travel was sufficiently great—about +560 miles from Uriwa (Mugheir), and about 420 miles +from Babylon, from the neighbourhood of which the +family must have started if the Ur mentioned in +Genesis be the Uri or Ura of the inscriptions, which +was equivalent to the land of Akkad. The whole of +this district was, in all probability, at this time, as later, +under Babylonian rule, a state of things which must +have contributed in some measure to the safe transit +of the household to Haran, and also that of Abraham +later on to Canaan, which, as we know from the +inscriptions<note place='foot'>See the inscription translated on p. <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref>.</note> and from Gen. xiv., acknowledged Babylonian +overlordship. +</p> + +<p> +With regard to Haran, it is very probable that this +ancient city was, by turns, under the rule either of +Babylonia or Assyria until the absorption of the +former power into the great Persian Empire, when +Haran likewise, in all probability, shared the same +fate. Concerning the early history of the city very +little is known, but it is not improbable that it was +<pb n='200'/><anchor id='Pg200'/> +an ancient Babylonian foundation, the name being +apparently the Babylonian word <foreign rend='italic'>ḫarranu</foreign>, meaning +<q>road.</q> The name given to this <q>road-city</q> is +explained as originating in the fact, that it lay at the +junction of several trade-routes—an explanation which +is very probable. +</p> + +<p> +The city itself was, at the time of its greatest +prosperity, a considerable place, as the remains now +existing show. There are the ruins of a castle, with +square columns 8 feet thick, supporting a roof of 30 +feet high, together with some comparatively modern +ruins. The ancient walls, though in a very dilapidated +state, are said to be continuous throughout. +No houses remain, but there are several ruins, one of +great interest, and considerable extent, which Ainsworth +considered to be a temple. A rudely sculptured +lion, found outside the walls, is regarded as +giving evidence of Assyrian occupation, which, however, +is otherwise known to have been an historical fact. +</p> + +<p> +In Abraham's time the place had, in all probability, +not attained its fullest development, and must have +been a small city. The plain in which it is situated is +described as very fertile, but not cultivated to its +fullest extent, on account of half the land remaining +fallow because not manured. This, at least, was the +state of the tract 72 years ago, but it is very probable +that, in the <q>changeless East,</q> the same description +applies at the present day. That it was of old, as +now, a fertile spot, may be gathered from the fact that +the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser I. speaks of having +taken or killed elephants in that district— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(30) lw(30)'"> +<row><cell><foreign rend='italic'>Ešrit pirê buḫali dannūti</foreign></cell><cell>Ten powerful bull-elephants</cell></row> +<row><cell><foreign rend='italic'>ina mât Ḫarrāni u šidi nâr</foreign></cell><cell>in the land of Haran and on</cell></row> +<row><cell><foreign rend='italic'>Ḫabur</foreign></cell><cell>the banks of the Ḫabour</cell></row> +<row><cell><foreign rend='italic'>lu-adûk; irbit pirê balṭūti</foreign></cell><cell>I killed; four elephants alive</cell></row> +<row><cell><foreign rend='italic'>lu-uṣabita. Maškani-šunu</foreign></cell><cell>I took. Their skins,</cell></row> +<row><cell><foreign rend='italic'>šinni-šunu itti pirê</foreign></cell><cell>their teeth, with the living</cell></row> +<row><cell><foreign rend='italic'>balṭūti, ana âli-ia Aššur ubla.</foreign></cell><cell>elephants, I brought to my city Asshur.</cell></row> +</table> + +</quote> + +<pb n='201'/><anchor id='Pg201'/> + +<p> +If there were elephants in <q>the land of Haran</q> 1100 +years before Christ, it is very probable that they were +to be found in the neighbourhood a thousand years +earlier, but notwithstanding any disadvantage which +may have been felt from the presence of these enormous +beasts, it was in all probability a sufficiently +safe district for one possessing flocks and herds. +There is no reason to suppose that the presence of +elephants around Haran in any way influenced the +patriarch to leave the place, for these animals were +to be found (according to an inscription supposed to +have been written for the same Assyrian king, Tiglath-pileser +I.) in Lebanon, and therefore in the country +where Abraham settled after quitting Haran. +</p> + +<p> +As has already been noted, this was the centre of +the worship of the Moon-god Sin or Nannaru,<note place='foot'>In inscriptions referring to Haran the Moon-god bears this +name.</note> and +Terah and his family, in settling in this place, +doubtless saw the same ceremonies in connection +with the worship of this deity as they had been accustomed +to see in Babylonia, slightly modified; and +this would be the case whether Terah's family came +from Uriwa or not, the Moon-god being worshipped in +more cities than one in Babylonia. Something of the +importance of the shrine of Nannaru at Haran may +be gathered from the fact, that the Assyrian king +Esarhaddon (to all appearance) was crowned there. +As the text recording this is very interesting, and +reveals something of the beliefs of the Assyrians and +the natives of Haran, I quote here the passage referring +to the ceremony, restoring the wording where +defective. The writer is apparently addressing Aššur-banî-âpli, +<q>the great and noble Asnapper</q>— +</p> + +<p> +<q>When the father of the king my lord went to +Egypt, he was crowned (?) in the <foreign rend='italic'>qanni</foreign> of Haran, the +temple (lit. <q>Bethel</q>) of cedar. The god Sin remained +over the (sacred) standard, two crowns upon +<pb n='202'/><anchor id='Pg202'/> +his head, (and) the god Nusku stood before him. +The father of the king my lord entered, (and) he<note place='foot'>Apparently the god Sin, through the priest, his representative. +For Esarhaddon's successes in Egypt, see p. <ref target='Pg388'>388</ref>.</note> +placed (the crown?) upon his head, (saying) thus: +<q>Thou shalt go and capture the lands in the midst.</q> +(He we)nt, he captured the land of Egypt. The rest +of the lands not submitting (?) to Aššur and Sin, +the king, the lord of kings, shall capture (them</q>). +</p> + +<p> +[Here follow an invocation of the gods, and wishes +for a long life for the king, the stability (?) of his +throne, etc.] +</p> + +<p> +In addition to the god Sin, the above extract refers +to the deity known as Nusku, as being venerated +there. That this was the case, is confirmed by several +inscriptions of the time of Aššur-banî-âpli, who seems +to have restored his temple. This fane, which the +Assyrian king is said to have made to shine like the +day, was called Ê-melam-anna, <q>the temple of the +glory of heaven,</q> and the presence of its name in a +list of the temples of Babylonia and Assyria testifies +to its importance. +</p> + +<p> +The temple of Sin or Nannaru, as we learn from +the inscriptions of Nabonidus, was called Ê-ḫulḫul, +<q>the temple of (great) joy.</q> The fane having been +destroyed by the Medes, Nabonidus received, in a +dream, command to rebuild it, and it is interesting to +learn that, when the work was in progress, the records +which Aššur-banî-âpli had placed there, according to +custom, when restoring it, came to light. The letter +of which an extract is given above was probably +written to the Assyrian king upon this occasion. +</p> + +<p> +So renowned was the place as a centre of heathen +worship, that at a comparatively late date—running +far into the Christian era, namely, the fifth century +<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>—the worship of heathen deities was still in full +progress there, though the god Sin had fallen, to all +appearance, somewhat into the background, and +<pb n='203'/><anchor id='Pg203'/> +Bel-shamin, <q>the lord of the heavens,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> the Sun-god, +generally known as Shamash or Samas, and +called later on by the Greek name of Helios, had +taken his place. They also worshipped a goddess +called Gadlat, generally identified with the Babylonian +goddess Gula, and Atargatis, the feminine counterpart +of Hadad, whose name is often found in Aramean +inscriptions under the form of 'Atar-'ata.<note place='foot'>The <foreign rend='italic'>ayin</foreign> of the second element must have been pronounced +like the Arabic <foreign lang='ar' rend='italic'>ghain</foreign>, making 'Atar-ghata, which would probably +be a better transcription.</note> This +goddess is called Derketo<note place='foot'>A corrupt form of the same name.</note> by Ktesias, and appears +as Tar-'ata in Syriac and in the Talmud. According +to Baethgen, Atargatis, or, better, Attargatis, was a +double divinity, composed of Ištar and 'Ata or 'Atta +(Attes). In consequence of the worship of the sun, +the moon, and the planet Venus ('Atar = Ištar), a +second centre of the worship denominated Sabean +(which originated in south-west Arabia, the country +of the Sabeans) was founded in Haran, where its +devotees are said to have had a chapel dedicated to +Abraham, whose renown had, to all appearance, +brought to his memory the great honour of deification. +</p> + +<p> +It was after a long sojourn at Haran that Abraham +set out for his journey westwards, the patriarch being +no less than seventy-five years old when he left that +city. The next episode in his life was his journey, in +obedience to the call which he had received, to Canaan, +going first to Shechem, <q>unto the oak (terebinth) of +Moreh,</q> afterwards to the mountain on the east of +Bethel, and thence, later, towards the south. A +famine caused him to continue his travels as far as +Egypt, where the incident of Sarai being taken from +him, in consequence of the deceit practised by him in +describing her as his sister, took place. +</p> + +<p> +This portion of the patriarch's history is not one +which can be very easily dealt with, the incident being +<pb n='204'/><anchor id='Pg204'/> +told very shortly, and no Egyptian names being given—in +fact, it is altogether destitute of <q>local colouring</q> +necessarily so, from the brevity of the narrative. +</p> + +<p> +At Haran, the patriarch and the members of his +family probably saw people to a great extent of the +type to which they had been accustomed in Babylonia, +but in the land of Canaan they would notice +some difference, though they all spoke a Semitic +language, like themselves. Indeed, it is not at all +improbable that wherever the ancestor of the Hebrews +went, he found the Semitic Babylonian language at +least understood, for as the Babylonian king claimed +dominion over all this tract as far as the Mediterranean, +the language of his country was fast becoming +what it certainly was a few hundred years later, namely, +the <foreign rend='italic'>lingua franca</foreign> of the whole tract as far as Egypt, +where also, to all appearance, Abraham and his wife +had no difficulty in making themselves understood. +</p> + +<p> +According to Gen. x. 6, Canaan, into whose country +Abraham journeyed with the object of settling, was the +descendant of Cush, and the inhabitants ought therefore +to have spoken a Hamitic language. Historically, +however, this cannot be proved, but it is certain +that if the Canaanites spoke a Hamitic language, +they soon changed it for the speech which they seem +to have used as far back as history can go, this speech +being closely akin to Hebrew. In fact, there is very +little doubt that Abraham and his descendants, forsaking +their mother-tongue, the language of Babylonia, +adopted the dialect of the Canaanitish language, +which they afterwards spoke, and which is so well +known at the present day as Hebrew. To all appearance +Abraham's relatives, who remained in Mesopotamia, +in <q>the city of Nahor,</q> spoke a dialect of +Aramaic, a language with which Abraham himself +must have been acquainted, and which may have +been spoken in Babylonia at that early date, as it +certainly was, together with Chaldean, later on. +</p> + +<pb n='205'/><anchor id='Pg205'/> + +<p> +It is noteworthy, that the country to which Abraham +migrated, and which is called by the Hebrew writers +Canaan, is called by the same name in the Tel-el-Amarna +letters, and the fact that the Babylonian +king Burra-buriaš uses the same term shows that it +was the usual name in that part of the world. Among +the Babylonians, however, it was called <foreign rend='italic'>mât Amurrî</foreign>, +<q>the land of Amoria,</q> the common expression, among +the Babylonians and the Assyrians, for <q>the West.</q> +In later times the Assyrians designated this district +<foreign rend='italic'>mât Ḫatti</foreign>, <q>the land of Heth,</q> the home of the +Hittites. The inference from this naturally is, that at +the time when the Babylonians became acquainted +with the country, the Amorites were the most powerful +nationality there, whilst the Hittites had the +dominion, and were in greater force later on, when +the Assyrians first traded or warred there. These +two linguistic usages show, that the two great races +in the country, both of them Hamitic, according to +Gen. x. 15, 16, were the Amorites (who spread as far +as Babylonia, and even had settlements there), and +the Hittites, whose capital was Ḫattu (<foreign rend='italic'>Pterium</foreign>, now +<foreign rend='italic'>Boghaz-keui</foreign>) in Asia Minor, and whose rule extended +south as far as Carchemish and Hamath. +</p> + +<p> +In addition to the above indications from the historical +inscriptions of Assyria, and the contract-tablets +of Babylonia belonging to the first dynasty of Babylon +(a number of which are translated in Chap. V.), +we have also the indications furnished by the bilingual +geographical lists. +</p> + +<p> +As these lists are of great importance for the +geography of the ancient Semitic East, with special +reference to Western Asia, it may be of interest, and +perhaps also serve a useful purpose, to give, in the +form in which they occur on the tablets, such portions +as may bear on the question of the knowledge of the +Babylonians of the countries which lay around them. +</p> + +<p> +The most important of these geographical documents +<pb n='206'/><anchor id='Pg206'/> +is that published in the <hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions +of Western Asia</hi>, vol. ii. p. 50. This text begins, as +would be expected from the hand of a patriotic scribe, +with the towns and cities of his own land, in two +columns, Akkadian, and the Semitic equivalent. +This was followed, in the same way, by the provinces +of his country, ending with the two principal, Kengi-Ura, +translated by Šumer and Akkad. This is followed +by the four Akkadian groups for the land of +Subartum and Gutium, probably a part of Media. +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance a new section begins here, the +scribe introducing in this place the four Akkadian +words or groups for <q>mountain.</q> The text then +proceeds as follows— +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{2.3cm} p{2.3cm} p{2.3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(18) lw(18) lw(18)'"> +<row><cell>KUR MAR-TU KI</cell><cell>šad A-mur-ri-e</cell><cell>Mountain of Amoria +(the Amorite land).</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR TI-ID-NU-UM KI</cell><cell>šad A-mur-ri-e</cell><cell>Mountain of Amoria.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR GIR-GIR KI</cell><cell>šad A-mur-ri-e</cell><cell>Mountain of Amoria.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR SU-RU KI</cell><cell>šad Su-bar-ti</cell><cell>Mountain of Subarti.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR NUM-MA KI</cell><cell>šad Elamti</cell><cell>Mountain of Elam.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR Gu-ti-um KI</cell><cell>šad Gu-ti-i</cell><cell>Mountain of Gutû or +Gutium.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KURZAG Gu-ti-um KI</cell><cell>šad pa-at Gu-ti-i</cell><cell>Mountain of the border of Gutium.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR ši-rum KI</cell><cell>šad Si-ri-i [?]</cell><cell>Mountain of Širû.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR [GIŠ] ERI-NA KI</cell><cell>šad E-ri-ni</cell><cell>Mountain of Cedar.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR MAR-ḪA-ŠI KI</cell><cell>šad Pa-ra-ši-i</cell><cell>Mountain of Parašû.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR Šir-rum KI</cell><cell>šad Bi-ta-lal</cell><cell>Mountain of Bitala. +(Kaštala is possible.)</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR Ê-AN-NA KI</cell><cell>šad Bi-ta-lal</cell><cell>Mountain of Bitala.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR ḪE-A-NA KI</cell><cell>šad Ḫa-ni-e</cell><cell>Mountain of Ḫanû.</cell></row> +<row><cell>KUR Lu-lu-bi KI</cell><cell>šad Lu-lu-bi-e</cell><cell>Mountain of Lulubû.</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +Here follows a list of adjectives combined with the +word for country, forming descriptions such as <q>safe +country,</q> <q>low-lying country,</q> etc. +</p> + +<p> +In the above list of countries, the land of the +Amorites holds the first place, and is repeated three +times, there having, to all appearance, been three ways +of writing its name in Akkadian. Why this was the case—whether +<pb n='207'/><anchor id='Pg207'/> +in the older Akkadian literature the scribes +distinguished three different districts or not, is not +known, but is not at all improbable. The first of the +three ways of designating the country is the usual +one, and apparently means the land of the Amorites +in general, the other two being less used, and +possibly indicating the more mountainous parts. +What the mountains of Suru or Subartu were is +uncertain, but it may be supposed that, as this group +is used in the late Babylonian inscriptions (as shown +by the text containing the account of the downfall of +Assyria) for the domain over which the kings of Assyria +ruled, there is hardly any doubt that it stands for +the Mesopotamian tract, extending from the boundaries +of the Amorites to the frontiers of Babylonia. +This would include not only Assyria, but also +Aram-naharaim, or Syria, and is in all probability +the original of this last word, which has given +considerable trouble to students to explain. +</p> + +<p> +In all probability, Siru, like Gutium and the border +of Gutium, was a tract in the neighbourhood of Elam, +which precedes. A comparison has been made between +this Sirum and the Sirrum of the eleventh line +of the extract, but as the spelling, and also, seemingly, +the pronunciation, is different, it is in all likelihood a +different place. The mountain of Cedar, however, +is probably Lebanon, celebrated of old, and sufficiently +wooded, in the time of Aššur-naṣir-âpli, to give cover +to droves of elephants, which the Assyrian king +hunted there. <foreign rend='italic'>Marḫaši</foreign> (Akk.) or <foreign rend='italic'>Parašî</foreign> (Assyr.) +seems to have been a country celebrated for its dogs. +Concerning Bitala or Kaštala nothing is known, but +Ḫanê is supposed to have lain near Birejik on the +Orontes.<note place='foot'>This is probably not the land of Ḫana referred to on p. <ref target='Pg084'>84</ref>, +note, which was apparently a Babylonian principality, and +retained its independence to a comparatively late date. It was a +district which had especially skilful stone- and metal-workers.</note> Lulumu, which is apparently the same as +<pb n='208'/><anchor id='Pg208'/> +Lulubū, was an adjoining state, which the Babylonians +claim to have devastated about the twenty-eighth century +before Christ, a fact which contributes to the confirmation +of the antiquity of Babylonian geographical +lore, and its trustworthiness, for the nation which +invades another must be well aware of the position +and physical features of territory invaded. +</p> + +<p> +It is interesting to note, that one of the ordinary +bilingual lists (W.A.I. II. pl. 48) gives what are +apparently three mountainous districts, the first being +Amurru, translating the Akkadian GIRGIR, which +we are told to pronounce Tidnu (see above, pp. <ref target='Pg122'>122</ref>, +<ref target='Pg206'>206</ref>, and below, p. <ref target='Pg312'>312</ref>), the second Urṭū (Ararat), +which we are told to pronounce in Akkadian Tilla, +and the third Qutû, in Akkadian Gišgala šu anna, +<q>the district with the high barriers,</q> likewise a part +of the Aramean mountains. +</p> + +<p> +After returning from Egypt, Abraham went and +dwelt in the south of Canaan, between Bethel and Ai, +Lot quitting him in consequence of the quarrel which +took place between their respective herdsmen. Concerning +the Canaanite and the Perizzite, who were +then in the land, the Babylonian inscriptions of this +period, as far as they are known, say nothing, but +there is hardly any doubt that these nationalities were +known to them, this tract being within the boundaries +of the Babylonian dominions. That these names +do not yet occur, is not to be wondered at, for the +Babylonians had been accustomed to call the tract +Amurrū, and names which have been long attached +to a country do not change at all easily. The next +resting-place of the patriarch was by the oaks or +terebinths of Mamre in Hebron, where he built an +altar to the Lord. +</p> + +<p> +At this point occurs Gen. ch. xiv., which contains +the description of the conflict of the four kings against +five—evidently one of the struggles of the Amorites +and their allies to throw off the yoke of the Babylonians, +<pb n='209'/><anchor id='Pg209'/> +who were in this case assisted by several +confederate states. +</p> + +<p> +Much has been written concerning this interesting +chapter of the Bible. The earlier critics were of +opinion that it was impossible that the power of the +Elamites should have extended so far at such an early +epoch. Later on, when it was shown that the Elamites +really had power—and that even earlier than the time +of Abraham—the objection of the critics was, that +none of the names mentioned in the fourteenth chapter +of Genesis really existed in the inscriptions. The +history of Abraham was a romance, and the names +of the Eastern kings with whom he came into contact +equally so. It was true that there were Elamite +names commencing with the element Kudur, the +Chedor of the sacred text, but Chedorlaomer did +not occur, Amraphel and Tidal were equally wanting, +and that Arioch was the same as Eri-Aku or +Rim-Aku could not be proved. +</p> + +<p> +The first step in solving the riddle was that made +by Prof. Eberhard Schrader, who suggested that Amraphel +was none other than the well-known Babylonian +king Ḫammurabi. This, naturally, was a theory +which did not soon find acceptance—at least by all +the Assyriologists. There were, however, two things +in its favour—this king ruled sufficiently near to the +time of Abraham, and he overcame a ruler named +Rim-Sin or Rim-Aku, identified by the late George +Smith with the Arioch of the chapter we are now +considering. Concerning the latter ruler, Rim-Aku, +there is still some doubt, but the difficulties which +attended the identification of Ḫammurabi with Amraphel +have now practically disappeared. The first +step was the discovery of the form Ammurabi in +one of the numerous contracts drawn up during his +reign at Sippara, the city of the Sun-god. This form +shows that the guttural was not the hard guttural <emph>kh</emph>, +but the softer <emph>h</emph>. Yet another step +<pb n='210'/><anchor id='Pg210'/> +nearer the Biblical form is that given by Ašaridu, who, +in a letter to <q>the great and noble Asnapper,</q> writes +as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>Ana šarri bêli-ia</cell><cell>To the king, my lord,</cell></row> +<row><cell>ârad-ka, (A)šaridu.</cell><cell>thy servant Ašaridu.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Nabû û Marduk ana šar mâtāti</cell><cell>Nebo and Merodach to the king +of the countries,</cell></row> +<row><cell>bêli-ia likrubu.</cell><cell>my lord, be favourable.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Duppi ša šarru ippušu</cell><cell>The tablet which the king makes</cell></row> +<row><cell>...-ṭu û ul-šalim.</cell><cell>is bad(?) and incomplete.</cell></row> +<row><cell>(A)dū duppi.</cell><cell>Now a tablet,</cell></row> +<row><cell>(la)biru ša Ammurapi sarru.</cell><cell>an old one, of Ammurapi the king</cell></row> +<row><cell>(e)pušu-ma alṭaru—</cell><cell>I have made and written out—</cell></row> +<row><cell>(la?) pani Ammurapi šarru.</cell><cell>it is of the time (?) of Ammurapi +the king.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Kî ašpuru</cell><cell>As I have sent (to inform the king),</cell></row> +<row><cell>ultu Bâbîli</cell><cell>from Babylon</cell></row> +<row><cell>attašâ</cell><cell>I will bring (it).</cell></row> +<row><cell>Šarru nipisu</cell><cell>The king (will be able to do) the work</cell></row> +<row><cell>[ina] pitti</cell><cell>at once.</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +[Here several lines are broken away.] +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>...........................</cell><cell> .............................</cell></row> +<row><cell>ša A-...................</cell><cell>which A-.......................</cell></row> +<row><cell>qat .......................</cell><cell>the hand of....................</cell></row> +<row><cell>ulla ......................</cell><cell>then (?) ......................</cell></row> +<row><cell>anaku .....................</cell><cell>I .............................</cell></row> +<row><cell>likîpanni.</cell><cell>may he trust me.</cell></row> +</table> + +</quote> + +<p> +As this is a late reference to Ḫammurabi, it is noteworthy +not only on account of the form the name +(which agrees excellently with the Biblical Amraphel) +had assumed at the time (the hard breathing or +aspirate having to all appearance completely disappeared), +but also as a testimony to the esteem in +which he was held a millennium and a half after his +death. How it is that the Hebrew form has <emph>l</emph> at the +<pb n='211'/><anchor id='Pg211'/> +end is not known, but the presence of this letter has +given rise to numerous theories. One of these is, that +Amraphel is for <foreign rend='italic'>Ḫammurabi îlu</foreign>, <q>Ḫammurabi the +god,</q> many of the old Babylonian kings having been +deified after their death. Another (and perhaps more +likely) explanation is, that this additional letter is due +to the faulty reading of a variant writing of the name, +with a polyphonous character having the value of <foreign rend='italic'>pil</foreign> +as well as <foreign rend='italic'>bi</foreign>,—which form may, in fact, still be found. +However the presence of the final (and apparently +unauthorized) addition to the name be explained, the +identification of Amraphel and Ḫammurabi is held to +be beyond dispute. +</p> + +<p> +Thanks to important chronological lists of colophon-dates +and to a number of trade-documents from +Tel-Sifr, Sippara, and elsewhere, which are inscribed +with the same dates in a fuller form, the outline of +the history of the reign of Ḫammurabi is fairly well +known, though it can hardly be said that we have +what would be at the present time regarded as an +important event for each year, notwithstanding that +they may have been to the ancient Babylonians of +all-absorbing interest. The following is a list of the +principal dates of his reign, as far as they can at +present be made out— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l>1 Year of Ḫammurabi the king.</l> +<l>2 Year he performed justice in the land.</l> +<l>3 Year he constructed the throne of the exalted shrine of Nannar of Babylon.</l> +<l>4 Year he built the fortification of Malgia.</l> +<l>5 Year he constructed the ... of the god.</l> +<l>6 Year of the fortification of (the goddess) Laz.</l> +<l>7 Year of the fortification of Isinna.</l> +<l>8 Year of the ... of Emutbālum.</l> +<l>9 Year of the canal Ḫammurabi-ḫêgalla.</l> +<l>10 Year of the soldiers and people of Malgia.</l> +<l>11 Year of the cities Rabiqa and Šalibi.</l> +<pb n='212'/><anchor id='Pg212'/> +<l>12 Year of the throne of Zēr-panîtum.</l> +<l>13 Year (the city) Umu (?) set up a king in great rejoicing.<note place='foot'>A doubtful rendering.</note></l> +<l>14 Year of the throne of Ištar of Babylon.</l> +<l>15 Year of his 7 images.<note place='foot'>Or <q>Year of the images of the 7 gods.</q></note></l> +<l>16 Year of the throne of Nebo.</l> +<l>17 Year of the images of Ištar and Addu (Hadad)....</l> +<l>18 Year of the exalted shrine for Ellila.</l> +<l>19 Year of the fortification Igi-ḫur-sagga.</l> +<l>20 Year of the throne of Merri (Rimmon or Hadad).</l> +<l>21 Year of the fortification of Baṣu.</l> +<l>22 Year of the image of Ḫammurabi king of righteousness.</l> +<l>23 Year of the ... of Sippar.</l> +<l>24 Year of the ... for Ellila.</l> +<l>25 Year of the fortification of Sippar.</l> +<l>26 Year a great flood (?)....</l> +<l>27 Year the supreme (?)....</l> +<l>28 Year of the temple of abundance.<note place='foot'>Or <q>Year of (the temple) Ê-namḫe.</q></note></l> +<l>29 Year of the image of Šala (spouse of Rimmon or Hadad).</l> +<l>30 Year the army of Elam....</l> +<l>31 Year of the land Emutbālu.</l> +<l>32 Year the army of....</l> +<l>33 Year of the canal <foreign rend='italic'>Ḫammurabi-nuḫuš-niši</foreign>.</l> +<l>34 Year of Ištar and Nanaa.</l> +<l>35 Year of the fortification of....</l> +<l>36 Lost.</l> +<l>37 Practically lost.</l> +<l>38 Year the great....</l> +<l>39 Practically lost.</l> +<l>40 Lost.</l> +<l>41 Lost.</l> +<l>42 Practically lost.</l> +<pb n='213'/><anchor id='Pg213'/> +<l>43 Year dust (? ruin) overwhelmed Sippar and the city Ul-Šamaš.</l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +In the gaps indicated by the words <q>lost,</q> and +<q>practically lost,</q> the following entries ought, perhaps, +to be inserted, though it is to be noted that +some of them may be merely additions to, or other +forms of, dates preserved by the list— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +<q>Year he (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> the king) built the supreme shrine +of Bêl.</q> [? the eighteenth year.] +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year of the ... of the fortification of Sippar.</q> +[? the 25th year.] +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year he made supplication to the goddess Taš-mêtu.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year of the river (canal) Tišida-Ellilla</q> (p. <ref target='Pg182'>182</ref>). +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year the soldiers of Ešnunna were smitten by +the sword.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year Ḫammurabi the king, by command of Anu +and Bêl, destroyed the wall of Mair and Malgia</q> +(p. <ref target='Pg187'>187</ref>). +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year Ḫammurabi the king renewed the temple +Ê-me-temena-ursag, and raised the head of the +temple-tower, the supreme seat of Zagaga, high +like heaven.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Year Ḫammurabi the king raised the top of +the great wall on the bank of the Tigris +high like a mountain, and caused its name +to be called the embankment of the Sun.</q> +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +Besides these, there are additions in the entries in +the chronological list, some of which are of sufficiently +great importance— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +<q>Year 31: Year Ḫammurabi the king, by the +command of Anu and Bêl, established his +advantage (and) captured the land Yamutbālum +and the king Rîm-Sin.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='214'/><anchor id='Pg214'/> + +<p> +<q>Year 34: Year Ḫammurabi the king made +[images of] Ištar and Nanaa.</q> +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +Whether the following be another form of this date, +or a different one altogether is uncertain: +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +<q>Year Ḫammurabi the king renewed E-tur-kalama +for Anu, Ištar, and Nanaa.</q> +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +Year 38, which, in the chronological list, is called +the year of the great ... is possibly to be completed, +in accordance with the indications from the colophon-dates: +<q>Year of Ḫammurabi the king (when) a great +flood destroyed Ešnunna.</q> +</p> + +<p> +With regard to the other undecided dates, it is +practically certain that the three long ones—those +which record the destruction of the wall of Mair and +Malgia, the restoration of the temple Ê-me-temena-ursag +and the temple tower dedicated to Zagaga, and +the construction of the great dam of the Tigris—come +into the gaps after the entry for the thirty-first year. +The reason for this assumption is, that the thirty-first +year of Ḫammurabi was the date of his conquest of +Rîm-Sin, in whose dominions the town represented by +the ruins of Tel-Sifr (the place whence the tablets came +which bear these dates) lay. All the tablets from +this place, bearing dates of the reign of Ḫammurabi, +therefore belong to the thirty-first year of his reign and +later. +</p> + +<p> +In all probability there is one thing that will be +considered as noteworthy, and that is, that as far as +our records go, there is no reference whatever to any +expedition to the West-land, and if that be due simply +to the imperfection of the records which have come +down to us, all that can be said is, that it is a noteworthy +coincidence.<note place='foot'>It may just be mentioned that date 30, <q>Year of the army +of Elam,</q> if correctly rendered, may refer to the Elamite expedition +to the West, but it seems more likely that it records a +disaster to the Elamite arms, which enabled Ḫammurabi to +overthrow Rîm-Sin of Emutbālu next year.</note> It must not be supposed, however, +that it in any wise invalidates the trustworthiness +<pb n='215'/><anchor id='Pg215'/> +of the narrative in the 14th chapter of Genesis—there +is plenty of room in the mutilated list (of which I have +given such a translation as is possible) for a date +referring to this to have been recorded, though we +must keep in mind the possibility, that if the +Babylonian king considered that disaster had in +any way overtaken his arms, he may not have recorded +it at all. Then there is the fact, that the +expedition was undertaken in conjunction with allies—Chedorlaomer, +Tidal, and Arioch—for none of +whom, in all probability, Ḫammurabi had any sympathy. +The Elamite was a conqueror from a land +over which the Babylonians of earlier ages had held +sway, and Arioch had dominion over a neighbouring +tract, to which Ḫammurabi himself laid claim, and +over which, as the texts above translated show, he +afterwards ruled. Ḫammurabi, moreover, claimed +also the West-land—<foreign rend='italic'>mât Amurrī</foreign>, the land of Amurrū—as +his hereditary possession, and he found himself +obliged to aid Chedorlaomer, Tidal, and Arioch to +subjugate it—indeed, it was Chedorlaomer whom the +five kings had acknowledged for twelve years as their +overlord, and against whom, in the thirteenth, they +rebelled. It is, therefore, likely that Ḫammurabi +regarded himself as having been forced by circumstances +to aid Chedorlaomer to reconquer what really +belonged to Babylonia, and the probability that he +would cause it to be used as one of the events to +date by, is on that account still less, even if the news +of any success which he might have considered himself +entitled to reached his own domain in time to be +utilized for such a purpose. +</p> + +<p> +It has been shown on p. <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref> that Ammi-ṭitana, the +third in succession from Ḫammurabi, claimed the +sovereignty of the land of Amurrū, and from an +inscription accompanying a portrait of Ḫammurabi +discovered by Mr. Rassam, we learn that he, too, +claimed sovereignty over it. Sargon of Agadé held +<pb n='216'/><anchor id='Pg216'/> +sway over the tract centuries before, so that he +probably reckoned that, by right of inheritance, it +was his. It would therefore be natural that he should +omit to mention as an event to be remembered, an +expedition to a country which ought never to have +thrown off his dominion. +</p> + +<p> +Of course, one of the principal things confirming +the identification of Ḫammurabi with Amraphel +would naturally be the occurrence of one or more of +the names recorded in Gen. xiv., in conjunction with +his, or in such a way that a connection could be +established. This, naturally, is difficult, principally +on account of our having no continuous history of +the period to which these rulers belong. Nevertheless, +a close examination of the inscriptions suggests in +what way confirmation of the events narrated with +reference to Amraphel and his allies might be sought. +</p> + +<p> +Reference has already been made to Rîm-Sin, king +of Yamutbālu (or Emutbālu), who appears to have +been defeated by Ḫammurabi in the thirty-first regnal +year. From this time the dominions of Rîm-Sin +evidently formed part of the Babylonian Empire, and +were never again separated from it as long as it +existed. +</p> + +<p> +Notwithstanding the early identification of Rîm-Sin +with Eri-Sin or Eri-Aku by the late George Smith, +considerable doubt has been thrown on the identity +of these two names by the fact, that in inscriptions +containing the name of Kudur-mabuk, the father, the +name of his son is written with <foreign rend='italic'>Eri</foreign> as the first +element—not <foreign rend='italic'>Rîm</foreign>. This, it must be admitted, is a +considerable difficulty. Winckler, however, in the +<hi rend='italic'>Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek</hi>, Band III., 1 Hälfte, pp. +88-89, publishes a text given by Lenormant, <hi rend='italic'>Textes +Inédits</hi>, No. 70, in which the name of the son of Kudur-mabuk +is written Ri-im-Sin, and if this be correctly +copied, it would seem to settle the matter of their +identity. It is to be noted that they are both called +<pb n='217'/><anchor id='Pg217'/> +king of Uriwa, king of Larsa, and king of Šumer and +Akkad. In the inscriptions Eri-Aku or Eri-Sin also +calls himself <foreign rend='italic'>adda Emutbala</foreign>, <q>father of Yamutbālu,</q> +and, as the colophon-date of the 31st year of Ḫammurabi +shows, Rîm-Sin or Rîm-Aku was also king of +that region. +</p> + +<p> +In these circumstances, there is hardly any doubt +that they were at least closely connected, if not (as +has been supposed since the time of the Assyriologist +George Smith) actually identical. It is therefore +worthy of mention, that M. F. Thureau-Dangin, the +well-known French Assyriologist, suggests that Eri-Aku +and Rîm-Sin were brothers, sons of Kudur-mabuk, +and successively kings of Larsa (<hi rend='italic'>Les Inscriptions +de Šumer et d'Akkad</hi>, p. 300, n. 3). This would +not only account for their having the same parentage, +but also for their claiming the same titles. It can +therefore not be said, that Ḫammurabi became the +enemy of his old ally—it was against his brother that +he fought. +</p> + +<p> +The date quoted on p. <ref target='Pg214'>214</ref> (year 31) seems to +include Rîm-Sin in the capture of the land of Yamutbālum, +but this is not confirmed by the new Chronicle, +which states that Ḫammurabi, king of Babylon, +gathered his soldiers and went against Rîm-Sin, king +of Larsa. His hand captured Ur and Larsa, he carried +off their goods to Babylon, and overthrew and carried +away other things—what they were the mutilation of +the record does not allow us even to guess. It is +noteworthy also that the mention of Ur as one of the +cities of Rîm-Sin shuts out that state from the tract +which, from the 14th chapter of Genesis, would otherwise +be included in Shinar, and seems also to explain +why Ur is designated as being <q>of the Chaldees.</q> +</p> + +<p> +If, however, the colophon-date be right, and Rîm-Sin +was really made prisoner, he must either have +escaped, or been set at liberty again, for Samsu-iluna, +son of Ḫammurabi, when he became king, had apparently +<pb n='218'/><anchor id='Pg218'/> +to resist another attack on the part of that +ruler, who seems to have been captured, and <q>(? burnt) +alive in his palace.</q> +</p> + +<p> +With regard to the names Eri-Aku and Rîm-Sin, +one Sumero-Akkadian, and the other Semitic, the +former means, as was thought from the first, <q>Servant +of the Moon-god,</q> whilst the sense of the latter, as is +made clear by the variant spelling in the new Babylonian +chronicle, is <q>Sin's (the Moon-god's) wild bull.</q> +A similar name is that of Rîm-Anu, another king of +Larsa—<q>Anu's (the Heaven-god's) wild bull.</q> These +are paralleled by such names as Bûr-Sin, <q>Sin's +young steer,</q> in which the bearer is compared with a +strong and willing animal of service. Possibly the +substitution of the word for <q>wild bull</q> in Rîm-Sin +and Rîm-Anu is symbolical of reckless courage. +</p> + +<p> +Very little is known of the state of which Larsa (in +Sumero-Akkadian Ararma) was the capital. It is +interesting to note, however, that this city was a +centre of the worship of the Sun-god Šamaš, as was +also Sippar (now Abu-habbah). The temple in both +cities bore the same name, Ê-bara (-para) or Ê-babbara +(-barbara), <q>the house of brilliant light.</q> With the +exception of Eri-Aku or Arioch, whose name is +Sumero-Akkadian, all the rulers have Semitic names—Rîm-Anu, +Nûr-Rammāni or Nûr-Addi, <q>light of Rimmon</q> +or <q>of Hadad,</q> Sin-idinnam, <q>Sin has given,</q> +and Rîm-Sin. If Eri-Aku was called, in the Semitic +tongue, Arad-Sin, <q>Servant of Sin,</q> as is possible, this +name must be added too, but in that case his identification +with Arioch would be less probable. As he was +of Elamite origin, his bearing a Sumero-Akkadian or +a Semitic name was probably due to motives of +policy, and one which, when written, could be read +either way would give pleasure to both sections of +the people, Sumero-Akkadian and Semitic. +</p> + +<p> +The following inscriptions record architectural works +of Kudur-mabuk, and his sons Eri-Aku and Rîm-Sin:— +</p> + +<pb n='219'/><anchor id='Pg219'/> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +Tablet Of Kudur-Mabuk Mentioning Eri-Aku. +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>(Dingir) Nannara</cell><cell>To Nannara</cell></row> +<row><cell>lugala-ni-r</cell><cell>his king,</cell></row> +<row><cell>Kudur-mabuk</cell><cell>Kudur-mabuk,</cell></row> +<row><cell>adda kura Martu</cell><cell>father of Amoria,</cell></row> +<row><cell>dumu Simti-šilḫak</cell><cell>son of Simti-šilḫak.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Ud (dingir) Nannara</cell><cell>When Nannara</cell></row> +<row><cell>arazu-ni</cell><cell>his prayer</cell></row> +<row><cell>mu-igi-ginnā</cell><cell>received,</cell></row> +<row><cell>ne-zila-maḫa</cell><cell>ne-zila-maḫa</cell></row> +<row><cell>(dingir) Nannara-kam</cell><cell>for Nannara</cell></row> +<row><cell>nam-tila-ni-šu</cell><cell>for his life,</cell></row> +<row><cell>u nam-ti</cell><cell>and the life</cell></row> +<row><cell>Eri-Aku dumu-ni</cell><cell>of Eri-Aku, his son,</cell></row> +<row><cell>lugal Ararma-šu</cell><cell>king of Larsa,</cell></row> +<row><cell>munanindu.</cell><cell>he made.</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +<q>To Nannara, his king, Kudur-mabuk, father of +the land of the Amorites, son of Simti-šilḫak. When +Nannara received his prayer he made for Nannara +<foreign rend='italic'>ne-zila-maḫa</foreign> for his life and the life of his son Arioch, +king of Larsa.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Tablet Of Eri-Aku Mentioning Kudur-Mabuk, +His Father. +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>Eri-(dingir) Aku</cell><cell>Eri-Aku</cell></row> +<row><cell>uš kalagga</cell><cell>powerful hero</cell></row> +<row><cell>siba nig-zi</cell><cell>everlasting shepherd</cell></row> +<row><cell>ua Uri-(D. S.)-wa</cell><cell> installed by Bêl</cell></row> +<row><cell>(dingir) Ellilli garra</cell><cell>nourisher of Uriwa</cell></row> +<row><cell>lugal Arar-(D. S.)-ma</cell><cell>king of Larsa</cell></row> +<row><cell>lugal Kiengi-(D. S.)-Uragi</cell><cell>king of Šumer (and) Akkad</cell></row> +<row><cell>dumu Kudur-mabuk</cell><cell>son of Kudur-mabuk</cell></row> +<row><cell>Adda Emutbala-men</cell><cell>father of Yamutbālu am I.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Uriwa (D. S.) dagal-e-ne</cell><cell>In Uriwa broad,</cell></row> +<row><cell>mu maha dudune</cell><cell>possessing an exalted name,</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +Col. II. +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>ušu-na-bi</cell><cell>to the peerless (?)</cell></row> +<row><cell>ugul-immangaga</cell><cell>supplication I have made.</cell></row> +<row><cell>(dingir) Nannara lugala-mu</cell><cell>Nannara my king</cell></row> +<pb n='220'/><anchor id='Pg220'/> +<row><cell>mušinše</cell><cell>I have obeyed (?):</cell></row> +<row><cell>bad gala ḫursag illa-dim šu-nu-tutu</cell><cell>A great wall, high like a +mountain, impregnable,</cell></row> +<row><cell>im-bi dul ea</cell><cell>inspiring (?) its fear,</cell></row> +<row><cell>munadu</cell><cell>have I made,</cell></row> +<row><cell>uru-ni ḫimmira</cell><cell>its city may it protect.</cell></row> +<row><cell>bada-ba</cell><cell>That wall</cell></row> +<row><cell>(dingir) Nannara suḫuš mada gengen</cell><cell><q>Nannara the consolidator of +the foundation of the land</q> is</cell></row> +<row><cell>mu-bi-im</cell><cell>its name.</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +<q>Arioch, the powerful hero, the everlasting shepherd +installed by Bêl, the nourisher of Uriwa, the king of +Larsa, the king of Šumer and Akkad, the son of +Kudur-mabug, the father of Yamutbālu, am I. In +broad Uriwa, possessing an exalted name, to the +peerless one (?) have I made supplication, Nannara, +my king, have I obeyed (?). The great wall, high +like a mountain, impregnable, inspiring (?) its fear, +have I built—may it protect its city. The name of +that wall is <q>Nannara the consolidator of the foundation +of the land.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +[The above inscription is not without its difficulties, +some of them formidable enough, but the general +sense of the whole may be regarded as correctly made +out.] +</p> + +<p> +Tablet Of Rim-Sin. +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>(Dingir) Nin-saḫ</cell><cell>To Ninsaḫ</cell></row> +<row><cell>en galla abba age</cell><cell>great lord, beloved father</cell></row> +<row><cell>šaga-gu-sag-gi gala-zu</cell><cell>knowing the supplication of the heart</cell></row> +<row><cell>sukkala maḫa ša-kušša dingira galla</cell><cell>exalted messenger, (giving) +heart-rest, great god</cell></row> +<row><cell>dugga-ni ši tul-du</cell><cell>he who sends forth his hidden word</cell></row> +<row><cell>lugal-a-ni-ir</cell><cell>his king</cell></row> +<row><cell>(dingir) Rim-(dingir) Sin</cell><cell>Rim-Sin.</cell></row> +</table> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>siba gu kalama Nipri (D. S.)</cell><cell>shepherd of all the people +of Nippur</cell></row> +<row><cell>me giškin Gurudug-(D. S.)-ga su-dudu</cell><cell> he who fulfils the word of the +vine of Eridu</cell></row> +<pb n='221'/><anchor id='Pg221'/> +<row><cell>ua Uri-(D. S.)-wa</cell><cell>nourisher of Uriwa</cell></row> +<row><cell>ê-ud-da-im-te-ga</cell><cell>(and) Ê-udda-imtega</cell></row> +<row><cell>lugal Arar-(D. S.)-ma</cell><cell>king of Larsa</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +Col. II. +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>lugal Kengi-(D. S.)-Ura-gi</cell><cell>king of Šumer and Akkad.</cell></row> +<row><cell>Ud Ana (dingir) Ellila</cell><cell>When Anu, Bêl,</cell></row> +<row><cell>(dingir) En-ki</cell><cell>(and) Ea,</cell></row> +<row><cell>dingir-galgalene</cell><cell>the great gods,</cell></row> +<row><cell>Unuga (D. S.) uru du</cell><cell>Erech, the ruined (?) city,</cell></row> +<row><cell>šu-mu-šu manin-si-eša</cell><cell>into my hands delivered</cell></row> +<row><cell>(dingir) Ninsaḫ lugala-mu-r</cell><cell>to Ninsaḫ, my king,</cell></row> +<row><cell>gu-sagsaggi-da-mu-ta</cell><cell>after my making supplication;</cell></row> +<row><cell>ê-da-agga-šummu</cell><cell>Ê-dagga-šummu,</cell></row> +<row><cell>ki-dura ki-agga-ni</cell><cell>his beloved resting-place,</cell></row> +<row><cell>nam-ti-mu-šu</cell><cell>for my life</cell></row> +<row><cell>munadu.</cell><cell>I built.</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +<q>To Ninsaḫ, the great lord, the beloved father, he +who is aware of the supplication of the heart; the +exalted messenger, (giving) rest to the heart, the great +god who sendeth forth his hidden word—his king, +Rim-Sin, shepherd of all the people of Niffer, who +fulfilleth the word of the vine of Êridu, nourisher of +Uriwa (and) Ê-udda-imtega, king of Larsa, king of +Šumer and Akkad. When Anu, Bêl, and Ea, the +great gods, delivered Erech, the ruined (?) city, into +my hands, I built to Ninsaḫ, my king, after making +supplication, Ê-dagga-šummu, his beloved seat, for +(the saving of) my life.</q> +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +This last text was found in the mound of Mugheir +(Uriwa), and is of great interest, as it is dedicated to +Ninsaḫ, the great messenger of the gods, and not to +the god Sin or Nannara, the chief patron-deity of the +city. It has also an interesting reference to the vine of +Êridu (see pp. <ref target='Pg071'>71</ref> ff.), and apparently to his capture of +the city of Erech, delivered into his hands by the +gods Anu, Bêl, and Ea. That he should represent +<pb n='222'/><anchor id='Pg222'/> +himself as taking possession of the city by the will of +Anu, the chief god of the city, whose name he mentions +before the other two divinities, sheds a certain light +upon the character of the man, whilst his military +exploits, both at home and in the west, must have +made him, like Chedorlaomer his fellow-countryman, +and Ḫammurabi his rival, one of the heroes of his +time. +</p> + +<p> +There now remain to be treated of Chedorlaomer +and Tidal, the remaining two of the four allies who +fought in that memorable conflict by the Dead Sea to +bring into subjection their revolted vassals. +</p> + +<p> +From the time of their first discovery it has been +felt that the occurrence of names containing the element +Kudur—Kudur-mabuk, Kudur-Nanḫundi, Kudur-Naḫḫunte, +etc.—was, in itself, excellent testimony +to the correctness of the narrative in the 14th +chapter of Genesis, where an Elamite king having +<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>Chedor</foreign> as the first element of his name, attacks and +conquers, in alliance with certain kings of Babylonia, +five petty rulers of a district on the shores of the +Dead Sea. It was, however, naturally a matter of +disappointment that the name of Chedorlaomer himself +did not occur, for it was soon recognized that the +identification, made by Sir Henry Rawlinson, of +Kudur-mabuk (read Kudur-mapula) with Chedorlaomer +could not be sustained. What was wanted, +was some such name as Kudur-Lagamar or Kudur-Lagamal, +the second element having been recognized +in other texts as the name of the Elamite deity +Lagamaru. It was to all appearance thought to be +probable that the name of Tidal would be found. +</p> + +<p> +Accordingly, when two tablets were referred to at +the Congress of Orientalists held at Geneva in 1894 +as containing the names Tudḫula, Êri-Eaku (Êri-Ekua), +and another name read doubtfully as Kudur-laḫ(gu)mal, +no publicly-expressed objection to their +possible identification with Tidal, Arioch, and Chedorlaomer +<pb n='223'/><anchor id='Pg223'/> +was made. The names were placed before +the Semitic section of the Congress of Orientalists +referred to, as recent discoveries, which were certain +as far as they went, their identification being a matter +of opinion. +</p> + +<p> +None of these documents are in a state of completeness, +though one of them, a kind of poem, contains +no less than 76 lines, more or less well preserved. +The other two are of the nature, apparently, of historical +legends, though they may be true historical documents, +and, though imperfect, are of great importance. Concerning +the names which are contained in these texts +there is but little or no doubt, though there may be +doubt as to the way in which they ought to be read +in consequence of the fanciful way in which they are +written. +</p> + +<p> +The first document is Sp. III. 2, and contains all +three names—or, rather, the names Tudḫula (Tidal), +Êri-Eaku's son Durmaḫ-îlāni, and Kudur-laḫmal. The +first portion of this text refers to the gods: <q>Šamaš, +illuminator (of the earth),</q> <q>the lord of lords, Merodach, +in the faithfulness of his heart,</q> aided (probably) +his servant to subdue (?) some region, <q>all of it.</q> Then +there is a reference to (soldiers) whom some ruler +<q>caused to be slain,</q> and as the name of Durmaḫ-îlāni +son of Êri-(E)aku follows, there is every probability +that it was he who is referred to in the preceding lines. +The carrying off of goods (?) is next spoken of, and +waters which to all appearance came over Babylon +and the great temple-tower called Ê-saggil (more +usually written in earlier times Ê-sagila). The next +line has an interesting reference to <q>the son (?)</q> of +some one, who <q>slaughtered him like (?) a lamb with +the weapon of his hands.</q> After this, we are told +that <q>the elder and the child (were killed) with the +sword.</q> To all appearance, another division of the +subject begins with the next line, though the text +goes on recording things of the same nature—<q>the +<pb n='224'/><anchor id='Pg224'/> +child he cut off.</q> This is immediately followed by +the words <q>Tudḫula the son of Gazza- ..,</q> or <q>Tidal +son of Gazzā(ni?),</q> who, like Durmaḫ-îlāni (if we may +form any opinion from the fact that the wording of +the line following the mention of Tidal is the same as +that following the name of the son of Êri-Eaku), +carried off goods (?), and waters (he caused to flow?) +over Babylon and Ê-saggil, the great temple of the +city. The parallel between these two passages is still +further emphasized by the words in the line immediately +following, which says that <q>his son fell +upon him with the weapon of his hand.</q> The next +line is the last of the obverse, and speaks of (<q>the +proclamation,</q> perhaps) of <q>his dominion before the +temple of Annunit,</q> where we have the interesting +archaism, <foreign rend='italic'>An-nu-nit</foreign> for D.P. (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> the determinative +prefix indicating that the name of a deity follows) +<foreign rend='italic'>A-nu-nit</foreign>. +</p> + +<p> +The reverse begins with a reference to Elam, and +some one (perhaps the king of that country) who +<q>spoiled from the city Aḫḫê (?) to the land of Rabbātum.</q> +Something was made, apparently by the +same personage, into heaps of ruins, and the fortress +of the land of Akkad, and <q>the whole of Borsippa(?)</q> +are referred to. At this point comes the line mentioning +Kudur-laḫmal, supposed to be Chedorlaomer. It +reads as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Kudur-laḫmal, his son, pierced his heart with the +steel sword of his girdle.</q> +</p> + +<p> +After this there is a passage where the various kings +mentioned seem to be referred to, and it is stated +that Merodach, the king of the gods, was angry against +them, and they were, to all appearance, made to suffer +for what they had done. The scribe who had composed +this record now speaks, in favourable words, of +the king then reigning, and seems to refer to the +restoration of the inscription to its place by the person +(prince) who, in later days, should find it (as was the +<pb n='225'/><anchor id='Pg225'/> +custom among the Babylonians and Assyrians). He +ends with a pious wish that a sinful man might not +exist, or something to that effect. +</p> + +<p> +The second tablet, though in a more satisfactory +state of preservation, is still sufficiently incomplete, +none of the lines being altogether perfect. +</p> + +<p> +After referring to Babylon, and to the property +of that city, <q>small and great,</q> it is said that the gods +(apparently) +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<q>in their faithful counsel to Kudur-laḫgumal, +king of the land of Elam ... said <q>Descend.</q> +The thing which unto them was good (he performed, +and) he exercised sovereignty in Babylon, +the city of Kar-Duniaš.</q> +</quote> + +<p> +It would therefore appear that this Elamite ruler, +by the will of the gods (such was the way with conquerors +in those days—they annexed other countries +to their dominions by the will of the gods of the lands +annexed), took possession of Babylon, capital (such +seems to be the meaning of the phrase) of Kar-Duniaš. +This is followed by a long passage in which animals +and birds, apparently the favourites of the Elamite +king, are referred to, and the idea which one gains by +reading it is, that he attended to these rather than +to the welfare of his realm. This being the case, it is +natural that something about the remissness of the king +should follow, and this seems to be, in fact, intended +in the next line, where some one whose name is lost +seems to ask: <q>What king of Elam is there who has +(erected?) the chapel (?) (it was something made of +wood, as the determinative prefix shows) of E-saggil?</q> +It was the Babylonians, the text seems to say, who +had done things of this kind. The speaker then seems +to begin to talk of <q>their work,</q> when another gap +destroys the remainder of the phrase. He then speaks +about <q>(a let)ter (?) which thou hast written thus: <q>I +<pb n='226'/><anchor id='Pg226'/> +am a king, the son of a king,</q></q> but whether it is +the same personage who says that he is <q>the son of +the daughter of a king, who has sat on the throne of +dominion,</q> is doubtful—it may be a similarly boasting +reply to the statement put into the mouth of the first +speaker. The line which follows has the name of +Durmaḫ-îlāni, son of Êri-Ekua (Êri-Eaku of the other +historical text), who seems to have carried away spoil, +but whether it is he who is referred to in the next line +as having sat on the throne of dominion is doubtful. +This is followed by the expression of the wish that +the king might come who from eternal days ... was +proclaimed lord of Babylon. The closing lines of +the obverse, which is here described, do not give any +clear sense, but there is a reference to the months +Kislev and Tammuz, probably in connection with +festivals, also (apparently) to certain priests, and to +the taking of spoil. The remains of the reverse are +too scanty to gather what the text inscribed upon it +really refers to. +</p> + +<p> +It is naturally difficult to judge which of these two +inscriptions came first. Both of them seem to have +a kind of peroration at the end containing similar +phrases referring to the city of Babylon and its well-being, +and either might therefore be the last tablet of +a series. To all appearance, the order of the two +records turns upon the question whether Durmaḫ-îlāni +is the one who is referred to as having written a +certain communication, or whether it is about him +that some one has written. As he seems to be +referred to in the third person, the probability is that +<q>Durmaḫ-îlāni, son of Êri-Eaku, who (carried away?) +the spoil of ... ,</q> is not the person speaking, but +the person spoken of. In this case he was not +necessarily alive at the time, and the order of +the two tablets as here printed may be the correct +one. +</p> + +<p> +How far the record which they contain may be +<pb n='227'/><anchor id='Pg227'/> +true is with our present knowledge impossible to find +out. The style of the writing with which they are +inscribed is certainly very late—later, in all probability, +than the Persian period, and the possibility +that it is a compilation of that period has been +already suggested. That it is altogether a fiction, +however, is in the highest degree improbable. If we +have in the three names which these two tablets contain +the Babylonian prototypes of Tidal, Arioch, and +Chedorlaomer, they must refer to the events which +passed between the first and thirty-first years of the +reign of Amraphel or Ḫammurabi, in which it would +seem that both Durmaḫ-îlāni and Tudḫula attacked +and spoiled Babylon, cutting the canals so that the +town and the temple were both flooded. Both of these +royal personages, who, be it noted, are not called +kings, were apparently killed by their sons, and +Kudur-laḫmal seems to have been a criminal of the +same kind, if we may judge from the words <q>Kudur-laḫmal, +his son, pier(ced?) his heart with the steel +sword of his girdle.</q> That three royal personages, +contemporaries, should all dispose of their fathers in +the same way seems, however, in the highest degree +improbable. It also seems to be in an equal degree +impossible that (as has been suggested) the tablets +in question should refer to Tidal, Arioch, and Chedorlaomer, +but not the <emph>same</emph> Tidal, Arioch, and Chedorlaomer +as is spoken of in Genesis, unless it be meant +thereby that the Biblical personages of that name are +the historical ones, whilst those of the two tablets +belong to the realm of fiction. The greater probability +is, that they are the same personages, but that +the accounts handed down to us on these two tablets +are largely legendary. +</p> + +<p> +And that this is the case is made more probable by +the third document, couched in poetical form, which +I have entitled <hi rend='italic'>The Legend of Chedorlaomer</hi>. The +following are extracts from this remarkable piece— +</p> + +<pb n='228'/><anchor id='Pg228'/> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>... and they pressed on to the supreme gate.</q></l> +<l>He threw down, removed, and cast down the door of Ištar in the holy places,</l> +<l>He descended also, like Ura the unsparing, to Dû-maḫa;</l> +<l>He stayed also in Dû-maḫa, looking at the temple;</l> +<l>He opened his mouth, and spake with the children (of the place).</l> +<l>To all his warriors (then) he hastened the message:—</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>Carry off the spoil of the temple, take also its goods,</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Destroy its barrier, cause its enclosures to be cut through.</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='post'>To the channel ... they pressed on....</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +(Here comes a mutilated passage apparently referring +to the destruction which he wrought.) +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>He drove away the director's overseer, he took away the vail.</q></l> +<l>The enemy pressed on evilly to Ennun-dagalla.</l> +<l>The god was clothed with light before him,</l> +<l>He flashed like lightning, and shook the (holy) places.</l> +<l>The enemy feared, he hid himself.</l> +<l>There descended (?) also its chief man, and he spake to him a command.</l> +<l>... the god was clothed with light,</l> +<l>(He flashed like lightning), and shook the (holy) places.</l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'>(Draw near unto?) Ennun-dagalla, remove his crowns!</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>(Enter into?) his temple, seize his hand!</q></q></l> +<l>..., he did not fear, and he regarded not his life.</l> +<l><q rend='post'><q>(He shall not approach?) Ennun-dagalla, he shall not remove his crowns.</q></q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<pb n='229'/><anchor id='Pg229'/> + +<p> +(Here follows another mutilated passage, describing +how <q>the Elamite, the wicked man,</q> proclaimed +something to the lands, and how he dwelt and stayed +in Dû-maḫa.) +</p> + +<p> +(At this point is the end of the obverse, and there +is a considerable gap before there are any further +fairly complete passages.) +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>When the guardian spoke peace (to the city)</q></l> +<l>The guardian-bulls of Ê-šarra, [the temple of the host of the gods], departed.</l> +<l>The enemy, the Elamite, multiplied evils,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>And Bêl allowed evil to be planned against Babylon.</q></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>When righteousness was absent (?), then was decided (?) also the destruction</q></l> +<l>Of Ê-šarra, the temple of the host of the gods, the guardian-bulls departed.</l> +<l>The enemy, the Elamite, took its goods—</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Bêl, dwelling upon it, had displeasure.</q></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>When the magicians repeated their evil words (?),</q></l> +<l>Gullum<note place='foot'>A deity, probably the god of destruction.</note> and the evil wind performed their evil (?).</l> +<l>Then their gods departed—they departed like a torrent.</l> +<l>Storm and evil wind went round in the heavens.</l> +<l>Anu, their creator, had displeasure.</l> +<l>He made pale their face, he made desolate his place,</l> +<l>He destroyed the barrier in the shrine of Ê-anna,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>(He overthrew?) the temple, and the platform shook.</q></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'> .... he decreed destruction,</q></l> +<l>..... he had disfavour.</l> +<l>The people (?) of Bêl of Ê-zida barred (?) the road to Šumer.</l> +<pb n='230'/><anchor id='Pg230'/> +<l>Who is Kudurlaḫgu(mal), the doer of the evils?</l> +<l>He has gathered also the Umman-man(da against?) the people (?) of Bêl—</l> +<l><q rend='post'>He has laid in ruin . . . by their side.</q></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>When (the enclosure) of Ê-zida (was broken down?),</q></l> +<l>And Nebo was ruler of the host, there (came) down his (winged bulls).</l> +<l>Down to Tiamtu he se(t his face).</l> +<l>Ibi-Tutu, whom the Sun-god (?) hastened within Tiamtu,</l> +<l>Entered Tiamtu, and founded a pseudo-capital.</l> +<l><q rend='post'>The enclosure of Ê-zida, the everlasting temple, was caused to be broken through.</q></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>(The enemy), the Elamite, caused his yoke of horses to be directed, (and)</q></l> +<l>Set his face (to go) down to Borsippa.</l> +<l>He traversed also the road of darkness, the road to Mesech.</l> +<l>The tyrant (?) Elamite destroyed the palace (?),</l> +<l>He subdued the princes of ... with the sword,</l> +<l>He carried off the spoil of all the temples.</l> +<l>He took their goods, and carried them away to Elam.</l> +<l>.... ruler, he destroyed the ruler (?),</l> +<l><q rend='post'>.......... filled also the land.</q></l> +<l rend='margin-left: 4'>(The remainder is wanting.)</l> +</lg> + +</quote> + +<p> +Apparently this is a poetical reproduction of the +tablets of which translations have already been given. +The enemy entered Babylon, according to the nine +lines of the earlier portion of the inscription which +are preserved, and spoiled and ravaged the place. +The mention of the channel (îku, irrigation-channel) +suggests a comparison with the first of the two historical +fragments, where waters over Babylon and +<pb n='231'/><anchor id='Pg231'/> +Ê-sagila are referred to, and cause one to ask whether +Durmaḫ-îlāni and Tudḫula were not the lieutenants +of Kudur-laḫgumal. +</p> + +<p> +The description of the conditions under which the +entry into Babylon was effected, when the god (possibly +Ennundagalla) was clothed with light, flashed like +lightning and shook the holy places, suggests that a +severe thunderstorm acted on the superstitious hopes +of the Babylonians, and the equally superstitious fears +of their foes, so much so, that the Elamite did not carry +out his intention of carrying away the crowns of the +statue of the god. He seems, however, to have taken +and retained possession of the place, and to have +continued to extend his operations. +</p> + +<p> +The reverse apparently states why all these misfortunes +came, and what further happened. It was +because they accepted a foreign ruler (he spoke peace +to the city, and thereby became its master); because +there was denial of righteousness or justice (righteousness +was absent?); because the magicians repeated +evil words. Even in the temple of Anu at Erech (the +shrine called Ê-anna, <q>the temple of heaven,</q> or <q>of +Anu</q>) the god of heaven was displeased, and caused +something very like an earthquake. Some, however, +were found who were willing to try to bar the passage +of the conqueror, who had gathered the Umman-manda +(barbarian hordes), possibly his followers and +those of Tudḫula or Tidal, against the people (?) of +Bêl (the Babylonians), and laid everything in ruins. +</p> + +<p> +When the enclosure of Ê-zida (the great temple-tower +of Borsippa, identified with the tower of Babel +by modern scholars) was broken down, Ibi-Tutu, +apparently a Babylonian prince, fled to Tiamtu, the +region of the Persian Gulf, and there founded a temporary +capital. The invader thereupon seems to have +proceeded to Borsippa, and to have taken the road +to Mesech—that is to say, to the north—where he +continued his ravages. That he intended to go so +<pb n='232'/><anchor id='Pg232'/> +far as Mesech, however, is very unlikely, his object +being to subdue the princes of the immediate neighbourhood +of Babylon, and after collecting the spoil +and goods of all the temples, he carried them away +with him to Elam. +</p> + +<p> +Cyrus, when he entered Babylon, spoke peace to +the city, and promised peace to all the land. In later +documents even than the time of Cyrus, <q>the enemy, +the Elamite,</q> is spoken of, and there is every probability +that the legend here recounted was popular +with the Babylonians as long as any national feeling +was left, hence these incomplete remains which have +come down to us—due, perhaps, to some period when +the old hostility was aroused by some inroad from the +mountains on the east, where the Elamites held sway +apparently to a comparatively late date. +</p> + +<p> +Whether Êri-Eaku (or Eri-Aaku), Tudḫula, and +Kudur-laḫgumal be Arioch, Tidal and Chedorlaomer +respectively, I leave to the reader to decide for himself. +The first of these will probably be regarded as +sufficiently near to be exceedingly probable. With +regard to the two others, it may be noted that Tidal +was pronounced, in Hebrew, Tidghal, as the Greek +Thargal (for Thadgal, <emph>d</emph> and <emph>r</emph> being so much alike +in Hebrew as to be easily interchanged) shows, and +Chedorlaomer was Chedorlaghomer, as the Greek +Chodollogomar likewise indicates. Doubt concerning +the reading can only be entertained with regard to +this last name.<note place='foot'>Further details will be found in the paper, <hi rend='italic'>Certain Inscriptions +and Records</hi>, etc. in the <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Victoria Institute</hi>, +1895-96, pp. 43-90. Published also separately.</note> +</p> + +<p> +Whatever may be thought about the interesting +and remarkable inscriptions of which an account has +just been given, of one thing there can be no doubt, +and that is, that the Elamites and Babylonians were +quite powerful enough, at the time of Abraham, to +make an expedition of the magnitude described in +<pb n='233'/><anchor id='Pg233'/> +Genesis xiv. Sargon of Agadé held sway over this +district, and he reigned, according to Nabonidus's +indications, more than 1500 years earlier. His son, +when he came to the throne, added Elam to his +dominions as well. That the position should, at a +considerably later period, be reversed, is easily conceivable, +and it was to all appearance the Elamites +who held sway in a part of Babylonia, of which +country many of the states undoubtedly acknowledged +Elamite overlordship, though with exceeding +unwillingness. One point of the undoubted history +is noteworthy. Kudur-mabuk, son of Simti-šilḫak, +who ruled at Larsa, bears, like his father, an Elamite +name. His son, Êri-Aku, has an Akkadian name—perhaps, +as already suggested, from motives of policy, +and likely enough from the same motive, he may have +Semitizised it later on, making it Arad-Sin. Êri-Ekua +(-Eaku) is likewise an Akkadian name, and must be a +fanciful variant of that of Êri-Aku or Arioch. His +son, however, bears the Semitic name of Durmaḫ-îlāni, +<q>the bond with the gods.</q> This is apparently +a case of carrying the policy of conciliation a step +farther, for by doing this he not only bears a native +name, but also claims to be the intermediary with the +gods of his country. +</p> + +<p> +After the retreat of the conquering army of Elamites +and Babylonians with their booty, with Lot, Abraham's +nephew, as prisoner, and his goods as part of the spoil, +comes the interesting account of the way in which +Abraham rescued his relative and recovered his property, +with a portion of that belonging to the king of +Sodom. On his return with the spoil, Melchizedek +king of Salem meets him, offering him bread and +wine, and blessing him as Abraham of El-Elyon, <q>the +most high god.</q> Certain supposed confirmatory statements +in the correspondence of Abdi-ṭâba, ruler of +Jerusalem, which was found among the Tel-el-Amarna +tablets, has been the subject of much discussion, and +<pb n='234'/><anchor id='Pg234'/> +it is apparently regarded as being of much importance, +though there are various opinions concerning it. +The prince in question, when writing to his suzerain, +the reigning king of Egypt, makes the remarkable +statement that it was not his father nor his mother +who had set him in that place (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Uru-salim or +Jerusalem) as king, but <q>the mighty king</q>— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Behold, this land of Jerusalem, neither my father +nor my mother gave (it) to me—the hand (arm<note place='foot'>The word <foreign rend='italic'>ḳâtu</foreign>, <q>hand,</q> in Semitic Babylonian, means also +<q>power,</q> and as an explanatory gloss, the scribe has introduced +the Hebrew זרוע or עורז, <foreign rend='italic'>zuruḫ</foreign> in Assyrian transcription, meaning +<q>arm,</q> or, here, <q>power.</q> Apparently he was afraid that <foreign rend='italic'>ḳâtu</foreign> +would not be understood.</note>) of +the mighty king gave it to me.</q>—(Tablet, <hi rend='italic'>Berlin</hi>, 103.) +</p> + +<p> +<q>Behold, I am not a prefect, I am an employé of +the king my lord,—behold, I am an officer of the +king, and one who brings the tribute of the king. +Neither my father nor my mother, (but) the arm of +the mighty king has set me in the house of my +father.</q>—(Tablet <hi rend='italic'>B.</hi> 104.) +</p> + +<p> +<q>Behold, I, neither my father nor my mother set +me in this place. The arm of the mighty king caused +me to enter into the house of my father.</q>—(Tablet <hi rend='italic'>B.</hi> +102.) +</p> + +<p> +As Abdi-ṭâba then goes on to emphasize his faithfulness +to the king of Egypt, apparently on account +of his having been made ruler of Jerusalem by him, +these passages merely resolve themselves, to all appearance, +into a statement of the writer's indebtedness +to his royal master. It may be disappointing, +but to all appearance the <q>mighty king</q> is the king +of Egypt, and not the god of Uru-salim. +</p> + +<p> +Nevertheless, the description of Melchizedek in +Heb. vii. 3, <q>without father, without mother,</q> makes +it a quite legitimate question to ask: may not Abdi-ṭâba, +in what he said to his suzerain, have made some +mental reservation when writing what he did? Or is +<pb n='235'/><anchor id='Pg235'/> +it not possible that, when speaking about his independence +of his father and his mother for the position +that he occupied, he was unconsciously making use of +words familiar to him, and recorded in some document +of the archives of the city? We have yet to learn the +history of the preceding period—we know not whether +Abdi-ṭâba had really a right to the position which +he occupied (he seems to have been placed as ruler of +Jerusalem by the foreign power to which he refers), +and until we get more information, there is no escape +from the necessity of regarding him, from his own +letters, as being in a different position from that which, +in the fourteenth chapter of Genesis, Melchizedek +occupies. +</p> + +<p> +In connection with the question as to what divinity +was worshipped at Jerusalem, the tablet known as +<hi rend='italic'>B.</hi> 105 is of importance. Line 14 of the letter in +question reads: <q>The city of the land of Jerusalem, +its name is Bît-Ninip, the city of the king, is lost—(it +is) a place of the men of Kelti.</q> What was this <q>city +of the king,</q> or <q>royal city</q>? The general opinion +at first was, that the place meant was Jerusalem itself, +for that must have been from the earliest times <q>a +royal city</q> <foreign rend='italic'>par excellence</foreign>. Winckler, however, translates +<q><emph>A</emph> city of the land of Jerusalem,</q> which +certainly seems a reasonable rendering. Properly +speaking, however, the idiomatic Semitic Babylonian +expression for <q><emph>a</emph> city</q> would be <foreign rend='italic'>išten âlu</foreign>, <q><emph>one</emph> city.</q> +Though Winckler's rendering is a perfectly reasonable +one, therefore, the first translation is not excluded, +and in any case there remains the clear statement +that a city of the territory of Jerusalem—that is to say +a city which owned the sway of her kings—possessed, +as its patron-deity, the god whom the Babylonians +and Assyrians called Ninip, and worshipped under +many names. Among these may be mentioned +Madanunu, explained as <q>the proclaimed (?), the +renowned, the high</q>; En-banda, probably meaning +<pb n='236'/><anchor id='Pg236'/> +<q>the distinguished lord,</q> a name which he bore as +<q>Ninip, he who takes the decision of the gods.</q> +Another of his names was Ḫalḫalla, <q>Ninip, protector +of the decision, father of Bêl</q>; and, more interesting +still, he was called Me-maḫa (<q>supreme word</q>), as +<q>Ninip, guardian of the supreme commands.</q> The +Assyrians worshipped him both under the name of +Ninip and Apil-Êšarra, <q>son of the house (temple) of +the host.</q> It is this deity whose name occurs in the +Assyrian royal names Tukulti-Ninip and Tukulti-âpil-Ê-šarra, +or Tiglath-pileser. +</p> + +<p> +On these points, as on many others, we must wait +for more light from the East. +</p> + +<p> +In the matter of Sarai, Abraham's wife, giving her +handmaid Hagar to Abraham as a second or inferior +wife, because she had no children herself, it is not +improbable that we have a record of what was a +common custom at the time. On p. <ref target='Pg174'>174</ref> ff. translations +of Babylonian tablets are given, which seem to have +some analogies with what is stated in the Biblical narrative. +In these inscriptions, however, the woman of inferior +position, though she is expected to be the servant +of the other, is raised, to all appearance, into a higher +position, and described as the sister of the first wife, +apparently by adoption, this supposition being based +on the statement that Iltani was daughter of Sin-âbu-šu, +though both Iltani and Taram-sagila were taken in +marriage from Uttatum, their father. Apparently +there was to be no difference in the status of the +children of either of them, and it was apparently on +account of the hope that Hagar's son would be as her +own, that the patriarch's wife acted as she did. +</p> + +<p> +With regard to the contract at Machpelah, that is, +as has already been noticed more than once, evidently +a legal document, or at least an abstract of such a +document, and bears some likeness to the ancient +contracts of Assyria and Babylonia, though the latter +are generally composed in much shorter form, and +<pb n='237'/><anchor id='Pg237'/> +with different phraseology. The descriptions of landed +property given on pp. <ref target='Pg167'>167</ref>, <ref target='Pg178'>178</ref> ff., and also such sales of +land as the following give material for comparing the +document in question— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>¼ of a gan, a field by the crossing, in the upper +district of Tenu, beside (the property of) Qaranu the +son of the palace, and beside (the property of) Ili-midi, +its first end the road Aštaba(tum ?), its second +end the property of the enclosure Tenunam, Il-šu-banî +has bought from Nannara-manšum and Sin-banî, his +brother, sons of Sin-âbû-šu, for its complete price. +He has paid the money, he has passed the barrier, his +transaction is complete—the silver, the price of their +field, is complete, they are content. They shall not +say <q>We have not received the money</q>—they have +received it before the witnesses. At no future time +shall Nannara-manšum and Sin-banî make claim upon +the field. They have invoked the spirit of Šamaš, +Merodach, and Zabium (the king).</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Claim of his brothers and his sisters [this would +be better <q>their brothers and their sisters</q>], children +of Sin-âbû-šu, Nannara-manšum and Sin-banî shall +answer for.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Before Ili-'adiwa, son of Amurru-banî; before +Nannara-itti, son of Sin-naṣir; before Sin-rêmeni, son +of Išmê-Sin; before Nannara-ki-aga (?), son of Sin-idinnam; +before Munawirum; before Sin-bêl-ili; before +Sin-ûblam; before Nannara-manšum; before +Ubar-Ninip, the scribe, before Sin-êribam.</q> +</p> + +<p> +In the following text the nature of the trees on the +ground sold is specified— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>12 measures, a date-palm plantation, beside the +plantation of Rîš-Šamaš, priest of the Sun-god, son of +the woman Sâla, its first end (the property of) Girum, +Aḫatāni, sun-devotee, daughter of Marum, has bought +for its price in silver from Rîš-Šamaš, son of Sâla. +She has paid the money, (and) is content—she has +passed the barrier. The transaction is ended. At no +<pb n='238'/><anchor id='Pg238'/> +future time shall they make claim against each other. +(They have invoked) the spirit of Šamaš, Merodach, +and Ḫammurabi (Amraphel).</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Before Amri-ili-šu, son of Naram-Êa; before Yati-îlu, +son of Abil-Sin; before Ibi-Šamaš, before Êtil-šêp-Šamaš +(?), sons of Buzia; before Izi-zarê; before +Êrib-Sin, son of Sârabi; before Manum, son of +Sin-idinnam; before Iṭur-âšdum, son of Ilu-ma-rabi +(?); before Ili-âbû-Sin (?); before Êrib-Sin, son of +Su-...; before Šamaš-binî-pî-ia; before Dimaḫum; +before Rîš-Šamaš; before Ikunia, (son of?) ...-ninibu.</q> +</p> + +<p> +A comparison of these inscriptions, which are types +of hundreds of others known to Assyriologists, with the +transaction between Abraham and the Hittite Ephron, +shows noteworthy differences. The boundaries are +usually stated in the Babylonian documents with +sufficiently great precision; but, on the other hand, +the nature of the land is generally not stated except +if it be actually under cultivation, and any trees +growing on it are apparently mentioned only on +account of their commercial value—when, for instance, +they are fruit-bearing trees, as in the reference to the +date-palms in the second document here translated. +In Babylonia, as in Palestine, contracts and transactions +of a legal nature often took place in the open +space by the gate of the city in or near which the +contracting parties lived, and where witnesses to the +transaction could easily be found among those who +passed in and out, or who had business in the +neighbourhood. In the record contained in the 23rd +chapter of Genesis, the names of the witnesses are +naturally not given, but it is expressly stated that the +contract was made <q>in the presence of the children +of Heth, before all that went in at the gate of his +city.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='239'/><anchor id='Pg239'/> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Salem.</head> + +<p> +One of the most interesting points revealed by the +Tel-el-Amarna tablets, is the fact that the name of +Jerusalem occurs, and is not called simply Salem (as +in Gen. xiv. 18), but Uru-salim, the Aramaic (Syriac) +<foreign rend='italic'>Uri-shalem</foreign>, a form which confirms the translation +given to it, namely, <q>city of peace,</q> though the +writing of the word in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets +suggests the suppression of the particle <q>of,</q> making +<q>the city Peace</q> simply, which would, perhaps, be +to a certain extent a counterpart to or an explanation +of the form Salem, <q>Peace,</q> in Genesis. +</p> + +<p> +There is no doubt that the name is an exceedingly +interesting one. Prof. Sayce has suggested that +there was a god named Salem, or <q>Peace,</q> and that +the city was so called as being the abode of that +deity. This, of course, is by no means improbable, +but in no place where the name occurs—neither in +the Tel-el-Amarna tablets nor in the historical inscriptions +of Sennacherib—has the element <foreign rend='italic'>salim</foreign> (in Sennacherib's +texts <foreign rend='italic'>salimmu</foreign>) the divine prefix before +it. That the divine prefix should be omitted in the +inscriptions of Sennacherib is easily understood, as +the name in question would be a foreign one to +the Assyrian scribes of his time. To the writers of +the letters from Jerusalem, however, it was a native +name, and one would certainly expect the name of +the city, in such documents, to be given fully at least +once. +</p> + +<p> +Nevertheless, that there was a god of peace among +the Semites, is proved by the name of the Assyrian +god Šulmanu or Shalman, a component part of the +name Shalmaneser, the Assyrian Šulmanu-ašarid. It +is noteworthy that there were no less than four +Assyrian kings of this name, and that it means <q>the +god Shalman is chief.</q> <foreign rend='italic'>Šulmanu</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>Šalmanu nunu</foreign>, +<q>Shalman the fish,</q> also occurs, as the name of one +<pb n='240'/><anchor id='Pg240'/> +of the gods of the city Tedi, or, as Prof. Sayce reads +it, Dimmen-Silim (better Temmena-silima), but this +latter reading would only be the correct one if the +characters Tedi are to be read as an Akkadian group. +</p> + +<p> +It is therefore very doubtful whether the element +<foreign rend='italic'>salim</foreign> in the name of Jerusalem be the name of a god, +notwithstanding the love that the peoples of the +Semitic East naturally had for the blessings which the +word implies. It formed part, as in Arabic at the +present day, of many a greeting, and is one of the +most noteworthy points of the Semitic languages. A +poetic composition, apparently of the time of the +dynasty of Babylon—probably contemporaneous with +Abraham—seems to read as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>Mazzazam išu,</cell><cell>It has the resting-place,</cell></row> +<row><cell>Padanam išu—</cell><cell>It has the roadway,</cell></row> +<row><cell>Bab êkalli šalim;</cell><cell>The gate of the palace is sound—</cell></row> +<row><cell>Šulmu parku šakin.</cell><cell>Perfect (?) soundness exists;</cell></row> +<row><cell>Martum šalmât</cell><cell>The gall is sound,</cell></row> +<row><cell>Ubanum šalmât</cell><cell>The peak is sound,</cell></row> +<row><cell>Ḫašû (?) u libbu (?) šalmu</cell><cell>Entrails and heart are sound—</cell></row> +<row><cell>Sinšerit tiranu.</cell><cell>12 (are) the coverings (?).</cell></row> +</table> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{3cm} p{3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(20) lw(20)'"> +<row><cell>Tertum immer izzim</cell><cell>(If) the viscera (?) of a healthy sheep (?)</cell></row> +<row><cell>Šalmât</cell><cell>Be sound,</cell></row> +<row><cell>Mimma la tanakkud.</cell><cell>Naught shalt thou fear.</cell></row> +</table> + +</quote> + +<p> +The above probably represents the signs which the +<foreign rend='italic'>extispices</foreign> or <q>entrails-inspectors</q> looked for when +working out their forecasts. A better translation than +<q>peace</q> for <foreign rend='italic'>salim</foreign> would therefore probably be <q>safe +and sound,</q> <q>intact,</q> or something similar (see the +13th edition of Gesenius's Lexicon, edited by Prof. F. +Buhl, with the collaboration of Socin and Zimmern, +also Fried. Delitzsch, <hi rend='italic'>Assyrisches Handwörterbuch</hi>), +but the old and more poetic expression <q>peace,</q> <q>to +be at peace,</q> may be held to sufficiently express the +meaning. +</p> + +<pb n='241'/><anchor id='Pg241'/> + +<p> +With regard to the first element of the name +Jerusalem, Uru-salim in Assyrian, that is to all +appearance the Sumero-Akkadian <foreign rend='italic'>uru</foreign> (from an older +<foreign rend='italic'>guru</foreign>), <q>city,</q> in the dialect <foreign rend='italic'>eri</foreign>, from which the +Hebrew <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>'ir</foreign>, <q>city,</q> has to all appearance come. The +vowel-change from <emph>u</emph> to <emph>e</emph> or <emph>i</emph> is shown in <foreign rend='italic'>tu</foreign>, dialectic +<foreign rend='italic'>te</foreign>, <q>dove</q>; <foreign rend='italic'>uru</foreign>, dial. <foreign rend='italic'>eri</foreign>, <q>servant</q>; <foreign rend='italic'>duga</foreign>, dial. +<foreign rend='italic'>ṣiba</foreign>, <q>good,</q> etc. As is usual with two nationalities +dwelling at no great distance from each other, borrowings +of words took place between the Semites on the +one hand and the Sumero-Akkadians on the other, +which have left traces on the vocabularies of both. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='242'/><anchor id='Pg242'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter VII. Isaac, Jacob, And Joseph.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +Jacob, Yakub, and Yakub-ilu—Joseph, Yasup, and Yasup-ilu—Other +similar names—The Egyptian monuments and the +Semites. +</quote> + +<p> +With the disappearance of Abraham from the +scene of his earthly wanderings, a prominent figure +connecting Babylonia with Palestine vanishes from +history. His son Isaac and his grandson Jacob retain, +however, their connection with those of the family +who resided at Haran, taking their wives from among +their relatives there—Isaac because his father wished +it, Jacob because the souls of his father and mother +were vexed on account of the daughters of Heth +whom Esau, Jacob's brother, had married. In this +primitive story of three generations of a primitive +family there is much to interest the student of ancient +west Semitic manners and customs—the love of Isaac +for Esau, because Isaac loved the savoury venison +which the former provided for him; how Jacob, <q>the +supplanter,</q> obtained his brother's birthright and the +blessing which he ought to have had; Laban's +covetousness and duplicity—all these things furnish +material for the student of manners and customs and +of human nature, but very little for the comparative +archæologist who wishes to find connections between +Abraham's descendants and the country which gave +their father (or their grandfather) birth. Nevertheless +there are points which deserve illustration. +</p> + +<pb n='243'/><anchor id='Pg243'/> + +<p> +To all appearance the manners and customs of the +families of the patriarchs had not changed since they +came out of Babylonia. There is the same pastoral +life, the same dislike (and probably mistrust) of +strangers and foreigners, the same freedom on the +part of the men, even the most honoured among them, +with regard to the marriage-tie, the same tendency +to add to this world's goods, and to become great +and mighty chiefs in the land (would that Jacob had +done this otherwise), as at first. The Babylonian +spirit of commerce and the desire for <q>supplanting</q> +was well developed in the father of the twelve tribes, +and may be regarded as adding, as far as it goes, to +the confirmation of the theory (but the question is +more one of fact than of theory) that Abraham was of +Babylonian race. +</p> + +<p> +Exceedingly interesting are all the names borne by +the patriarchs, and the reasons why they were given +to them. Indeed, the punning references to circumstances +concerning their birth are similar in their +character to those of the patriarchs before the Flood. +Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that many of the names +found in this part of the sacred narrative are not by +any means unique. Thus the name of Jacob occurs +many times in the tablets of the period of the first +dynasty of Babylon under the forms of <foreign rend='italic'>Yakubu</foreign>, +<foreign rend='italic'>Yakubi</foreign>, etc., and there are also forms with the word +<foreign rend='italic'>îlu</foreign> attached—<foreign rend='italic'>Ya'kubi-îlu</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Yakub-îlu</foreign>, etc. In like +wise we find what is apparently the same name as +that of Joseph, namely, <foreign rend='italic'>Yašupum</foreign> with its longer form +<foreign rend='italic'>Yašup-îlu</foreign>, types of many others, such as <foreign rend='italic'>Yakudum</foreign>, +<foreign rend='italic'>Yakunam</foreign>, etc., <foreign rend='italic'>Yabnik-îlu</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Yagab-îlu</foreign> son of <foreign rend='italic'>Yakub-îlu</foreign>, +etc. As far as I have at present been able to +find out, however, none of the names of this class, +except <foreign rend='italic'>Yakub-îlu</foreign> and <foreign rend='italic'>Yašup-îlu</foreign>, have as yet been +discovered in both forms (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> with and without the +element <foreign rend='italic'>îlu</foreign>), which may turn out to be of importance, +or may be simply a remarkable coincidence. +</p> + +<pb n='244'/><anchor id='Pg244'/> + +<p> +This, naturally, leads to the question: What are the +meanings of these names? According to Genesis, +Jacob means supplanter, or, rather, <q>he has supplanted,</q> +and the further query then arises: What +does the name mean when <foreign rend='italic'>îlu</foreign> is added to it? The +meaning in this case ought to be <q>God has supplanted,</q> +which clearly will not fit. +</p> + +<p> +The best explanation probably is, that the name +of Jacob was never Ya´kub-ilu, but Ya´kub simply, +meaning, <q>he has supplanted,</q> and referring, naturally, +to the person who bore the name. As the name +<q>Supplanter</q> is not one which a man would be proud +to bear, in all probability it was seen that it would be +taken for the usual abbreviation for Ya´kub-îlu, with +the probable meaning of <q>God hath restrained</q> +(another signification of the root ´aqab), and thus it +may be that there is no record of any one having +reproached him on account of it, except the members +of his own family, who knew why it was given to him, +and recognized in his character as a man something +which corresponded with the name given to him because +of what was said to have happened at his birth. +</p> + +<p> +Notwithstanding the two etymologies of the name +of Joseph which are given (Gen. xxx. 23, 24), <q>He +(God) hath taken away,</q> and <q>He (God) hath added,</q> +there is but little doubt that the latter rendering is +the correct one, agreeing, as it does, better with the +root <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>yāsaph</foreign>, from which it is derived, the other rendering, +from the root <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>āsaph</foreign>, <q>to take away,</q> being due +to a kind of pun. (The former rendering is explained +as being from the Elohist narrative, the other from +that of the Jehovist, but it seems not at all improbable +that a woman, even a Canaanitess of those primitive +ages, should have made a joke sometimes—they seem +always to have been given to making strange comparisons +with regard to words, and even the ancient Babylonians +were not free from that failing, as at least one +of the bilingual tablets shows.) The meaning of the +<pb n='245'/><anchor id='Pg245'/> +name Joseph is therefore <q>He (God) hath added,</q> +corresponding with that of the Yašup-îlu, <q>God hath +added,</q> of the tablets of the time of the dynasty of +Babylon. The use of <emph>š</emph> for <emph>s</emph> must be due to the fact +that <foreign rend='italic'>Yašup-îlu</foreign> was, for the Babylonians, a foreign +name, and that, in Assyro-Babylonian, <foreign rend='italic'>šin</foreign> was pronounced +like <foreign rend='italic'>samech</foreign> and <foreign rend='italic'>samech</foreign> like <foreign rend='italic'>šin</foreign>, as a general +rule. +</p> + +<p> +Besides the names of the patriarchs Jacob and +Joseph, the name Sar-îli, <q>prince of God,</q> suggests +a comparison with Israel, which is written Sir´ilâa, +<q>Israelites,</q> in the time of Shalmaneser II. The +meaning attributed to this name would seem to be +somewhat strained, as it would signify rather <q>God +hath striven,</q> than <q>he hath striven with God.</q> That +word-play exists also here, and that the name was +a changed form of Sar-îli, <q>prince of God,</q> is +possible, and is at least justified as a suggestion by +the form recorded by Shalmaneser II. already referred +to. +</p> + +<p> +The name of his brother Esau may possibly exist +in the Babylonian Esê, found on a tablet dated in the +reign of Samsu-iluna. Laban does not occur, except +as the name of a god in a list of deities worshipped +in the city of Aššur. With regard to Bethuel, one +cannot help thinking that it must be the same as the +place-name Bethel, the terminal <emph>u</emph> of the nominative +being retained in the name of Abraham's nephew. +If this be the case, he may have been so named after +the <q>Bethel of cedar</q> (see p. <ref target='Pg201'>201</ref>), though there is just +the possibility that, as Gesenius suggests, Bethuel may +be for Methuel, the Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>Mut-îli</foreign>, <q>man of +god.</q> That the Bethel of Haran was a heathen place +of worship, however, can hardly be regarded as any +objection to one of the family to which Abraham and +his descendants belonged bearing such a name. If +the Hebrew text be correct, therefore, it is probably +an abbreviation, forming part of a name similar to +<pb n='246'/><anchor id='Pg246'/> +Ê-sagila-zērâ-êpuš, <q>Ê-sagila (the temple of Belus at +Babylon) has created a name,</q> and others like it. It +is also to be noted, that the name given by Leah to +the son which Zilpah her handmaid bore to Jacob +after she herself left off bearing was Gad, rendered in +the Hebrew itself by <q>Fortunate,</q> and probably the +name of a west Semitic deity, Gad, the god of good +fortune. +</p> + +<p> +But the heathenism of the portion of the family +living at or near Haran is clearly proved by the +matter of the teraphim, which Rachel stole from her +father Laban. It is true that they are generally +regarded as figures used for the purpose of magic, but +as Laban himself calls them his <q>gods,</q> there is every +probability that they were worshipped as such. It is +to be regarded as simply an indication of the difficulty +which most dwellers in the midst of polytheism in +those days must have found in dissociating themselves +from the practices of those with whom they came +daily into contact. They may have had all the +tendencies possible towards monotheism, but how +were they to embrace it in all its perfection in the +midst of a population recounting from time to time +the many wonderful things which their gods and protecting +genii did for them, and which the hearer +had no opportunity of probing to the bottom and +estimating at their true value? As these people were, +to all appearance, but simple shepherds (though +sufficiently wealthy), it is hardly to be expected of +them that they would go deeply into philosophical +considerations concerning the Deity, especially when +we remember that the family of Laban was in close +contact with the idolatry of Haran. +</p> + +<p> +With regard to the teraphim which Rachel took +with her when Jacob fled from her father, there is not +much that can be said. Figures so called were in +common use among the Jews and other nations for +purposes of magic, and to all appearance they were +<pb n='247'/><anchor id='Pg247'/> +statues of deities (as indicated in the passage now +under consideration) which were consulted by some +means when anything of importance was about to be +undertaken. To all appearance they were the household +gods, like the Lares and Penates of the Romans, +though they were also used when on expeditions, as +when Nebuchadnezzar is represented (Ezekiel xxi. +21-26 in the Heb.) standing at the parting of the +ways to use divination, shaking arrows to and fro, +consulting the teraphim, and looking at a liver to +decide what his success in the operations which he +was about to undertake against Jerusalem would be. +In Zechariah x. 2 also, there is a reference to the +teraphim, which, as oracles, had <q>spoken vanity,</q> and +the diviners had <q>seen a lie.</q> Little doubt exists, +therefore, as to what these things were used for. +With regard to their form, it is supposed that they +were similar to the small figures found in the ruins of +the ancient palaces of Assyria, generally under the +pavement, in all probability images of the gods of +Assyria who, by their effigies, were supposed to +protect the palace and its inhabitants. Some of these +are four-winged figures similar to those found on the +bas-reliefs, whilst others are representations of a deity, +probably the god Êa or Aê, the god of the sea, who +is represented clothed with a fish's skin, etc. The +size of these teraphim must have differed greatly; that +which was placed in David's bed by Michal, his wife, +to deceive Saul's messengers, must necessarily have +been of considerable height—probably not much +under that of a man. Those hidden by Rachel when +her father came to look for them, however, must have +been comparatively small, and the figures found in +the foundations of the Assyrian palaces rarely measure +more than six inches in height. +</p> + +<p> +In the light of what this incident of the teraphim +reveals, it is not to be wondered at that Jacob, when +about to go up to Bethel from Shechem, after the +<pb n='248'/><anchor id='Pg248'/> +treacherous spoiling of the city by his sons, should +have said, <q>Put away the strange gods that are +among you,</q> and it shows also a considerable amount +of tolerance on the part of the patriarch. Did he, +too, believe that the gods which his relatives and +dependents worshipped were in any sense divine +beings? In any case, it is to be noted that, after +they were given to him, he did not destroy them, but +hid them, with the trinkets which they possessed—in +all probability in many cases heathen emblems—under +the terebinth-tree which was by Shechem. +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance they were allowed to keep these +strange gods and heathen emblems until they set out +on the journey to make the commanded sacrifices to +the God who had revealed Himself to Jacob at +Bethel. +</p> + +<p> +It was after this sacrifice at Bethel that God again +revealed Himself as El-shaddai, His name in the text +of <q>the priestly narrator</q> (Gen. xvii. 1), and in many +other passages. The word Shaddai here is generally +connected with the root <foreign rend='italic'>shadād</foreign>, <q>to act powerfully,</q> +and the translation <q>God Almighty</q> is based on this. +As the word is a very difficult one, however, there +have been many attempts to find a more satisfactory +etymology. It is to be noted, therefore, that there is +in Semitic Babylonian a word <foreign rend='italic'>šadû</foreign>, often applied to +deities, and expressed, in the old language of Akkad, +by means of the same ideograph (KURA) as is used +for mountain (<foreign rend='italic'>šadû</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>šaddû</foreign> in Semitic Babylonian). +This word <foreign rend='italic'>šadû</foreign>, applied to divinities, Prof. Fried. +Delitzsch regards as being distinct from the word +for mountain, notwithstanding that they are both +expressed by the same word in Akkadian, and +renders it by the words <q>lord,</q> <q>commander.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Have we, in this word, an Assyro-Babylonian form +of the Hebrew Shaddai? We do not know, but the +likeness between the two is worth referring to. The +god Bêl, for example, is called <foreign rend='italic'>šadû rabû</foreign>, <q>the great +<pb n='249'/><anchor id='Pg249'/> +mighty one,</q> and Sin, with other deities, bears a +similar title, found in such names as Sin-šadûnu, +<q>the Moon-god is our lord.</q> That the idea of almightiness +should be expressed by means of the borrowed +Akkadian idiomatic use of the word KURA, <q>mountain,</q> +as that which towers up commandingly, a +mighty mass, would seem to offer an acceptable +explanation of what has long been felt as a difficulty. +<q>But God knows best.</q> +</p> + +<p> +After a long and noteworthy account of Esau and +his descendants, the interest of the narrative shifts, +and is transferred to Joseph, the youngest but one +of Jacob's twelve sons, though the narrative is for a +time interrupted by the story of Judah. +</p> + +<p> +With the transfer of the interest of the narrative to +Joseph, Egypt, the country into which he was sold as +a slave, becomes the scene of the action. Here a +vast and interesting store of material meets the +student, which, unfortunately, we can only very imperfectly +touch upon, partly from considerations of +space, and partly because the present work is intended +to be more the story of the Hebrews in +connection with Babylonia and Assyria. It is necessary, +however, to speak of Egypt not only on account +of the continuity of the narrative, but also as an +introduction to the chapter in which the Tel-el-Amarna +tablets are examined—documents found in +Egypt, and addressed to an Egyptian king. +</p> + +<p> +There is no doubt, that in the story of Joseph +there exists a considerable amount of what is known +as <q>local colour.</q> This is shown by the freedom +which the women of Egypt evidently enjoyed (as +exhibited in the story of Potiphar's wife), the matter +of Joseph shaving himself before going to see Pharaoh, +the many undoubtedly Egyptian names, etc. These, +of course, are undeniable points in favour of the +authenticity of the narrative, which, perfect as it is, +omits one important thing, namely, the name of +<pb n='250'/><anchor id='Pg250'/> +the Pharaoh who ruled at the time. That there +should be such an omission in the comparatively unimportant +references to the visits of Abraham and +Isaac to Egypt is, perhaps, not so very strange, +but that there should be no clue to the identity of +the Egyptian ruler under whom Joseph entered +Egypt, nor to the persecutor of the Israelites under +whose reign they went forth from what had become +to them practically a hostile land, is noteworthy, and +a matter for great regret. It is, therefore, not to be +wondered at that scholars have arisen who doubt the +whole story, for the least flaw in a narrative in the +present day, when unbelief and the desire for scientific +proof meet one on every hand, will cause a thinking +man to doubt anything and everything. +</p> + +<p> +The degree of civilization to which Egypt had +attained at this period, and probably thousands of +years earlier, is so remarkable that it is difficult for +us at this distance of time to realize it. Whether the +country was in reality more civilized than Babylonia +is a matter of doubt—possibly we regard their civilization +as superior on account of the monuments being +so much better preserved, and because, in consequence +of the nature of the climate (which is such as to +preserve even perishable things), an untold wealth of +material exists. This was not the case with Babylonia, +in which country the annual rains have caused almost +all woodwork to decay, and only objects of stone and +clay, and much more rarely metal, remain, even these +being in many instances more or less damaged and +therefore defective as really useful historical documents. +</p> + +<p> +Egyptian antiquities testify to the civilization of +the Egyptians, as has already been remarked, from +remote ages, and the inscriptions show that the +kingdom was well organized, and governed by rulers +whose sway was popular and in accordance with the +wishes of the priesthood. This state of things lasted, +according to Prof. Flinders Petrie, until about 2098 +<pb n='251'/><anchor id='Pg251'/> +<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, when suddenly this exceedingly conservative +nation, possessing as great a dislike for foreigners as +do the Chinese at the present time, found itself +attacked and invaded by barbarian hordes from +Western Asia. From what district these people came +is not known. According to Josephus, they were +regarded by some as Arabians, but Josephus himself +regarded them as being of his own race, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Jewish. +Quoting from Manetho, he shows that, under a ruler +called Timaios, these people from the east, <q>men of +an ignoble race,</q> invaded the land, and easily made +themselves master of it without a battle. When the +rulers of Egypt fell into their hands, they burned the +cities, destroyed the temples of the gods, and inflicted +every kind of indignity upon the inhabitants. At +last they raised one of themselves named Salatis +(a name evidently derived from the Semitic root <foreign rend='italic'>šālaṭ</foreign>, +<q>to rule</q>) to the throne. This king made Memphis +his capital, both Upper and Lower Egypt become +tributary to him, and he stationed garrisons in those +places which were most suitable for the purpose. +One interesting point is, that he directed his attention +especially to the security of the eastern frontier, because +he feared the Assyrians, who, he foresaw, would +one day undertake an invasion of his kingdom. This, +to all appearance, refers to the Babylonian dominion, +which, as we have seen (see pp. <ref target='Pg124'>124</ref> and <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref>) extended +to the Mediterranean. As far as our historical knowledge +extends, his fears were groundless, as no serious +attempt (and certainly no successful attempt) to +conquer Egypt was made until long after the time of +Salatis, when Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, succeeded +in subjugating the country, which remained under +Assyrian overlordship until the reign of his son +Aššur-banî-âpli. +</p> + +<p> +Salatis ruled 19 years, and was succeeded by a king +named Beon or Bnōn, who reigned 44 years. The +next ruler of this race bears the Egyptian-sounding +<pb n='252'/><anchor id='Pg252'/> +name of Apakhnas, and ruled for 37 years and 7 +months. Next came Apophis, the Apepi of modern +scholars, who occupied the throne no less than 61 +years, Ianias, who ruled for 50 years and 1 month, +having also a very long reign. After all these ruled +Assis, 49 years and 2 months. These six, says +Manetho, were the first of their rulers, and constantly +strove to exterminate the Egyptians by making war +upon them. Hyksos, or Shepherd kings, and their +successors, he goes on to say, retained possession of +Egypt 511 years. +</p> + +<p> +In the end the kings of Thebais, and of other provinces +of Egypt, arose against the Shepherds, and a long +and mighty war was carried on between them, until +the Shepherds were overcome by a king whose name +was Misphragmouthosis, who, having expelled them +from other parts of Egypt, shut them up in Avaris, +a tract consisting of about 10,000 acres. All this +tract the Shepherds fortified with great strength, +whilst Thummosis, son of Misphragmouthosis, tried +to force them to surrender by a siege, and surrounded +them with an army of 480,000 men. He was beginning +to despair of being able to reduce them, when they +agreed to capitulate, stipulating that they should be +permitted to leave Egypt, and go with all their families +whithersoever they pleased. This was agreed to, and +they bent their way through the desert towards Syria. +Fearing the Assyrians (Babylonians), however, who +then had dominion over Asia, they built a city in the +country called Judea, of sufficient size to contain them +all (they numbered not less than 240,000), and named +it Jerusalem. +</p> + +<p> +From this it would appear that, taking advantage +of the disorganized state of Egypt about 2100 years +before Christ, these Shepherd kings invaded the +country, and gradually consolidated their power there. +In process of time they had the whole of the +country in their possession, and such rulers as remained +<pb n='253'/><anchor id='Pg253'/> +were allowed to retain their provinces only +as vassals, being really princes only in name. It is +also very probable that if, as really appears, they were +barbarians on entering Egypt, they became civilized +by intercourse with the nation which they had conquered. +This having been done, the monarchy which +they established conformed more and more with that +of the native Egyptian kings, so that their court and +manner of administration were, to all intents and +purposes, Egyptian; native administrators being appointed +to many important posts in order to obtain +the willing obedience of the people. +</p> + +<p> +As the rule of these Shepherd kings began about +2100 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and finished about 1587 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> (Petrie), it is +clear that the visits of Abraham, Isaac, and Joseph, +including Jacob and his family, all fall within this +period. As will easily be understood, such a synchronism +is not without its value, especially when +considering the historical authority of the Pentateuch. +That it was during the dominion of the above-named +rulers that Joseph entered Egypt is or has been the +opinion of all the best students of Egyptian history—Birch, +Brugsch, Maspero, Naville, Wiedemann, and +many others—and there can be but little doubt of its +correctness. It is remarkable that there is no native +record of Joseph's administration, but this is, after all, +hardly to be wondered at, especially when we consider +the disturbed state of the country at a later +date, when many records, especially those of the +hated conquerors, must have been destroyed, and in +any case there is the ever-present chance of some +untoward fate overtaking them, by which such documents, +if they really existed, may have become lost +to the world for ever. +</p> + +<p> +The strange thing about the foreign rulers who +held possession of Egypt so long is, as has already +been pointed out by Prof. Petrie, that they remained +throughout to all intents and purposes a distinct +<pb n='254'/><anchor id='Pg254'/> +nationality. Intermarriage between the two races, +even when they were on the most friendly terms, +must have been comparatively rare, and it is on this +account that the native princes succeeded at last in +ridding the land of the <q>impure,</q> as the native +recorder has it. From this same record we get the +information that one of the Shepherd kings was +'Apop'i (Apepy), the Apophis of the Greeks, and that +he ruled at Hawar, a town which is identified with +Avaris. The only god which this ruler served was +Sutekh, identified with Râ or Rê (in earlier times +also, to all appearance, pronounced Ria), the Egyptian +Sun-god. According to the Sallier papyrus, from +which the above details are taken, it would seem that +Râ-'Apop'i, as he is there called, sent to Seqnen-Rê, +<q>king of the South,</q> proposing that the latter should +clear away all the hippopotamuses on the canals of +the country, in order that Râ-'Apop'i might sleep. +If the king of the South did not succeed in doing +this, then he was to embrace the worship of Sutekh, +but if he did succeed, then Râ-'Apop'i promised not +to bow down before any other god of Egypt except +Amon-Râ, the king of the gods. +</p> + +<p> +This, of course, was a distinction without a difference, +and is evidently put forward by the writer as +such, for the worship of Sutekh in all probability +meant the renouncing of the worship of all the other +gods of Egypt, a thing which no Egyptian was likely +to consent to. On the other hand, the worship of +Amon-Râ by the Hyksos king would have been no +great hardship, as it would in all probability not +have involved any change in his faith, seeing that it +was generally recognized that this deity and Sutekh +were identical. +</p> + +<p> +The end of this story is lost, so that there is no +means of finding out how matters were brought to a +head, and the flame of revolt kindled which ended in +the expulsion of Egypt's Semitic invaders. What the +<pb n='255'/><anchor id='Pg255'/> +historical value of the fragment may be is uncertain, +as it reads more like a romance than a true history. +In all probability, however, its greatest importance +will be found to lie in its local colour.<note place='foot'>In this connection Maspero's remarks upon this fragment +(<hi rend='italic'>Records of the Past</hi>, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 43) are worth repeating. +He points out that there were three Pharaohs named +Soqnun-rî (= Seqnen-Rê), and he implies that it was in all probability +the last of these which is referred to. He perished by a +violent death, perhaps in battle against the Hyksos themselves. +<q>He had shaved his head the morning before, <q>arraying himself +for the combat like the god Montu,</q> as the Egyptian scribes +would say. His courage led him to penetrate too far into the +ranks of the enemy; he was surrounded and slain before his +companions could rescue him. The blow of an axe removed +part of his left cheek and laid bare the teeth, striking the jaw +and felling him stunned to the ground; a second blow entered +far within the skull, a dagger or short lance splitting the forehead +on the right side a little above the eye. The Egyptians recovered +the body and embalmed it in haste, when already partly decomposed, +before sending it to Thebes and the tomb of his ancestors.... +The author of the legend may probably have continued the +story down to the tragic end of his hero. The scribe to whom +we owe the papyrus on which it is inscribed must certainly have +intended to complete the tale; he had recopied the last lines on +the reverse of one of the pages, and was preparing to continue +it when some accident intervened to prevent his doing so.... +It is probable, however, that it went on to describe how Soqnun-rî, +after long hesitation, succeeded in escaping from the embarrassing +dilemma in which his powerful rival had attempted to +place him. His answer must have been as odd and extraordinary +as the message of 'Apôpi, but we have no means even +of conjecturing what it was.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +Joseph, on arriving in Egypt, therefore, found himself, +to all intents and purposes, among friends. The +man to whom the Ishmaelites sold him was, as stated +in the sacred narrative, Potiphar, <q>an officer of +Pharaoh's, captain of the guard, an Egyptian.</q> The +writer of the narrative evidently wished to convey the +idea that a man in the service of the king of Egypt, +and bearing an Egyptian name, was not necessarily +a native of the country. One in the favour of the +<pb n='256'/><anchor id='Pg256'/> +Semitic ruler of the country, and enjoying his confidence, +would naturally be favourably disposed towards +a person of Semitic race falling into his hands, and +this was actually the case with the Hebrew youth, +who <q>found grace in his sight,</q> and became overseer +of all his house. Indeed, it is possibly on account of +this kindly disposition towards him (though also, and +perhaps chiefly, on account of his being of the same +race as the then ruler of Egypt), that Joseph was not +at once put to death by his enraged master on hearing +his wife's lying accusation against him, for no man, in +those days, would have looked leniently upon such a +crime as that with which Joseph was charged. In +connection with this, it is noteworthy that he is said +to have been consigned to <q>the prison, the place +where the king's prisoners were bound.</q> Here, being +of Semitic race, and helped by his God, he obtained +the favour of the keeper of the prison, whose trusted +deputy he became. Later on, after interpreting to +the king's imprisoned chief butler his dream, he asks +this official, when he should again be restored to his +place, to make mention of him to Pharaoh, stating +that he had been stolen away out of the land of the +Hebrews, and had also done nothing to merit being +detained a prisoner in that place. To all appearance +he firmly believed that his nationality would favour +him. +</p> + +<p> +In accordance with his wish, so it turned out, for +after two years mention was made of him by the chief +butler to Pharaoh, and he is careful to state that +Joseph was <q>an Hebrew.</q> When called, by the ruler +of Egypt, in accordance with the custom of the +country, Joseph shaved himself, and put on other +clothes, before entering the royal presence. The +sympathy of the king towards him was manifested +immediately after his interpretation of his dreams, and +he was at once, with Oriental promptitude, made +governor of all the land of Egypt, receiving from the +<pb n='257'/><anchor id='Pg257'/> +king his ring in token of the authority conferred upon +him. The hero's complete Egyptianizing is to all +appearance terminated by his receiving an Egyptian +name, Zaphnath-paaneah, and marrying an Egyptian +wife, Asenath, daughter of Poti-phera, priest of On. +</p> + +<p> +There are a great many points for consideration in +these few statements. +</p> + +<p> +As has been remarked, it was doubtless due to the +custom of Egyptian etiquette that Joseph shaved +himself, setting aside his Semitic prejudices to the +fashion, for it is supposed that Semites abhorred such +a ceremony. Surely, it might be objected, the Semitic +ruler of Egypt would have liked Joseph none the +worse if he had retained his hair, and thus proclaimed +his nationality, as it were, on this occasion. And such +an objection would possess a certain amount of force. +There is hardly any doubt, however, that Semitic +abhorrence to the practice has been greatly exaggerated, +for it was the custom for high-placed personages +in Babylonia, in Joseph's time, to do this, and it remained +the custom in that country until a very late +date. This was, in all probability, a sacred duty with +certain classes of people, such as priests and those +dedicated to a divinity. A Hebrew at that time +would probably have had no objection, therefore, to +adopting the practice, especially in such a climate as +that of Egypt, where the necessity of keeping as cool +as possible would probably be recognized. +</p> + +<p> +That it should be desired that the new viceroy +should try to assimilate himself as much as possible +with the natives of the country was probably the +reason of Joseph's assuming an Egyptian name and +taking an Egyptian wife. A great deal of uncertainty +exists, however, as to the true Egyptian form and +meaning of the name Zaphnath-paaneah (better +Zaphenath-pa'eneakh). Many conjectures have been +made as to its true Egyptian form and meaning, but +that of Steindorff, <q>(God), the living one, has spoken,</q> +<pb n='258'/><anchor id='Pg258'/> +is undoubtedly the best of all.<note place='foot'>Compare the name of the well near which Hagar the +Egyptian woman fell down exhausted when fleeing from Sarai, +Abraham's wife: <q>The well of <emph>the living one</emph> who seeth me.</q></note> The meaning generally +given to the name of Asenath, his wife, is <q>Belonging +to (the goddess) Neith,</q> but a certain amount of +doubt is attached to this rendering. As for the name +of Poti-phera, her father, of that there is but little +doubt: it is the Egyptian Pa-ti-pe-Ra', <q>the gift of +Ra,</q> or <q>of the Sun,</q> and was naturally a very appropriate +name for the priest of On, or Heliopolis, the +centre of the worship of the Sun-god. Potiphar, the +name of the Egyptian who bought Joseph from the +Ishmaelites, is regarded as being a shortened form of +this same name. +</p> + +<p> +Another point, and that a very interesting one, is +the question of the derivation of the word <foreign rend='italic'>abrech</foreign>, +which the criers were ordered to call out before the +newly-chosen viceroy. Professor Sayce compares this +expression, with a great amount of probability, with +the Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>abriqqu</foreign>, from the Akkadian <foreign rend='italic'>abrig</foreign>, the +meaning which he attributes to it being <q>seer.</q> He +also refers to another word, namely, <foreign rend='italic'>abarakku</foreign> (fem. +<foreign rend='italic'>abarakkatu</foreign>). Of these two, the latter etymology, on +account of the consonants, is the more preferable, +though the former one would probably suit better in +the matter of vowels. But which is the right word?—they +cannot both have been the original of <foreign rend='italic'>abrech</foreign>. +The meaning of <foreign rend='italic'>abriqqu</foreign> is <q>wise one,</q> and that of +<foreign rend='italic'>abarakku</foreign> <q>seer,</q> a high official of the Assyrian (and +probably also the Babylonian) court. The Tel-el-Amarna +tablets show that Assyro-Babylonian literature +was known and studied in Egypt, and this would +account for the word being introduced into Egyptian. +It must be confessed, however, that seductive though +these comparisons may be, the forms hardly fit, otherwise +nothing would seem to be more appropriate than +that a crier should be sent to precede Joseph during +<pb n='259'/><anchor id='Pg259'/> +his triumphal progress through the streets of On or +Avaris, announcing that this was the new grand vizier, +or the great seer, who had successfully interpreted the +king's dream. One would like to have, moreover, at +least one instance of the occurrence of the word in +Egyptian literature. +</p> + +<p> +Naturally the Jews of later days were very much +exercised in their minds that one of the favourites and +primitive heroes of their race should have married a +heathen woman, daughter of the priest of the Sun at +On, and legends seem to have been invented to account +for this undesirable circumstance and explain it away. +It is regarded as being due to this that there exists a +Christian legend, preserved in Greek, Syriac, Armenian, +and Latin, purporting to give the history of Asenath. +She is represented as the proud and beautiful daughter +of Pentephres (Poti-phera), of Heliopolis, who lived in +magnificent exclusion, and despised all men. Her +parents wished her to marry Joseph, the great prime +minister, but this she would not do. In the course of +his visits to collect corn, Asenath sees him, and at +once falls in love with him. Joseph, however, will +have nothing to do with her because she worships +idols. Shutting herself up for seven days in sackcloth +and ashes, she threw her idols out of the window, and +performed a strict penance. An angel in the form of +Joseph then visits her, and blesses her, giving her to +eat a mystic honeycomb, signed with the sign of the +cross. Asenath, thus accepted, arrays herself in beautiful +garments, and goes forth to meet Joseph. He +had returned to the house in her parents' absence, but +notwithstanding this, the betrothal at once takes place, +and afterwards their marriage in the Pharaoh's +presence. Her subsequent adventures include an +attempt to carry her off on the part of Pharaoh's first-born, +aided by Dan and Gad, and in this attempt the +heir to the throne loses his life. The original legend +made Asenath a Jewess by birth. (See Smith's <hi rend='italic'>Dictionary +<pb n='260'/><anchor id='Pg260'/> +of Christian Biography</hi>, and Hastings's <hi rend='italic'>Dictionary +of the Bible</hi>, sub voc.) +</p> + +<p> +To what has already been said about the points +tending to show that Joseph was viceroy in Egypt +under one or more of the Hyksos or Shepherd kings, +may be added the fact that, when his father and +brethren came to settle in the land, they were instructed +to say that they were shepherds, though it is +at once added that <q>shepherds were an abomination to +the Egyptians.</q> The only thing, to all appearance, +that can be argued from this is, that however the +native Egyptians might be inclined to look upon the +new-comers, the ruler of the land (who is also represented +as being pleased that Joseph's brethren had +come) had no objection to them on that account. In +support of the contention that the period of Joseph +was the Hyksos period, it must also be pointed out +that this new viceroy introduced at least one measure +which might be regarded as somewhat harsh. He +appropriated the surplus produce of the seven years +of plenty, and when the years of famine came, he +compelled the Egyptians to buy back, <q>even to their +own impoverishment,</q><note place='foot'>Driver, in Hastings's <hi rend='italic'>Dictionary of the Bible</hi>, under Joseph.</note> what they had themselves +previously parted with for nothing. The reason for +this, however, seems to be clear. The Pharaoh upon +the throne was of the same race as himself, and he and +all Semitic foreigners in the land, including his father +and brethren, were dependent on the same state of +things continuing. What he then did would have the +effect of placing the native Egyptians still more in the +power of their ruler, consolidating the dynasty of +Semites to which he belonged, and going far, therefore, +to ensure the permanency of its rule. In acting as he +did, Joseph was only doing what any other man in his +position and of his race would have done. +</p> + +<p> +As has been frequently pointed out, famines +occurred from time to time in Egypt, and records +<pb n='261'/><anchor id='Pg261'/> +of them are in existence. Even before the time +of the Hyksos kings, a failure of the waters of the +Nile to rise to their ordinary height would bring +great want and distress. At such times the governors +of the various provinces of the kingdom gloried, +as Ebers says, in helping their subjects, and saving +them from distress. Thus Ameni or Amen-em-ha, +whose tomb is at Benihasan, praises himself in the +following words— +</p> + +<p> +<q>I cultivated the entire nome of Maḫ with many +workpeople, I troubled no child and oppressed no +widow, neither did I keep a fisherman from his +fishing, or a herdsman from his herd. There was +no head of the village whose people I had taken +away for compulsory labour, and there was no one +unhappy in my days or hungry in my time. When, +however, a famine arose, I tilled all the fields in the +nome of Maḫ, from its southern to its northern +boundary, and gave nourishment and life to its +inhabitants. So there was no one in the nome +who died of hunger. To the widow I allowed as +much as to the wife of a man, and in all that I did +I never preferred the great man to the small one. +When the Nile rose again, and everything flourished—fields, +trees, and all else—I cut off nothing from the +fields.</q>—Ebers in Bædeker's <hi rend='italic'>Upper Egypt</hi>, 1892, +p. 15. +</p> + +<p> +Amen-em-ha departed this life in the 43rd year of +Usertesen I., or about 2714 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +More interesting still, however, is the famine which +occurred in the time of Baba, or Beby, as his name +is also written. This functionary actually lived during +the period of the dominion of the later Hyksos kings, +and therefore very close to the time of Joseph. +According to Brugsch, Baba lived and worked +under the native king Ra-seqenen or Seqenen-Rê +III., at the city now represented by the ruins of El-Kâb. +Though the famine of which he speaks lasted +<pb n='262'/><anchor id='Pg262'/> +<q>many years,</q> and notwithstanding that the ruler +whom he served was a contemporary of 'Apop'i, +the Apophis of Josephus, in whose reign, according +to this Jewish historian, Joseph lived, it is thought +that there is no reason to regard the calamity here +referred to as being the famine of which so full an +account is given in Genesis—such a supposition is +<q>entirely gratuitous,</q> according to the writer in +Bædeker's <hi rend='italic'>Upper Egypt</hi>. However this may be, there +is no doubt that it is a very important parallel, and +would imply that two disastrous famines took place +in Egypt in close succession. +</p> + +<p> +The following is Brugsch's translation of this text— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>The chief of the table of princes, Baba, the risen +again, speaks thus: <q rend='pre'>I loved my father, I honoured +my mother; my brother and my sisters loved me. I +stepped out of the door of my house with a +benevolent heart; I stood there with refreshing hand, +and splendid were the preparations of what I collected +for the feast-day. Mild was my heart, free +from noisy angers. The god bestowed upon me a +rich fortune on earth. The city wished me health +and a life full of freshness. I punished the evildoers. +The children who stood opposite me in the +town during the days which I have fulfilled were, +small as well as great, 60; there were prepared for +them as many beds, chairs (?) as many, tables (?) +as many. They all consumed 120 ephas of durra, +the milk of three cows, 52 goats, and nine she-asses, +of balsam a hin, and of oil two jars.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'><q rend='pre'>My speech may appear a joke to some opponent. +But I call as witness the god Month that my speech +is true. I had all this prepared in my house; +in addition I gave cream in the pantry and beer in +the cellar in a more than sufficient number of hin +measures.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q><q>I collected the harvest, a friend of the harvest-god. +I was watchful at the time of sowing. And now, +<pb n='263'/><anchor id='Pg263'/> +when a famine arose, lasting many years, I issued +corn to the city at each famine.</q></q><note place='foot'>Or <q>to each hungry person.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +As, in Hebrew, <q>seven</q> is often a round number, +equivalent to the English <q>several,</q> the parallel is +noteworthy. An additional remark upon the subject +of the Pharaoh of Joseph by Ebers (Smith's <hi rend='italic'>Dict. +of the Bible</hi>, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 1729) is sufficiently +striking. He says that the Byzantine chronographer +who is known under the name of Syncelles (he held +the office of Syncellus or suffragan in his monastery), +like Josephus and others, calls the Pharaoh of Joseph +Apophis. Now Arab tradition, <q>in which little or no +reliance can be placed,</q> says that he was an Amalekite +of the name of Raian ibn el-Walid, and Naville, +when excavating for the Egypt Exploration Fund, +at Bubastis, found a block with the name of Apophis, +and near it the lower part of a statue of black granite +with the name of Ian-Ra or Ra-ian, in hieroglyphics. +In consequence of this, Dr. Rieu and Mr. Cope +Whithouse maintain that this Arab tradition was +founded on fact. <q>We must therefore leave it uncertain,</q> +adds Prof. Ebers, <q>whether Joseph came down +into Egypt in the reign of Apophis, or in the reign +of the hitherto unknown Raian.</q> Perhaps both are +right, and Joseph was in Egypt during the reigns of +two or more Egyptian kings. Traditions are sometimes +strangely correct, in certain points, though +grossly untrustworthy in others. +</p> + +<p> +In Ebers's article to which reference has already +been made, the writer is of opinion that Joseph met the +king of Egypt on the occasion of the interpretation +of the latter's dream, either at Tanis, the Zoan of the +English translation (better Ṣo'an), the Arab. Ṣân, +borrowed to all appearance from the Coptic Dzhane +(Dzhani, Dzhaane, Dzhaani), from the Egyptian +Dzha'an, or at Bubastis, the Egyptian Pi-Bast, the Pi-Beseth +of Ezekiel xxx. 17, or at Memphis, the Egyptian +<pb n='264'/><anchor id='Pg264'/> +Men-nofr, the Biblical Moph or Noph. Of these +three sites the first (Tanis) is considered the most +probable. It is situated at the north-east of the Delta, +and was founded, according to Numbers xiii. 22, +seven years after Hebron. From this statement, one +would think that there must be some connection +between these two places, or else some historical fact +is to be associated with it. One thing is certain, and +that is, that Tanis was the residence of the Hyksos +kings, who held court there for a considerable period, +as did also many who preceded and followed them. +The ruins are extensive, and the place is noted for its +Hyksos sphinxes, in whose faces <q>the coarse Hyksos +type</q> is strongly marked. The officers under the +Pharaoh of the Exodus speak, in their letters, of the +life there as being sweet, and praise the neighbourhood +for its fertility and the abundance of the food it +produced (Ebers). +</p> + +<p> +Nevertheless, Bubastis (the modern Tel-Basta) may +have been the place where Joseph saw Pharaoh for the +first time, as it was a place of great importance, and +had a celebrated temple dedicated to the goddess +Bast. Memphis, too, may be regarded as having +claims, on account of its being situated so near to +On, the abode of Joseph's father-in-law. +</p> + +<p> +On, where Potiphera (<q>dedicated to the Sun</q>) was +priest, was the celebrated city of the Sun-god in Egypt, +whose foundation went back to an exceedingly remote +antiquity. Besides Râ, Tum or Tmu (the evening sun), +Râ-Harmachis (the morning sun), his companion +Thoth, Sehu and Tefnut, children of Tum, and Osiris, +who was venerated there as the soul of Râ, were +among the deities of the place. To these must be +added Horus, son of Osiris and Isis, god of the upper +world or region of light. His mother Isis was +worshipped at On under the name of Isis-Hathor, corresponding +with Venus Urania. Besides these deities, +various animals were held in honour, among them +<pb n='265'/><anchor id='Pg265'/> +being two lions, perhaps representing Sehu and Tefnut, +who were worshipped under the form of these +animals; the bull Mnevis, sacred to Râ or Rê; and +the Phœnix, called by the Egyptians <foreign rend='italic'>Bennu</foreign>, the bird +of Râ, which was supposed to bring the ashes of its +father to On once every 500 years, after the latter +had been consumed by fire. Other sacred animals +in this city were cats and a white sow. No wonder +the Israelites of old winced at the thought that their +hero Joseph, so perfect in character, wedded the +daughter of a priest of this idolatrous city. +</p> + +<p> +The shrine here was immensely wealthy. The staff +of priests, officials, and subordinates connected with +the temple is said to have numbered no less than +12,913. As the embodiment of the god Râ on earth, +the king of the land naturally gave this shrine predominance, +and increased its wealth by his gifts. +This, added to the fact that the place had the honour +of giving him a title (<q>Lord of On</q>) of which he, +in his turn, was naturally proud, added greatly to the +renown of the city. Besides the great temples, it is +said to have been also <q>full of obelisks,</q> which were +dedicated to the Sun-god in consequence of their +being emblematic of his rays. <q>Cleopatra's Needle</q> +on the Embankment, the obelisk bearing the same +name at Cairo, the Flaminian obelisk at Rome, and +probably many others, all came from this city. According +to Herodotus, the priests of Heliopolis or On +were renowned above all others in Egypt for learning. +</p> + +<p> +The Hyksos who held rule in Egypt for so many +centuries are regarded as having been wandering hordes +of Bedouin Asiatics, called by the Egyptians <q>the impure,</q> +though they also spoke of them under their +name of Amu, regarded as being a word derived +from the Semitic 'Am, from the root <foreign rend='italic'>'amam</foreign>, meaning +<q>people.</q> How early they entered the country is +not exactly known, but Petrie's estimate, 2097 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, +may be taken as the nearest at present possible. In +<pb n='266'/><anchor id='Pg266'/> +connection with this it may be noted that, at the +modern fishing-village of Sân, the present representative +of the ancient Tanis, which was the city +of the Hyksos kings described above, the faces and +figures of the inhabitants are strange and unlike those +of the remainder of Egypt. They call themselves +Melakiyin, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Melekites or <q>Royalists,</q> a name +applied in the Christian period to a sect of the +orthodox Church. They were anciently known as +Pi-shemer, corrupted to Bashmurites, and also as +Pi-Amu, corrupted to Biamites. There is, therefore, +hardly any doubt that these people, the descendants +of the wild and turbulent Bashmurites and Biamites +who gave so much trouble to the khalifs Merwân II. +(744-750) and Mamun (813-822), may claim for +their ancestors either such of the followers of the +Hyksos kings who, on the expulsion of the latter, +decided to remain in the country, or else of those +Semites whom the Hyksos found in Egypt when they +conquered the country, and who helped them to consolidate +their dominion, partly from sympathy and +partly from interest. +</p> + +<p> +Notwithstanding Joseph's long residence in Egypt, +it is noteworthy that, like the Hyksos rulers of the +land, he did not, to all appearance, become in any +sense Egyptianized, but retained his Semitic nationality +to the last, as is shown by his command to his +Hebrew fellow-subjects to carry his remains away with +them when they, in the fulness of time, should leave +the country. This being the case, Kalisch has asked, +very naturally, <q>Why did not Joseph, like Jacob, order +his body to be conveyed at once to Canaan?</q> In all +probability the explanation is, that the Apophis +referred to by the Greek writers was, as has been +suggested, a contemporary of Seqnen-Rê III., and +therefore quite close to the end of the Hyksos period. +Joseph must, then, have passed at least part of his life +under native Egyptian rule, and at this time national +<pb n='267'/><anchor id='Pg267'/> +feeling must have been more violently anti-Semitic +than ever. It may therefore be supposed that it would +not have been by any means politic for him to proclaim +his nationality in this way, for this might have +the effect of endangering the lives and prospects of +his surviving countrymen, who were all related to him, +by attracting to them the attention of the hostile +populace and court—a thing which would, and did, +happen soon enough. +</p> + +<p> +A still more difficult question to answer would be, +<q>Why did not the Hebrews go out of Egypt with +the Hyksos?</q> The answer probably is, that Joseph +was, to all appearance, still known and honoured by +the native Pharaoh, when he came to the throne, for +what he had done for the country. It was seemingly +not until after Joseph's death that a Pharaoh arose +who knew him not. It may therefore be supposed +that, until that time, the Hebrews lived unmolested +in the land which they had so long made their home. +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='268'/><anchor id='Pg268'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter VIII. The Tel-El-Amarna Tablets And The Exodus.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +Egypt and Syria before the Exodus—The testimony of the +Tel-el-Amarna tablets—The relations between the two countries +during the reigns of Amenophis III. and IV.—Burra-burias of +Babylonia, Ašur-ubalit of Assyria—Yabitiri, and others in +Palestine—The Ḫabati and the Ḫabiri—The Letters of Abdi-ṭâba +(Ebed-tob, Abd-ḫiba)—The Pharaoh and the prince of the +Amorites—Mahler and the date of the Exodus. +</quote> + +<p> +<q>Behold, the people of the children of Israel are +more and mightier than we. Come, let us deal with +them wisely, lest they multiply, and it come to pass, +that, when there falleth out any war, they also join +themselves unto our enemies, and fight against us: +and get them out of the land.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Such are the words which the new king who knew +not Joseph, when he came to the throne, spoke to his +people with regard to the alien population which had +been allowed during a former reign to settle in the +land of Goshen, a fruitful district on the north-east +of Egypt, east of Bubastis (Zakāzik). It is the speech +of one who feared that, if nothing were done to prevent +them from becoming too powerful, they would +be a source of danger to the state, as they might join, +with every chance of success, in any attack which +might be made on the kingdom over which he ruled. +It was, in all probability, the presence of a similar +foreign (Semitic) population in or near this district, +about 2100 years <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, which had contributed—or +perhaps even made—the success of the Hyksos invaders, +<pb n='269'/><anchor id='Pg269'/> +through which Egypt had been ruled by an +alien dynasty for five hundred years. The repetition +of such a catastrophe was at all hazards to be prevented. +It would seem, therefore, that the persecution +of the Hebrews was not undertaken altogether +wantonly, but with the object of turning aside a +possible misfortune. +</p> + +<p> +As the historical nature of the Exodus has not as +yet been absolutely disproved, it is here taken to be a +matter of history, and this being the case, it is necessary +to try to identify, or, rather, to state what are the +most probable opinions, as to the rulers of Egypt at +the time of the Oppression and the Exodus. Ramses II. +of the nineteenth dynasty is generally held to be the +Pharaoh of the Oppression, and Meneptah, his son +and successor, the Pharaoh of the Exodus. Lieblein, +however, would regard this latter event as having +occurred during the reign either of Amenophis III., +or his son, Amenophis IV., of the eighteenth dynasty. +This latter theory is based on the Tel-el-Amarna +letters, which speak of the Ḫabiri, roving bodies of +men which went about Palestine stirring up the +people, and even compelling them by force to renounce +Egyptian rule (which extended in those days +over the whole of this district). It will be part of +the scope of the present work to examine into this +question. +</p> + +<p> +After the death of Seqnen-Rê in battle (see p. <ref target='Pg255'>255</ref>), +he was buried in the usual way at Thebes, implying, +as Petrie points out, that the Egyptians had pushed +their frontier some way to the north, <q>so that ceremonials +at Thebes were uninterrupted.</q> Further +advance, he thinks, was made in the reign of Kames, +<q>the valiant prince,</q> as he calls himself, because +Aah-mes was able to besiege the stronghold of the +Hyksos down in the Delta at the beginning of his +reign, about 1585 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> It is to be noted that two +names come, to all appearance, between those of +<pb n='270'/><anchor id='Pg270'/> +Kames and Aah-mes, but these are probably not those +of important kings, though a part of the honour of +the progress made ought to be accredited to them. +To all appearance it was the efforts of the Thebans, +who had been pushing their way northwards during +these last three years, which prepared the way for the +successes of Aah-mes—successes which placed him +on the throne of Egypt, thus making him the founder +of the eighteenth dynasty. +</p> + +<p> +Before he became Pharaoh, he succeeded, within +four or five years, not only in getting rid of the overlordship +of the Hyksos kings, but also in driving +them out of the Nile valley, taking possession of +Avaris, and pursuing them into Palestine. Here, in +the fifth year, he was able to capture Sharhana or +Sharuhen, some miles south of Lachish. He then +went on to Zahi (Phœnicia), and later defeated the +Mentiu of Setet (the Bedouin of the hill-country), +attacking afterwards the Anu Khenti. On his return +to Egypt, he found that he had to deal with two outbreaks +on the part of those of the Hyksos (probably +half-breeds) who remained, and these having been +reduced to subjection, there was apparently no further +trouble from the Asiatics remaining in the country. +So popular was this founder of a new dynasty in +Egypt, that both he and his queen had divine honours +paid to them beyond those rendered to any other +Egyptian ruler. His son Amen-hotep I. shared +largely in these testimonies of popular esteem. +</p> + +<p> +After this the power of Egypt increased. The +venerable captain of marines, Aah-mes, relates that +'Aa-kheper-ka-Rê (Thothmes I.) went against the Rutennu +(Syrians) for the purpose of taking satisfaction, +and marched as far as Naharaina (Upper Mesopotamia), +where he found that an enemy had plotted conspiracy. +On this occasion Thothmes gained many victories and +took many captives. Another official mentioning the +Syrian campaigns of this ruler is Pen-nekheb, who +<pb n='271'/><anchor id='Pg271'/> +accompanied him to Naharaina. Thothmes III. also +refers to his grandfather's conquest in Syria, stating +that he placed another inscription where the tablet of +his father 'Aa-kheper-ka-Rê was, and adds that <q>his +majesty came to the city of Niy on his return. Then +his majesty set up his tablet in Naharaina to enlarge +the frontiers of Kemi,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Egypt. Niy was in the +region of Aleppo, on the Euphrates. +</p> + +<p> +Thothmes II. (1516-1503, Petrie) retained those +portions of Syria which his father had conquered. +An expedition thither is also mentioned by Pen-nekheb, +who says: <q>I followed the king 'A-kheper-en-Rê +(Thothmes II.), the blessed one. I brought +away from the land of the Shasu (Bedouin, apparently +the same tribes as those to which the Hyksos or <foreign rend='italic'>hak +shasu</foreign> belonged) very many prisoners—I cannot +reckon them.... The king 'A-kheper-en-Rê gave me +two gold bracelets, six collars, three bracelets of lapis-lazuli, +and a silver war-ax.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Thothmes III. (1505-1449), son of Thothmes II., +had one of the longest and most glorious reigns in all +Egyptian history. He was born at Thebes, and +crowned when about nine years old. On the death of +Hatshepsut, the queen regent, his father's first wife, +who, however, was not his own mother, his warlike +expeditions began, and he assembled an army on the +frontier of Zalu, preparatory to an expedition against +the chiefs of Southern Syria, who had rebelled. This +was his twenty-second year. Next year, on his +coronation-day, he found himself, after a long march, +at Gaza, on the way to Carmel and Megiddo, where +he defeated the assembled Syrian chiefs, and utterly +routed them on the plain of Esdraelon. The allies +then took refuge in the town, which was besieged, +and they were obliged to capitulate. Enormous +spoils from this place, as well as from the other cities +of Syria, was the result. This expedition was repeated +in the two following years. +</p> + +<pb n='272'/><anchor id='Pg272'/> + +<p> +In his twenty-ninth year he made his fifth expedition +to the Syrian hill-country, Tunep, Arvad, and Phœnicia, +from which latter district much spoil was obtained. +The two following years found him in the same region. +In his thirty-third year he set up a tablet on the +boundaries of Naharaina. The next year he made a +campaign to, and received tribute from Syria, Phœnicia, +and Cyprus. In his thirty-fifth year he went to +Phœnicia, and received tribute from Naharaina. The +year following this he received tribute from Cyprus. +After this he again went to Phœnicia, and he is supposed +to have received tribute from Cyprus, Syria, +and the Hittites in the fortieth and forty-first years +of his reign. In his forty-second year there was an +expedition to Tunep, Kadesh, etc. Besides the above, +he either made himself, or dispatched, under his +generals, during his long reign (fifty-four years) many +expeditions into other lands than those mentioned +above, and also took part in numerous works and +public functions in his own country. +</p> + +<p> +The expeditions in Syria made by this king are +told very graphically and at great length. The march +to Megiddo, the council of war, and the dispositions +for the attack, are given in full, and the king claims +to have himself protected his army when going through +a narrow defile in which all might have been lost had +the enemy against whom they were marching made +an onslaught. Representations of the spoil taken +accompany the lists enumerating the amount, and +show that the ancient Syrians had attained to a skill, +in the arts as then known, equal, if not superior, to +that of the Egyptians. Among the places mentioned +are Arvad, Kadesh, Gaza, Yemma, etc. Besides +Thothmes III.'s own annals, there is an inscription of +one of his officers, Amen-em-heb, who gives his version, +which, however, is not divided into different +years. This text mentions the Negeb, where he took +some captives; Carchemish, from which place he obtained +<pb n='273'/><anchor id='Pg273'/> +spoil, and other places. He speaks also of +Thothmes III. having hunted elephants in the land of +Niy, one hundred and twenty in number, for their +tusks. This agrees with what has been stated from +the Assyrian inscriptions (pp. <ref target='Pg200'>200</ref>, <ref target='Pg201'>201</ref>) concerning the +existence of these animals in the Lebanon and around +Haran. +</p> + +<p> +Thothmes III. was succeeded by Amenophis II., +a warlike and vigorous ruler, who followed in his +father's footsteps, and by so doing maintained the +power and influence of his country. Petrie (<hi rend='italic'>History</hi>, +ii. p. 154) argues with great probability that he was +not of age when he came to the throne, and that he +was apparently not the eldest of his father's sons. His +first expedition, which was a raid in Asia <q>to establish +his renown,</q> was probably, as Prof. Petrie says, +in the first or second year of his reign. <q>His majesty +had success (in Shemesh-atuma of South Galilee), his +majesty himself made captives there.... Account of +what his majesty himself took in this day: living +prisoners Satiu 18, oxen 19.</q> Later on he had some +further success, and took spoil from the Satiu with +whom he fought. +</p> + +<p> +In his second year, six months after the above +expedition, he seems to have made a promenade in +force as far as the frontiers of the Egyptian domains +in Asia, in order to assert his power, and as a check +to any disaffection which might exist. After this +there was a triumphal return to Egypt, where he held +a festival on the occasion of the laying of the foundation-stone +of the temple of Amadeh. Among the +captives sent to Egypt were seven chiefs of the territory +of Takhsi, near Aleppo, who were hung up by +the feet on the fore-part of the king's barque. Of these +six were afterwards hung up on the wall of Thebes in +the same manner, a circumstance which suggests that +the Egyptians were upon about the same level as the +Assyrians with regard to their barbarous customs in +<pb n='274'/><anchor id='Pg274'/> +war, notwithstanding their civilization and polish in +other things. +</p> + +<p> +He claims as his own nearly all the lands which his +father had conquered—the South land, the Oases, the +Lybians, Nubians, Semites, Kefto (according to W. +Max Müller, Cilicia), and the Upper Rutennu, or +district of Megiddo. +</p> + +<p> +Amenophis II. died in 1423 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and was succeeded +by his son, Thothmes IV. His earlier years seem to +have been occupied in asserting his power in Syria, +and his later years were devoted to Nubia. Naharaina +and the Kheta or Hittites occur in inscriptions referring +to the former period. According to Manetho, he +reigned nine years and eight months. He was succeeded +by his son, Amenophis III. (1414-1379, according +to Petrie). +</p> + +<p> +At this time Syria was completely in the hands of +the Egyptians. Constant intercourse went on between +the princes of the two countries, who in Syria seem to +have been contented with their subordinate position. +It is during this reign that the now celebrated Tel-el-Amarna +tablets come to our aid, and show how this +was brought about. Alliance between the two +countries by marriage had taken place, and the royal +and various princely families were therefore related. +Besides this, there was naturally reluctance on the +part of a prince of Syria to take up a hostile attitude +with regard to the king who had taken his daughter +in marriage, as he would always be in fear of endangering +his daughter's safety, and for the same cause +he would naturally try to restrain the petty rulers of +his own district, including those of his neighbours +who were more of the nature of equals. In addition +to this, the sons of the Syrian chiefs were sent to be +educated in Egypt, and as the Egyptian ruler at the +time had married Syrian princesses, it is probable, as +Petrie says, that the sons of Syrian chiefs, educated in +Egypt, were married to Egyptians at the close of their +<pb n='275'/><anchor id='Pg275'/> +education. As it was only stipulated that they should +be restored to their native country to succeed their +fathers, they may, it is thought, have lived in Egypt +until middle life. This being so, the rulers of Syria +would naturally become imbued with the thoughts +and ways of the Egyptians, and undesirous, therefore, +of throwing off the yoke. If, however, things were all +really as thus depicted, there is one thing which is +strange, namely, that the correspondence which was +carried on between the two districts was not in +Egyptian (which the princes of Syria ought to have +known sufficiently well to write), but in Assyro-Babylonian, +which was a foreign tongue to them all, +especially the king of Mitanni, whose native language +was not even Semitic. That the kings of Babylonia +should correspond with the king of Egypt in Babylonian +was to be expected, but if the kings of Syria, or +their sons, were educated in Egypt, it is remarkable +that we find so many letters in the Babylonian +language. +</p> + +<p> +Apparently, therefore, everything pointed to a continuance +of the state of things which existed at the +time of the king's accession to the throne. It was +evidently his desire that nothing should occur to +change the cordial relations which existed between +himself and the Egyptian dependencies, hence the +mild suzerainty exercised. There was an Ethiopian +campaign in his fifth year, after which, to all appearance, +no warlike expeditions were undertaken—in +fact, it was considered that there was no need for +them. +</p> + +<p> +The first wife of Amenophis III. was Teie, as the +Tel-el-Amarna tablets call her, the Teyi of the Egyptian +monuments. She was daughter of Yewea and Tewa, +and was to all appearance of Asiatic nationality. +Prof. Petrie thinks that she may have been of Syrian +race, and as a matter of fact, her portrait shows her +with a pleasant face of Semitic type and a pointed +<pb n='276'/><anchor id='Pg276'/> +chin. To all appearance, she was a personage of +great importance in the land, and when negotiations +with the princes of the north were being carried on, +she was one of those who were taken into consideration +by the outlanders. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-vii.png' rend='width: 60%'> + <head>Colossal statue of Hadad, dedicated by Bar-Rekub, King of Sam'allu, to +Hadad. El, Rekub-el, Shamash, and the gods of Yadî, in memory of his +father, Panammû, about 730 B.C. The horned cap which the god wears +probably shows Assyro-Babylonian influence. +Gerchin N.E. of Zenjirli. +From <hi rend='italic'>Mittheilungen aus den Orientalischen +Sammlungen</hi>, Part XI., by permission of the +publishing-house of Georg Reimer, Berlin.</head> + <figDesc>Plate VII.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +In one of the tablets from Tel-el-Amarna, it would +appear that, besides Teie, Amenophis III. had married +a sister of Dušratta, king of Mitanni, named Gilu-ḫêpa, +for news of whom Dušratta wrote to the Pharaoh, +sending presents to him, as well as to his sister. +Later on, the Egyptian king asks Dušratta for one of +his daughters, sending a messenger named Manê with +a tablet to that effect. As Dušratta in his letter to +the Pharaoh Nimmuaria (Neb-mut-Ra,<note place='foot'>This and other transcriptions of the name into cuneiform +character suggests that it was generally pronounced Neb-mu'a-Re'a.</note> Amenophis +III.) refers to her as the (future) mistress of Egypt, it +is clear that she was intended as the consort of his +son, Amenophis IV. From other letters which passed +between them, it would seem that the princess in +question was named Tâdu-ḫêpa, called, in Egyptian, +Nefer-titi (perhaps a translation of her Mitannian +name). It was to all appearance the custom in those +days, as at the present time, for the kings of the various +states to ally themselves by marriage with other royal +houses; and at a time when kings, at least, were +allowed more wives than one, it was possible for them +to take pledges for the preservation of peace by making +use of the privilege. Quite in accordance with +this are the statements contained in other texts concerning +intermarriages of this kind, both Amenophis +III. and IV. having likewise espoused Babylonian +princesses, daughters of Kallima-Sin and Burra-buriaš, +the son of the latter being at the same time betrothed to +Amenophis IV.'s daughter. They were also constantly +making presents to each other, each trying to get as +much as he possibly could of the things which were +<pb n='277'/><anchor id='Pg277'/> +not common in his own land—gold, much gold, being +the commodity that the king of Egypt was expected +to supply. The other kings sent him, in return, +various stones (lapis-lazuli being often mentioned), +chariots, horses, and other things, both natural and +manufactured products. The women by whose means +these friendly relations had been established, made +use of the messengers sent to their fatherland to +transmit messages to their relatives and ask after their +health. +</p> + +<p> +From these tablets we obtain certain details as to +the state of the Holy Land and the surrounding +country before the entry of the Israelites. Besides +the kingdom of Mitanni mentioned above, there were +the states of Alašia (supposed to be Cyprus), Ziri-bašani +(plain of Bashan), Hazor, Askelon, Lachish, +Gaza, Qatna (west of Damascus), Accho, Simyra, +Tyre, Sidon, the Amorites, the Hittites, Dunip +(Tenneb), Jerusalem, etc., etc. Many of them were +small states with the cities after which they are named +as capital, and naturally were obliged to enter into +a league for their common protection, or else accept +the suzerainty of some more powerful state, falling, if +its protector went under, into the power of the common +invader. It must have been in consequence of this +state of things in the east Mediterranean littoral that +Egypt was able to extend her power so far, and +subdue this large district. +</p> + +<p> +From these tablets we learn something of their +religion. To all appearance one of the gods most +worshipped in the extreme west of Asia was Rimmon, +the Rammānu (<q>thunderer</q>) of the Assyrians and +Babylonians, the Addu or Hadad of the Semitic +nations of this district (the name Addu afterwards +became general as the appellation of the god in Babylonia +and Assyria), and the Tešupa or Tešub of +Mitanni (Aram-Naharaim) and district to the north +(Armenia). At Tyre they seem to have worshipped +<pb n='278'/><anchor id='Pg278'/> +a personage or deity called Šalmayātu, whilst the +Phœnician Astarte is commemorated in âl Aštarti, +<q>the city of Aštartu,</q> perhaps Ashtaroth, 29 miles +east of Tiberias (Petrie). As the word Ashtoreth is +evidently a lengthening of the name of the Assyro-Babylonian +goddess Ištar, it is not to be wondered at +that this goddess should be mentioned by the king of +Mitanni, Dušratta, who refers to a statue of Ištar of +Nineveh, which had been sent to Egypt, and requests +that it may be returned to him soon. The name of +Nergal, also, was evidently familiar to the king of +Alašia, for he speaks of the hand of that god as having +killed all his people, when wishing to refer to the +prevalence of a pestilence there, Nergal being the +Assyro-Babylonian god of disease and death. In +the same way Dušratta speaks of Šamaš, the Assyro-Babylonian +Sun-god, but he refers to him more as +the luminary which men love than as a god, though +there is every probability that he was worshipped in +Mitanni.<note place='foot'>Another god of Mitanni seems to have been Eaašarri, +probably from the Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>Êa šarru</foreign>, <q>Êa (Aê) the king.</q> +Other Mitannian deities are Šimîgi and Sušbi.</note> Another Assyro-Babylonian deity whose +name occurs is Ninip, once in the name of Abdi-Ninip, +<q>servant of Ninip,</q> apparently a Gebalite, and +again in <foreign rend='italic'>âl Bêth-Ninip</foreign>, <q>(city of) the temple of +Ninip,</q> in a district which Abdi-Aširta called upon +to unite against Gebal—perhaps the Beth-Ninip in +the neighbourhood of Jerusalem. In the name of +Abdi-Aširta it is to be noted that we have here, to +all appearance, the name of the <foreign rend='italic'>asherah</foreign> or <q>grove</q> of +the Authorised Version, the <q>token</q> of the goddess +Ištar,<note place='foot'>Compare the Arabic <foreign lang='ar' rend='italic'>eshāra</foreign>, <q>sign.</q></note> with the ideogram for which the word once +interchanges. The Egyptian god Amāna (Amon) is +mentioned several times, invoked apparently as a +god in whom the writer believed, though he was the +special god of the Egyptians and the Egyptian king. +<pb n='279'/><anchor id='Pg279'/> +In addition to the above deities, the names of men +reveal Uraš, the god of Dailem near Babylon, Bidina, +another Babylonian deity, and Merodach, the principal +god of the Babylonians. Among west Semitic deities +may be mentioned Dagan (Dagon), Milku (Melech, +Moloch), and others. +</p> + +<p> +Notwithstanding a considerable period of Egyptian +rule, therefore, Babylonian influence, which had been +predominant in the tract for many centuries, still held +the upper hand. Merodach was to all appearance +venerated, Nergal was worshipped as the god of death +and disease, Ištar was held in high esteem. It must +have been during those centuries of Babylonian rule +that the worship of Tammuz or Adonis got into the +country, becoming one of the stumbling-blocks of the +Israelites in later days, when Hebrew women lamented +for him, hidden in the realm of darkness where dwelt +Persephone (Ereš-ki-gala, <q>the lady of the great +domain</q> of the Babylonians), into whose realm, at +great risk, Ištar, his spouse, descended to seek him, +but only escaped from the rival's clutches by the +intervention of the gods. +</p> + +<p> +Exceedingly interesting are the various forms of +government in Western Asia at this period. Among +hereditary chiefs may be mentioned Etakama of +Gidši (Kadesh), Šum-addu, who is probably the same +as Šamu-Addu, prince of Šamḫuna, Mut-zu'u (see p. +<ref target='Pg286'>286</ref>), and Azru, though this last is doubtful, as in one +of the letters he calls himself a governor installed by +the king of Egypt. The best example of an elected +chief, however, is in all probability Yabitiri, governor +of Gaza and Jaffa, who, when young, went down to +Egypt and served in the Egyptian army, being afterwards +appointed to the posts which he held later. +The power of the Egyptian kings of a period somewhat +preceding this is well exemplified by the fact, that +Addu-nirari of Assyria attributes to an Egyptian +ruler the appointment of his grandfather and father as +<pb n='280'/><anchor id='Pg280'/> +kings of Nuḫašše, on account of which all three rulers +seem to have acknowledged Egyptian overlordship. +An interesting instance of female rule is that of Nin-Urmuru +(?),<note place='foot'>Nin-urmuru (?) is only a provisional transcription, being at +least partly Akkadian. Her name in all probability began with +<foreign rend='italic'>Bêlit</foreign>, <q>lady of</q> = <foreign rend='italic'>Bâalat</foreign>. As the name ends with the plural +sign, the question naturally arises whether it may not be practically +a title—<q>Lady of the Urmuru</q> (?), or something of the +kind.</note> who, in her letters, mentions Ajalon and +Sarḫa (identified with Zorah), probably lying in her +district. +</p> + +<p> +Most interesting of all, however, is the case of +Jerusalem, whose ruler, as will be seen from the letters +quoted later on, was apparently elected by some of +the magnates of the district which acknowledged his +sway, and who were probably the members of a +religious community. Nothing, however, is known +of the electorate or the system of election employed—all +that can be said is, that the ruler was not placed +there by virtue of his father or his mother, but by the +<q>mighty king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The matter of the government of Dunip, one of the +most important towns of ancient Palestine, is also of +importance, as it does not seem to have possessed an +autocratic head of any kind, and may have been a +kind of republic. Its government was probably similar +to that of Irqata, which was ruled over by its elders, +acknowledging the overlordship of the Egyptian king. +A similar state of things seems to have prevailed in +Babylonia, where, however, the king of Babylon was +naturally recognized as lord of the country. In all +probability the towns governed by their elders were +regarded as royal cities of Egypt, whilst the others +were semi-independent states. +</p> + +<p> +The relations of the Egyptian king with foreign +states is well illustrated by the following— +</p> + +<pb n='281'/><anchor id='Pg281'/> + +<p> +Letter From The Babylonian King Burra-Buriaš +(Burna-Buriaš) To Amenophis IV. King Of Egypt. +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>(To) Napḫu'ruria the king of Egypt, my brother, +say also thus: <q rend='pre'>It is Burra-buriaš, king of the land of +Karu-duniaš, thy brother. My health is good. To +thee, thy country, thine house, thy wives, thy sons, thy +great men, thine horses, thy chariots, may there be very +good health.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>I and my brother have spoken friendship with +each other, and we said as follows: <q>As our fathers +were with each other, let us be friendly.</q> Now my +merchants, who went with Aḫi-ṭâbu, remained in the +land of Kinaḫḫi (Canaan) for trade. After Aḫi-ṭâbu +proceeded to my brother,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>I.e.</hi> to king Amenophis, to whom he was writing.</note> in the city Ḫinnatunu of +the land of Kinaḫḫi (Canaan), when Šum-adda, son +of Malummê, (and) Šutadna, son of Šarâtum, of the +city of Akka (Accho), sent their people, they killed +my merchants, and took their money away. When +I have sent (Azzu (?)) to thy presence, ask him, and +let him tell thee.</q> +</p> + +<p> +(Reverse) +</p> + +<p> +<q>(Ki)naḫḫi is thy land, and (its) king(s are thy +servants). In thy land have I been ill-treated—res(train +them): make (up) the money which they +have taken away; and kill the people who have killed +my subjects, and avenge them. And if thou kill not +these people, they will return, and both kill my caravans +and thy messengers, and the messenger will be +broken off between us, and if (this happen), they will +fall away from thee. One man (of) mine, when Šum-adda +had cut off his feet,<note place='foot'>In all probability this is metaphorically spoken, and means +simply that he captured him. The feet of those vanquished in +battle were sometimes cut off, but it is hardly likely that a man +would survive this without medical treatment.</note> he held him prisoner; and +<pb n='282'/><anchor id='Pg282'/> +another man, when Šutadna, the Akkaite (Acchoite), +had caused him to be placed with the servants, became +a servant before him.<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>stood before him.</q></note> Let (them take) those +men to thee, and see thou to (it). And mayest thou +know how I fare. I have caused to be brought to +thee 1 mana of lapis-stone (as a gi)ft. (Let) my +(messe)nger (come back) quickly. Let me know how +my brother fares. Do not de(tain) my (mess)enger—let +him come (back) quickly.</q> +</p> + +<p> +It is clear from this, and from other inscriptions of +the series, that a kind of international law existed +among the nations of the ancient East, by which they +were expected to protect the caravans passing through +each other's territory, and, in fact, see that no harm +came to any of each other's subjects. They were +expected to punish all persons who may have attacked +and ill-treated or murdered them, and make restitution +of property stolen. The law (probably an unwritten +one) was evidently much the same as prevails among +civilized nations at the present day. That these +ancient rulers always obtained from their <q>brothers</q> +the redress which they demanded, is more than doubtful. +Burra-buriaš's entreaty that his messenger might +be returned to him quickly points to vexatious delays +on former occasions, and probable failure to obtain any +justice or redress whatever. +</p> + +<p> +The relations of Egypt with Assyria were similar +to those with Babylonia, except that the Assyrian king, +as has been shown, was, in some respects, a vassal. +</p> + +<p> +Letter From The Assyrian King Ašur-Uballiṭ +To Amenophis IV. King Of Egypt. +</p> + +<p> +(Divided into paragraphs in accordance with the +indications of the original text.) +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>To Napḫurî, (the great king?), the king of Egypt, +<pb n='283'/><anchor id='Pg283'/> +my brother, (say) thus: <q>It is Ašur-uballiṭ, king of +Aššur, the great king, thy brother.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>To thee, to thy house and thy country, may there +be peace.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>When I saw thy messengers, I rejoiced greatly. +Thy messengers are staying with me for a time.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>I have caused to be brought to thee as thy gift a +fine royal chariot of my y(ok)e, and 2 white horses of +m(y y)oke, and one chariot without yoke, and 1 seal +of fine lapis-lazuli.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>The great king's return-gift may be thus: Gold +in thy land is (as) dust—they gather it up. Why +should it go round into thine eyes? I have undertaken +to build a new palace. Cause gold, as much as +its over-laying and its need (requires), to be sent.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>When Ašur-nadin-âḫi, my father, sent to the land +of Egypt, they caused to be sent to him 20 talents of +gold.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>When the Ḫanigalbatian king sent to Egypt to +thy father, he caused 20 talents of go(ld) to be brought +to him.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>(Behold), thou hast caused to be brought ... +gold to the Ḫani(gal)ba(tian) king ... and to me, +(but f)or the going and returning it suffices (?) not for +wages for my messengers.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>If friendship be desirable unto thee, cause much +gold to be brought; and as it will be thy house, send, +and let them take what thou desirest.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>We are distant countries—in this wise let our +messengers go about.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Those who delayed thy messengers were the +Sutites, their persecutors; dead (was I) until I had +sent, and they had taken the persecuting Sutites. +Their bands (?) shall verily not delay my messengers.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>As for messengers abroad, why should they be +detained and die there? If they stay abroad, the king +will have the advantage, so let him stay and let him +die abroad—let the king then have the advantage. +And if not, why should the messengers whom we +<pb n='284'/><anchor id='Pg284'/> +send die abroad? ... attack the messengers and +cause them to die abroad.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The last paragraph is difficult to understand on +account of its being so mutilated, but the sense of the +whole seems now to be fairly clear. Ašur-uballiṭ +desires to be on friendly terms with Egypt, but he is +anxious to get, above all, the precious metal which +was said to be so plentiful there, and for which all the +rulers of Western Asia seem to have hungered. And +this leads to the interesting statement in the fifth +paragraph, in which gold in Egypt is said to have +been as dust; and there is the question, <q>Why should +it go round into thine eyes?</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>Amminî ina ênē-ka +isaḫḫur?</foreign>) implying that, being dust, it behaved as +dust, and was in that respect undesirable, and therefore +to be got rid of. He would like to have some +for the decoration of his palace—his father, and the +king of Ḫanigalbat had been favoured in this way. +Let it not be as little (apparently), as that sent to the +Ḫanigalbatian king, for that would not suffice to pay +his messengers. The interchange of things needed as +presents made good friends. It was a lawless band +of Sutites who had detained the Egyptian king's +messengers, and he was as one dead until his people +had stopped their depredations. It was useful to a +king that his ambassadors lived and died abroad, but +not that they should be attacked and killed there. +</p> + +<p> +The relations of Egypt with another class of ruler is +well illustrated by the following letter from a prince or +governor brought up in Egypt— +</p> + +<p> +Yabitiri Asserts His Faithfulness, And Touches +Upon His Early Life. +</p> + +<p> +<q>To the king my lord, my gods, my Sun-gods, say +also thus: <q>(it is) Yabitiri thy servant, the dust of thy +feet. At the feet of the king my lord, my gods, my +Sun-gods, seven times, and twice seven times I fall. +<pb n='285'/><anchor id='Pg285'/> +Furthermore, behold, I am a faithful servant<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>a servant of faithfulness.</q></note> of the +king my lord. I look here, and I look there,<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>I look thus, and I look thus.</q></note> and it +is not clear; then I look upon the king my lord, and +it is clear. And the brick-foundation may give way +from beneath its wall, but I will not give way from +beneath the feet of the king my lord. And the king +my lord may ask Yanḫama, his official, (concerning) +when I was young, and they sent me down to Egypt, +where I served the king my lord, and stood in the +city-gate of the king my lord. And the king my +lord may ask his official when I guard the city-gate +of Azzati (Gaza) and the city-gate of Yapu (Jaffa). +And I am with the hired troops of the king my +lord, where they go, I am with them, and I am +also, therefore, with them now. The yoke of the +king my lord is on my neck, and I bear it.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +Apparently there had been spread abroad some +statement reflecting on the faithfulness of the writer, +who seeks to justify himself by appealing to his +former services to the Egyptian king. His letter +has a ring of sincerity in it which is wanting in many +of the communications of this nature. +</p> + +<p> +Reference has already been made to the caravans +which passed through the territory of the various rulers, +and the protection which those rulers were supposed to +extend to them. Burra-buriaš, in his letter translated +above, complains that Babylonian caravans had been +attacked in the land of Canaan, and asks for the +punishment of the persons involved. To all appearance +the protection of the caravans was entrusted to +certain chiefs, owing allegiance to the Egyptian king, +who always held themselves ready to perform this +duty. The following translation shows how one of +the chiefs or governors of a Canaanitish district +looked after the caravans, as his father did before +him— +</p> + +<pb n='286'/><anchor id='Pg286'/> + +<p> +Letter From Mut-Zu'u To The King Of Egypt. +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>To the king, my lord and my sun, say thus: <q>It +is Mut-zu'u<note place='foot'>It is doubtful whether the full form of the name is preserved, +the tablet being broken at this point.</note> thy servant, the dust of thy feet, the +earth for thee to tread upon. Seven times, twice +seven times, I fall down at the feet of the king my +lord.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>The king my lord has sent by Ḫâya to speak of +the Ḫana-galbat<note place='foot'>Ḫani-galbat is identified with northern Mesopotamia (Aram-Naharaim), +and was the land ruled over by Dušratta, king of +Mitanni, a synonym of which, at least in part, the district known +as Ḫani-galbat was. Ḫana-galbat is apparently a variant spelling.</note> caravan. This I have dispatched +and have directed it. Who am I, that I should not +dispatch the caravans of the king my lord? Behold, +(Lab)'aya, my father, (who was faithful) to the king +his lord, used to send (a caravan, and give directions +concerning it. The cara)vans (which) the king +(di)rected to the land of Ḫana-galbat (and) to the +land of Kara-duniaš let the king my lord send. (As +to) the caravan, I will bring it so that it is safe.</q> +</p> + +<p> +As will be seen from this, Mut-zu'u was one of the +humble vassals of <q>the king his lord,</q> who at that +time—evidently the peaceful days of Amenophis +III.—was the happy possessor of many such. As +examples of the relations between the smaller rulers +and their suzerain, may be quoted two of the numerous +letters of Yidia of Askelon, who provided the +necessaries for the Egyptian army in Palestine. +</p> + +<p> +Yidia, The Askelonite, Concerning The King's +Representative. +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>To the king, my lord, my Sun, the Sun who +(cometh) from the heavens, (say also) thus: <q>(It is) +Yidia, the Askelonite, thy servant, the dust of thy +<pb n='287'/><anchor id='Pg287'/> +feet, thy charioteer.<note place='foot'>Or <q>the keeper of thy horses.</q> The dual sign before the +word <q>horses</q> suggests that <q>attendant,</q> <q>guardian,</q> or +<q>driver</q> of the two horses of the king's chariot is meant. The +expression is apparently intended merely to indicate the writer's +position as vassal.</note> I fall down before the feet of +the king my lord seven times and twice seven times, +back and breast.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Now (for) my (lord), (for) the gods of the king +my lord, my god, my Sun, I guard this city, and +again ... let me protect all his land.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>I have heard the words of the king my lord to his +representative, when he is not able to protect the +country of the king my lord. So now the king my +lord has appointed Rianappa, the representative of +the king my lord, to whom<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>to whose head,</q> apparently meaning <q>to whose +self</q> = <q>to whom.</q></note> I will bring (?) good +fortune for the king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Whatever cometh out of the mouth of the king +my lord, lo, that will I keep day and night.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Yidia Concerning The Commissariat. +</p> + +<p> +<q>To the king my lord, my Sun, my god, the Sun +who (cometh) from the heavens, (say also) thus: <q>(it is) +Yidia thy servant, the dust of thy feet, thy charioteer. +I fall down at the feet of the king my lord seven +times and twice seven times, back and breast. Behold, +I am keeping the commands of the king my lord, the +son of the Sun, and behold, I have provided the food, +drink, oil, grain, oxen, (and) sheep, for the soldiers of +the king my lord—provisions, every kind, for the +soldiers of the king my lord. Who would be a +vassal, and not obey the words of the king my lord, +the son of the Sun?</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +Letters similar to the above are numerous, and show +that Egyptian rule was not regarded as burthensome—indeed, +it may have been even welcome, tending in all +<pb n='288'/><anchor id='Pg288'/> +probability to the preservation of peace. It must +have been difficult, however, for the Egyptian king to +hold the scales of justice always even, for among the +governors were always men who professed faithfulness, +but who aimed at throwing off the Egyptian +yoke, light as it was. +</p> + +<p> +In all probability the trouble began in the north, +that district being farthest from the Egyptian marches, +and what was going on there was on that account +longer in reaching the knowledge of the king. Judging +from a letter from Ili-rabiḫ, written from Gebal, +Etakama, of Kinza and Kadesh, smote the whole of +the lands of Amki, <q>the territory of the king.</q> <q>And +now,</q> the inscription continues, <q>he has sent his +people to seize the lands of Amki and the places. +Further, the king of the land of Ḫatta (Heth), and the +king of the land of Narima (Naharaim), have been +unsuccessful (?), and</q> (here the writer breaks off the +narrative). +</p> + +<p> +Another account of this affair is as follows— +</p> + +<p> +Bêri (Or Bieri) To The King About The +Attack On Amki. +</p> + +<p> +<q>To the king, my lord, (my god, my sungod), say +then thus: <q>It is Bêri, (thy servant), the Ḫašabite.</q> +Down to the dust of the feet of the king my lord 7 +(times) and 7 (times) I fall. Behold, we occupy, in +Amki, the cities of the king, my lord, and Edagama, +the Kinzite, has gone to meet the soldiers of Ḫatta +(Heth), and set (the cities) of the king my lord on +fire. And may the king my lord know, and may the +king (my) lord give field-soldiers. And we will +occupy the cities of the king my lord, and we will +dwell in the cities of the king my lord, my god, my +sungod.</q> +</p> + +<p> +This and two other accounts, one of which is from +<q>Ilu-dâya, the Ḫazite,</q> all agree, and show that three +<pb n='289'/><anchor id='Pg289'/> +officials were occupying cities in the territory known as +Amki (identified with <foreign rend='italic'>'Amq</foreign>, a plain by Antioch, or +<foreign rend='italic'>'Amqa</foreign>, N.E. of Akka), when Edagama (whose name +also appears as Etagama, Etakkama, Itatkama, Itakama, +Aiṭugama, and Aidaggama) joined the Hittite +troops who were hostile to Egypt. It was in consequence +of this, in all probability, that the three +officials decided to write to the king of Egypt to let +him know how things were going, and this they did +in identical terms, with the same expressions, and the +same peculiarities of spelling, pointing to the probability +that the same scribe wrote all three communications. +In the letter of Ili-rabiḫ, from which a quotation +is given on p. <ref target='Pg288'>288</ref>, Amki is called <q>the king's territory,</q> +implying that it was a tract acknowledging Egyptian +supremacy, which Etagama was trying to wrest from +the Pharaoh's grasp. It was the king's friends who +were occupying the king's cities (as Bêri, Ilu-dâya, +and the unknown writer call them), because they +desired to hold them against this active enemy. With +help from the Egyptian king, they thought that they +would be able to do this without difficulty. There +seems to be (as far as can at present be judged) no +reason to suppose that the beginning of the expulsion +of the Egyptians from Palestine was due to the over-zeal +of the supporters of Egyptian rule in that country, +who, striving to extend the influence and the dominions +of their suzerain, drew down upon him, and upon +themselves, the hostility of all the independent states +of Western Asia, as well as of those which wished to +throw off the Egyptian yoke. The Egyptian kings +would surely have warned their vassals in Palestine +against the danger of such action on their part. +</p> + +<p> +As an additional light upon the events here referred +to, the following extract from a letter from Akizzi of +Qaṭna to Amenophis III. may be of interest:— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>O lord, Teu(w)atti of the city L(apa)n(a) and +Arzauia of the city Ruḫizzu are setting themselves +<pb n='290'/><anchor id='Pg290'/> +with Aiṭugama (Etagama) and the land of (U)be. He +is burning the territory of my lord with fire.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>O lord, as I love the king my lord, and likewise +the king of the land Nuḫašše, the king of the land of +Nî, the king of the land of Zinzar, and the king of the +land of Tunanat; and all these kings are for the king +my lord serviceable.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>If the king my lord will, then he will go forth. +(But they say) thus: <q>The king my lord will not go +forth.</q> Then let my lord send out field-troops, and +let them come, since this land, as also, my lord, these +kings, is well disposed towards him. (They are) my +lord's great ones, and whatever their gifts (contributions), +let him speak, and they will give (them).</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>O lord, if this land is to be off the mind of my +lord, then let my lord send forth field-troops, and let +them come. The messengers of my lord have arrived.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>O lord, if Arzauia of the city of Ruḫizzu and +Teuwatti of the city Lapana remain in the land +of Ube, and Daša remain in the land of Amki, +then may my lord know concerning them, that +the land of Ube is not my lord's. They send to +Aiṭugama every day saying thus: <q>Come and take +the land of Ube completely.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>O lord, as the city Timašgi in the land of Ube +is at thy feet, so also is the city Qaṭna at thy feet. +And, my lord, with regard to my messenger, I ask +for life, (and a)s I do not fear with regard to the +field-troops of my lord, that the field-troops of my +lord will come, as he will send (them) forth to me, I +shall re(tire) into the city Qaṭna.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Thus the trouble spread, and the Hittites and their +allies took possession of the territories south of the +tracts referred to, trying, at the same time, to win +over to their side the governors who were faithful. All +this time posing as a friend of the Pharaoh, Etagama +complained of the others, particularly Namya-waza, +one of Egypt's most trustworthy allies, who, in a +<pb n='291'/><anchor id='Pg291'/> +letter couched in the usual humble style of the period, +announces his readiness to serve <q>with his horses and +chariots, and with his brothers, and with his SA-GAS, +and with his Sutites, along with the hired soldiers, +whithersoever the king his lord should command him.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Now in this letter there is one noteworthy fact, and +that is, that the SA-GAS and the Sutites are mentioned +together as the allies of an important vassal of +the Egyptian king, the latter being apparently wandering +hordes of plunderers (see above, p. <ref target='Pg283'>283</ref>), whom +Kadašman-Muruš, king of Babylonia, sent from east +to west <q>until there were no more.</q> This took place +at a somewhat later date, so that they still roamed +about the eastern portion of the country, between +Palestine and Babylonia, apparently giving their services +to any power which might desire to make use of +them. +</p> + +<p> +The question of the identification of the troops +or bands of warriors designated by the Akkadian +compound SA-GAS is, however, of still greater +importance. Most Assyriologists regard them as +being identical with the Ḫabiri, mentioned in the +letters of Abdi-tâbu or Ebed-tob. This, of course, is +possible, but it is unfortunate that no direct confirmation +of this identification exists. In the bilingual +lists of Babylonia and Assyria, the expression +SA-GAS, duly provided with the determinative +prefix indicating a man or a class of men, occurs, +and is always translated by the word <foreign rend='italic'>ḳabbatu</foreign>, the +probable meaning of which is <q>robber,</q> from the root +<foreign rend='italic'>ḫabātu</foreign>, <q>to plunder</q>. It is also noteworthy that +there is a star called SA-GAS, and this is likewise +rendered by the same word, namely, <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabbatu</foreign>. The +fact that it is once provided with the determinative +<foreign rend='italic'>ki</foreign> (<q>place</q>) does not help us, for this may be simply +an oversight or a mannerism of the scribe. Moreover, +the difficulty of identifying the SA-GAS with the +<foreign rend='italic'>Ḫabiri</foreign> of the inscriptions of Abdi-ṭâba is increased +<pb n='292'/><anchor id='Pg292'/> +by the word occurring in these texts (Winckler's No. +216, l. 11), followed by the explanation (<foreign rend='italic'>amēlūti +ḫabati</foreign>), an arrangement which we find in others of +these letters, when an ideograph has to be explained; +and when they are, as here, Akkadian ideographs and +Babylonian words, the second is always the pronunciation +of the first—never the alternative reading. +Indeed, in the present case, such an explanation +would be misleading instead of helpful (were the word +SA-GAS to be read <foreign rend='italic'>Ḫabiri</foreign>), for the scribe tells you +to read it <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabati</foreign>—the same word as is given in the +bilingual lists, but spelled with one <emph>b</emph> instead of two. +</p> + +<p> +In all probability, therefore, the <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabati</foreign> were wandering +hordes differing from the Sutites in not having +any special nationality, and being composed of the +offscourings of many peoples of the ancient East. +They were probably included in the <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabiri</foreign>, together +with the nations with which they were afterwards +associated. The <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabiri</foreign> were not the Hebrews, neither +the word nor the date being what we should expect +for that nationality, who were still in Egypt. The +best identification as yet published is that of Jastrow, +who connects it with the Hebrew Heber, the patronymic +of various persons. Better still, however, would +be the Heb. <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>ḥaber</foreign>, pl. <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>haberim</foreign>, <q>companions,</q> also +used of tribes joined together to form a nation. +Whether an advance guard of the Hebrews is to be +included in this term or not, must be left to the +judgment of the student. +</p> + +<p> +The gradual loss of the districts south of Damascus +in all probability followed. A letter from Mut-Addu +(the only one from him) to Yanḫamu speaks of the +cities of the land of Garu (identified—though the +identification is not quite satisfactory—with the Heb. +Gur), namely Udumu (identified by Petrie with +Adamah, though the form does not agree so well as +might be wished, and Udumu is the usual way of +rendering the word Edom, which is referred to in the +<pb n='293'/><anchor id='Pg293'/> +cuneiform inscriptions both as a land and a city), +Aduri (Petrie: et-Tireh), Araru (Petrie: Arareh), Meštu +(Petrie: Mushtah), Magdali (Magdala), Ḫini-anabi +(Ain-anab, if rightly identified—there is a certain +difficulty in the word possessing a guttural at the +beginning and not likewise as the first letter of the +second component—probably 'Anab, south-west of +Hebron, the Anab of Josh. xi. 21), and Sarki. At this +time, according to the tablet, Hawani and Yabiši +(Jabesh) had been captured. It is probably on +account of the occupation of the country by so +many hostile tribes that the protest of Burra-buriaš +of Babylonia (see p. <ref target='Pg281'>281</ref>) was sent, but it was in all +probability exceedingly difficult for the Egyptian king +to afford any protection whatever to the caravans +which passed through the disaffected area. +</p> + +<p> +One of the things which the Tel-el-Amarna letters +show very clearly is, that it must have been very +difficult for the Pharaoh to know who were his friends +and who were his enemies among the rulers of the +Philistines. The Amorite Abdi-Aširta and his allies +were from the first desirous to throw off the Egyptian +yoke, but this prince at the same time constantly +sent letters to Amenophis IV. protesting his fidelity. +Other chiefs who were hostile to Egypt are Etakama, +the sons of Lab'aya, Milkîli, Yapa-Addu, Zimrêda of +Sidon, Aziru, and others. On the king's side were +Namyawaza, who held Kumidi (Petrie: Kamid-el-Lauz), +Rib-Addi, whose chief cities were Gebal, +Beyrout, and Simyra, Zimrêda of Lachish, and Abdi-ṭâba +of Jerusalem. Numbers of chiefs, at first faithful, +went over to the enemy when they saw the +success of the league against the foreign power. +</p> + +<p> +It is impossible to suppose that the letters now +known (about three hundred in number) represent all +the correspondence which passed between Palestine +and Egypt concerning the state of the country during +the reigns of Amenophis III. and IV., and from the +<pb n='294'/><anchor id='Pg294'/> +time the troubles there commenced, complaints and +applications for help must have claimed the attention +of the Egyptian translator literally in shoals. One of +the most remarkable of these is the letter from the +people of Dunip, who say that, in consequence of the +state of things in Palestine, they belong no longer to +the king of Egypt, to whom they had been sending +for twenty years, but their messengers had been +retained. Their prince (to all appearance) had been +taken back to Egypt by the king's orders, after he +had allowed him to return to his country, so that they +had not seen him again. <q>And now Dunip, thy +city, weeps, and its tears flow, and there is no one to +take our hands (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> help us). We have sent to the +king, the lord, the king of Egypt, and not a single +word from our lord hath reached us.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Were they really sorry to be no longer under +Egyptian rule? or were they merely desirous that +their prince should be restored to them? +</p> + +<p> +During this period, naturally enough, recriminations +were going on on every side. Those who were faithful +very properly made complaints and uttered warnings +concerning those who were unfaithful. The +waverers, the unfaithful, and the hostile, on the other +hand, were continually asserting their fidelity, and +accusing those who were really well-disposed towards +Egypt of all kinds of hostile acts against the supreme +power. This is evident from the correspondence of +Abdi-ṭâba of Jerusalem, who, in one of his letters, +writes as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(T)o the king my lord say also thus: <q>It is Abdi-ṭâba, +thy servant. At the feet of my lord the king +twice seven times and twice seven times I fall. What +have I done against the king my lord? They back-bite—they +slander<note place='foot'>Thus in the original—apparently Abdi-ṭâba thought that +<q>they backbite</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>îkalu karsi</foreign>) might not be understood.</note> me before the king my lord, +(saying): <q>Abdi-ṭâba has fallen away from the king +<pb n='295'/><anchor id='Pg295'/> +his lord.</q> Behold, (as for) me, neither my father nor +my mother set me in this place—the arm of the +mighty king caused me to enter into the house of my +father. Why should I commit a sin against the king +my lord? As the king my lord lives, I said to the +commissioner of the king (my) lord: <q>Why love ye +the Ḫabiri and hate the gover(nors)? it is on account +of this that they utter slander before the king my +lord.</q> Then he said: <q>The countries of the king my +lord have rebelled, therefore they utter slander to the +king my lord.</q></q></q> +</p> + +<p> +The ruler of Jerusalem then seems to say, that the +king had placed a garrison in some city or other, but +it had been taken, apparently by Yanḫamu—there +was no longer a garrison (in that place). The king's +cities under Ili-milku had revolted, the whole of the +land of the king was lost, so let the king have care for +his land. He would like to go to the king, to urge +him to take action, but the people in his district were +too mighty for him, and he could not leave it. As +long as the king lived, and as long as he sent a commissioner, +he would continue to give warning. If +troops were sent that year, things would be saved, +otherwise the king's lands would be lost. Abdi-ṭâba +ends with an appeal to the scribe to place the matter +clearly before the king. +</p> + +<p> +Another very important letter from Abdi-ṭâba is as +follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(T)o the king my lord, (my) Sun, (say also) thus: +<q>It is Abdi-ṭâba, thy servant. Twice seven times and +twice seven times I fall down before the feet of the king +my lord. Behold, the king my lord has set his name +to the rising of the sun and the setting of the sun. +The slandering which they slander against me! +Behold, I am not a governor, the king my lord's magnate. +Behold, I am an officer of the king, and have +brought the tribute of the king. (As for) me, it was +not my father nor my mother—it was the arm of the +<pb n='296'/><anchor id='Pg296'/> +mighty king who set me in the house of my father. +(When so and so),<note place='foot'>The name is lost.</note> the commissioner of the king, returned +to me, 13 prisoners (?) (and a certain number<note place='foot'>The number is lost.</note>) +of slaves I gave. Šûta, the commissioner of the king, +came (back t)o me; 21 girls (and) 20<note place='foot'>This number is incomplete.</note> (?) prisoners I +gave (in)to the hand of Šûta (as) a gift for the king +my lord. Let the king take counsel with regard to +his land—the land of the king, all of it, has revolted, +it has set itself against me.<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>taken hostility against me.</q></note> Behold, (as for) the lands +of Šêri (Seir) as far as Guti-kirmil (Gath-Carmel), the +governors have allied themselves<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>there is alliance to all the governors.</q></note> and there is hostility +against me. Even though one be a seer, one wishes +not to see the tears of the king my lord, when enmity +exists against me. As long as ships were in the midst +of the sea, the power of the mighty king took Naḫrima +(Naharaim) and the land of Kašsi,<note place='foot'>The scribe has left out a wedge in the middle character, +making the name <foreign rend='italic'>Kapasi</foreign>.</note> but now the Ḫabiru +have taken the cities of the king. There is not one +governor for the king my lord—all have rebelled. +Behold, Turbazu has been killed at the gate of the +city Zilû, (and) the king (?) remained inactive. Behold, +(as for) Zimrêda of the city of Lakisu (Lachish), +(his) servants lay in wait for him (?), they took (him) +to kill (?) (him). Yapti'-Addu has been killed (at) the +gate of the city of Zilû, (and) the king remained inactive +... ask (?) him ... (let) the kin(g have care +for his land, and let) the king give attention ... (let +him send) troops to the land of (the city of Jerusalem, +(?), and) if there are not troops this year, the +whole of the lands of the king my lord are lost. They +do not tell the king my lord (this). When the country +of the king my lord is lost, then are lost (also) all the +governors. If there be not troops this year, let the +<pb n='297'/><anchor id='Pg297'/> +king direct his commissioner and let him take me—(send +him) to me with my brothers, and we will die +with the king my lord.</q> (To the) scribe of the king +my lord (say also thus): <q>It is Abdi-ṭâba, (thy) +servant. (I fall down) at (thy) feet. Cause (my) +words to enter (pl)ainly to the king (my lord). I am +thy (faith)ful servant.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +The final phrase resembles that of an English +letter. +</p> + +<p> +According to Petrie, Sêri is Shaaraim (Josh. xv. 36), +now <foreign rend='italic'>Khurbet es-Sairah</foreign>. If the character read as <foreign rend='italic'>gu</foreign> +in Guti-Kirmil (Winckler, Gin(?)ti-Kirmil) be correctly +drawn in the official published copy, there is +considerable doubt as to the reading of the first +syllable of this interesting name. Zilû, where Turbazu +and Yapti'-Addu were killed, is identified by Petrie +with Zelah, north of Jerusalem. This letter gives an +excellent illustration of the state of the country at the +time. +</p> + +<p> +In another letter Abdi-ṭâba explains how all the +lands had concluded a bond of hostility against him, +and the districts of Gezer, Askelon, and Lachish had +supplied these people with food. After this comes +the usual request for troops, and the indication that, +if troops be sent <q>this year,</q> the situation would be +saved—next year there would be neither countries nor +governors for the king (in Palestine). <q>Behold, this +land of the city of Jerusalem, neither my father nor +my mother gave it to me—the power of the mighty +king gave it to me, (even) to me.</q> <q>See,</q> he continues, +<q>this deed is the deed of Milki-îli, and the +deed of the sons of Lab'aya, who have given the land +of the king to the Ḫabiri.</q> He then goes on to speak +of the Kaši, who seem to have supported the confederates +with food, oil, and clothes. Next follows +what Paura, the king's commissioner, had told him +about the disaffection of Adaya. Caravans had been +robbed in the field of the city of Yaluna (Ajalon), but +<pb n='298'/><anchor id='Pg298'/> +Abdi-ṭâba could not prevent this: <q>(I mention this) +in order to inform thee.</q> <q>Behold, the king has +placed his name in the land of Jerusalem for ever, and +the forsaking of the lands of Jerusalem is not possible.</q> +After this comes the usual note to the scribe in +Egypt, followed by a postscript referring to the +people of Kâsi, disclaiming some evil deed which had +been done to them. <q>Do not kill a worthy servant +(on that account</q>). +</p> + +<p> +Yet another letter refers to Milki-îli and Lab'aya: +<q>Behold, has not Milki-îli fallen away from the sons of +Lab'aya and from the sons of Arzawa to ask the land +of the king for them?<note place='foot'>Apparently meaning that Milki-îli, pretending to be faithful +to the king of Egypt, intended to ask him, later on, for the +territory governed by Lab'aya and Arzawa, in order to give it +back to them, they having forfeited it by their rebellion.</note> A governor, who has done +this deed, why has the king not called him to account +for this?</q> The narrative breaks off where Abdi-ṭâba +begins to relate something further concerning Milki-îli +and another named Tagi. When the text again +becomes legible, Abdi-ṭâba is again referring to the +fact that there is no garrison of the king in some +place whose name is lost. <q>Therefore—as the king +lives—Puuru (= Pauru) has entered it—he has departed +from my presence, (and) is in the city of Gaza. +So let the king indicate to him (the necessity) of a +garrison to protect the country. All the land of the +king has rebelled. Send Ya'enḫamu (Yanḫamu), and +let him become acquainted with (lit. let him know) +the country of the king (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> the true state of affairs</q>). +Here follows a note to the scribe in Egypt similar to +that translated above. +</p> + +<p> +One of the most interesting and instructive of the +letters of Abdi-ṭâba is that which Petrie regards as +the latest of the series; and on account of its importance, +it is given in full here— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(To) the king, my lord, (s)ay also thus: <q>It is +<pb n='299'/><anchor id='Pg299'/> +(Abdi)-ṭâba thy servant. At the feet of the (ki)ng +my lord twice seven times and twice seven times +I fall down. (Behold, the deed) which Milki-îli and +Šu-ardatum have done to the land of the king my +lord has been successful (?). The men of the city +of Gazri (Gezer), the men of the city of Gimti +(Gath), and the men of the city of Kîlti (Keilah) +have been captured. The land of the city of +Rubute has revolted. The land of the king (belongs +to) the Ḫabiri. And now, moreover, a city of the +land of Jerusalem, the city Beth-Ninip (<q>House</q> or +<q>Temple of Ninip</q>)—(this is) its name—has revolted +to the people of Kîlti. Let the king hearken to +Abdi-ṭâba thy servant, and let him send hired soldiers, +and let me bring back the land of the king to the +king. And if there be no hired soldiers, the land of +the king will go over to the men, the Ḫabiri. This +deed (is the deed of) Šu-ardatum (and) Milki-îli ... +city ... and let the king care for his land.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +Whether the fall of Jerusalem followed or not is +doubtful; nor is it certain that the Egyptians were +ultimately driven out. Other letters seem to show +how the influence of those whom Abdi-ṭâba calls the +Ḫabiri, and others the Ḫabati—the <q>confederates</q> +and the <q>plunderers</q>—spread still farther southward. +Naturally more information is required to enable it to +be known in what manner the Egyptians tried to +retrieve their position, and how it was that Amenophis +IV. delayed so long the sending of troops. All the +governors who were in the least degree faithful to +Egypt united in repeatedly warning him as to what +was taking place, and urging him to send troops. +Had the rebellion or invasion—whichever it was—been +nipped in the bud, Palestine would have remained +a faithful Egyptian province. All the king +did, however, was to send his commissioner, and, +occasionally, exhorting and even threatening letters, +which had in all probability little or no effect, except +<pb n='300'/><anchor id='Pg300'/> +to excite a little mild amusement on account of their +erratic spelling. A very noteworthy communication +of this class is the following— +</p> + +<p> +The King Of Egypt Rebukes The Prince Of +The Amorites. +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>(To) the Amorite say then thus, (<q>It is the king</q>). +The king thy lord (hath hear)d thus: <q>The Gebalite +whose brother drove him from the gate (hath spoke)n +to thee thus: <q>Take me and cause me to enter into +my city, (and a reward) then let me give thee—yea, +however much, (though) it be not with me.</q> Thus +did he speak to thee.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Writest thou (no)t to the king thy lord (th)us: <q>I +am thy servant like all the former governors who +(were each) in the midst of his city</q>? But thou +doest wrong to receive a governor whose brother +hath driven him from his gate out of his city.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>And (whilst) dwelling in Sidon, thou deliveredst +him to the governors as was thy will. Knewest thou +not the hatred of the people?</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>If thou be in truth a servant of the king, why +hast thou not made possible his transmission to the +presence of the king thy lord, (saying) thus: <q>This +governor sent to me thus: <q>Take me to thee, and +cause me to enter into my city</q></q>?</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>And if thou hast done according to right, then +all the matters are not true concerning which thou +wrotest: <q>They are trustworthy,</q> for the king thought +thus: <q>All that thou hast said is not correct.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>And behold, the king hath heard thus: Thou art +in agreement with the man of Kidša (Kadesh), food +and drink together have ye supplied. And be it +true, why doest thou thus? why art thou in agreement +with a man with whom the king is on bad +terms? And if thou hast done according to right, +and hast regard to thy opinion, then his opinion +<pb n='301'/><anchor id='Pg301'/> +existeth not. Thou hast no care for the things which +thou hast done from the first. What hath been done +to thee among them (the disaffected ones), that thou +art not with the king thy lord?</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Behold, those who attract(?) thee to themselves +seek to throw thee into the fire; and it is kindled, +and thou findest everything very satisfactory.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>And if thou do homage to the king thy lord, +what is there which the king would not do for thee? +If on account of anything thou wish to work evil, and +if thou set evil, and words of hate, in thine heart, +then by the king's ax shalt thou die, together with +all thy family.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>So do homage to the king thy lord, and thou +shalt live. And thou knowest, even thou, that the +king desireth not to attack the land of Kinaḫḫi +(Canaan), the whole of it.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>And as thou hast sent thus: <q>Let the king leave +me this year, and let me come in the second year +before the king, my lord—my son is not here to ...;</q> +behold, then, the king thy lord will grant thee this +year, according as thou hast said. Come thou (or if +thy son, send), and thou shalt see the king at the +sight of whom all the lands live. And say not thus: +<q>Let him leave me this year in addition.</q> If it be +not possible to go into the presence of the king thy +lord, direct thy son to the king thy lord instead. +He (need) not (stay with thee), let him come.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>And, behold, the king thy lord hath heard that +thou hast written to the king thus: <q>Let the king +my lord allow Ḫanni, the king's messenger, to come +a second time and let me cause the enemies of the +king to be taken back by his hand.</q> Behold, he hath +come to thee, as thou hast said, and leave not one of +them behind. Behold, the king thy lord causeth to +be brought to thee the names of the enemies of +the king in this letter at the hands of Ḫanni, the +king's messenger, so cause them to be brought to the +<pb n='302'/><anchor id='Pg302'/> +king thy lord, and do not leave one of them (behind). +And brazen bonds shall be placed on their feet. Behold, +the men whom thou shalt cause to be sent to +the king thy lord (are):</q> +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Šarru with all his sons;</q></l> +<l>Tûya;</l> +<l>Lêya with all his sons;</l> +<l>Wišyari with all his sons;</l> +<l>The son-in-law of Mania (or Ma-ili-ia) with his sons, (and) with his wives;</l> +<l>The <foreign rend='italic'>pa-maḳâ</foreign> of Ḫanni the <foreign rend='italic'>pa-itêiu</foreign> (? messenger) who reads (this) message;</l> +<l>Dâ-šartî; Pâlûma;</l> +<l>Nimmaḫê, the <foreign rend='italic'>ḳapadu</foreign> in the land of Amurru.</l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +<q><q>And mayest thou know: well is the king, like the +Sun in Heaven; his soldiers and chariots are many. +From the upper country as far as the lower country, +(from) sunrise as far as sunset (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> from the extreme +east to the extreme west), great is the prosperity.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance Amenophis IV. trusted too much +to his own prestige, and that of the country over +which he ruled. He was <q>the son of the Sun,</q> <q>like +unto the Sun in Heaven,</q> <q>the king at the sight of +whom all the lands live,</q> and naturally took it for +granted that he was everywhere looked upon with the +same veneration as in his own country. +</p> + +<milestone unit='tb' rend='rule: 50%'/> + +<p> +As may easily be imagined, the expulsion of the +Egyptians from Palestine left the country in a very +disturbed state, and marauding bands, having no +longer anything to do in the way of wresting territory +from the Egyptians, must have given considerable +trouble to the native princes and governors, now once +more independent in their own territories. +</p> + +<p> +The loss of Palestine, on the other hand, probably +brought with it a certain amount of loss of prestige +<pb n='303'/><anchor id='Pg303'/> +to Egypt, which must have endured for some time. +In any case, the Egyptian kings who succeeded +Amenophis IV. seem to have made no attempt to +regain the lost provinces. +</p> + +<p> +Ankh-kheperu-Ra, the king who succeeded the +ruler just named, lived for a while at Tel-el-Amarna, +during which time, in all probability, the tomb of his +predecessor's six daughters was finished. Several +rings of this king exist, on two of which he calls +himself <q>beloved of Nefer-kheperu-Ra</q> (or, in accordance +with the indications of the Tel-el-Amarna +tablets: Nafar-khoperu-Ria) and <q>beloved of Ua-en-Ra,</q> +names of Amenophis IV. During his reign the +worship of the sun's disc (Aten, or, if the derivation +from the Semitic Adon, <q>lord,</q> be correct, Aton) +began to give way to that of the national gods of +Egypt. He reigned thirteen years (1365-1353 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), +and was succeeded by Ra-kheperu-neb (1353-1344). +The paintings in the tomb of Hui at Thebes show +that tribute was still received from the Syrians +(Rutennu), as well as from the people of Kush in +the Soudan. Evidently the road was being paved +for the conquest of the lost provinces of Syria. +</p> + +<p> +After this came a ruler who seems to have held +the throne only on account of his wife being of royal +blood. According to Petrie, he was <q>divine father +Ay,</q> and his wife's name was Ty. He reigned thirteen +years (1344-1332 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>). During his reign a complete +reversion to the old worship took place. +</p> + +<p> +Ay's successor, Ra-ser-kheperu (Hor-em-heb), 1332-1328 +<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, was apparently also a commoner, and is +identified (Petrie) with the Hor-em-heb who was +general in an earlier reign. He is represented being +adored by negroes and Asiatics. +</p> + +<p> +One or two other obscure names occur, and then +begins the reign of king Rameses I., who came to +the throne about 1300 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> This reign was short +enough, but there is hardly any doubt that in it the +<pb n='304'/><anchor id='Pg304'/> +prosperity of Egypt was renewed. From the treaty +of the Khita with Rameses II., the grandson of +Rameses I., we learn that the latter had a war with +the Khita, and from the fact that he founded a storehouse +for the temple of his divine father Hor-khem, +and filled it with captive men-servants and maid-servants, +we may conclude that he was fairly successful +in his warlike expeditions. +</p> + +<p> +With his son, Seti (Sethos) I., or Meneptah (<q>beloved +of Ptah</q>), we attain firmer ground. In the very +first year of his reign he warred in the east, among +the Shasu Bedouin, <q>from the fortress of Khetam +(Heb. Etham) in the land of Zalu, as far as Kan'ana +(Canaan).</q> Kadesh, at that time a city of the Kheta +(it had apparently fallen into the hands of the Hittites +during the reign of Amenophis IV.), was conquered +by him. Not only the Hittites, however, but also +Naharain (Naharaim), the country of which Dušratta of +old had been king, upper and lower Rutennu (Canaan +and North Syria), Sinjar, the island of Cyprus, and +Cappadocia, felt the force of his arms. His son, +Rameses II., was associated with him on the throne, +and afterwards succeeded him. This took place +about 1300 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> It is to this ruler that the glory of +the name of Rameses is principally due, and his +grandfather, the first who bore it, shines mainly with +a reflected light. +</p> + +<p> +It is impossible here to do more than touch upon +such of the details of his career as are essential +in the present work. In all probability he is best +known on account of his expedition into Syria, and +the conquest of the Hittites, who, as recorded in the +celebrated heroic poem of Pentaur, were allied with +a number of other tribes, including the people of +Naharaim, Aleppo, Gauzanitis, the Girgashites (?), +Carchemish, etc. The result was success for the +Egyptian arms, and the Hittites, on the whole, submitted, +though some of the towns acknowledging +<pb n='305'/><anchor id='Pg305'/> +Hittite rule, notably Tunep, refused to accept Egyptian +suzerainty, necessitating another expedition, the result +of which was, that the Egyptians found no more +opposition to their overlordship. In his eighth and +succeeding years he fought against the Canaanites, +and in his descriptions of his operations there, many +familiar names are to be found—names of great +interest to all students of ancient Oriental history. +It was in his eighth year, according to the texts in +the Ramesseum, that he conquered Shalam (Salamis +W. of Capernaum, according to Prof. Flinders Petrie), +Marom (Merom), the spring of Anamimi (identified +with Anamim), Dapur (identified with Tabor by +Brugsch), and many other places. +</p> + +<p> +Rameses II. is generally regarded as the Pharaoh +of the Oppression, and one of the tasks placed upon +the oppressed Israelites was the building of his store-cities, +Pithom (Pi-tum, discovered by M. Naville when +excavating for the Egypt Exploration Fund) and +Raamses, the Pi-Ramessu of the inscriptions, concerning +which there is a very interesting letter by +an Egyptian named Panbesa, who visited it. As +Brugsch says: <q>We may suppose that many a +Hebrew, perhaps Moses himself, jostled the Egyptian +scribe in his wandering through the gaily-dressed +streets of the temple-city.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The successor of Rameses, Meneptah II., is hardly +the son which one would expect to follow such a +father. According to Brugsch, he does not rank with +those Pharaohs who transmitted their remembrance +to posterity by grand buildings and the construction +of new temples. And the monolith found by Petrie +in 1896 seems to imply that his lists of conquests +were not always so trustworthy as could be wished. +Nevertheless, the reign of Meneptah is one of the +greatest importance, for it was he, to all appearance, +who was the Pharaoh of the Exodus, as seems also +to be proved by the same document. As this is a +<pb n='306'/><anchor id='Pg306'/> +text of the very first importance, a translation of the +concluding lines is given here— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Kheta (the land of the Hittites) is in peace, +captive is Canaan and full of misery, Askelon is +carried away, Gezer is taken, Yennuamma is non-existent, +Israel is lost, his seed is not,<note place='foot'>So Naville and others.</note> Syria is like +the widows of Egypt. The totality of all the lands +is at peace, for whoever rebelled was chastised by +king Meneptah.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Now the statement concerning Israel has given +rise to a considerable amount of discussion. Naville +regards the reference to the condition in which the +Israelites were as indicating that they had left Egypt, +and were wandering, <q>lost</q> in the desert. There is +also some probability that the expression, <q>his seed +is not,</q> may be a reference to the decree of the +king, who commanded the destruction of the male +children of the Hebrews, which command, he may +have imagined, had been finally carried out. The +question also naturally arises, whether the last phrase, +<q>whoever rebelled was chastised by king Meneptah,</q> +may not have a reference to the Israelites, who, +from their own showing, were sufficiently peremptory +in their demands to be allowed to proceed into the +wilderness to sacrifice to their god, to bring down +upon themselves any amount of resentment. +</p> + +<p> +Exceedingly noteworthy, and in many respects +startling, however, are the researches and statements +of Dr. Edouard Mahler. Following Spiegelberg as +to the meaning of the phrase containing the name +of the Israelites, <q>Jenoam has been brought to naught; +Israel, the horde, destroyed his crops</q>—a statement +which hardly seems worthy of the honour of being +inscribed on the memorial stele of a king of Egypt—is +the rendering he suggests. The translation of the +word <foreign rend='italic'>feket</foreign> (which is rendered by other Egyptologists +as <q>annihilated, lost,</q> or in some similar way) by +<pb n='307'/><anchor id='Pg307'/> +<q>horde,</q> allows the learned chronologist to suggest, +that the ideographs accompanying the word Israelites +indicate that they had already entered the Holy +Land, and were trying to obtain a foothold there. +</p> + +<p> +Having made these statements, he proceeds to +examine the whole question. He asserts the correctness +of the view, that Amosis, the founder of the +eighteenth dynasty, was the prince who knew not +Joseph. The first king of this new dynasty, he +calculates, came to the throne two years after Joseph's +death. With regard to the reign of Rameses II., he +refers to the festival of the Sothis period which was +celebrated in the thirtieth year of his reign. Starting +from this period,<note place='foot'>Sothis rose heliacally on the 9th of Epiphi of the 9th year +(1545 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>) of Amenophis I. Amosis, his predecessor, ruled +twenty-two years, so that his first year must be 1575 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +Subtract 240 years, the period of oppression, from 1575, and we +obtain 1335 as the date of the Exodus.</note> which, according to Oppolzer, +was renewed in the year 1318 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, he calculates that +the first year of Rameses II. was 1347 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and that the +Exodus took place in his thirteenth year, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> 1335 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +According to the <hi rend='italic'>Pirke di Rabbi Elieser</hi>, Dr. Mahler +says, the departure of the Israelites is said to have +taken place on a Thursday. <q>This view is also held +in the Talmud (cf. Sabbath 87B), and the <hi rend='italic'>Shulchan-Aroch</hi> +also maintains that <emph>the 15th Nisan, the day of +the Exodus, was a Thursday</emph>. This all agrees with +the year <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> 1335, for in that year the 15th Nisan +fell on a Thursday, and indeed on <emph>Thursday the 27th +of March (Julian calendar)</emph>.</q> +</p> + +<p> +If we accept the theory that Rameses II. was the +Pharaoh of the Exodus, and that the Exodus took +place in 1335 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, then Moses, who was eighty years +old at the time of the Exodus, must have been +born in the year 1415 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> the fifteenth year of +Amenophis III. Now the chief wife of this ruler +was queen Teie (see p. <ref target='Pg275'>275</ref>), a woman who was certainly +<pb n='308'/><anchor id='Pg308'/> +of foreign, probably Asiatic, race. In all +probability, therefore, Teie, being an alien and of a +different religion from the Egyptians, was not by any +means in favour with the Egyptian priesthood, however +much the Pharaoh may have delighted in her. +The daughter of such a woman, as will easily be +understood, would find little or no opposition to the +adoption by her of a child of one of the Hebrews, +an Asiatic like her mother. This, of course, would +explain excellently how it was that Moses came to +be adopted and educated by an Egyptian princess at +her father's court, and that he had no real sympathy +with the people among whom he lived, though it +raises somewhat of a difficulty, for it is hard to understand +how the Egyptian king, sympathizing, as we +may expect him to have done, with Asiatics, should +have ordered the destruction of their children. Nevertheless, +circumstances may easily have arisen to cause +such a decree to be issued. Another difficulty is, to +explain who the people hostile to Moses were, who +in the thirteenth year of Rameses II. died (Exod. iv. +19). This has generally been understood to be the +king and one or more of his advisers, though this +objection, like the other, really presents no difficulty +worthy of the name, as there was no indication that +the king was included. +</p> + +<p> +Of course there is no statement to the effect that +Pharaoh was killed with his army by the returning +flood after the Israelites crossed the Red Sea (in Ps. +cxxxvi. 15 he must be regarded as having been +overwhelmed therein in the persons of his warriors, +who suffered the fate which ought to have stricken +also the king), so that little or no difficulty exists in +this portion of the narrative.<note place='foot'>Mahler suggests that it was one of the sons of Rameses II. +who met with his death in the Red Sea when pursuing the +departing Israelites.</note> On the other hand, a +difficulty is got rid of if we suppose that the Exodus +<pb n='309'/><anchor id='Pg309'/> +took place in the time of Rameses II. Dr. Mahler +points out, that Meneptah was succeeded by his son +and heir, User-kheperu-Ra', who did not die, but +reigned thirty-three years. The eldest sons of Rameses +II., on the other hand, all died during their father's +lifetime, and it was the fourteenth of his numerous +progeny who ultimately came to the throne. +</p> + +<p> +Dr. Mahler clinches the matter by making the +plague of darkness to have been a solar eclipse. +</p> + +<p> +Whatever may be the defects of Dr. Mahler's +seductive theory, it must be admitted that it presents +fewer difficulties than any other that has yet been +put forward, and on that account deserves special +attention. +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='310'/><anchor id='Pg310'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter IX. The Nations With Whom The Israelites Came +Into Contact.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +The Amorites—The Hittites—The Jebusites—The Girgashites—Moab. +</quote> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Amorites.</head> + +<p> +The earliest mention of the Amorites in the Old +Testament is the passage in Gen. x. 16, where the +name occurs along with that of the Jebusites and the +Girgashites, from which may be gathered that they +were all three very powerful tribes, though their +power is in all probability not to be measured by the +order of their names, the most important of the three +being the Amorites, whose name comes second. +They were regarded by the ancient Jews as an +iniquitous and wicked people (Gen. xv. 6; 2 Kings +xxi. 11), though they may not, in reality, have been +worse than other nations which were their contemporaries. +That they were a powerful nation is implied +by the statement in Gen. xlviii. 22, where Jacob +speaks of the tract which he had taken out of the +hand of the Amorite with his sword and his bow, as a +feat of which a warrior might be proud. +</p> + +<p> +The Amorites in Babylonia have already been +referred to in Chap. <ref target='Chapter_V'>V.</ref>, and from that part of the +present work it will easily be understood that they +were an extensive and powerful nationality, capable, +with organization, of extending their power, as they +<pb n='311'/><anchor id='Pg311'/> +evidently did from time to time, far and wide. Indeed, +as has been pointed out, there is great probability +that the Babylonian dynasty called by Berosus +Arabic, was in reality Amorite. In any case, the +kings of this dynasty held sway over Amoria, as +the inscription of Ammi-ṭitana, translated on p. <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref>, +clearly shows. The importance of this nationality in +the eyes of the Babylonians is proved by the fact +that their designation for <q>west</q> was <q>the land of +Amurrū,</q> and the west wind was, even with the +Assyrians, <q>the wind of the land of Amurrū</q> (though +the Hittites, in Assyrian times, seem to have been +the more powerful nation), and this designation of +the western point of the compass probably long outlived +the renown of the nationality from which the +expression was derived. Among other Biblical passages, +testifying to the power of the Amorites, may +be quoted as typical Amos ii. 9, 10, and in this the +Babylonian and the Hebrew records are quite in +agreement. +</p> + +<p> +As has been pointed out by Prof. Sayce, in process +of time a great many tribes—Gibeonites, Hivites, +Jebusites, and even Hittites—were classed as Amorites +by the ancient Jewish writers, a circumstance which +likewise testifies to the power of the nationality. These +identifications must be to a large extent due to the fact +that all the tribes or nationalities referred to were +mountaineers, and, as we have seen (p. <ref target='Pg122'>122</ref>), the Akkadian +character for a mountainous region or nationality, +stood not only for Armenia, and the land of the +Amorites, but also for the land of Akkad, because the +Akkadians came from a mountainous country, perhaps +somewhere in the neighbourhood of the mountains of +Elam. This character was pronounced Ari when +it stood for Amoria, but ceased to be used for that +on account of its signifying also the mountainous +region of Armenia, and Akkad, for which it still +continued to be employed, and it is only the context, +<pb n='312'/><anchor id='Pg312'/> +in many cases, which enables the reader to gather +which is meant. Other groups used for Amoria were +the sign for foot, twice over (sometimes with one +of them reversed), [Cuneiform], and [Cuneiform], the ordinary +pronunciation of which is Saršar, though it is probable +that the latter was pronounced, in Akkadian, like the +former, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Tidnu. In the inscriptions of Gudea, +viceroy of Lagaš about 2700 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, there occurs the +name of a country called Tidalum, <q>a mountain of +Martu,</q> from which a kind of limestone was brought. +This Hommel and Sayce regard as another form of +Tidnu, by the interchange of <emph>l</emph> and <emph>n</emph>, which is not +uncommon in Akkadian. The fact that Martu is also +used in the inscriptions for Amurrū, (the land of) the +Amorites, and also, with the prefix for divinity, for +the Amorite god (<foreign rend='italic'>îlu Amurrū</foreign>), which was introduced +into Babylonia at an exceedingly early date, confirms +this explanation. In all probability there is not at +present sufficient data for ascertaining the dates when +these names first appear, but Tidnu or Tidalu was +probably the earlier of the two. +</p> + +<p> +What the exact boundaries of the district were are +doubtful. Prof. Sayce, after examining the Tel-el-Amarna +tablets, comes to the conclusion that it denoted +the inland region immediately to the north of +the Palestine of later days. In this Petrie concurs, +the country being, according to him, the district of +middle and lower Orontes, and certainly covering a +large area. This, of course, would be the position of +the tract over which they held sway in the earlier +ages, but later they must have extended their power +so as to embrace the Jebusites (Jerusalem), and even +Mamre in Gen. xiv. 13. From this wide extension of +the dominions of the Amorites in the book of the +Bible dealing with the earliest period of Jewish history, +and from the fact that the Assyro-Babylonians used +the word to indicate the west in general, it is clear +that the Amorites occupied a wide tract in the earlier +<pb n='313'/><anchor id='Pg313'/> +ages, and must have been pushed gradually back, +probably by the Babylonians under Sargon of Agadé, +leaving, however, centres of Amorite influence in the +south, which, when the power of Egypt, which followed +that of Babylonia, waned and disappeared, left +certain independent states under Amorite rulers. It is +thus that, at the time of the Exodus, we find Og ruling +at Bashan, who had threescore cities, all the region of +Argob, his chief seats being Edrei and Ashtaroth. +This ruler and his people were of the remnant of the +Rephaim, regarded by Sayce as of Amorite origin +(Hastings's <hi rend='italic'>Dictionary of the Bible</hi>, under <q>Amorites</q>). +Whatever doubt there may be, however, about the +origin of the Bashanites, there is none concerning +Sihon king of the Amorites dwelling more to the +south. A man of great courage and daring, he had +driven the Moabites out of their territory, obliging +them to retreat across the Arnon. On the entry of +the Israelites, he gathered his troops and attacked +them, but was defeated and killed. Josephus (<hi rend='italic'>Ant.</hi> +iv. 5, sect. 2) has some curious details of this battle, in +which he states that the Amorites were unable to +fight successfully when away from the shelter of their +cities, but in view of their successes against the +Moabites, we may be permitted to doubt this. +</p> + +<p> +In the Tel-el-Amarna tablets the ruler of the +Amorites is apparently Abdi-Aširti,<note place='foot'>Also Abdi-Aširta, Abdi-Ašratum.</note> who, with his +son Aziru, warred successfully against Rib-Addi (Rib-Hadad), +governor of Phœnicia, driving him from +Ṣumuru and Gublu (Gebal), which last city was occupied, +according to Petrie's analysis, by the two hostile +parties in turn. Naturally there are a great many +recriminations on the part of Rib-Addi against Abdi-Aširti +on account of the hostility between them, and +the former is constantly complaining to the Pharaoh +of what the latter had done, frequently calling him +a dog, and once seemingly referring to the Amorites +<pb n='314'/><anchor id='Pg314'/> +as <q>dogs.</q> (Elsewhere Abdi-Aširti applies this word +to himself as an expression of humility.) His letters +to the king of Egypt, however, are merely assurances +of fidelity, and are all short:— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>To the king my lord say then thus: <q>(It is) Abdi-Aštarti, +the king's servant. At the feet of the king my +lord I fall down—seven (times at) the feet of the king +my lord, and seven times again (?) both front part and +back. And may the king my lord know that strong +is the hostility against me, and let it be acceptable +before the king my lord, and let him direct one of the +great men to protect me.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q><q>Secondly, the king my lord has sent word to me, +and I have heard—I have heard all the words of the +king my lord. Behold, the ten women forgotten (?) I +have brought</q></q> (?). +</p> + +<p> +(It is here worthy of note, that he does not, in this +letter, call himself Abdi-Aširti, <q>servant of the Ashera,</q> +but Abdi-Aštarti, <q>servant of Astarte,</q> using the +Assyro-Babylonian ideograph for Ištar, the original +of the goddess in question. On another document +from him, the word is spelled out, Ab-di-aš-ta-ti, in +which the scribe intended to write Ab-di-aš-ta-ar-ti, +but omitted the last character but one. Yet another +letter gives his name as Abdi-Aš-ra-tum, in the second +element of which we must see another form of Abdi-Aširti, +unless the scribe has also made a mistake in +this case, and written Ašratum for Aštaratum, which +is just possible. In any case, it shows a close connection +between the goddess Aštarte or Ištar, and the +Ashera, which was in Palestine, at that date, and for +centuries before and after, her emblem. To be the +servant of the one was to be the servant of the other, +though the bearer of the name seems to have the desire +rather to be considered the priest of the goddess. +Even unintentional variants in names furnish valuable +contributions at times to comparative mythology.) +</p> + +<p> +If there are but few letters from the father, there is +<pb n='315'/><anchor id='Pg315'/> +a sufficient number, and of considerable extent, from +the son. He, too, is the faithful servant of the +Pharaoh, and he writes also to Dûdu (a form of the +name David) and Ḫâi, telling of the difficulties which +he had with regard to the king of the Hittites. It is +apparently this prince to whom the Pharaoh writes in +the letter translated on pp. <ref target='Pg300'>300-302</ref>, a circumstance +which leads to the belief that the complaints of Rib-Addi +with regard to Abdi-Aširti and his son Aziru were +well-founded. That the king of Egypt asks therein +for the delivery to him of certain persons whom he +names, implies that he had trustworthy information +as to who the intriguers were, and though apparently +willing to give Aziru the benefit of the doubt, he +certainly did not hold him blameless. +</p> + +<p> +It will probably be long ere the true order of these +letters is known, and until this be found, much of the +history of the period to which they refer must necessarily +remain uncertain. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Hittites.</head> + +<p> +Another nationality which took a predominant part +in the politics of ancient Palestine is the Hittites. To +all appearance they were a later power than the +Amorites, as their name does not occur in the inscriptions +of Babylonia and Assyria until a comparatively +late date, whilst the Amorites are mentioned 2200 years +before Christ, and their name had become the common +Assyro-Babylonian expression for <q>the west.</q> That +the Hittites were nevertheless of considerable antiquity, +however, is implied by the presence of the sons +of Heth at Mamre in the time of Abraham, who +purchased from Ephron the Hittite the cave of Machpelah +in that place. It is difficult to assign to these +people any definite limits, especially in early times, +but it seems certain that they began to act far in the +north, and gradually extended their power southwards. +<pb n='316'/><anchor id='Pg316'/> +In the times of Joshua, the tract between the +Lebanon and Euphrates is described as theirs, and +their domain was, in fact, the country to the north of +Palestine. It was no doubt due to their predominating +power that the Assyrians of later days called the +whole of Palestine <q>the land of Ḫatti,</q> a designation +not altogether correct, but sufficient for their purpose, +namely, that of indicating the position of the nationalities +enumerated. Nevertheless, it had some justification, +several colonies of these people inhabiting that +district, as is indicated by Gen. xxiii. 3, xxv. 10; +Numbers xiii. 29, etc. The statement in Ezekiel xvi. +3, that the father of Jerusalem was an Amorite and +its mother a Hittite, shows what was the opinion of +the more learned Jews of the time in the matter. +</p> + +<p> +The earliest mention of the Hittites outside the +Bible is in the Egyptian monuments, where, in the +annals of Thothmes III., it is recorded for the year +1470 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, that the king proceeded to the banks of the +Euphrates, and received tribute from <q>the greater</q> +land of the Hittites. In the year 1463 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, the king +of this district again paid tribute. During the reign +of Thothmes IV., grandson of Thothmes III., the +relations between the two countries must have +changed, and the Egyptian king had to repel an +attack made by the Hittites upon Tunib (now Tennib) +in Northern Syria. This hostile policy was continued +by them also at a later date, for the successors of +Thothmes IV., Amenophis III. and his son, Amenophis +IV., had often to oppose the Hittite king, who +either attacked Northern Syria, or stirred up strife +among the Egyptian vassals in Canaan. +</p> + +<p> +Here, again, the Tel-el-Amarna tablets come in, +and supply a mass of details. At times the Ḫatti +still send tribute, both to Amenophis III. and IV., +but at the close of the reign of the former, hostilities +again broke out, the Hittites being, to all appearance, +the aggressors. Dušratta, king of Mitanni, writes +<pb n='317'/><anchor id='Pg317'/> +that he sends to the king of Egypt tribute of the +spoils which he had taken from the Ḫatti; and the +king of Nuḫašše, who bears the Assyrian name of +Addu-nirari, and whose grandfather had been appointed +by Thothmes III., complains that the king +of the Ḫatti is against him, and asks for help. From +these and other statements it would seem, that whoever +was on the side of the king of Egypt was the +enemy of the Hittites, and therefore to be attacked +by them. Akizzi, king of Qatna, complains in one of +the letters that the Ḫatti had burned down a city, and +reports in another that they had tried to win him over +to their side. Aziru, another prince in the neighbourhood, +complains that the king of Ḫatti has entered +Nuḫašše, and for this reason he could not leave his +own territory to go to the king of Egypt. At the +end of one of his communications, Akizzi states that +the Sun-god had taken away the king of the Ḫatti, +but as no name is given, any historical importance +which this fact might have is greatly minimized. In +other letters they are spoken of as despoiling the +princes of Gebal, capturing a personage named Lupakku +and the cities of Amki <q>even from the cities of +Aaddu</q> (or Bin-Addu = Ben-Hadad). As we have +seen (pp. <ref target='Pg288'>288-289</ref>), at least a portion of them was led +by Etakama of Kinza. +</p> + +<p> +As is well known, a large number of hieroglyphic +inscriptions of a people regarded as the Hittites exist, +and many attempts have been made to translate them. +In addition to these, there are many sculptures, mostly +on rocks, and still <foreign rend='italic'>in situ</foreign>. The most remarkable of +these are at Bogaz Keui, Eyouk, Iasili-Kaia, Ghiaour-kalesi, +Doganlu-deresi, Ibriz, Eflatun-bunar, Karabeli, +and elsewhere in Asia Minor, as well as at Jerabis +(anciently called Carchemish), Hamah (Hamath), and +monuments of the Hittites have even been found at +Babylon. How they came to this last place is not +at present known, but they may have formed part +<pb n='318'/><anchor id='Pg318'/> +of the spoils brought from the west by any of the later +conquerors (such a supposition would probably be +better than attributing to them a very early date), or +sent thither as presents or as specimens of Hittite +work. It is noteworthy that the inscriptions, with the +exception of the bowl brought from Babylon, are all +in relief and boustrophedon. A large number of seals, +both of the ordinary kind and cylindrical, are known, +and though there are bilingual inscriptions (Hittite +and Babylonian), none of them are of sufficient length +to make them really serviceable in translating other +texts in the same character. +</p> + +<p> +Notwithstanding the great difficulty attending such +a task as the translation of these inscriptions, a certain +amount of success has been attained. Those who +have advanced the study most are Prof. Sayce in +England, and Profs. Jensen and Hommel in Germany. +It will be many years, however (unless some unexpected +help come to light), before renderings in any +real sense of the word useful can be made. +</p> + +<p> +In the opinion of Prof. Sayce, Cappadocia was the +earliest home of this nationality, which spread thence +in every direction (except, perhaps, northwards), and +made itself master of a part of Palestine, from which +circumstance the district came to have, in Assyrian +literature, the name of <q>the land of Ḫatti.</q> Though +later than the Amorite invasion, it nevertheless took +place at a very early date, as is shown by the fact that +Abraham had dealings with Ephron, a Hittite or +<q>son of Heth.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Coming down to a later date, it is interesting to see +what is said about them by the kings of Assyria. +Tiglath-pileser I. (about 1120 B.C.) says as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<q>... 4000 Kaškaians (and) +Urumaians, people of the land of Ḫattê, +disobedient, who in their strength +had taken the cities of Subarte, subject +<pb n='319'/><anchor id='Pg319'/> +unto the god Ašur, my lord, +heard of my march to Subarte; +the brilliance of my power overwhelmed them, +they feared the conflict, my feet +they embraced. +With their goods and II. <foreign rend='italic'>sos</foreign> (120) +of chariots of their system of yoking<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>chariots of the harness of their yoke.</q></note> +I took from them, and delivered to the +people of my land.</q> +</quote> + +<p> +Farther on in his record, Tiglath-pileser I. states +that he collected his chariots and warriors, and took +to the desert, going to the border-people of the Arameans, +enemies of Ašur his lord. From before the +land of Sūḫi (the Shuhites) as far as the city Carchemish +of the land of Ḫattê, he boasts of having plundered +in a single day, slaughtering their soldiers, and taking +back to his own country all their property. Some of +them fled across the Euphrates, followed by the +Assyrians in boats of skins, and the result of this +flight to seek safety was, that six of their cities at the +foot of the mountain known as Bišru, were taken, +plundered, and destroyed. +</p> + +<p> +In other passages of his record also, this king refers +to certain districts which were undoubtedly Hittite, +but without calling them by that name. One of these—the +interesting description of his operations in +Commagene—is especially worthy of notice. It reads +as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>In those days the people of Qurḫê, who had come +with the people of Kummuḫi to save and help the land +of Kummuḫi, I caused to go down like <foreign rend='italic'>šûbe.</foreign><note place='foot'>Prof. Sayce translates <q>like moon-stone I laid low.</q></note> The +corpses of their warriors I heaped up in heaps on the +tops of the mountains, the carcases of their warriors the +river Namê took forth to the Tigris. Kili-Tešub son +of Kali-Tešub, whom Irrupi put to flight (?), their king, +<pb n='320'/><anchor id='Pg320'/> +my hand took in the midst of the battle. His wives, +children, offspring of his heart, his force, III. <foreign rend='italic'>sos</foreign> (180) +plates of copper, 5 censers of bronze, with their gods, +(objects) of gold and silver, and the best of their +property, I carried off. Their spoil and their goods I +sent forth, that city and its palace I burned with fire, +destroyed (it), laid (it) waste.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>The city Urraḫinaš, their stronghold, situated in +the land of Panari, fear dreading<note place='foot'>Or <q>fear which dreaded.</q></note> the glory of Ašur, +my lord, overwhelmed them; to save their lives they +carried away their gods (and their goods), they fled to +the peaks of the lofty mountains like a bird. I collected +my chariots and troops, (and) crossed the Tigris, Ša-di-Tešub, +son of Ḫattu-šar, king of Urraḫinaš, not to +be captured in his own country, took my feet. The +children, offspring of his heart, and his family, I took +as hostages. I. <foreign rend='italic'>sos</foreign> (60) plates of copper, libation-vases +of bronze, offering-dishes of bronze, great ones, +with II. <foreign rend='italic'>sos</foreign> (120) men, oxen, sheep, tribute and gifts, +he brought, (and) I received it. I had mercy on him, +spared his life, (and) set the heavy yoke of my dominion +over him for ever. I captured the wide land of +Kummuḫi to its (whole) extent (and) made it submit +to my feet. At that time I offered one bronze offering-dish +and one bronze libation-vase of the spoil and +gifts of the land of Kummuḫi to Ašur my lord, (and) +I. <foreign rend='italic'>sos</foreign> of copper plates, with their gods, I presented to +Hadad who loveth me.</q> +</p> + +<p> +In the above extract the names containing that of +the god Tešub show clearly that we have here to do +with nationalities in the neighbourhood of Mitanni +(see p. <ref target='Pg277'>277</ref>), and a close relation with the Hittites is +suggested by the other name Ḫattu-šar, father of +Šadi-Tešub, which is an analogous formation to +Ḫattu-šil, the Kheta-sir of Egyptologists, with whom +Rameses II. made a treaty (cf. p. <ref target='Pg304'>304</ref>). Another +reading of Ḫattu-šar is Ḫattuḫi, a name which Prof. +<pb n='321'/><anchor id='Pg321'/> +Sayce translates, <q>the Hittite,</q> in the second series of +the <hi rend='italic'>Records of the Past</hi>, vol. i. p. 97, note 2. In the +same passage he analyzes the name of the city Urraḫinaš +as being derived from Urra, with the termination +<foreign rend='italic'>ḫi-naš</foreign>, denoting in Vannite, <q>the place of the people +of.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Another interesting reference to the Hittites is that +of the Assyrian king Aššur-naṣir-âpli, renowned for +his cruelty. The king ruling at the time was Sangara, +who had as his capital the city of Carchemish. The +text reads as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>I drew near to the land of Carchemish. The +tribute of Sangara, king of the land of Ḫatte—20 +talents of gold, bangles (?) of gold, rings of gold, +swords of gold, 100 talents of bronze, 250 talents of +iron, dishes of bronze, vases of bronze, libation-vases +of bronze, a brazier of bronze, and the numerous vessels +of his palace, the weight of which was not taken; +couches of oak, chairs of oak, tables of oak and +ivory inlaid, 200 slave-girls (or virgins), cotton stuffs, +woollen cloth, white and black and white and grey, +white marble (?), tusks of elephants, a white chariot, +an umbrella of gold filled with overlaying (?), the +ornament of his royalty, I received. The chariots, +horses, (and) grooms of the city Carchemish, (of the +Hittites<note place='foot'>These words <foreign rend='italic'>(ša mât Ḫat-ta-a-a</foreign>) are inserted in this place +in squeeze 84.</note>) I set (aside) for myself.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The riches and importance of the city of Carchemish +are here well indicated, and to all appearance the place +maintained its position to the end, long after the power +of the Hittites had completely disappeared. Indeed, +as will be recognized from the above, Sangara has +every appearance of having been a local ruler, implying +that the district under Hittite control was already +broken up into small states practically independent of +each other. Another prince of the Hittites, in the +neighbourhood of Diarbekir, from whom this Assyrian +<pb n='322'/><anchor id='Pg322'/> +king received tribute was <q>the son of Baḫiani.</q> +Apparently he was called thus on account of his +ancestor, Baḫiani, being chief of a tribe, the district +over which he ruled bearing, in Aššur-naṣir-âpli's +second reference to it, the name of Bît-Baḫiani, <q>the +house of Baḫiani.</q> The special products of this tract +are well indicated by the nature of the gifts sent to +the Assyrian king: <q>chariots, harness, horses, silver, +gold, lead, bronze, and vessels of bronze.</q> That these +Hittite districts paid tribute so submissively would +seem to indicate that they had no coherence among +themselves, and did not feel called upon to aid each +other in time of need. +</p> + +<p> +Sargon of Assyria, who claims to have subjugated +all the land of the Hittites, speaks, as do other Assyrian +kings, of the people of Hamath, and what he did to +Ilu-bi'idi or Yau-bi'idi, their king. This, too, was +the capital of a Hittite principality, and it is in the +modern town of Hamah, in which form the name still +survives, that the so-called <q>Hamah-stones,</q> now +generally regarded as Hittite, were found. +</p> + +<p> +The disappearance of the Hittite confederate states +(if such they really were), and the rise in their place +from time to time of other powers, caused the +Assyrians, who regarded this territory as their own +special possession, won by conquest, to apply to the +whole district the name of mât <foreign rend='italic'>Ḫatti</foreign>, <q>the land of +Heth,</q> which would seem to have included (probably +in its extended sense) Samaria, Sidon, Arvad, Gebal, +Ashdod, Beth-Ammon, Moab, Edom, Askelon, and +Judah.<note place='foot'>See the list, p. <ref target='Pg374'>374</ref> (with <ref target='Pg373'>373</ref> and <ref target='Pg378'>378</ref>). Amurrū (Amoria, p. +374) appears as in Ḫatti (p. <ref target='Pg373'>373</ref>), or synonymous with it.</note> It thus, to all appearance, took the place of +the ancient <q>land of the Amorites</q> (not, however, +when indicating the points of the compass), and in +this the inscriptions of Esarhaddon and Aššur-banî-âpli +agree. +</p> + +<p> +What the influence of the Hittites over the nations +<pb n='323'/><anchor id='Pg323'/> +contemporary with them may have been is difficult to +estimate. The Assyrians, to all appearance, borrowed +from them a certain style of architecture, used for the +entrance-hall of the royal palaces. Their style of art, +of which numerous examples are preserved, shows that +they had made considerable progress, and that they +had individuality as artists. Neither in sculpture nor +in engraving of hard stone, however, did they ever +attain to the exquisite fineness and finish of the best +work of the artists of Babylonia and Assyria. The +subjects, too, seem to be usually more grotesque, +though this suggestion, which their work gives, may +be due merely to our ignorance of their religious +beliefs and the legends on which the designs were +probably based. +</p> + +<p> +The inscribed vase in the British Museum, and +the inscribed figure found by the German explorers +at the same place have already been referred to +(pp. <ref target='Pg317'>317-318</ref>), and it has been suggested as probable +that they were sent as presents to one or more +of the Babylonian kings, though the possibility that +they were part of the spoils of an expedition to that +part of the world, or specimens of Hittite art carried +off at a later date, when the nations producing them +had passed away, are also probable explanations. In +any case, they seem to show that there were, at some +period or other, political relations between the Hittites +and the Babylonians. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Jebusites.</head> + +<p> +The importance of the Jebusites, who were, to all +appearance, but a small tribe, lies in the circumstance, +that their capital and stronghold, at the time the +Israelites entered the Holy Land, was Jerusalem. In +consequence of this, Jerusalem is mentioned, in one +or two places (Jud. xix. 10; 1 Chron. xi. 4, 5, etc.), +apparently poetically, under the name of Jebus, perhaps +<pb n='324'/><anchor id='Pg324'/> +so called by the Jebusites because of its being +the capital of their tribe. The original name of the +city, however, as we know from Gen. xiv. and the +Tel-el-Amarna tablets (see p. <ref target='Pg239'>239</ref>), was Uru-salim. +When the Jebusites took possession of the city, +however, is unknown, but in all probability neither +Melchizedek nor Abdi-ṭâba belonged to the race. +</p> + +<p> +Apart from the references to this tribe in connection +with Jerusalem, there is no indication as to its origin +and race. The name of their ruler, Adoni-zedek, +however, seems to show clearly that they were Semites, +and we may suppose, with Driver, that they were +Canaanites (Hastings, <hi rend='italic'>Dict. of the Bible</hi>, s.v.). It is +apparently one of the tribes of which the Babylonian +and Assyrian inscriptions know nothing as a body, but +the name of Yabušu, which would be the old form +of Jebus, occurs in a contract tablet of the time of +the first dynasty of Babylon (about 2200 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), and, +if really the name of the tribe, as it would seem to be, +confirms its antiquity, as indicated by the references +to it in Genesis. +</p> + +<p> +It is not improbable that future discoveries will +give us more information concerning this tribe, interesting +principally on account of its having come into +contact with the Jews. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Girgashites.</head> + +<p> +This nation, descended from the fifth son of Canaan, +seems to have inhabited the tract on the western +bank of the Jordan, and on that account was not +within easy reach of the Babylonians and Assyrians. +The name, it is thought, is closely connected with +that of Gergesa, where Christ healed the demoniac, +and allowed the evil spirits to enter into the herd of +swine which then ran down the slope into the sea. +This Gergesa has, in its turn, been identified with +Kersa, a ruined town near the mouth of the Wady +<pb n='325'/><anchor id='Pg325'/> +Samakh. If this be the case, there is some probability +that the Girgashites are the Kirkišāti of a tablet from +Assyria which seemingly contains an early historical +record, or an historical legend. Whether the Kirkišāti +be identical with the Girgashites or not, the text +is of sufficient importance to make it a valuable +record, and a translation of the more perfect and +interesting of the lines is given here— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Gazzāni to the resting-place he has decided upon,<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>of his decision.</q></note></q></l> +<l>to the fortress camp of Kirkišāti,</l> +<l>to Zakar-gimilli (king?) of the Siḫites,</l> +<l>to wide-spreading Kirkišāti,</l> +<l>to Ḫarri-si'iši, to Dûr-Dungi,</l> +<l>and the neighbourhood of Tengurgur (?) may he go forth, and</l> +<l>to the land of Ḫalman, the place to which his eyes are set, may he go.</l> +<l>By the command of the enemy, the Lullubite, may he accomplish (it)—</l> +<l>As for him, his horses, his soldiers, his chariots, in peace to the land of Ḫalman have approached, and the enemy, the Lullubite,</l> +<l>whether from before him, or from beside him, or from his right,</l> +<l>or from his left, did not cease (?) from him, and shall not destroy him,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>shall not make him fail, shall not cause him to diminish.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +That the majority of the countries mentioned are +near to Babylonia, is against the probability that Kirkišāti +(if it be a country) is the land of the Girgashites, +unless Ḫalman be Aleppo, and not the Mesopotamian +tract of the same name; or unless, being a <q>numerous +people,</q> they had sent out colonies to the neighbourhood +<pb n='326'/><anchor id='Pg326'/> +of Babylonia, as did the Amorites; or emigrants, +like the Jebusites. Whatever be the explanation, +however, the above fragment is exceedingly interesting, +the more so, that in the first line of the extract +as given above, the person spoken of is to all appearance +Gazzāni, which is possibly the completion of the +name of the father of Tudḫula, and is written, as far +as it is preserved, in the same way.<note place='foot'>See p. <ref target='Pg224'>224</ref>.</note> +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that the prefix for country is +absent in every case, except that of Ḫalman. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Moabites.</head> + +<p> +Concerning the early history and state of the +Moabites we get no information from the inscriptions +of Babylonia and Assyria, though the name Muab +occurs on the base of one of the six colossal inscriptions +at Luxor (<hi rend='italic'>Patriarchal Palestine</hi>, p. 21). +For a time, in all probability, it was like an Egyptian +province, or, at least, greatly under Egyptian influence. +It is not until comparatively late times that the +Moabites come before us in Assyrian history, and +the same thing may be said with regard to the +Edomites, Ammonites, and other petty states. As +these will be referred to incidentally in the chapters +which follow, it has been thought well not to treat +of them here, in order to avoid repetition as much as +possible. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='327'/><anchor id='Pg327'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter X. Contact Of The Hebrews With The Assyrians.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +Aššur-naṣir-âpli II.—Shalmaneser II.—Tiglath-pileser III. +(Pul)—Shalmaneser IV. (Elulaeus)—Sargon—Sennacherib—Esarhaddon—Aššur-banî-âpli +(the great and noble Asnappar)—The +downfall of Assyria. +</quote> + +<p> +The Hebrew commonwealth had come into being, +and given place to a monarchy, which, passing through +many vicissitudes, reached its highest pitch of glory +in the time of David and Solomon, to suffer, after the +death of the latter, diminution by the falling away of +the ten tribes. Thus weakened, the two parts of what +had been erstwhile a powerful whole became tempting +morsels to any power whose ruler was ambitious of +conquest. It was probably more from unwillingness +to attack with but little chance of success than inability +from inherent weakness which caused the +Assyrians to refrain whilst the nation was united. +Generally, the kings of Assyria preferred making +conquests nearer home, and Tukulti-Ninip I., who +reigned in the 13th century <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, annexed Babylonia +and ruled there for seven years, Assyrian predominance +in that land coming to an end on his death, which was +due to a revolt, in which his son, Aššur-naṣir-âpli, took +part. Though this was a check to Assyrian ambition +in that quarter, its kings returned from time to time +to the attack, but with very varying success, which +probably caused them to turn their attention to other +districts as the field of their warlike zeal. Tukulti-Ninip +II. (891-885 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>) and his son, Aššur-naṣir-âpli +II., therefore aimed at the conquest of the north and +<pb n='328'/><anchor id='Pg328'/> +west, and though the latter came into conflict with +Babylonia, no permanent accession of territory resulted +therefrom. +</p> + +<p> +It seems not to have been until somewhat late in +his reign that he reached, in his numerous expeditions, +the Mediterranean Sea, <q>the great western sea,</q> or +<q>the great sea of the land of Amurrū,</q><note place='foot'>The land of the Amorites.</note> as he calls +it. Here, after performing ceremonies to the gods +of Assyria, he received the tribute of the kings of +the sea-coast—<q>of the land of the Tyrians, the land +of the Sidonians, the land of the Gebalites, the land +of the Maḫallatites, the land of the Maizites, the land +of the Kaizites, the land of the Amorites, (and) the +city of Arvad, which is amid the sea.</q> This is +followed by a list of the objects received, and the +statement that they (the rulers) paid him homage. +Having thus spied out the nakedness of the land, +and ascertained the willingness of the rulers to give +tribute, the Assyrian king proceeded to the mountains +of Ḫamanu (Amanus), and cut beams of cedar, +cypress, and other wood for the temple Ê-šarra, for +his house or temple (apparently that in which he +worshipped), <q>a house of rejoicing, (and) for the +temple of the moon and the sun, the glorious gods.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Shalmaneser II., son of Aššur-naṣir-âpli, during the +first six years of his reign, warred, like his father, +on the north and west, his object being to complete +what his father had begun, namely, the subjugation +of the territory of Aḫuni, son of Adini, king of +Til-barsip. This having been successfully accomplished, +he was free to turn his attention to the more +southern regions of the old land of the Amorites. In +the year 854 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, therefore, he marched against +Giammu, a ruler whose land lay on the river Belichus. +To all appearance this chief wished to resist, but his +people feared the power of the Assyrian king, and +put Giammu to death. Taking possession of the +<pb n='329'/><anchor id='Pg329'/> +district, he then proceeded to further successes, and +after crossing the Euphrates again in boats of skins, +he received the tribute of the kings on the farther side—Sangara +of Carchemish, Kundašpu of Commagene, +Aramu the son of Gusu, Lallu the Milidian, Ḫaianu +the son of Gabaru, Kalparuda of the Patinians, and +Kalparuda of the Gurgumians, <q>(at) the city Aššur-uttir-aṣbat, +of the farther side of the Euphrates, +which is upon the river Sajur, which the men of the +Hittites call the city Pitru</q> (Pethor). Having reached +Aleppo, he received also tribute there, and offered +sacrifices before Hadad of Aleppo. +</p> + +<p> +Next came the turn of Irḫulêni of Hamath (Amatâa), +whose cities Adennu, Pargâ, and Arganâ were +captured and spoiled, and his palaces set in flames. +</p> + +<p> +<q>From Arganâ I departed, to Qarqara I drew +near: Qarqara, his royal city, I ravaged, destroyed, +(and) burnt with fire. One thousand two hundred +chariots, 1200 yoke of horses, 20,000 trained soldiers +of Adad-'idri (= Bin-Adad-idri = Ben-Hadad) of Ša-imērišu +(= the province of Damascus); 700 chariots, +700 yoke of horses, (and) 10,000 soldiers of Irḫulêni +of the land of the Hamathites; 2000 chariots (and) +10,000 men of Aḫabbu (regarded as Ahab) of the land +of the Sir'ilites (regarded as the Israelites); 500 men +of the Guites; 1000 men of the Musrites; 10 chariots +(and) 10,000 men of the Irqanatites; 200 men of +Matinu-ba'ali of the city of the Arvadites; 200 men +of the land of the Usanatites; 30 chariots (and) +10,000 men of Adunu-ba'ali of the land of the +Šianians;<note place='foot'>Or Šizanians.</note> 1000 camels of Gindibu'u of the Arbâa +(regarded as the Arabians); ... 00 men of Ba'asa son +of Ruḫubu of the land of the Amanians (Ammonites)—these +12<note place='foot'>Only eleven are mentioned.</note> kings he took to aid him, (and) to make +war and battle they advanced against me. With +the supreme powers which Aššur, the lord, has +given; with the mighty weapons which <foreign rend='italic'>ura-gala</foreign> +<pb n='330'/><anchor id='Pg330'/> +(Nergal<note place='foot'>The god of death and battle.</note>) going before me, has presented (me), I fought +with them. From the city Qarqara as far as the city +Gilzau<note place='foot'>Thus in the inscription, but translators generally read +<foreign rend='italic'>Gilzanu</foreign>.</note> I made an end of them. Fourteen thousand +of their warriors I caused to be slain with the sword. +Like Hadad I caused a torrent to rain down upon +them....</q> +</p> + +<p> +Such is the account of the first recorded contact +of the Assyrians with the Jews—that is, if Sir'ilâa be +rightly rendered <q>Israelites</q>; as to Ahab, there may +have been more than one of the name, just as there +were two Kalparudas, he of the Patinians, and he of +the Gurgumians. Nevertheless, the probability that +it really is Ahab of Israel is great, and this theory is +held by most Assyriologists. +</p> + +<p> +In truth, however, the Hebrew and the Assyrian +histories of this period are not altogether easy to +reconcile. Ben-Hadad II., the son and successor of +Ben-Hadad I., was in almost continual conflict with +the Israelites. The story is told in 1 Kings xx., +according to which Ben-Hadad entered into an +alliance with thirty-two other kings, who, with their +armies, horses, and chariots, besieged Samaria. Too +full of confidence, he sent to Ahab of Israel, who +was in the besieged city, demanding his surrender, +the second time with terms more than usually humiliating. +In consequence of the words of a prophet who +is unnamed, the rejection of these terms was followed +by a sortie of the inhabitants, who seem to have +taken the besiegers unawares, whilst they were feasting +and drinking in their over-confidence. The result +was the raising of the siege, and the complete defeat +of the allied forces. +</p> + +<p> +The next attack of Ben-Hadad upon Ahab was +at Aphek, he hoping to obtain a victory over the +Israelites because he considered their God to be a god +<pb n='331'/><anchor id='Pg331'/> +of the mountains, and that they would not be under +his protection in the plains. Here, too, the Israelites +were victorious, and Ben-Hadad submitted, and agreed +to restore cities taken by his father (xx. 34), and to +allow the Israelites to build streets at Damascus +(probably as a quarter for Jewish merchants). +</p> + +<p> +Admitting the correctness of the general opinions +of Assyriologists concerning <foreign rend='italic'>Aḫabbu mât Sir'ilâa</foreign>, it +must have been between this period and his death +that he joined the Syrian league against Shalmaneser +II. of Assyria, with a force only half that of Ben-Hadad, +though his chariots were nearly twice as +many. Notwithstanding this, however, the Israelitish +troops were sufficiently numerous, and the defeat of +such a large army as that of the allies of the Syrian +league, and the slaughter of a total of 14,000 men among +them (another account says 20,500), many of them in +all probability Israelites, finds no place, strange to +say, in the sacred record, notwithstanding that the +Hebrew writers do not, as a rule, in the least object +to mentioning national defeat, and in this case it +would have been a most important thing to refer to, +the danger which threatened them and their allies +being such as promised to overthrow their national +existence altogether. Perhaps the compiler of the +sacred record, however, did not realize to the full +what the Assyrian invasion meant; or he may not +have desired to justify Ahab's policy (which, in view +of the danger which threatened, was a sound one), +and so discredit with the people the fanatical behaviour +and tragic warning of the prophet who +reproached the king so mercilessly because he had +made friends with Ben-Hadad instead of pressing on +against him in hostility, even to the death. +</p> + +<p> +The Rev. Joseph Horner (<hi rend='italic'>Proceedings of the Society +of Biblical Archæology</hi>, 1898, p. 244), besides bringing +in the chronological difficulty, which is very real, in +spite of Prof. Oppert's <foreign rend='italic'>Noli me tangere</foreign> (P.S.B.A., +<pb n='332'/><anchor id='Pg332'/> +1898, pp. 24-47), notes (pp. 237, 238) the difficulty of +the name. This is the only place where Israel is +called in the Assyrian inscriptions Sir´ilâa—in all +other passages it is <foreign rend='italic'>bît Ḫumrî</foreign>, <q>the house of Omri,</q> +or <foreign rend='italic'>mât bît Ḫumrî</foreign>, <q>the land of the house of Omri,</q> +and he regards it as incredible that a name never +used before, and never afterwards found, should be +employed. Elsewhere, when speaking of Jehu, Shalmaneser +calls him <q>son</q> or <q>descendant of Omri,</q> +apparently intending thereby to indicate his nationality, +for, as is well known, the relationship expressed +is not correct. +</p> + +<p> +Nevertheless, allowance must be made for the uncertainty +attending the introduction into the literature +of a country of a name with which the people, including +the scribes, are unfamiliar. Ḫumrî or Omri +may have been, to the scribe who composed the +account given by the Black Obelisk, very much +easier to remember than the comparatively unfamiliar +Sir´ilâa, and it may have been felt that the form used +was not by any means certain—Isra´ilâa would, in +fact, have been much better. The scribe of the +monolith, however, may have inserted what he felt +to be the Assyro-Babylonian form of the name, for +something very similar to Sir´ilâa (or Ser´ilâa) exists +in the Sar-îli of a contract tablet of the reign of +Ammi-zaduga, translated in the <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Royal +Asiatic Society</hi>, 1897, pp. 594-595 (cf. p. 157). +</p> + +<p> +But, as before remarked, the chronological difficulty +still remains, the date, from Hebrew sources, being, +according to Prof. Oppert, before 900 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> (the last +year of Ahab), whilst, according to Assyrian chronology, +it should be 853 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> (cf. Sayce in Hastings's +<hi rend='italic'>Dictionary of the Bible</hi>, vol. i. p. 272). +</p> + +<p> +The importance of the city of Hamath is well +indicated not only by the above extract, but also +by the numerous other passages where Irḫulēni (or +Urḫilēni) of Hamath is referred to. The Guites +<pb n='333'/><anchor id='Pg333'/> +were regarded by the late Geo. Smith as the Biblical +Goim—a rather doubtful identification. As for the +Musrites, the same scholar thought them to be the +Egyptians, Muṣrâa, <q>Muṣrites,</q> coming apparently +from Muṣur, the name of Egypt in the Assyrian +inscriptions. Others regard them as being a people +of the north, and this is more probable, though it +would perhaps be better to regard the name as unidentified. +The mention of <q>camels</q> in connection +with Gindibu'u of the Arbâa is regarded as stamping +the nationality referred to as being Arabic, and this +is very probable. In Ba'asa son of Ruḫubu of the +Ammonites we have the comparatively familiar +Biblical names Baasha and Rehob in their Assyrian +forms. It will therefore be seen that the extract +translated above is of considerable interest quite +independently of its historical bearings, which are +of great importance, whatever may be the ultimate +opinion concerning them. +</p> + +<p> +During the next three years Shalmaneser was +occupied on the west and north-west and in Babylonia, +so that it was not until 850 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> that he was again +able to turn his attention to the neighbourhood of +Palestine. +</p> + +<p> +The clemency of Ahab towards Ben-Hadad had +apparently ended, as has been seen, in an alliance +between the two nationalities, but that alliance did +not, to all appearance, last very long. There is every +probability that it was an unwilling one on the +part of Ben-Hadad, and in all probability he took +advantage of the death of Ahab to repudiate it. In +any case, Ben-Hadad is represented in 2 Kings vi. +24 ff., as again besieging Samaria, but with disastrous +results. What interval there was between his raising +the siege of Samaria and his death, the sacred +narrative does not say, but according to Assyrian +chronology, there should be from four to six years +at least (850-846 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>). +</p> + +<pb n='334'/><anchor id='Pg334'/> + +<p> +In the tenth year of his reign Shalmaneser II. of +Assyria crossed the Euphrates for the eighth time, and +advanced against Sangara of Carchemish, whose cities +he destroyed, made waste, and burned in the flames. +After this came the turn of Arame, whose capital +city, with one hundred other places around it, was +laid in ruins. Adad-idri of Damascus (Imēri-šu), +however, set himself, with Irḫulēni of Hamath, and +twelve of the kings of Syria, to resist the Assyrian +king. Shalmaneser claims to have defeated them, +put them to flight, and captured their chariots, horses, +and war-material. +</p> + +<p> +There is hardly any doubt, however, that his +success was not by any means what he desired and +expected, for he found himself obliged to march again +to the same region in his eleventh year, when he +crossed the Euphrates for the ninth time. On this +occasion he says that he destroyed ninety-seven cities +of Sangara of Carchemish and one hundred cities of +Arame. Having reached the edge of the Ḫamanu +(Amanus) range of mountains, he traversed the portion +named Yaraqu, and descended to the land of the +Hamathites, where he captured the city Aštamaku +and ninety-nine other places, defeating their armies +with great slaughter. Again he met Adad-idri, with +Irḫulēni of Hamath and the twelve <q>kings of the +sea-coast.</q> In the battle which follows he claims to +have defeated them and killed 10,000 of their fighting-men +with the sword. He also states that he took +their chariots, horses, and war-material. On his way +back he again turned his attention to Arame, capturing +his capital Apparazu. At that time he likewise +received the tribute of Kalparundu of the Patinians, +consisting of silver, lead, gold, horses, oxen, sheep, +and textile fabrics. Ascending again into the Amanus +mountains, he brought away a further supply of cedar-wood +for his palaces. +</p> + +<p> +In the two following years (648 and 647 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, +<pb n='335'/><anchor id='Pg335'/> +according to Assyrian reckoning), Shalmaneser was +not to all appearance engaged in any expeditions of +importance, or at least their importance is unknown. +In his fourteenth year, 846 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, however, he crossed +the Euphrates again, and met Ben-Hadad for the +last time. As before, the latter was in alliance with +Irḫulēni of Hamath and the <q>twelve kings of the +sea-coast above and below.</q> Again the Assyrian king +fought with them and defeated them, destroying their +chariots and teams, and capturing, as before, their +war-material, and <q>to save their lives, they fled.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Naturally all these historical details are of great +interest and value. The question naturally arises +whether, being so much alike in wording and results, +they may not all refer to the same expedition, which +the Assyrian king repeated to fill up his annals? As +a rule, however, the annals of the Assyrian rulers are +exceedingly correct, and there is consequently but +little reason to doubt the accuracy of Shalmaneser's +statements. It is noteworthy that, in all these descriptions +of expeditions to the west, twelve kings are +mentioned, whilst in the first instance eleven only are +enumerated, and in the other two the twelve are +spoken of as if in addition to Adad-idri and Irḫulēni +of Hamath. Ought we, therefore, to translate <q>the +twelve kings,</q> meaning the eleven which are referred +to along with and including Aḫabbu of the Sir'ilâa, +or are the twelve kings referred to in the account of +the second and third encounters with Ben-Hadad +merely an indefinite number, meaning <q>a dozen,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi><q>twelve +more or less</q>? As it is impossible that +Ahab of Israel should have been one of the Syrian +league all this time, the latter must be held to be +the more probable explanation—<q>In those days +Adad-idri of the land of Imēri-šu (and) Irḫulēni of +the land of Hamath with a dozen kings of the sea-coast +trusted each other's might, and came against +me to make war and battle.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='336'/><anchor id='Pg336'/> + +<p> +Notwithstanding all his efforts, however, as detailed +in his annals, Shalmaneser II. was still very far from +the subjugation of the <q>sea-coast,</q> as he calls Palestine +and Syria, and realizing that he had a hard task +before him, he returned to his own country and +occupied himself in the two following years in +Mesopotamia, Ararat, and Namri, south-east of +Assyria. The following year, 843 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, for the first +time during his reign, he was at peace, superintending +the felling of trees in the Amanus mountains for +use in the palaces of Assyria. This period of rest +was in all probability necessary to enable the army +to be reorganized for further campaigns in that part +of the world which he seems to have set his heart +upon subjugating. +</p> + +<p> +This being the case, he set out, in his eighteenth +year (842 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), and crossed the Euphrates for the +sixteenth time. This expedition, however, was not +against his old foe, Ben-Hadad or Adad-idri, but +against Ḫaza'-îlu, the Hazael of 2 Kings viii. 8, etc., +who had treacherously murdered his master, as +related in this passage, and seized the throne. Hearing +of the advance of the Assyrian army, he prepared +for resistance, as is related in the following narrative. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-viii.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Plates of Chased Bronze, which covered the Doors of an Enclosure at Balawat. (Left-hand portions, from right-hand leaf.) +(Found by Mr. H. Rassam, in 1878, and now in British Museum, Assyrian Saloon.) +I<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>.—The expedition of Shalmaneser II. to the land of Nairi (Mesopotamia). Sacrificing to the gods by throwing meat-offerings into the lake. March +of the army over the mountains. I<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>.—Siege and capture of the city Suguni, in Ararat. +II<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>.—Bringing to Shalmaneser "<hi rend='italic'>the tribute of the ships of Tyre and Sidon</hi>." II<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>.—March against the city Hazizi. Procession of prisoners. +III<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>. and III<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>.—Crossing the tributaries of the Euphrates by pontoon bridges. Receiving tribute from Adinu, son of Dakaru, of Enzudu. (Page 337.)</head> + <figDesc>Plate VIII.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +<q>In my 18th year I crossed the Euphrates for the +16th time. Ḫaza-'îlu of the land of Imēri-šu trusted +to the might of his troops, and called his troops +together in great number. Saniru, the peak of a +mountain which is before Lebanon, he made his +stronghold. I fought with him, I accomplished his +defeat: 16,000 of his fighting-men I slew with the +sword: 1121 of his chariots, 470 of his horses, with +his camp, I captured. He fled to save his life—I set +out after him. I besieged him in Dimašqu (Damascus), +his royal city. I cut down his orchards; I went to +the mountains of the land of Ḫauranu (the Hauran), +cities without number I destroyed, wasted, and burned +in the flames. Untold spoil I carried away. I went +<pb n='337'/><anchor id='Pg337'/> +to the mountains of Ba'ali-ra'asi</q> (Aramaic: <q>lord of +the promontory</q>), <q>which is a headland</q> (lit., <q>head of +the sea</q>)—<q>I set up an image of my majesty therein. +In those days I received the tribute of the Tyrians, +Sidonians, (and) of Yaua, son of Ḫumrî.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The description of this campaign given by the +Black Obelisk is as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>In my 18th year I crossed the Euphrates for the +16th time. Ḫaza'-îlu of the land of Imēri-šu came +forth to battle: 1121 of his chariots, 470 of his +horses, with his camp, I took away from him.</q> +</p> + +<p> +These two documents, as will easily be seen, are in +perfect accord, and the story they have to tell agrees +in its turn with that of the preceding years of +Shalmaneser's reign. Indeed, this text may be +regarded as confirming the opinions hitherto held +concerning the identity of Aḫabbu mât Sir'ilâa with +Ahab of Israel, and Adad-idri with Ben-Hadad of +Damascus. This, be it noted, is due to the fact that, +like Ben-Hadad, Adad-idri was succeeded by Hazael, +who, in both the Bible narrative and the annals of +Shalmaneser, is a contemporary of Jehu (Yaua, son +of Ḫumrî or Omri). The Black Obelisk, probably +for the sake of economizing space, does not refer to +the receipt of tribute from Jehu when speaking of the +battle with Hazael, on account of the bas-relief thereon +referring to that event. The following is the translation +of the epigraph in question which I gave in +1886<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Guide to the Nimroud Central Saloon</hi>, p. 31. This rendering +is based on a careful comparison of the inscription with the +bas-relief.</note>— +</p> + +<p> +<q>The tribute of Yaua, son of Ḫumrî: silver, gold, +a golden cup, golden vases, golden vessels, golden +buckets, lead, a staff for the hand of the king (and) +sceptres, I received.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The account of the conflict with Hazael indicates +that certain changes had taken place in the Mediterranean +<pb n='338'/><anchor id='Pg338'/> +coast-lands since Shalmaneser's former +campaigns thither. It was no longer against the +kings of Damascus and Hamath with <q>a dozen +kings</q> in alliance with them, but against Hazael +alone. Had they broken with Ben-Hadad? or did +they hold aloof because they had no sympathy with +his murderer? In any case, it would seem to be +certain that they no longer feared the Assyrian king, +who, they must have felt, had his hands full. In +Israel, too, there had been changes, Ahab having +been succeeded by Ahaziah, who, after a reign of one +year, was succeeded by Jehoram. The latter tried to +reduce Mesha king of Moab again to subjection, but +without success. Ben-Hadad's attempt to capture +Samaria was made during his reign, and the non-success +of the Syrian king was probably the cause of +Jehoram's attempt to recover Ramoth-gilead, where +Ahab had found his fate some years before. The +king of Israel did not fall on the field of battle, but +received there a wound which obliged him to return +to Jezreel. His death at the hands of Jehu in +Naboth's vineyard is one of the most dramatic +incidents of Israelitish history. +</p> + +<p> +Jehu's payment of tribute to the Assyrian king in +842 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> was probably due to a question of policy, and +in the main it may be considered as a cheap way of +avoiding misfortune, for he might easily have been +worsted in an encounter with Shalmaneser. What +Tyre and Sidon thought fit to do, could hardly but be +recognized as policy for Israel as well. It was important +for Jehu that he should consolidate his power, +hence this submission, though, to say the truth, he +could not have been certain that he would be +attacked. Was it that he felt strong enough to +resist the Assyrian king which made him withhold +the payment of tribute when, in 839 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, Shalmaneser +again marched against Hazael? It would seem so. +On this occasion four towns of the king of Damascus +<pb n='339'/><anchor id='Pg339'/> +were captured, and tribute again received from Tyre +and Sidon, Gebal likewise buying peace in the same +way. +</p> + +<p> +That Jehu, who destroyed the house of Omri, +should be called <q>son of Omri</q> in the inscriptions +of Shalmaneser II. of Assyria, is strange, and needs +explanation. Perhaps the successor of a king could +loosely be spoken of as his son, as occupying the +place of such a relative; and, as is well known, +Belshazzar, in the book of Daniel, is called son of +Nebuchadnezzar, which, according to the Babylonian +inscriptions, he certainly was not. That Jehu may +have been in some way related with Jehoram, and +therefore a descendant of Omri, is possible and even +probable. That he was not descended from him in a +direct line is certain. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that the Assyrian form of the name, +Yaua, shows that the unpronounced aleph at the +end was at that time sounded, so that the Hebrews +must have called him Yahua (Jehua). Omri was +likewise pronounced in accordance with the older +system, before the ghain became ayin. Ḫumrî shows +that they said at that time Ghomrî. +</p> + +<p> +After the rebellion which embittered the closing +years of Shalmaneser's life, the great Assyrian king died, +and his crown went to his younger son Šamši-Adad +III. (825-812 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>). The first work of the new ruler +was the pacification of his country, and this having +been successfully done, he tried to restore Assyrian +influence beyond the borders of his kingdom. During +his reign of about thirteen years, he warred on the +N., N.E., N.W. and S. (Babylonia), but never came +nearer to Syria than Kar-Shalmaneser on the +Euphrates, near Carchemish. +</p> + +<p> +His son, Adad-nirari, who reigned from 812 to +783 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, followed in his footsteps, and began by +making conquests on the east. The north and north-west, +however, also felt the force of his arms. The +<pb n='340'/><anchor id='Pg340'/> +only campaign of which details are given is one +against Syria, the date of which, however, is not +known. G. Smith thought that this could not have +taken place earlier than 797 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, during the time +of Amaziah king of Judah and Joash king of Israel—a +conjecture which is based, to all appearance, upon +the comparison of Mansuate with Manasseh. As +the Assyrian form of this name is Minsē or Minasē, +such an identification is impossible, and this being +the case, it is more probable that the expeditions to +the Holy Land and Syria took place either in 806, +when he went to Arpad, 805, when he was at Ḫaza, +or 804, when he marched against Ba'ali, the name, +apparently, of a Phœnician city. The next year he +went to the sea-coast, but whether this was the +Mediterranean or not is not indicated, though it may +be regarded as very probable, and if so, 803 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +must be added to the dates already named, or the +operations to which he refers in his slab-inscription +may have extended over one or more of the years +here referred to. +</p> + +<p> +So, when he was young and enthusiastic, King +Adad-nirari III. of Assyria had the inscription carved +of which the following is a translation, as far as it is +at present known— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Palace of Adad-nirari, the great king, the powerful +king, king of the world, king of the land of Aššur; +the king who, in his youth, Aššur, king of the Igigi, +called, and delivered into his hand a kingdom without +equal; his shepherding he (Aššur) made good as +pasture for the people of the land of Aššur, and +caused his throne to be firm; the glorious priest, +patron of Ê-šarra, he who ceaseth not to uphold the +command of Ê-kura, who continually walketh in the +service of Aššur, his lord, and hath caused the +princes of the four regions to submit to his feet. +He who hath conquered from the land of Siluna of +the rising of the sun, the mountains (?) of the land +<pb n='341'/><anchor id='Pg341'/> +of Ellipu, the land of Ḫarḫar, the land of Araziaš, +the land of Mesu, the land of the Medes, the land +of Gizil-bunda, to its whole extent, the land of +Munna, the land of Parsua (Persia), the land of +Allapria, the land of Abdadana, the land of Na'iru +(Mesopotamia), to the border of the whole of it, the +land of Andiu, whose situation is remote, the range +(?) of the mountains, to its whole border, as far as +the great sea of the rising of the sun (the Persian +Gulf); from the river Euphrates, the land of Ḫatti +(Heth, the Hittites), the land of Amurri (Amoria, the +Amorites), to its whole extent, the land of Tyre, the +land of Sidon, the land of Ḫumrî (Omri, Israel), the +land of Edom, the land of Palastu (Philistia) as far +as the great sea of the setting of the sun (the +Mediterranean), I caused to submit to my feet. I +fixed tax and tribute upon them. I went to the +land of Ša-imēri-šu (Syria of Damascus); Mari'u, +king of Ša-imēri-šu, I shut up in Dimašqu (Damascus), +his royal city. The fear and terror of Aššur, his +lord, struck him, and he took my feet, performed +homage. Two thousand three hundred talents of +silver, 20 talents of gold, 3000 talents of bronze, 5000 +talents of iron, cloth, variegated stuffs, linen, a couch +of ivory, an inlaid litter of ivory, (with) cushions (?), +his goods, his property, to a countless amount I +received in Damascus, his royal city, in the midst of +his palace. All the kings of the land of Kaldu (the +Chaldean tribes in Babylonia) performed homage, +tax and tribute for future days I fixed upon them. +Babylon, Borsippa, Cuthah, brought the overplus (of +the treasures) of Bêl, Nebo, (and) Nergal, (made) pure +offerings....</q> +</p> + +<p> +(The remainder of the inscription is said to be still +at Calah, not yet uncovered.) +</p> + +<p> +Schrader, in his <hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old +Testament</hi>, makes the campaign against Syria to have +taken place in 803 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and sees in Adad-nirari the +<pb n='342'/><anchor id='Pg342'/> +deliverer sent by Yahwah in answer to the prayers +of Jehoahaz. According to 2 Kings xiii. 3, the +Israelites were subject to Hazael and Ben-Hadad, +his son, all their days. There is every probability +that the successor of the latter was the Mari'u mentioned +in the translation given above, and the same +inscription would seem to indicate that the Israelites +submitted to the Assyrian king, and paid him +tribute in order to secure his intervention, which, +judging from the enormous amount of spoil which +he secured, he did not regret. The saviour having +come, and the tribute paid, <q>Israel dwelt in their +tents, as beforetime</q> (2 Kings xiii. 5). Verses 22-25 +are to all appearance a recapitulation, probably extracted +from another source. They show that Joash, +son of Jehoahaz, rebelled, and took from Ben-Hadad +the cities which the last-named had captured from +Israel, and defeated him three times (see ver. 19). +Apparently <q>all their days</q> in ver. 3 is not to be +taken literally, as the war of the Israelites against +Syria took place before the death of Ben-Hadad III. +It may also be conjectured that the reason of there +being no more than three defeats of the Syrians was +due to the death of Ben-Hadad, and his sceptre +passing into younger and more vigorous hands, so +that <q>a saviour</q> was still needed, and found in the +person of the Assyrian king, as suggested by Schrader. +The Syrian forces not being in a condition, after their +defeats by the Israelites, to offer battle to Adad-nirari, +apparently submitted without fighting, and +after such a visit the country had too much need for +peace to allow of reprisals being made against the +Israelites. +</p> + +<p> +The fame of Adad-nirari was great, and his queen +seems to have shared in it. She was named Sammu-ramat, +<q>(the goddess) Sammu loveth (her),</q> a name +which is generally regarded as the original of the somewhat +mythical Semiramis of Herodotus. That she +<pb n='343'/><anchor id='Pg343'/> +was looked up to by the subjects of her royal spouse, +however, is proved by the two statues in the British +Museum (there were in all four of them, erected at +Calah). According to the inscription on them, they +were made and dedicated for one of the chief officers +of the kingdom, Bêl-tarṣi-îli-ma (<q>a lord before God</q>), +who furnished them with the following dedication— +</p> + +<p> +<q>To Nebo, mighty, exalted, son of Ê-saggil,<note place='foot'><q>Son of Ê-saggil</q> means that he was one of the deities +worshipped in the temple bearing that name. The god Ninip +is called <q>son of E-sarra,</q> for the same reason. Nebo was +especially worshipped, however, at Ê-zida.</note> the +wise one, high-towering, the mighty prince, son of +Nudimmud, whose word is supreme; prince of intelligence, +director of the universe of heaven and earth, +he who knoweth everything, the wide of ear, he who +holdeth the tablet-reed (and) hath the stilus; the +merciful one, he who decideth, with whom is (the +power of) raising and abasing; the beloved of Ea, +lord of lords, whose power hath no equal, without +whom there would be no counsel in heaven; the +gracious one, pitiful, whose sympathy is good; he +who dwelleth in E-zida, which is within Calah—the +great lord, his lord—for the life of Adad-nirari, king +of the land of Aššur, his lord, and the life of Sammu-ramat, +she of the palace, his lady, Bêl-tarṣi-îli-ma, +ruler of the city of Calah, the land of Ḫamedu, the +land of Sudgana, the land of Temeni, the land of +Yaluna, for the saving of his life, the lengthening of +his days, the adding of days to his years, the peace of +his house and his people (not the one evil to him), he +has caused (this statue) to be made as a gift. Whoever +(cometh) after: Trust to Nebo—trust not another +god.</q> +</p> + +<p> +It is rare that an Assyrian queen is mentioned in +the inscriptions, especially on almost equal terms with +the king, and additional interest is added by the fact, +that she bears a name commonly regarded as the +<pb n='344'/><anchor id='Pg344'/> +same as that of Semiramis. In Assyrian and Babylonian +history, it is always the king who is the ruler, +whatever influence his spouse may have had in determining +his policy as such being always unmentioned, +and therefore unknown to the world at large. The +present inscription, however, seems to testify that +Sammu-ramat was known outside the walls of the +palace, and that one of the greatest in the kingdom +thought fit to do her honour by associating her with +the king in the dedication to Nebo which he made +for the preservation of the lives of the king, the queen, +and himself. Whether the history of Sammu-ramat, +queen of Assyria, was laid under contribution to furnish +details for the legend of Semiramis, will probably +never be known; but it is nevertheless unfortunate +that the slab recounting the warlike exploits of Adad-nirari, +king of Assyria, her husband, should break +off in the middle of his account of his successes in +Babylonia. +</p> + +<p> +Adad-nirari reigned 29 years, and was succeeded +by Shalmaneser III. in 783 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> The expeditions +of this king were principally against Armenia and +Itu'u, a region on the Euphrates. In the year 775 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +he went to the cedar-country, but whether the +mountain region of the Amanus, Lebanon, or of a +district called Ḫašur be intended, is unknown. The +necessity of expeditions against Syria, however, still +continued, for in 773 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> we find Shalmaneser at +Damascus, probably to bring the king then ruling +there again into subjection. +</p> + +<p> +Although doubt is now expressed as to whether +Ḫatarika, whither Shalmaneser III. marched in 772 +<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, the last year of his reign, be really Hadrach +(Zech. ix. 1) or not (the consonants do not agree so +well as they ought to do), in all probability it was a +district not far from Damascus to which he went. +</p> + +<p> +Aššur-dan, his successor, ascended the throne in +the following year, and at once began warring in +<pb n='345'/><anchor id='Pg345'/> +Babylonia and on the east. In 765 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> he marched +to Ḫatarika. Signs of revolt seem at this time to +have broken out in Assyria, probably on account of +the pestilence with which the land was afflicted, and +it must have been for this reason that no expedition +was undertaken in the year 764 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> Next year the +rising, which was evidently expected, took place in +the city of Aššur, and there was an eclipse of the sun +in the month Sivan, an important astronomical occurrence +which has been identified with an eclipse which +passed over Assyria on the 15th of June, 763 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, +and was supposed by Mr. Bosanquet to be referred +to in Amos viii. 9, <q>I will cause the sun to go +down at noon, and will darken the earth in the clear +day.</q> +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance this eclipse, taken in conjunction +with the presence of pestilence and rebellion, was +regarded as an evil omen. This revolt lasted into the +next year, and spread, in 761 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, into Arrapḫa, +where it continued three years. In 759 the revolt +reached Gozan, and there was a recrudescence of the +plague. There is no reference to the stamping out of +the revolt in Assyria, but it seems very probable that +the king and his supporters were active to that end, +as he was able to march in the year 758 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, to Gozan, +after which there is the entry, <q>Peace in the land.</q> +Two years were to all appearance occupied in reorganizing +the country and providing against a repetition +of such risings, unless it be that Aššur-dan was +too ill to take the field, for according to the received +chronology, he died in 755 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> when Aššur-nirari II. +ascended the throne. +</p> + +<p> +This new ruler is represented to have made two +expeditions, one in the year of his accession, to +Ḫatarika, and the other, in 754 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, to Arpad. What +the additional statement, <q>Return from the city of +Aššur,</q> really refers to, is exceedingly doubtful—perhaps +troops had been stationed there during the +<pb n='346'/><anchor id='Pg346'/> +whole period since the breaking out of the revolt +there in 763 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +For four years no expeditions were made, pointing +to a continued ferment of discontent in Assyria. In +749 and 748 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, however, Aššur-nirari made expeditions +to Namri, south-west of Media. It is significant, +however, that the Canon has, for the next year (747 +<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), the usual words (<q>In the land</q>) when no expedition +took place, the reason probably being the +unsettled state of the country. The entry for the +next year is <q>Revolt in Calah,</q> which, as has already +been seen, was one of the principal cities of the kingdom. +After this is the usual division-line, indicating +the end of a reign, followed by the words <q>(Eponymy +of Nabû-bêl-uṣur, governor of) Arrapḫa. In the month +Aaru (Iyyar), day 13, Tiglath-pileser sat upon the +throne. In the month Tisritu (Tisri) he made an +expedition to (the district) between the rivers.</q> This +corresponds with 745 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +Thus is ushered in, in the Eponym Canon, one of +the most important reigns in Assyrian history. By +what right Tiglath-pileser III. took the throne is not +known. To all appearance, he was not in any way +related to his predecessor, Aššur-nirari, and it is therefore +supposed that he was one of the generals of that +king, who, taking advantage of the rising in Aššur (of +which he may, indeed, have been the instigator), made +away with his sovereign, and set himself in his place. +Further light, however, is needed upon this period, +before anything can be said as to the circumstances +attending Tiglath-pileser's accession to the throne. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-ix.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Tiglath-pileser III. in His Chariot. +British Museum, Nimroud Central Saloon.</head> + <figDesc>Plate IX.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +Though all Tiglath-pileser's inscriptions are imperfect, +and most of them very fragmentary, they nevertheless +contain enough to show of what enormous +value they are. Their incompleteness and the absence +of dates consequent thereon is fortunately compensated +somewhat by the fact that the Eponym +Canon is perfect in the part which refers to this king, +<pb n='347'/><anchor id='Pg347'/> +and that we are therefore able to locate with certainty +all the events of his reign. +</p> + +<p> +As the entry translated above shows, his first campaign +was <q>between the rivers,</q> that is, to Babylonia, +the land lying between the Tigris and the Euphrates. +His object in leading his forces thither was to break +the power of the Aramean tribes, with the Arabs and +others who were in alliance with them. Going first +south-east, he subjugated the Chaldean tribes, including +the Pekodites; turning afterwards west, he went +against the Arameans, capturing Sippar, Dûr-Kuri-galzu, +and other Babylonian cities, and it is supposed +that it was on this occasion that he assumed the title +<q>king of Šumer and Akkad.</q> To all appearance, +however, he was not recognized by the Babylonians +themselves as king, Nabonassar being then on the +throne. There is hardly any doubt, however, that +Babylonia acknowledged Assyrian overlordship on +this occasion, thus giving Tiglath-pileser some justification +for assuming the title. +</p> + +<p> +Having arranged things to his satisfaction in Babylonia, +Tiglath-pileser turned his attention to the East +(Namri, 744), Ararat (743), and Arpad (same year), +the last being his objective up to and including the +year 740 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> Sardurri of Ararat, however, saw his +influence threatened by this move, for he, too, was a +conqueror, and had had such success, that he felt +justified in calling himself <q>king of Suri,</q> or North +Syria. How matters fell out is not known, but it +may be supposed that the Assyrian king went and +besieged Arpad, was attacked whilst doing so by +Sardurri and his allies, and compelled to raise the +siege. A pursuit of the Armenian forces by the +Assyrians was the result of this attack, the end being, +in all probability, a decisive victory for Tiglath-pileser. +This, according to Rost, would seem to be the most +reasonable supposition, for the Assyrian king was able +to besiege Arpad again next year without any hindrance. +<pb n='348'/><anchor id='Pg348'/> +The capture of the city in the third year +brought the rulers of the district in which it stood to +the feet of the Assyrian king—all except one, Tutamû +king of Unqu, who was defeated and captured, and +his territories annexed to Assyria. +</p> + +<p> +During the campaigns in the north at the end of +739 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, risings took place in Syria and North Phœnicia, +and this gave Tiglath-pileser the wished-for +opportunity to bring these districts again under his +sway. The Eponym Canon gives for this year the +simple entry, <q>He captured the city of Kullanû,</q> which +Rost supposes to have been in the neighbourhood of +Hamath, and if so, must be the Calne of Isaiah x. 9, +which is there mentioned with Hamath, Carchemish, +Arpad, Samaria, and Damascus as having been subdued +by Assyria. The mention of Kullanû as the +object of the expedition is probably due to its having +been one of the chief factors in the disturbances which +took place. It would also seem that Azariah of +Judah took part in the attempt to get rid of Assyrian +influence, and though this was fully recognized by +Tiglath-pileser, the Assyrian king to all appearance +did not come into direct contact with his country. +</p> + +<p> +Azriau or Izriau (Azariah—Rost's collation of the +squeezes shows that both spellings of the name were +used) of Judah is mentioned at least four times. +The earlier references, however, are so very fragmentary +that nothing certain can be said concerning +their connection—in one of the passages containing +his name the wording leads one to imagine that he +was captured by the Assyrian king, though, as Rost +has shown, this may simply mean that certain sympathizers +of his had taken his part. But whatever +may have taken place in Judah, Azariah's sympathizers +did not get on so well as their leader. No +less than nineteen places were captured by the +Assyrian king, including <q>Usnû, Siannu, Ṣimirra +(Simyra), Rašpûna, on the sea-coast, together with +<pb n='349'/><anchor id='Pg349'/> +the cities of the Sauê-mountains (mountains which +are in Lebanon), Ba'ali-ṣapuna (Baal-zephon) as far +as Ammana (Amanus, or according to Winckler, the +anti-Lebanon), the mountain of <foreign rend='italic'>urkarinu</foreign>-wood, the +whole of the land of Sau, the province of Kar-Adad +(fortress of Hadad), the city of Ḫatarikka, the province +of Nuqudina, Ḫasu with the cities which are +around it, the cities of Arâ, and the cities which are +on each side of it, with the cities (= villages) which +are around them, the mountain Sarbûa to its whole +extent, the city Ašḫanu, the city Yadabu, the mountain +Yaraqu to its whole extent, the city ... -ri, +the city Elli-tarbi, the city Zitānu as far as the city +Atinnu, the city ... (and) the city Bumamu—XIX. +districts of the city of Hamath, with the cities which +were around them, of the sea-coast of the setting of +the sun, which in sin and wickedness had taken to +Azriau, I added to the boundary of Assyria. I set my +commander-in-chief as governor over them, 30,300 +people I removed from the midst of their cities and +caused the province of the city of Ku- ... to take +them.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Notwithstanding that there is no reference to the +above in the Old Testament, there is no reason to +doubt that it is substantially correct. Its omission is +in all probability due to the fact, that neither Judah +nor Israel were menaced by the forces of the Assyrian +king. Notwithstanding this, the expedition and the +success of Tiglath-pileser had its effect, the result +being that all the princes of middle and north Syria +showed their submission to the Assyrian king by +paying tribute, thus ensuring the safety of their territory, +at least for a time. This took place after the +defeat of Kišî, the Aramean, and his forces, together +with several other districts, and the transportation of +the inhabitants from their homes to districts in other +principalities, a proceeding calculated to destroy +national feeling and thus contribute to the safety of +<pb n='350'/><anchor id='Pg350'/> +the empire by rendering rebellion more unlikely. +The following is the list of the princes who secured +immunity from attack by paying tribute:— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Kuštašpu of the city of the Comagenians; Raṣunnu +(Rezon) of the land of the Sa-Imērišuites +(Syria); Meniḫimme (Menahem) of the city of the +Samarians; Ḫirummu (Hirom) of the city of the +Tyrians; Sibitti-bi'ili of the city of the Gebalites; +Urikku of the Kûites; Pisiris of the Carchemishites; +Êni-îlu of the city of the Ḫammatites; Panammû of +the city of the Sam'allites; Tarḫulara of the land of +the Gurgumites; Sulumal of the land of the Melidites; +Dadi-îlu of the land of the Kaskites; Uassurme +of the land of the Tabalites; Ušḫitti of the +land of the Tunites; Urballâ of the land of the +Tuḫanites; Tuḫamme of the city of the Ištundites; +Urimme of the city of the Ḫušimnites; Zabibê, +queen of the land of Arabia. Gold, silver, lead, iron, +elephant-skins, ivory, variegated cloth, linen, violet +stuff, crimson stuff, terebinth-wood, oak (?), everything +costly, the treasure of a kingdom, fat lambs whose +fleeces were coloured crimson, winged birds of heaven, +whose feathers were coloured violet, horses, mules, +oxen and sheep, male camels and female camels with +their young, I received.</q> +</p> + +<p> +It was a rich booty, and was probably held to be a +sufficient return for all the expense, and trials, and +hardships of the campaign. Though the kingdom of +Judah seems not to have suffered (we must not be too +hasty to assume that this was the case, as the Assyrian +records are exceedingly defective), Israel, as is mentioned +above, paid tribute. It does not appear from +the Assyrian account that Tiglath-pileser went against +Samaria, but notwithstanding this, 2 Kings xv. 19 has +the following— +</p> + +<p> +<q>There came against the land Pul the king of +Assyria; and Menahem gave Pul 1000 talents of +silver, that his hand might be with him to confirm the +<pb n='351'/><anchor id='Pg351'/> +kingdom in his hand. And Menahem exacted the +money of Israel, even of all the mighty men of +wealth, of each man fifty shekels of silver, to give to +the king of Assyria. So the king of Assyria turned +back, and stayed not there in the land.</q> +</p> + +<p> +It is to be noted that there is here nothing about +buying the Assyrian king off—the money was paid +him to confirm the kingdom in Menahem's hand. +The writer apparently assumed that the Assyrian +king might not altogether be hostilely inclined, notwithstanding +that <q>he came against the land.</q> Perhaps +by <q>land</q> we are to understand <q>district.</q> In +any case, the two accounts can hardly be said to +disagree. He did not war there, but he received +Menahem's tribute—it was therefore needless to mention +his visit, if such it was. Many a ruler in this +district must have done the same thing on this occasion, +and there could have been no reason to mention +one more than the other—hence, probably, the absence +of references to any threatening approach to the +borders of Israel and other states on the part of the +Assyrian king. +</p> + +<p> +But whilst absent in the west, rebellion was rife +nearer home, and was put down with vigour by the +governors of the provinces of Lullumû and Na'iru +(Mesopotamia). This led to further transportations +of the inhabitants, who were sent west to Ṣimirra +(Simyra), Arka, Usnu, Siannu, Tu'immu, and other +places in Syria. Next year Tiglath-pileser himself +marched to Madâa (the Medes), where he had a very +successful campaign. As some of the places mentioned +have the element Kingi as part of the name, it +has been suggested that in all probability the Sumerians, +whose Babylonian home was called Kingi, had +their original seat in Media. +</p> + +<p> +Campaigns against the district of the mountains of +Nal and Ararat, the former as a preparation for the +latter, follow, after which comes, according to the +<pb n='352'/><anchor id='Pg352'/> +Eponym Canon, an expedition to the land Pilišta. +This is set down as the event of 734 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> There is, it +is needless to say, some uncertainty in this expression, +as the question naturally arises, What is really included +in the term? Assuming, with Rost, that the +statements in the Canon indicate the point intended +to be reached, and not the farthest point attained, it is +very probable that Israel did not come into the sphere +of the Assyrian king's operations, and this is all the +more probable in that Rost's collation of one of the +squeezes in the British Museum shows that instead +of the Assyrian form of Abel-Beth-Maachah, we +have to read Abil-akka, to which is added, however, +the description <q>on the boundary of Israel +(Bît-Ḫumria).</q> It will be seen, therefore, that though +he may not have entered the country, or, at least, +made any warlike operations there, he approached +well within striking distance of its borders. On this +occasion it would seem that he found it necessary to +install six new governors so as to ensure the due +obedience of the inhabitants. After this, Tiglath-pileser +goes on to speak of Hanon of Gaza, who on +seeing the approach of the Assyrians fled to Egypt, +leaving his capital at the mercy of the invader. +Having captured the city, Tiglath-pileser entered +Hanon's royal palace, taking possession of all his +property, and setting therein his royal couch. He +speaks of having delivered something to the gods of +the land, and of having laid upon its inhabitants (the +payment of tribute and gifts). Further mutilated +lines follow, referring to the spoil taken, and there is +a reference to the land of Israel (mât Bît-Ḫumria). +After this comes the words, <q>the whole of his people, +(with their property) I sent to Assyria.</q> The gap +between the reference to Israel and this line, however, +makes it doubtful to what it really refers. The record +immediately goes on, however, to speak of the death +of Pekah. +</p> + +<pb n='353'/><anchor id='Pg353'/> + +<p> +In the Eponym Canon the entries for the two +years following the campaign to Pilišta (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> 733-732 +<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>) are, <q>to the land of Dimašqa.</q> It would therefore +seem that, having assured himself of the submission +of his north-Phœnician vassals, Tiglath-pileser +attacked the northern district of Israel, taking Ijon, +Abel-beth-maachah, Janoah, Kedesh, Hazor, Gilead, +Galilee, and all the land of Naphtali (2 Kings xv. 29). +No account of this, however, occurs in the Assyrian +inscriptions,<note place='foot'><q>The broad (land of) ... li,</q> however, occurs, and, as +Professor Hommel actually suggests, may be a reference to +<foreign rend='italic'>Nap-ta-li</foreign> or Naphtali.</note> which, as already pointed out, are very +mutilated for this period. It is possible that the reference +to Israel, in the mutilated passage quoted above, +relates to this invasion, and possibly also to the +payment of tribute by Pekah in order to secure +himself against further attacks. +</p> + +<p> +Whether before or after the above is not known, +but possibly on the departure of the Assyrians, Rezin +(Rezon), king of Syria, made alliance with Pekah, and +their combined forces invaded Judah. Ahaz, who was +at this time king of Judah, was apparently besieged +in Jerusalem, and the king of Syria took advantage +of this opportunity to recover possession of Elath, +which never fell into the hands of the Jews again +(2 Kings xvi. 6). +</p> + +<p> +There is no doubt that Ahaz was hard pressed, and +hearing, to all appearance, that the Assyrians were +again in the neighbourhood, he sent to Tiglath-pileser +a humble message: <q>I am thy servant, and thy son; +come up, and save me out of the hand of the king of +Syria, and out of the hand of the king of Israel, which +rise up against me.</q> This would in all probability +have had but little effect, had it not been accompanied +by a goodly amount of gold and silver, taken not +only from his own treasury, but also from that of the +Temple at Jerusalem. The result was, that Tiglath-pileser +<pb n='354'/><anchor id='Pg354'/> +went up against Damascus. The Syrian king, +however, decided to resist, and a battle was fought in +which he was defeated, and obliged to seek safety in +flight. With a grim, not to say barbarous, humour, +Tiglath-pileser describes his flight and the treatment +of his supporters— +</p> + +<p> +<q>... (like) a mouse he entered the great gate of +his city. His chiefs (I took) alive with my hands, +(and) I caused them to be raised up and to view his +land (on) stakes: 45 camps of soldiers I collected +(in the provin)ce of his city, and shut him up like a +bird in a cage. His plantations, (fields, orchards (?), +and) woods, which were without number, I cut down, +and did not leave one ... (the city) Ḫādara, +the house (= dwelling-place) of the father of Raṣunnu +(Rezon) of the land of the Ša-imērišuites, (the place +where) he was born, I besieged, I captured: 800 +people with their possessions, ... their oxen, +their sheep, I carried off: 750 prisoners of the city +Kurussa, ... (prisoners) of the city of the Irmaites, +550 prisoners of the city Metuna, I carried off: 591 +cities ... of 16 districts of the land of Ša-imērišu +I destroyed like flood-mounds.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>I.e.</hi> like the ruins of cities which had been swept away by a +flood. In both Assyria and Babylonia floods were common +things, and the devastation they caused naturally gave rise to +the simile.</note> +</p> + +<p> +This is immediately followed by an account of the +operations against Samsi, queen of Arabia, and the +tribes connected with that over which she held sway. +After this he states that he set Idi-bi'ilu as governor +over the land of Musru. All these passages, however, +are exceedingly incomplete, as is also that referring to +Samaria, which follows. The shorter account of the +expeditions of Tiglath-pileser gives in this place lines +of which the following is a translation— +</p> + +<p> +<q>They overthrew Paqaḫa (Pekah), their king, and +I set Ausi'a (Hosea) (upon the throne) over them. +<pb n='355'/><anchor id='Pg355'/> +Ten talents of gold, ... talents of silver, ... their +(tribute), I received, and (brought) them (to the land +of Assyria).</q> +</p> + +<p> +The longer account, from which most of the above +extracts have been made, may therefore be completed, +with Rost, provisionally, as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(Pekah, all of whose) cities (I had captured) in my +earlier campaigns, and had given over (as a prey, and +whose spoi)l I had carried off, abandoned the city of +Samerina (Samaria) alone. (Pekah), their king, (they +overthrew, and like) a hurricane (I ravaged the land).</q> +</p> + +<p> +As will be seen, the above agrees closely with the +statement in 2 Kings xv. 30— +</p> + +<p> +<q>And Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy +against Pekah the son of Remaliah, and smote him, +and slew him, and reigned in his stead, in the 20th +year of Jotham the son of Uzziah.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Mutilated details concerning other cities captured +by Tiglath-pileser follow the above extract from his +annals, after which the narrative continues— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(Mitinti, of the land) of the Askelonites, (sinned) +against (my) agreement, (and revolted against me). +He saw (the overthrow of Ra)ṣunnu (Rezon), and +failure (of understanding (?) fell upon him (?), and +Rûkipti, the son of Mitinti), sat upon the throne....</q> +</p> + +<p> +In the account of the flight and death of Pekah, the +Assyrian king suggests that the abandonment of the +king of Israel of his capital was due to the fear of +capture at his hands. One may also suppose that he +wished it to be understood that Pekah incurred the +displeasure of his subjects by his flight, and that they +pursued after him, and having overtaken him, put him +to death. As a matter of fact, Pekah must really have +fled on account of the rebellion led by Hoshea, who, +on learning of his flight, in all probability pursued +after him, and thus encompassed his death. Hoshea +then, by a payment of tribute to Tiglath-pileser, +<pb n='356'/><anchor id='Pg356'/> +secured from the Assyrian king his recognition as +king of Israel, and at the same time assured himself +against attack at his hands. +</p> + +<p> +Imitating Hoshea, Rûkipti, the new king of Askelon, +also paid tribute, and thus secured his recognition. As +to Rezon, the Assyrian text does not enable us to see +what was his ultimate fate, but as it was such, apparently, +as to terrify Mitinti of Askelon into madness, it +may be supposed that it was death at the orders of +the Assyrian king, as recorded in 2 Kings xvi. 9. +</p> + +<p> +Tiglath-pileser was now complete master of the land +of Ša-imēri-šu or Syria, and all the princes of the west +acknowledged his overlordship. This being the case, +it is only natural that Ahaz of Judah should visit +and pay him homage at Damascus, the capital of +the new province, as related in 2 Kings xvi. 10, +and probably it was to that city that many of +the other subject princes went for that purpose, and +to offer him their tribute. The further result of the +visit of Ahaz is detailed in the succeeding verses of +the passage in 2 Kings referred to. +</p> + +<p> +Thus ended Tiglath-pileser's successful expedition +to Pilišta and Damascus, and there is no record that +he ever went westward again. The Chaldeans, in +combination with the Arameans, had made use of his +absence to engage in new advances against Babylon. +Nabonassar, the king of that country, had died, and +been succeeded by his son, Nabû-nadin-zēri, who, +however, only reigned two years, and gave place to +Nabû-šum-ukîn, who murdered him. This last, however, +only held the throne for somewhat more than +two months, and Ukîn-zēr, chief of the Chaldean tribe +Bît-Amukkāni, took possession of the throne, and +ruled for three years—much against the inclination of +the Babylonians, who, to all appearance, had no love +for the Chaldean tribes inhabiting certain tracts of +the country. The interference of Tiglath-pileser was +therefore looked on with favour by the Babylonians, +<pb n='357'/><anchor id='Pg357'/> +who welcomed him as a deliverer. Ukîn-zēr (the +Chinzēros of Ptolemy) was besieged in his capital, +Sapîa, though that city was not taken until the year +729 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> The result of this was, the submission of all +the Chaldean tribes, including that of which Merodach-baladan +(then only a young man) was the chief. +Entering Babylon, Tiglath-pileser, in accordance with +the custom, <q>took the hand of Bêl,</q> an expression +apparently meaning that he performed the usual ceremonies, +and was accepted by the god—and the priesthood—as +king. This also took place again next year, +from which it may be supposed that one acknowledged +as king of Babylon had to perform the ceremony yearly +in order to fulfil the conditions imposed upon all +who held the reins of power. An entry in the Canon +for this year suggests that there was a rebellion (?) in +a city of which only the first character is preserved—possibly +to be completed Dir, and perhaps situated +in Babylonia. Operations against this place, in all +probability, were taken in hand next year (727 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), +but whilst they were in progress, Tiglath-pileser died, +and Shalmaneser IV. mounted the throne. +</p> + +<p> +How it is that Tiglath-pileser III. of Assyria was +called Pûlu is not known. The name only occurs, in +native documents, in the Babylonian Canon of kings—to +all appearance that from which the Canon of +Ptolemy was copied. It is therefore practically certain +that he only bore this name officially in Babylonia. +Probably the most likely explanation is, that it was +his original name, though it may have been given him +by the compiler of the canon (supposing that he was +a man who had no great admiration for the Assyrian +conqueror) as a scornful expression, <foreign rend='italic'>bûlu</foreign> (which may +also be read <foreign rend='italic'>pûlu</foreign>) meaning <q>the wild animal.</q> It +occurs, however, as a personal name in the inscriptions +of Assyria at least twice, the bearer of it being in +one case a charioteer, one of nine officials of <q>the +Ḫuḫamite.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='358'/><anchor id='Pg358'/> + +<p> +The fact that the name Pûlu (in the Canon of +Ptolemy Poros), applied to Tiglath-pileser, occurs only +in a Babylonian document, suggests that the reference +to the Assyrian conqueror in 2 Kings xv. 19 and +1 Chron. v. 26 are due to a Babylonian source, though, +as it is the name by which he is at first called by the +writer of the 2nd Book of Kings, this is a confirmation +of the explanation that it was his original name. The +glory attached to the name Tiglath-pileser in Assyrian +history probably accounts for his having ultimately +adopted the latter. +</p> + +<p> +<q>On the 25th day of Tebet Šulmanu-ašarid (Shalmaneser) +sat on the throne in Assyria. He destroyed +Šabara'in.</q> (Babylonian Chronicle.) +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>In the eponymy of Bêl-ḫarran-bêl-uṣur, of the +city of Gozan, To the city ... Šalmanu-ašarid +sat upon the throne.</q> +</p> + +<p> +In the eponymy of Marduk-bêl-uṣur, of the city +of Amedi, In the land. +</p> + +<p> +In the eponymy of Maḫdê, of the city of +Nineveh, To.... +</p> + +<p> +In the eponymy of Aššur-ḫalṣani (?), of the city +of Kalzi, To.... +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='post'>In the eponymy of Šalmanu-ašarid, king of +Assyria, To....</q> +</p> + +<p> +(Eponym Canon with historical notices.) +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +These two extracts give practically all that is +known of the important reign of Shalmaneser IV. +from native sources. The first is from the Babylonian +Chronicle, and its brevity in all likelihood indicates +the amount of sympathy that the Babylonians had +for this king. Short as it is, however, it is probably of +as much value historically as the Assyrian Eponym +Canon in its present state, even including the restorations +from that without historical notices. The completion +of this important document from additional +fragments and duplicates is greatly to be wished. +</p> + +<pb n='359'/><anchor id='Pg359'/> + +<p> +It is therefore from the Old Testament and +Josephus that we get the fullest history of the reign +of this king. How it is that no records have been +found is not known. They may have been destroyed, +or nothing very extensive may have been written. +That at least something of the kind existed is indicated +by the fact that the late George Smith refers to +at least one document, the whereabouts of which at +present is not known. +</p> + +<p> +What may have been the relationship of Shalmaneser +IV. of Assyria to Tiglath-pileser does not +appear. There is every probability that, like his +great predecessor, he was an adventurer who, taking +advantage of his popularity with the army, and the +failing powers of his royal master, seized the throne. +As will be seen from the Eponym Canon, an expedition +was in progress when he assumed the reins of +power, so that he may have taken advantage of the +absence of Tiglath-pileser to carry out his design. +Tebet being the tenth month of the Assyro-Babylonian +year, the time of his accession corresponds +with the winter of 727 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, a period at which warlike +operations were impossible. In the year 726 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +also he remained at home, as was to be expected, +consolidating his power. +</p> + +<p> +His first campaign must therefore have taken place +in 725 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, when, as recorded in 2 Kings xvii. 3, he +went against Hoshea, who paid him homage and +became tributary. Hearing that the king of Israel +had sent privately to So,<note place='foot'>According to Fried. Delitzsch, this is incorrectly given for +Sewe, the Sib'e of the Assyrian inscriptions.</note> king of Egypt, asking for +his help against the Assyrian king, Shalmaneser threw +Hoshea into prison, and advancing against Samaria, +called upon the city to surrender. Submission being +refused, he laid siege against it, and although Josephus +relates that he ultimately took it, this must be due +simply to an inference, as there is no statement to +<pb n='360'/><anchor id='Pg360'/> +that effect in the Book of Kings, the words recording +the event being simply <q>the king of Assyria took +Samaria,</q> and, as we know from the inscriptions, it +is Sargon, successor of Shalmaneser, who claims the +honour of capturing the city (see below, p. <ref target='Pg363'>363</ref>).<note place='foot'>If it be Sargon, then it was naturally he who carried Israel +captive to Assyria, placing them in Halah, Habor, and the cities +of the Medes.</note> +</p> + +<p> +During the siege, however, the Assyrian king busied +himself with the subjugation of all the surrounding +district. It was probably in the same year (725 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>) +that he sent his army against Elulaeus, king of Tyre, +whose king had just been very successful in subjugating +the Cittaeans (people of Cyprus). According +to Josephus (or, rather, Menander, whom he quotes), +Phœnicia submitted (Menander tells the story from +the native point of view, and states that <q>he soon +made peace with them all</q>), but Sidon, Accho, and +Old Tyre (Palaetyrus) revolted (this probably means +<q>joined the Assyrians</q>), and several other cities +yielded to the king of Assyria. Finding that the +Tyrians<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>I.e.</hi> those of the island of Tyre, which still held out.</note> would not submit, the Assyrian king returned +against them (this must have been in the year 724 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), +and attacked them again, being aided on this occasion +by the Phœnicians, who furnished him with threescore +ships, and 800 men to row them. The attack of the +Assyrian allies, however, must have been a very half-hearted +one, for the Tyrians advanced against them +with only twelve ships, and dispersed those of the +enemy, taking 500 men prisoners. +</p> + +<p> +The reputation—and also the confidence—of the +citizens of Tyre being thus greatly increased, they +continued their resistance, and Shalmaneser found +himself obliged, in consequence of the inefficiency of +his allies, to content himself with a mere blockade of +the city, and the placing of guards over the water +supply, so as to reduce the inhabitants of Tyre by +<pb n='361'/><anchor id='Pg361'/> +thirst. The latter, however, dug wells, and were thus +enabled to continue their resistance, which Meander +states lasted all the time of the siege, namely, five years—<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> +until two years after the death of Shalmaneser. +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance the Sabara'in of the Babylonian +Chronicle is the place which should be supplied in the +historical Eponym Canon, but, if so, the form is a +strange one. One would rather expect mât Bît-Ḫumrî, +<q>the land of Beth-Omri,</q> Pilišta, <q>Philistia,</q> or âl +Ṣurri, <q>the city of Tyre.</q> There is also the possibility +that one of these names may have appeared in +each of the three lines which require completing, +indicating three different stages of his conquests. +Samerina, <q>Samaria,</q> may also have been the word, +or one of the words, to be restored. In this last case, +Delitzsch's suggestion that Sabara'in ought to be read +Samara'in, and regarded as the Babylonian form of +the Heb. Shomeron, <q>Samaria,</q> is worthy of note. +The Babylonians do not state that he captured Sabara'in +or Samara'in, but only that he destroyed (perhaps +the word means <q>ravaged</q>) it, and the city may not +have really fallen into the hands of the Assyrians +until Sargon was actually on the throne. +</p> + +<p> +<q>In the 5th year Šulmanu-ašarid died in the month +Tebet. Šulmanu-ašarid had ruled the kingdom of +Akkad and Aššur for five years. In the month Tebet, +the 12th day, Sargon sat on the throne in Aššur, and +in the month Nisan Marduk-âbla-iddina (Merodach-baladan) +sat on the throne in Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Thus does the Babylonian Chronicle record the +change of rulers, which was to have wide-reaching +results for both countries. +</p> + +<p> +What the verse in Hoshea, <q>All thy fortresses shall +be spoiled, as Shalman spoiled Beth-arbel in the day +of battle,</q> refers to, is not known. There is every +probability that Shalman stands for Shalmaneser IV., +but which is the Beth-arbel which is spoken of? +There were two places of the name in Palestine, one +<pb n='362'/><anchor id='Pg362'/> +west of the Sea of Galilee, and the other at the extreme +north of Gilead. Both are now called Irbid. If it be +one of these, the verse probably refers to some incident +of Shalmaneser's invasion. George Smith, however, +thought that the reference may have been due to some +domestic strife in Assyria at the close of the reign of +Shalmaneser, in which the Assyrian city of Arbela +was involved. That it was one of the two places in +Palestine, however, is more probable. +</p> + +<p> +The month which, five years earlier, had seen the +death of Tiglath-pileser, saw the departure of Shalmaneser +IV. of Assyria to the abode of his god, and +in Sargon, who succeeded him, the kingdom to all +appearance accepted for the third time a ruler who +might be described as an adventurer. Whether he, +too, changed his name, in order to shine in borrowed +plumes before the people, is unknown, but this is +certain, that <q>Sargon the Later,</q> as he called himself, +by assuming that style and title, challenged comparison +with an old Babylonian king of great renown, who +made the little state which was his original principality +the centre of a wide-spreading domain. +</p> + +<p> +Strange as it may seem, until the discovery of the +Assyrian inscriptions and their decipherment, nothing +was known of this ruler outside of the Old Testament, +his name being regarded as another name of Shalmaneser +in the passage (Isa. xx. 1) where it occurs. +Scholars did not realize that the Arkeanos of Ptolemy +was the king here mentioned, and that the change in +the form of his name was simply due to the change of +the initial <emph>s</emph> into a breathing, according to a rule which +is common in Greek etymology. +</p> + +<p> +On assuming the government of the country, Sargon +threw himself with energy into the Syrian war, though +in his slab-inscription found at Nimroud, and in his +annals, he makes his campaign against Ḫumbanigaš +of Elam to precede his operations in the west. The +following is the text of his <q>State-Inscription</q>— +</p> + +<pb n='363'/><anchor id='Pg363'/> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>From the beginning of my reign to the 15th of +my regnal-years, I accomplished the overthrow of +Ḫumbanigaš the Elamite in the suburbs of Dêru. I +besieged and captured Samerina (Samaria): 27,290 +people dwelling in the midst of it I carried off. Fifty +chariots I collected among them, and allowed them to +have the rest of their goods. My commander-in-chief +I placed over them, and imposed upon them the +tribute of the former king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Ḫanunu (Hanon), king of Ḫazitu (Gaza), advanced +against me with Sib'e, the Field-marshal of the land +of Muṣuru (Egypt), to make war and battle in Rapiḫu +(Raphia). I defeated them.<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>I smote their overthrow.</q></note> Sib'e feared the sound +of my weapons and fled, and his place was not found. +Ḫanunu of Ḫazitu I took with my hands. I received +the tribute of Pir'u, king of the land of Muṣuru, Samsê, +queen of the land of Aribu (Arabia), (and) It'amara, +of the land of the Saba'aa (Sabeans)—gold, the produce +of the mountains, horses, (and) camels.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Yau-bi'idi of the land of the Amatâa (Hamathites), +a loose fellow, a usurper, a frivolous, evil man, set +his heart on the dominion of the land of Amattu +(Hamath), and caused Arpadda (Arpad), Ṣimirra +(Simyra), Dimašqa (Damascus), (and) Samerina +(Samaria) to revolt against me, and caused them to +agree together, and they assembled for battle. I collected +the powerful troops of the god Aššur, and +besieged (and) captured him in Qarqaru, his own city, +with his warriors. I burned Qarqaru with fire. As +for him, I flayed him. I slew the sinners in the midst +of their (own) cities, and brought about peace. I +embodied 200 chariots (and) 600 cavalry among the +people of the land of Amattu, and added to the force +of my kingdom.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The general opinion of Assyriologists is, that Shalmaneser +did not succeed in making himself master of +Samaria, the capture of the city falling to the honour +<pb n='364'/><anchor id='Pg364'/> +of Sargon, and this, as a matter of fact, is what the +latter claims. As will be seen from the above extract, +he states that he carried captive no less than 27,290 of +the inhabitants of the city, but whither he transported +them he does not say. According to 2 Kings xvii. 6, +he placed them in Halah (probably the Ḫalaḫḫa of the +inscriptions, near Haran), and by the river Habor (the +Chaboras) in Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes. +It is needless to say that these long journeys must in +many cases have entailed much suffering. +</p> + +<p> +According to the Babylonian Chronicle, the conflict +with Ḫumbanigaš took place in the second year of +Merodach-baladan of Babylonia, which was the second +year of Sargon as well. It is therefore difficult to +understand why Sargon, in his record, places this +event first. The reason why he dismisses the account +of his conflict with the Elamite king in so few words +is supposed to be, that he was in reality, as the Babylonian +Chronicle says, defeated on that occasion. +Though he might have wished to keep it in the background, +his successes were so many, that there was no +need for him to change the chronological order of his +campaigns. +</p> + +<p> +Sargon was naturally unable to be present at the +siege and occupation of Samaria, which occurred too +close to the date of his assuming power to allow him +to reach the place. Besides that, his presence was +needed nearer home, lest conspiracies should deprive +him of his newly-acquired regal dignity. That he +considered the successes of his troops in the west as +a most important circumstance, however, is proved +by the fact, that he devotes so much space in his +annals to the account of it—and, indeed, the capture +of 27,290 people is a thing of which any ruler might +boast. There can be no doubt that the Assyrian +kings, like the Babylonians before them, always desired +to possess the dominion of the Mediterranean provinces, +where were marts for the products both of +<pb n='365'/><anchor id='Pg365'/> +their lands and their people, and entry to the ports, +for then, as now, all good rulers tried to further the +interests of their subjects in distant lands, and were +probably firmly of opinion, that <q>trade followed the +standard.</q><note place='foot'>See the chapter upon the Tel-el-Amarna letters (p. <ref target='Pg281'>281</ref> ff.).</note> +</p> + +<p> +In addition to this, there was the rivalry of Egypt, +the country which had held these provinces in the +past, and would have liked to regain them. Whether +the rulers of the Mediterranean states realized this or +not, is uncertain, but in any case, like the Israelites, +they had no objection to making use of Egypt, +<q>bruised reed</q> as she was by some considered. Seeing +that there was danger from the Assyrians, Hanon of +Gaza followed the example of Hoshea, in whom +Shalmaneser had <q>found conspiracy,</q> and made +overtures with Sib'e, the So of 2 Kings xvii. 4 (the +word ought really to be pointed so as to read Seve, +which was apparently the pronunciation of the +Assyrian form, the aspirate having the effect of +changing <emph>b</emph> into <emph>bh</emph> or <emph>v</emph>). This ruler is called <q>king +of Egypt</q> in the passage cited, but Sargon says that +he was <q>Tartan,</q> or commander-in-chief of the +Egyptian army. This would imply that he was +acting for another, a Pharaoh unnamed, and at present +unknown. The general opinion is, that So or Sib'e +is the same as Sabaco, and is called <q>king</q> by +anticipation in 2 Kings xvii.<note place='foot'>It is noteworthy, however, that Sabaco is elsewhere called +Sabaku (see below, p. <ref target='Pg389'>389</ref>).</note> +</p> + +<p> +The result was one exceedingly gratifying to the +Assyrian king, for in the battle at Raphia, which +followed, Sib'e fled in fear, whilst Hanon of Gaza +was made prisoner. The defeat and flight of the +Egyptian army does not seem to redound to the +credit of its leader, who must have returned bitterly +disappointed to his native land. +</p> + +<p> +Immediately after, however, there is a reference to +<pb n='366'/><anchor id='Pg366'/> +the receipt of tribute from <q>Pir'u, king of the land of +Muṣuru.</q> This would be a natural result of the success +of the Assyrians (so it seemed to the earlier Assyriologists), +for surely Pir'u is Pharaoh, and Muṣuru is the +Muṣur of other inscriptions, and stands for Egypt +(the Heb. Misraim<note place='foot'><q>The two borders,</q> see Sayce. The Assyrian form is +singular, as is also the Babylonian Miṣir, which has <emph>i</emph> for <emph>u</emph> in +both syllables. The Arabic form is Miṣr. Muṣur(u), Misir(u), +Miṣraim, and Misr are all forms of the same name.</note>). This however, is now denied, +and Pir'u is said to be the name of a chief of an Arab +tribe called Muṣuru. It reminds one of the Eri-Eaku +of Larsa who is not Arioch of Elassar, contemporary +of Kudur-laḫgumal of Elam who is not Chedorlaomer +of Elam, and Tudḫula who is admittedly the same in +name as Tidal, all of them ruling at or near the same +period, but not those referred to in Gen. xiv. as +contemporaries. In Assyriology, more than in any +other study whatever, things are not what they seem, +and must always be identified with something else. +</p> + +<p> +According to the annals, it would seem that Yau-bi'idi, +who is there called Ilu-bi'idi, acted in concert +with Sib'e of Egypt and Hanon of Gaza, the operations +against him preceding those against the other two. +The order of the translation given above would seem +to be preferable, as it must have been in consequence +of the flight of Sib'e <q>like a shepherd whose sheep had +been lost,</q> that Yau-bi'idi and Hanon of Gaza were +so easily defeated. The former appears to have made +Qarqaru the centre from which he intended to press +his claim to the throne of Hamath, and he managed +so well, that he got Arpad, Simyra, Damascus, and +Samaria to join him. The Assyrian king, however, +soon disposed of the pretensions of this prince, whom +he describes as <q>a loose (?) fellow, a usurper, a +frivolous (?), evil man</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>ṣab ḫubši, lâ-bêl-kussī, amēlu +patû limnu</foreign>). After this it is not surprising that he +thought he was justified in flaying him alive. +</p> + +<pb n='367'/><anchor id='Pg367'/> + +<p> +To all appearance the state of affairs in Syria was +satisfactory. The great victory of the Assyrians at +Raphia had convinced the leaders of the various states +of the uselessness of continuing to struggle against the +power of the Assyrian king, who had nothing further +to fear from Egypt, and was therefore free to occupy +himself with other conquests. In 719, therefore, he +turned his attention to the region of the north, the +kingdoms of Van and Urarṭu or Ararat, the result of +the operations against the latter being, that the people +were transported to Syria, or, as the original has it, +<q>into Heth of the Amorites.</q> The operations in 718 +<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> were against Kiakki of Sinuḫtu, a city in Tabal. +</p> + +<p> +The next year, 717 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, came the turn of Pisîris of +Carchemish, who had tried to get Mitâ king of Musku +to join him in a rebellion against Assyria. Assyrians +were after this settled there, and Carchemish became +an integral part of the Assyrian empire. The next +entry in the Annals of Sargon is a reference to the +Pâpites and the Lalluknites, <q>dogs brought up in his +palace,</q> who planned treacherously against the land +of Kakmê, though the full extent of their crime is not +stated. These people were removed from their places, +and sent down to the midst of Damascus of Amoria +(Syria). In this year Ḫumbanigaš of Elam died, and +was succeeded by Šutur-Nanḫundi, a man of a more +peaceful character than his predecessor. +</p> + +<p> +Extensive operations, chiefly in Ararat, are recorded +for 716 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, in which year also Bêl-šarra-uṣur, the city-chief +of Kišešim, a Median province, was deposed, and +his territory added to the boundaries of Assyria, together +with several other west-Median districts. Among +these was Ḫarḫar, whose city-chief was driven away +by the Assyrian king. This city was re-peopled with +prisoners of war, and its name having been changed +to Kar-Šarru-ukîn, made the capital of the province. +The war against Ararat continued during the next +year, resulting in the submission of Yanzû king of +<pb n='368'/><anchor id='Pg368'/> +Na'iri or Mesopotamia. On the east, a rebellion in +Ḫarḫar was put down, and the city fortified as a +defence against Media. In this year people of Tumadu, +Ibâdidu, Marsimanu, Ḫayapâ, and the remote Arbâa +(Arabs?), an unlettered tribe which had never paid +tribute to an Assyrian king, were overthrown, and the +survivors transported to Samaria. The receipt of +tribute from Pir'u king of Muṣuru, Samsi queen of +Aribbu (Arabia), It'amra of the land of the Sabâa +(Sabeans), kings of the sea-coast and the desert, consisting +of <q>gold, the produce of the mountain, precious +stones, ivory, seeds of the <foreign rend='italic'>ûšû</foreign>-tree, all kinds of spices, +horses and camels,</q><note place='foot'>Compare p. <ref target='Pg366'>366</ref>, where the earlier payment of tribute is +referred to.</note> is recorded. +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance, Pir'u of Muṣuru is regarded as +one of the kings of the sea-coast and the desert, but +whether this is evidence against his being Pharaoh of +Egypt or not, may be doubted. Egypt is as much a +country of the sea-coast as any part of Palestine, but +it is naturally on the south shore of the Mediterranean, +and not on the east. +</p> + +<p> +714 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> saw the continuance of the war with Ararat +and its allies, and seems to have resulted in its becoming +an Assyrian province. In 713 expeditions +were made, among other places, to west Media and +Cilicia. In 712 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> he found himself obliged to proceed +against Tarḫunazi of Meliddu, who, driven from +his capital by the Assyrians, shut himself up in Tilgarimme, +which had been identified with the Biblical +Togarmah. This city, having been conquered, was +repeopled with the nomad Sutî<note place='foot'>See pp. <ref target='Pg283'>283</ref>, <ref target='Pg291'>291</ref>, <ref target='Pg292'>292</ref>.</note> and placed under +Assyrian rule. +</p> + +<p> +At this time, as Sargon says, he received the +treasure (?) of the land of Heth (the high-lands of +Syria), among the things sent being copper, iron, +lead or tin, white marble from the Amanus mountains, +royal garments of the colour of <foreign rend='italic'>uknû</foreign>-stone +(lapis-lazuli), +<pb n='369'/><anchor id='Pg369'/> +something which came from the mountain +Ba'il-ṣapuna (Baal-zephon), <q>a great mountain,</q> and +silver, which, in consequence of the large consignments +received at Dûr-Sargina (Khorsabad), became in value +like copper. The next year (711 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>) an expedition +against Muttallu, son of Tarḫulara, one of the kings +of <q>the land of Heth,</q> took place. The son had +killed his father and mounted the throne, hence the +necessity for this campaign. +</p> + +<p> +A similar expedition also took place to Ashdod. +It happened that Azuri, king of the district of which +Ashdod was the capital, had withheld the tribute +agreed upon, and Sargon had therefore deposed him, +and set his brother Aḫi-miti in his place. The following +is Sargon's own account of this, and the sequel— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Azuri, king of Asdudu, planned in his heart +not to send tribute, and sent to the kings around +hostile expressions (towards) the land of Aššur, and +on account of the evil he had done, I changed his +dominion over the people of his land. Aḫi-miti, his +brother next in order, I appointed to the kingdom +over them. Men of Ḫattî,<note place='foot'>The land of Heth, Syria in general.</note> speaking treachery, hated +his dominion, and raised up over them Yaana, a +usurper, who like themselves knew no reverence for +the dominion. In the anger of my heart I went hastily +with the chariot of my feet and my cavalry, which for +security quit not my side, to the city Asdudu, the +city of his dominion, and the city Asdudu, the city +Gimtu, (and) the city Asdudimma I besieged (and) +captured. The gods dwelling in the midst of them, +himself, with the people of his land, gold, silver, +(and) the property of his palace, I counted as spoil. +Their cities I rebuilt,<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>wrought anew.</q></note> and settled therein the people +of the lands captured by my hands. I placed my commander-in-chief +as governor over them, and counted +<pb n='370'/><anchor id='Pg370'/> +them with the people of my land, and they bore my +yoke.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Another inscription calls Yaana by the name of +Yawani, and states that, hearing from far of the +advance of the Assyrian army, he fled to the border +of Muṣuru, which lies on the boundary of Meluḫḫa, +and there hid himself. The king of Meluḫḫa seems +thereupon to have feared for his own land, and placing +Yatna in chains, sent him to Assyria. A third text +referring to this campaign adds the following details— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(People) of the land of Pilište (Philistia), the land +of Yaudu (Judah), the land of Udumu (Edom), the +land of Ma'abi (Moab), dwellers by the sea, bringers +of the tribute and the gift of Aššur my lord, (for) +sedition-mongering without measure, and evil, which +was against me to cause hostility, unto Pir'u, king of +the land of Muṣri, a prince who could not save them, +they brought their homage-offering, and asked him +for aid. I, Sargina, the true prince, fearing the oath +of Lag-gi (= Nebo) and Merodach, keeper of the +commands of the god Aššur, caused (my troops) +to cross the Tigris and the Euphrates at high water, the +fulness of the flood, as on dry land. And he, Yawani, +their king, who trusted to his own power, and had not +submitted to my dominion, heard from afar of the +march of my expedition, and the glory of Aššur, my +lord, overthrew him, and ... of the region of +the river ... depth of the waters ... possession +(?) of his land ... afar ... he fled +... Asdudu....</q> +</p> + +<p> +In this, too, there is a reference to Pir'u, here called +king of Muṣrí, either Egypt, or that mysterious and +otherwise unknown kingdom to whose help so many +trusted. +</p> + +<p> +The years 710 and 709 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> were devoted to the +operations against Merodach-baladan, the Chaldean +prince who had made himself master of Babylonia. +This is the Merodach-baladan who is referred to in +2 Kings xx. 12, but as his embassy really belongs to +<pb n='371'/><anchor id='Pg371'/> +a somewhat later date, reference will be made to it in +its place. Suffice it here to say that he was a usurper +on the Babylonian throne, head of the Chaldean +tribe called Bît-Yakîn, and one of the most influential +chieftains of the district. To all appearance, the +Babylonians themselves (as in earlier days when they +tried to seize the throne) preferred the Assyrians to +the semi-barbarous Chaldeans and Arameans, with +whom they were, in fact, in too close connection to +have any great respect for. It is needless to say that +this entirely fell in with the ambition of the kings of +Assyria, who, from the time of Tukulti-Ninip, if not +earlier, had desired, and sometimes obtained, dominion +over Babylonia. Sargon, the successor of two kings +of Assyria who were acknowledged to be at the same +time kings of Babylonia, naturally regarded himself as +inheriting that crown in virtue of his being king of +Assyria, whilst the Babylonians themselves were +probably not displeased with the idea that they +formed part of the world-renowned and powerful +Assyrian empire, whose kings spoke the same language +as themselves, and with whose religion they were +in sympathy. Thus it happened, therefore, that in +the course of the operations against Merodach-baladan, +success frequently crowned the arms of the Assyrians, +and the inhabitants of Babylon, sending to Dûr-Ladinna, +where Sargon was staying, brought him +in solemn possession to Babylon, where he made the +prescribed offerings to the gods, took up his abode +in Merodach-baladan's palace, and received the tribute +of the Babylonian tribes which he had subjugated. +He still continued, however, his operations against +Merodach-baladan, who was by no means willing to +give up the struggle, to which there could be one end +only, namely, the overthrow of the Chaldean king, +which took place in 709 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +Whilst Sargon was busy in Babylonia, the governor +of Quê invaded Musku (Mesech) and brought the +<pb n='372'/><anchor id='Pg372'/> +country to subjection. The seven kings of Cyprus also +sent gifts, and a stele of Sargon was set up in the +island, which, though mutilated, is of considerable +importance, and is now preserved in the Berlin +Museum. Kummuḫ (Comagene) was also added to +the Assyrian empire (708 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), and probably in the +same year, a new king (in consequence of a dispute +concerning the succession) set up in the land of +Ellipu. In this reign also, the Elamites were generally +against the Assyrians in their conflicts in Babylonia +and on the eastern borders. +</p> + +<p> +Concerning his death there is much uncertainty. +The supposition is, that he was assassinated by one +of his soldiers, as is indicated by the entry in an +eponym-list with historical references— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Lîmme Upaḫḫir-bêlu, D.P. šakin âl Amedi ...</foreign></l> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>îna êli purussî Kulummâa....</foreign></l> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>amēl tidûki madaktam ša šar mât Aššur D.S....</foreign></l> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>âraḫ Abi, ûmu šinšēru, Sin-âḫê-êriba (îna</foreign></l> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>kussī ittušib).</foreign></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Eponymy of Upaḫḫir-bêlu, prefect of the city Amedu....</q></l> +<l>according to the oracle of the Kulummite(s)....</l> +<l>a soldier (entered) the camp of the king of Assyria (and killed him?).</l> +<l><q rend='post'>month Ab, day 12th, Sennacherib (sat on the throne</q>).</l> +</lg> + +</quote> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-x.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Reception by Sennachereb of Prisoners and Spoil. +British Museum, Nineveh Gallery, No. 57.</head> + <figDesc>Plate X.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +That he died a violent death seems to be nearly +certain, and how many others of the overbearing +rulers of Assyria had come to an end in the same +way is not known. The fate of his son, to which +reference will be made in its place, is a historical +fact. +</p> + +<pb n='373'/><anchor id='Pg373'/> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Sennacherib.</head> + +<p> +Though in all probability young when he came to +the throne in 705 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, Sennacherib had already some +experience as a ruler, having been the representative +of his father Sargon in Armenia, where he had to +receive and transmit the reports of the Assyrian +generals, and probably also to administer the country. +For the nations over which he was to rule, however, +he was practically a new and untried administrator, +of whose strength or weakness of character nothing +was known. Merodach-baladan therefore took advantage +of the death of Sargon and the succession of his +son to come forth from his hiding-place, with such of +his followers who were available, and an army placed +at his disposal by the king of Elam. To all appearance +the Chaldean ruler had taken advantage of the +occupation of the Assyrian army elsewhere to possess +himself of Babylon, which city Sennacherib entered, +occupying Merodach-baladan's palace, and seizing +all his treasures. Merodach-baladan fled and took +refuge in Nagitu, on the other side of the Persian +Gulf, so as to be near his Elamite allies. +</p> + +<p> +After this the Assyrian king records his expedition +to the mountainous countries of Kassû (the Cossæans) +and the Yasubigalleans, north of Elam, in the course +of which he wasted the neighbouring district of Ellipu, +taking, on his way, tribute from some of the more +inaccessible tribes of the Medes. His third campaign +was to the land of Ḫatti (Syria), and as this is of +considerable importance, a translation of the whole, +from the Taylor Cylinder, which gives a full account, +is inserted here— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>In my third expedition I went to the land of +Ḫatti. Lulî king of the city of Ṣidunnu (Sidon), fear +of the glory of my dominion struck him, and he fled +from the midst of Tyre to Yatnana<note place='foot'>Or Ya(w)anana. (This is added from the bull-inscription.)</note> (Cyprus), which +<pb n='374'/><anchor id='Pg374'/> +is in the middle of the sea, and I subjugated his +country. Great Ṣidunnu, little Ṣidunnu, Bît-zitte, +Ṣareptu (Zarephath), Maḫalliba, Ûšû (Osah), Akzibi +(Achzib), Akkû (Accho), his strong cities, fortresses, +where were food and drink, his strongholds, the terror +of the weapons of Aššur my lord struck them, and +they submitted to my feet. Tu-ba'alu (Ethobaal) on +the throne of dominion over them I set, and the tax +and tribute of my overlordship yearly without fail I +imposed upon him.</q> +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>As for Minḫimmu (Menahem) of the city of the Samsimurunâa;</q></l> +<l>Tu-ba'alu of the city of the Ṣidunnâa (Sidonians);</l> +<l>Abdi-li'iti of the city of the Arudâa (Arvadites);</l> +<l>Uru-milki of the city of the Gublâa (Gebalites);</l> +<l>Mitinti of the city of the Asdudâa (Ashdodites);</l> +<l>Budu-îlu of the land of the Bît-Ammanâa (Beth-Ammonites);</l> +<l>Kammusu-nadbi (Chemosh-nadab) of the land of the Ma'abâa (Moabites);</l> +<l>Aa-rammu (Joram) of the land of the Udummâa (Edomites);</l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +kings of the land of Amoria all of them, brought numerous +treasures, their valuable presents, as gifts to my +presence and kissed my feet. And Ṣidqâ<note place='foot'>Or <foreign rend='italic'>Ṣidqaa</foreign> (for <foreign rend='italic'>Ṣidqaia = Zedekiah</foreign>).</note> (Zedekiah), +king of the city of Isqalluna (Askelon), who was not +submissive to my yoke, the gods of his father's house, +himself, his wife, his sons, his daughters, his brothers, +(and) the seed of his father's house, I removed and +brought to the land of Aššur. Šarru-lûdâri, son of +Rûkibtu, their former king, I placed over the people +of the city of Isqalluna, and the payment of tribute +as the price of my overlordship I set for him, and he +bore my yoke. In the course of my campaign the +<pb n='375'/><anchor id='Pg375'/> +city Bît-Daganna (Beth-Dagon), Yappû (Joppa), +Banâa-barqa (Bene-berak), Azuru (Azor), cities of +Ṣidqâ which were not at once submissive to my +yoke, I besieged, captured, (and) carried off their +spoil. +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>The prefects, the princes, and the people of the +city Amqarruna (Ekron), who had thrown Padî, their +king, who was faithful to the agreement and oath +of the land of Aššur, into fetters of iron, and given +him to Ḫazaqiau (Hezekiah), of the land of the +Yaudâa (Jews)—hostilely in secret they had acted—feared +in their hearts. The kings of the land of +Muṣuru (Egypt), (and) the soldiers of the bow, the +chariots, (and) the horses of the king of the land of +Meluḫḫa, gathered to themselves a numberless force, +and came to their help. Over against me in sight of +Altaqû (Eltekah) their line of battle was set in array, +they called for their weapons. In the service of +Aššur my lord I fought with them and accomplished +their defeat. The charioteers and the sons of the +king of the Muṣurâa (Egyptians), with the charioteers +of the king of the land of Meluḫḫa, my hands captured +alive in the midst of the battle. (As for) the city of +Altaqû (Eltekah) (and) the city of Tamnâ (Timnah), +I besieged, captured, (and) carried off their spoil.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>I approached to the city of Amqarruna, and the +prefects and princes who had caused the wrong to be, +I killed, and on stakes around the city I hung their +corpses. The sons of the city doing the crime and +misdeed I counted as spoil. The rest of them, who +did not commit sin and wickedness, whose evil deed +was not, I commanded their release. I caused Padî, +their king, to come forth from the midst of Ursalimmu +(Jerusalem), and to sit on the throne of dominion +over them, and the tribute of my overlordship I +imposed upon him. And (as for) Hazaqiau (Hezekiah) +of the land of the Yaudâa (Jews), who had not +submitted to my yoke, 46 of his strong cities, fortresses, +<pb n='376'/><anchor id='Pg376'/> +and small towns which were around them, +which were innumerable, with overthrowing by battering-rams, +and advance of towers, infantry-attack, +breaching, cutting, and earthworks, I besieged (and) +captured. 200,150 people, small and great, male and +female, horses, mules, asses, camels, oxen, and sheep, +which were without number, from their midst I caused +to come forth and reckoned as spoil. As for him, +like a cage-bird I shut him up within Ursalimmu, the +city of his dominion. Redoubts I threw up around +him, and I cut off the exit from the great gate of his +city—it was (completely) covered. His cities, which +I had spoiled, I detached from the midst of his +country, and gave (them) to Mitintu, king of Asdudu +(Ashdod), Padî, king of Amqarruna (Ekron), and +Ṣilli-bêl, king of the city Ḫazitu (Gaza), and (thus) +reduced his land. Over the former tribute, their yearly +gift, I added a payment as to the due of my overlordship, +and imposed it upon them. As for him, Ḫazaqiau +(Hezekiah), fear of the magnificence of my lordship +struck him, and the <foreign rend='italic'>urbi</foreign> and his chosen soldiers, which +he had brought in for the defence of Ursalimmu, the +city of his kingdom, and (who) had pay, with 30 talents +of gold, 800 talents of silver, precious (stones), <foreign rend='italic'>guḫli</foreign>, +<foreign rend='italic'>daggassi</foreign>,<note place='foot'>Unknown objects—perhaps gold bangles or similar things.</note> great carbuncles (?), couches of ivory, state +thrones of ivory, elephant-skin, elephant-tooth (ivory), +ebony (?), <foreign rend='italic'>urkarinnu</foreign>-wood, all sorts of things,<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>whatever its name.</q></note> a valuable +treasure, and his daughters, the women of his +palace, male singers (and) female singers, he<note place='foot'>Or <q>I.</q></note> caused +to be brought after me to the midst of Ninua (Nineveh), +the city of my dominion, and he sent his messenger +to present the gift and pay homage.</q> +</p> + +<p> +It is needless to say that the above long account +differs considerably from that given in the Bible (2 Kings +xviii. 13; Isa. xxxvi. 1 ff.), and it is very difficult to reconcile +the two narratives. According to the account +<pb n='377'/><anchor id='Pg377'/> +in Kings, Sennacherib came and took all the fenced +cities of Judah, but there is no statement as to the +reason why. The Assyrian king justifies his invasion +of the country by stating that Hezekiah had sided +with the inhabitants of Ekron in the deposition of +their king, whom he had received from them and kept +in prison. He even states that he brought him forth +from Jerusalem and replaced him on the throne. +That this circumstance is not referred to in the Biblical +account, cannot be held to indicate that the Assyrian +king's story is wrong, and only shows that the writer +of the 2nd Book of the Kings did not think it of +sufficient importance to record. In all probability, +Hezekiah did not know at the time that Padî was an +Assyrian vassal, otherwise he would not have incurred +the risk of an invasion of his country by the dreaded +Assyrians. The Biblical account then states that +Hezekiah sent to the king at Lachish, saying that he +had offended, and asking for terms, a fact which indicates +that he was aware of having done something +at which the king of Assyria might justly take offence. +The answer was, the fixing of the amount of tribute +which Hezekiah had to pay—300 talents of silver and +30 talents of gold, this latter item agreeing with the +statement of Sennacherib himself, though the amount +of silver which he mentions—800 talents—is much +greater. The sacrifice which Hezekiah made on +this occasion (he had to strip off the gold from the +doors of the Temple, and also from the pillars which +he had overlaid, to make up the sum) was considerable. +Concerning a siege of Jerusalem at this +point, however, there is not a single word in the +Biblical account, and the general opinion is, that the +Assyrian king has purposely combined two accounts +to give an appearance of success to what, in 2 Kings +xix. 35-37, appears to have been a serious disaster to +the Assyrian arms. +</p> + +<p> +It is worthy of note, however, that Josephus makes +<pb n='378'/><anchor id='Pg378'/> +the siege of Jerusalem to have taken place when +Sennacherib was returning from Egypt, where he had +spent a long time besieging Pelusium (<hi rend='italic'>Ant.</hi> x. i. 4), +which was regarded as the key of Egypt. In support +of this he quotes Herodotus, who, according to him, +made a great mistake <q>when he called this king not +king of the Assyrians, but of the Arabians.</q> This, +however, is not quite correct, as Herodotus really says +(book ii. 141), <q>Sennacherib king of the Arabians and +of the Assyrians.</q> That it took place on his return +from Egypt, however, is also stated by Berosus, whom +Josephus quotes in full, as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Now when Sennacherib was returning from his +Egyptian war to Jerusalem, he found his army under +Rabshakeh in great danger, for God had sent a +pestilential distemper upon his army; and on the +very first night of the siege, a hundred and eighty-five +thousand, with their captains and generals, were +destroyed. So the king was in a great dread, and in +a terrible agony at this calamity; and being in great +fear for his whole army, he fled with the rest of his +forces to his own kingdom, and to his city Nineveh, +and when he had abode there a little while, he was +treacherously assaulted, and died by the hands of his +elder sons, Adramelech and Sarasar, and was slain in +his own temple which was called Araske. Now these +sons of his were driven away on account of the +murder of their father, by the citizens, and went into +Armenia, whilst Assarachoddas took the kingdom of +Sennacherib.</q> +</p> + +<p> +This would seem to be conclusive, especially as Sennacherib, +according to his own records, made no expedition +to Egypt before or at the time of that against the +land of Ḫatti, which took place in the eponymy of +Mitunu, prefect of Isana, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> 700 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, or the year +immediately preceding. Now as Sennacherib died +in 681 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, nearly twenty years elapsed between the +campaign of which the account is above translated +<pb n='379'/><anchor id='Pg379'/> +and his death. Berosus, however, states that, after +the siege of Jerusalem, which ended so disastrously +for him, he abode at Nineveh only <q>a little while</q> +before he was murdered. There is then no doubt that +there were two campaigns, and the events referred to +in 2 Kings xviii. 13-xix. 37, though they seem to +follow each other with little or no break, must have +extended over a considerable period, the widest gap +being in all probability between the sixteenth and +seventeenth verses of ch. xviii. It is noteworthy that, +at this point, the Hebrew indicates the end of a paragraph, +though not a change of subject. +</p> + +<p> +Affairs in Babylonia now occupied the attention of +Sennacherib for many years, in consequence of the +many revolutions there, which were largely fomented, +aided and abetted by the Elamites. In 703 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, +two pretenders, Marduk-zakir-šumi and Marduk-âbla-iddina, +held the throne in succession for a few months, +but Sennacherib put an end to this rule by setting on +the throne a Chaldean named Bêl-ibnî (Belibus).<note place='foot'>Elibus in Alexander Polyhistor, as quoted by Eusebius, +<hi rend='italic'>Armenian Chronicle</hi>, 42.</note> This +took place when he defeated Merodach-baladan, before +the campaign against the West. Evidently, however, +he was not satisfied with the rule of his nominee, who +had probably been plotting against him, and therefore +entered the country again in 699 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, carried away +Bêl-ibnî prisoner, and set on the throne his own +eldest son, Aššur-nadin-šum. After this seems to +have occurred his fifth expedition, which was to the +mountainous region where lay the cities Tumurru, +Šarum or Šarma, Ezema, Kibšu, Ḫalbuda, Qûa, and +Qana, in the neighbourhood of Cilicia, his objective +being the city Ukku, which was taken and spoiled. +</p> + +<p> +Whilst absent on this expedition, however, the +Elamites seem to have been again plotting against +the Assyrians in Babylonia. This being the case, +Sennacherib went in <q>ships of the land of Ḫatti</q> to +<pb n='380'/><anchor id='Pg380'/> +the place where Merodach-baladan<note place='foot'>It is impossible, with our present knowledge, to determine +the date of Merodach-baladan's envoy to Hezekiah (2 Kings +xx. 12), but if at the late period indicated, he must have been in +hiding, and waiting for the chance to mount the throne again.</note> had taken refuge, +namely, <q>Nagitu of Elam.</q><note place='foot'>This, together with Nagitu, and Nagitu-di'ibina, are apparently +different from the Nagite-raqqi or Nagitu-raqqu mentioned +above. Apparently Merodach-baladan had fled from the Nagitu +<q>within the sea</q> to the mainland.</note> On this occasion, he +claims to have captured Šûzubu (otherwise Nergal-ušêzib), +and carried him in chains to Assyria. This +led to reprisals on the part of the Elamites, who +invaded Babylonia, carried Aššur-nadin-šum, the +king, Sennacherib's son, prisoner, and set on the +throne Nergal-ušêzib, who, if he be the Šûzubu referred +to by Sennacherib, must have escaped from the +custody of the Assyrians. This was in 693 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +Nergal-ušêzib only ruled for a year or eighteen +months, and was captured (? again) by the Assyrians. +The Assyrian king now ravaged Elam <q>from Râš to +Bît-Burnaki,</q> but his army would have been better +employed in watching over affairs in Babylonia, +where another pretender, Mušêzib-Marduk, sat on the +throne, and ruled for four years. During this time +he, too, found that his seat was not altogether a bed +of roses, for Menanu, king of Elam, after a battle with +the Assyrians,<note place='foot'>The Babylonian Chronicle claims victory for the allies, and +Sennacherib for the Assyrians. The sequel implies that the +latter is the more trustworthy.</note> captured Mušêzib-Marduk with an +army composed of Elamites and Babylonians, and +delivered him to the Assyrians. Sennacherib now +again (688 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>) became king of Babylonia, and it is +thought that, on taking possession of the capital +again, out of revenge for the loss of his son, and on +account of the trouble he had had in consequence of +the Babylonians running after the many pretenders, +with which the land seems to have teemed, he destroyed +<pb n='381'/><anchor id='Pg381'/> +the city of Babylon, committing such cruelties +that they were remembered to the end, and sowed +the seeds of that hatred which were to bring forth for +Assyria that deadliest of all fruit—her own destruction. +</p> + +<p> +In the eight years which passed between his +assuming the reins of power in Babylonia and his +death, must be placed that expedition to Egypt +spoken of by Berosus and Herodotus. The version +of the former, which refers principally to the siege of +Jerusalem, is quoted above (p. <ref target='Pg378'>378</ref>); the following is +the account of the latter— +</p> + +<p> +<q>After this, Sanacharib, king of the Arabians and +of the Assyrians, marched a great host against +Egypt. Then the warriors of the Egyptians refused +to come to the rescue, and the priest (Hephaistos, +whose name was Sethos),<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>I.e.</hi> Mer-en-Ptah, Seti I. As, however, this king reigned as +early as 1350 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, Herodotus must have been misinformed. +Tirhakah, <q>king of Ethiopia,</q> was Sennacherib's opponent at +the period of the siege of Jerusalem (2 Kings xix. 9).</note> being driven into a strait, +entered into the sanctuary of the temple and bewailed +to the image of the god the danger which was impending +over him; and as he was thus lamenting, +sleep came upon him, and it seemed to him in his +vision that the god came out and stood by him and +encouraged him, saying that he should suffer no evil +if he went forth to meet the army of the Arabians, +for he would himself send him helpers. Trusting in +these things seen in sleep, he took with him, they +say, those of the Egyptians who were willing to +follow him, and encamped in Pelusion, for by this +way the invasion came; and not one of the warrior +class followed him, but shopkeepers and artisans and +men of the market. Then after they came, there +swarmed by night upon the enemies mice of the +fields, and ate up their quivers and their bows, and +moreover the handles of their shields, so that on the +next day they fled, and being without defence of +<pb n='382'/><anchor id='Pg382'/> +arms great numbers fell. And at the present time +this king stands in the temple of Hephaistos in +stone, holding upon his head a mouse, and by letters +inscribed he says these words, <q>Let him who looks +upon me learn to fear the gods.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +Josephus's quotation from Herodotus differs somewhat +from the above, in that he makes the Egyptian +king to pray to God (and not before his image), and +omits all reference to the dream. This was doubtless +to make the parallel with the case of Hezekiah more +striking. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-xi.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Sennacherib before Lachish. +For the translation of the inscription, see the opposite page. +British Museum, Assyrian Saloon. +The face of the king is mutilated in the original bas-relief, and has been restored.</head> + <figDesc>Plate XI.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +The precise date of this expedition to Egypt and +second siege of Jerusalem is unknown, but it must +have taken place between 688 and 680 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> It is not +by any means improbable that the date may some +time or other be fixed, for an account of it will probably +be found in the ruins of the cities of Assyria +somewhere. That Herodotus calls Sennacherib <q>king +of the Arabians and the Assyrians</q> is probably due +to the fact that he seems to have been in alliance +with <q>the queen of the Aribi</q>—<foreign rend='italic'>(šar)rat</foreign> D.P. <foreign rend='italic'>Aribi</foreign>—or +Arabians, at the time. Esarhaddon speaks of his +father Sennacherib as having captured the Arabian city +Adumū, and inscriptions of Aššur-banî-âpli also refer +to Sennacherib's expedition thither, and to his connection +with an Arabian king named Ḫaza-îlu +(Hazael). With regard to Palestine itself, the reality +of the siege of Lachish is testified to by the fact, that +a large portion of Sennacherib's sculptures represent +him as being present at the siege of Lachish in +person, when the prisoners and the booty taken were +passed before him in procession. The inscription +accompanying this scene reads as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Sin-âḫê-iriba, king of the world, king of the land Aššur,</q></l> +<l>sat upon his throne of state, and</l> +<l>the spoil of Lakisu</l> +<l><q rend='post'>passed before him.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<pb n='383'/><anchor id='Pg383'/> + +<p> +It would be strange indeed if this event, of which +he was evidently very proud, were omitted from the +history of what he must have regarded as his glorious +deeds. As it does not occur in the account of his +expedition to the land of Ḫatti, there is hardly any +doubt that it belongs to the later campaign there, +when he took the city, though he failed, as has been +seen, to take Jerusalem. In all probability there +were two sieges of Lachish, and it was very possible +that the city was taken only on the second occasion. +In any case, it was from Lachish that Sennacherib +sent the Tartan, the Rabsaris, and the Rabshakeh to +Hezekiah, with a great army to besiege Jerusalem, +and it is noteworthy that the Rabshakeh reproaches +him with trusting to Egypt, the power with which +Assyria was at that moment in conflict; and in Sennacherib's +second message to Hezekiah (2 Kings xix. +9) the words accompanying it clearly show that the +general opinion was, that it was the march of Tirhakah +against him which called it forth. It is noteworthy +in this connection, that Tirhakah cannot have been +on the throne of Egypt so early as 700 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, the +date of Sennacherib's first campaign against the +West. +</p> + +<p> +There are therefore many arguments in favour of +two expeditions of Sennacherib to Palestine, with +two sieges of Jerusalem, and also, to all appearance, +two sieges of Lachish. +</p> + +<p> +The following is the account of his death given in +the Babylonian Chronicle— +</p> + +<p> +<q>On the 20th day of Tebet, Sin-âḫê-eriba, king of +Assyria, his son killed him in a revolt. For (? 25) +years Sin-âḫê-eriba had ruled the kingdom of Assyria. +From the 20th day of the month Tebet until the +2nd day of the month Adar, the revolt in Assyria +continued. Month Adar, day 18th, Aššur-âḫâ-iddina +(Esarhaddon), his son, sat upon the throne in +Assyria.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='384'/><anchor id='Pg384'/> + +<p> +According to Berosus, who agrees with the Biblical +account in this, it was two of his sons who killed +him, but it may be taken that, though they were both +morally responsible, one only actually performed the +deed. Shareser is not mentioned, either by Abydenus +or Polyhistor, as taking part in the murder; it would +seem to be very probable, that Adrammelech was the +culprit. From Berosus it is also clear that Esarhaddon +had nothing to do with it, and this is to a +certain extent confirmed by his inscriptions, which, as +will be seen farther on, represent him as warring in +Armenia, whither his brothers had fled. +</p> + +<p> +According to the received chronology, the assassination +of Sennacherib and the accession of Esarhaddon +took place in the year 680 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Esarhaddon.</head> + +<p> +It is a matter greatly to be regretted that the royal +inscriptions of Esarhaddon have not come down to +us in a complete state, and also that we do not +possess the later portions of the Assyrian Eponym +Canon with historical references, which would enable +us to fix the date of the campaigns. Of course, there +is every probability that they are mentioned in +chronological order, but as their dates are not stated, +at least some uncertainty must prevail. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-xii.png' rend='width: 60%'> + <head>Esarhaddon, King of Assyria. +The kneeling figure, which has the negro type of features and wears +the uraeus ornament, is apparently Tirhakah, his opponent in Egypt. The +prisoners here represented are regarded as being treated as the same king +treated Manasseh (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11, R.V. marg.). Found at Zenjirli. +From <hi rend='italic'>Mittheilungen aus den Orientalischen Sammlungen</hi>, Part XI., by permission of +the publishing-house of Georg Reimer, Berlin.</head> + <figDesc>Plate XII.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +It is therefore impossible to say with certainty +whether the recital, in forcible though apparently +well-chosen language, of what took place in Ḫanigalbat, +or Mesopotamia, belongs to the account of the +conflict with his brothers (who would have liked to +overthrow Esarhaddon that one of them might reign +in his stead) or not. The wording, however, makes +it very probable that the narrative does refer to them, +for he overtook them on the Nineveh road, and the +disappearance of their resistance was more than +gratifying to the new king— +</p> + +<pb n='385'/><anchor id='Pg385'/> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The Nineveh-road, with difficulty (but) speedily, +I traversed—</q></l> +<l>before me, in the land of Ḫani-galbat, the whole +of their mighty</l> +<l>warriors halted before my expedition, and prepared +their weapons.</l> +<l>The fear of the great gods, my lords, overwhelmed +them, and</l> +<l>the attack of my mighty battle they saw, and +became as demented.</l> +<l>Ištar, lady of war and battle, lover of my priesthood,</l> +<l>stood by my side, and broke their bows.</l> +<l>She scattered their serried battle(-array), and</l> +<l>in their assembled mass they called out thus:</l> +<l><q>This is our king.</q></l> +<l><q rend='post'>By her supreme command they came over to my +side.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Oracles encouraging Esarhaddon exist, and possibly +refer to this expedition. +</p> + +<p> +Unfortunately the mutilation of the record, by +which the beginning is wanting, has deprived us of +the names of both conspirators, which are, therefore, +only preserved by the Bible, Berosus, Abydenus, and +Polyhistor. Various have been the conjectures as to +what the true Assyrian forms of the names would be, +and only one, that of Adrammelech, has been found +with any probability of its being the right one. The +name in question is that of Aššur-munik, or, perhaps +better, Aššur-mulik, for whom Sennacherib built a +palace. From its form in Hebrew, Sharezer should +be Šar-uṣur in Assyrian, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> <q>protect the king,</q> the +name of the deity called upon being omitted. +</p> + +<p> +Though Esarhaddon's inscriptions do not give any +chronological data, the Babylonian chronicle indicates +the dates of his campaigns with sufficient precision. +From it we learn that in his first year he had to put +<pb n='386'/><anchor id='Pg386'/> +down a rebellion in Ur, led by Zēru-kênu-lîšir, whom +Esarhaddon calls Nabû-zēr-napišti-lîšir, son of Merodach-baladan. +In the year 676 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, his expedition to +Sidon took place, and Abdi-milkutti, the king, was +beheaded in 675. After taking the spoil of the city, +he says that he <q>assembled the kings of Ḫatti and the +sea-coast, all of them,</q> and there is every probability +that it was at this time that he <q>took Menasseh with +hooks,</q> or, as the Revised Version has it, with chains, +and bound him with fetters, and brought him to +Babylon, where, as sovereign of that land also, he +sometimes held court. Though severe, and probably +also cruel sometimes, Esarhaddon was more mercifully +inclined than his father, and allowed Menasseh +to resume the reins of government at Jerusalem. +There is no reference to this in the inscriptions of +Esarhaddon, though he mentions, in his list of +tributaries, Menasseh king of the city of Judah. +This list, which is from a cylinder-inscription, is as +follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>I gathered also the kings of Ḫatti and across the river ...</q></l> +<l>Ba'alu king of Ṣurru (Tyre): Menasê (Menasseh) king of the city of Yaudu:</l> +<l>Qauš-gabri, king of the city of Udumu (Edom); Muṣur'i, king of the city Ma'ab (Moab);</l> +<l>Ṣilli-bêlu, king of the city of Ḫazitu (Gaza); Mitinti, king of the city of Isqaluna (Askelon);</l> +<l>Ikausu, king of the city of Amqarruna (Ekron); Milki-ašapa, king of the city of Gublu (Gebal);</l> +<l>Matan-ba'al, king of the city of Aruadu (Arvad); Abi-baal, king of the city of Samsimuruna;</l> +<l>Budu-ilu, king of the city Bêt-Ammana (Beth-Ammon); Aḫi-milki, king of the city of Asdudu (Ashdod);</l> +<l>12 kings of the sea-coast. Ekištura, king of the city Edi'al (Idalium);</l> +<pb n='387'/><anchor id='Pg387'/> +<l>Pilâgurâ, king of the city of Kidrusu; Kîsu, king of the city Sillûa;</l> +<l>Itûandar, king of the city Pappa (Paphos); Erêsu, king of the city of Sillu;</l> +<l>Damasu, king of the city Kurî (Kurium); Admezu, king of the city Tamesu (Tamessus);</l> +<l>Damûsi, king of the city Karti-ḫadasti (the new town, a Phœnician settlement);</l> +<l>Unasagusu, king of the city Lidir; Buṣusu, king of the city Nurîa:</l> +<l>10 kings of the land of Yatnana (Cyprus), within the sea—</l> +<l>altogether 22 kings of the land of Ḫatti, the sea-coast and the middle of the sea, all of them,</l> +<l>I directed, and great beams, enormous poles,</l> +<l>trunks of cedar and cypress from the midst of Sirara</l> +<l>and Libnana (Lebanon) (etc., etc., etc.),</l> +<l>from the midst of the wooded mountains,</l> +<l>the place of their growing,</l> +<l>for the requirements of my palace,</l> +<l>with toil and with difficulty</l> +<l><q rend='post'>I caused them to be brought to Nineveh.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +The tribute which he exacted was not, therefore, +a tribute of gold, silver, and other precious things, but +simply the building materials which Esarhaddon required +for his palace, and the kings of Heth, including +Menasseh, contributed to this together with the kings +of Cyprus—and to all appearance they had to transport +these things to Nineveh! It was the labour and +expense of transport rather than the material itself, +which rendered this tribute so precious. +</p> + +<p> +Judging from his records, Esarhaddon was fully as +active as the other kings of Assyria in making conquests. +He attacked the people of Armenia (the +Mannâa), the rebellious land of Barnaku—<q>those who +<pb n='388'/><anchor id='Pg388'/> +dwell in the land of Til-Ašurri,</q><note place='foot'>Tel-Assar (Isaiah xxxvii. 12)—Assar probably = Asari (p. 54).</note>—the Medes, the +Chaldeans, the Arabians (see p. <ref target='Pg382'>382</ref>), and Egypt, in the +direction of which he had already made a little expedition +(to the cities of Arzâ and Aaki (?) of the brook +of Egypt—probably the river of Egypt of Gen. xv. 18, +and other passages). His first real expedition to +Egypt, however, was in the tenth year of his reign +(670 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>). Three battles were fought there, and +Memphis was captured by the Assyrians on the 22nd +of Tammuz. Whether he really and effectually subjugated +the country or not, is not known, but he +again marched to the same place in the last year of +his reign, and falling ill on the road, died on the 10th +day of Marcheswan. He was succeeded by Aššur-banî-âpli +(Asshur-bani-pal) in Assyria, and Šamaš-šum-ukîn +(Saosduchinos) in Babylonia, and the two +kingdoms, united by so much bloodshed, became +once more separated (668 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>). +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf' level1='Assur-Bani-Apli'/> +<head>Aššur-Banî-Âpli.</head> + +<p> +Thus it happened, that Aššur-banî-âpli, on coming +to the throne, found himself involved in a war with +Egypt. To such a ruler, it must have seemed a hard +thing to relinquish what his father had fought, and +perhaps died, to acquire and retain. This being the +case, he sent forth his army to reduce the country +again to subjection, Tirhakah having taken advantage +of the death of Esarhaddon to revolt. In the +course of this campaign his representative (there is +every probability that Aššur-banî-âpli never went +westwards, or, indeed, made any warlike expedition +in person whatever) received the tribute of the kings +of the sea-coast and <q>the middle of the sea,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> +Phœnicia and Cyprus. This list is, with few exceptions, +the same as that given by Esarhaddon, and +<pb n='389'/><anchor id='Pg389'/> +includes Minsê (= Minasê, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Menasseh) of the land +of Yaudi or Judah. In some cases, however, changes +had taken place and these are duly registered—Yakinlû +instead of Matan-ba'al, king of the land of +Aruada (Arvad); Ammi-nadbi (Amminadab), king +of the land of Bît-Ammana (Beth-Ammon), instead +of Budu-ilu. For the kings of Cyprus, however, no +change is indicated, a circumstance which leads one +to look upon the list with some suspicion, it being +not impossible that the names of certain rulers are +inserted to make a seeming addition to the Assyrian +king's glory. They are all represented, however, as +supporting, with their troops and their ships, on land +and on sea, the army of Aššur-banî-âpli. The result +was the defeat of Tirhakah, and the restoration of +the kings, prefects, and governors whom Esarhaddon +had appointed as rulers of the country.<note place='foot'>There were twenty provinces in all, including those of Nikû, +king of Mempi and Sâa (Necho of Memphis and Sais); Šarru-lû-dâri +(an Assyrian name), king of Ṣi'anu (Zoan or Tanis), +Susinqu (Sheshonq), king of Buširu (Busiris), and many others.</note> +</p> + +<p> +No sooner had the Assyrians departed, than +Tirhakah won over all the princes they had installed +to his side, and the work had to be done +over again. The Assyrian generals, however, returned +promptly, and the rebellion was at once put +down. Of the princes who were captured, Necho +alone was spared, and, with his son, set as ruler in +Ḫatḫariba (Athribis). About this time Tirhakah died, +and Urdamanê, son of Sabaco, mounted the throne, +and made Thebes and On (Heliopolis) his principal +strongholds, besieging the Assyrian army of occupation +in Memphis. Another expedition on the part +of the Assyrians therefore became necessary, and was +at once undertaken, and with complete success, except +that Urdamanê remained, to all appearance, still at +large. Practically, however, the greater part of Egypt +became at this time an Assyrian province. +</p> + +<pb n='390'/><anchor id='Pg390'/> + +<p> +But many were the conquests of this really remarkable +king, which his generals accomplished for him. +Soon came the turn of Ba'al, king of Tyre, whose +subjection brought about that of Yakinlû, king of +Arvad, Mugallu, king of Tubal, and Sandasarme of +the land of the Ḫilakkâa (Cilicians). Aššur-banî-âpli +also speaks of the mission of Yakinlû, king of Arvad, +who sent his sons to him with presents, and made +obeisance. These princes bore the interesting names +Azi-ba'al, Abi-ba'al, Aduni-ba'al, Sapati-baal, Pudi-baal, +Ba'al-yašupu, Ba'al-ḫanunu, Ba'al-maluku, Abi-milki, +and Aḫi-milki, showing the popularity of the +element <foreign rend='italic'>baal</foreign> in the names of the people of Arvad. +Azi-ba'al was designated as the next king, and all the +brothers were sent back with rich gifts. He also tells +the story of the dream of <foreign rend='italic'>Guggu šar Luddi</foreign> (Gyges, +king of Lydia), to whom the god Aššur is said to have +appeared, exhorting him to submit to Aššur-banî-âpli, +and overcome his enemies by invoking his name. +Following this advice, he succeeded in conquering +the Gimmirrâa (people of Gomer), capturing their +chiefs, of whom he sent two in fetters to the Assyrian +king, with valuable gifts. +</p> + +<p> +Gyges did not send any more embassies, however, +and allied himself with Tušamilki, king of the land +of Muṣur (generally regarded as Psammeticus of +Egypt, but to all appearance another Muṣur—probably +that to the north—is meant), and for this he +received the curse of the Assyrian king. The result +was, that the Gimmirrâa came and ravaged his country. +This being the case, his son, who succeeded him, +thought best to renew the Assyrian alliance, and +therefore sent an embassy with a message to the +following effect—<q>The king whom god hath chosen +art thou; thou cursedst my father, and evil was +wrought before him. As for me, the servant fearing +thee, be gracious to me and let me bear thy yoke.</q> +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-xiii.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Assur-banî-âpli (Assurbanipal), "The Great and Noble Asnapper," Hunting Lions. +British Museum. Assyrian Saloon.</head> + <figDesc>Plate XIII.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +Gyges, in Assyrian Gug(g)u, is regarded as the +<pb n='391'/><anchor id='Pg391'/> +original of the mystic Gog of Ezekiel xxxviii. 39, and +his country, Lydia (Luddu), is generally explained as +the Biblical Lud, though a certain amount of doubt +regarding it exists. +</p> + +<p> +Aššur-banî-âpli's other campaigns were against the +Vannites, the Elamites, the Babylonians (on account +of his brother Saosduchinos, king of that country, +refusing to acknowledge his suzerainty), after that +twice more against Elam, then against the Arabians, +and finally against Ummanaldaš, king of Elam, whom +he seized as a hawk does his prey. In all, however, +he captured four Elamite princes, whom he caused +to be attached to his carriage (<foreign rend='italic'>ina marri šadadi, +rukub šarruti-ia</foreign><note place='foot'><q>To the long chariot, the vehicle of my royalty.</q></note>), and as for the Arabian princes +whom he had taken as prisoners, he caused them to +wear chains and badges of service, and to work at +the building of his palace, as was the custom in those +days. +</p> + +<p> +We can easily imagine him—the great and noble +Aššur-banî-âpli, called by Ezra (iv. 10) Asnapper +(better Asenappar), who transferred the Dinaites, +Apharsathchites, Tarpelites, Apharsites, Archevites, +Babylonians, Susanchites (Susanians), Dehavites, and +Elamites, to swell the mixed multitudes in the cities +of Samaria. Many a time is he represented in the +beautiful bas-reliefs which he caused to be carved +as the adornments of his palace at Nineveh, and +we there see him, the patron of art, as the bold +sportsman and hunter, just as his tablets show him +as the greatest patron of literature of his time, one +who knew the literature of his race, who took a pride +in learning, and himself copied out tablets <q>in the +assembly of the experts.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The <q>great and noble Asnapper</q> is worthy of a +statue in every land where the languages of Assyria +and Babylonia are studied. +</p> + +<p> +How the sudden downfall of the Assyrian empire +<pb n='392'/><anchor id='Pg392'/> +really came about we do not know. In all probability +it remained intact until the death of Aššur-banî-âpli, +which took place in 626 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> His son, Aššur-êtil-îlāni-ukinni, +has left no historical records, though it +is not by any means impossible that some light may +ultimately be thrown on his reign. One of the +enigmas of his time is: What was the circumstance +which called forth the following communication?— +</p> + +<p> +<q>The message of the daughter of the king to +Aššurâaitu the queen. As yet thou writest not thy +tablet, and dictatest not thy letter? Shall they say +thus: <q>Is this the sister of Šerû-êṭerat, the eldest +daughter of the Harem-house of Aššur-êtil-îlāni-ukinni, +the great king, the mighty king, the king of +the world, the king of Assyria?</q> And thou art the +daughter of the bride, the lady of the house of +Aššur-banî-âpli, the son of the great king of the +Harem-house, who was Aššur-âḫa-iddina (Esarhaddon), +king of Assyria.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Some of the expressions in this letter seem obscure, +but the probable explanation is, that the daughter +of one of the last Assyrian kings—perhaps Sin-šarra-iškun +(Saracos)—writes to the chief wife of Aššur-banî-âpli +urging her to take action by exhorting the +chiefs of the nation at a crisis in the history of the +country, which crisis was probably that which led to +the downfall of the mighty kingdom which had +reached its zenith of power during the reign of Aššur-banî-âpli. +At this time, according to Nabonidus, a +king of the Umman-manda or Medes, whose name +is doubtful, but which may be Iriba-tuktê, entered +into alliance with a ruler who must be Nabopolassar +of Babylon, the father of Nebuchadnezzar, and +accomplished the vengeance of Merodach, the god of +the Babylonians, who willed that the destruction +wrought upon his city by Sennacherib should be +amply avenged. This vengeance was apparently the +downfall of the Assyrian empire and the destruction +<pb n='393'/><anchor id='Pg393'/> +of Nineveh, in accordance with statements of Alexander +Polyhistor, Abydenus, and Syncellus. It is +Diodorus Siculus, however, who gives the fullest +account. He relates that there was a legend (according +to an oracle) that the city could not be taken +until the river became its enemy. Arbaces, the +Scythian, was besieging it, but was unable to make +any great impression on it for two years. In the +third year, however, the river<note place='foot'>As pointed out by Commander Jones in 1852, the river +responsible for the disaster was not the Tigris, but must have +been the Khosr, which flows through Nineveh from the N.E., +and runs into the Tigris W.S.W. of the village of Armushieh.</note> was swollen by rains, +and being very rapid in its current, a portion of the +wall was carried away, by which the besiegers gained +an entrance. The king, recognizing in this the fulfilment +of the oracle, raised a funeral pyre, and gathering +together his concubines and eunuchs, mounted it, and +perished in the flames. Thus came the great Assyrian +empire to an end. +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The oracle concerning Nineveh:</q></l> +<l>The Lord is a jealous God and avengeth.</l> +<l>Who can stand before His indignation?</l> +<l>With an <emph>overrunning flood</emph> He will make a full end of the place thereof, and will pursue His enemies into darkness.</l> +<l>The <emph>gates of the rivers</emph> are opened, and the palace is dissolved.</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Thy shepherds slumber, O king of Assyria, thy worthies are at rest; thy people are scattered upon the mountains, and there is none to gather them.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +And there is much more in the same strain that +the Hebrew Oracle of Nahum concerning the fall of +Nineveh gives. +</p> + +<p> +But it was not simply the capture of an important +<pb n='394'/><anchor id='Pg394'/> +city—it was the enslavement and ultimate annihilation +of a whole nation. Who can imagine their +despair? Less than fifty years earlier, Assyria had +been the most powerful nation of the then known +world, and the people suddenly saw themselves +deprived of that proud position which they had +enjoyed for so many centuries. Their national existence +had, in fact, been brought to an abrupt end, but +the few Assyrian names which appear in Babylonian +contracts many years after their downfall show that +theirs was a proud indomitable spirit, which could not +give way to misfortune, and which probably hoped +for better things and more prosperous times. Their +descendants are still to be found among the Chaldean +Roman Catholic Christians of the country which +was the scene of their forefathers' dominion when +they ruled the land of their inheritance. Their most +worthy representatives in modern times are the family +of the Rassams, one of whom was for many years +British Consul at Mossoul (a post which his nephew +now fills), and another is the well-known veteran, +Hormuzd Rassam, Layard's helper, for some time +Resident at Aden, and later a prisoner with that mad +ruler, King Theodore of Abyssinia. To him we +owe the discovery of Aššur-banî-âpli's palace, the +ruins of Sippara and Cuthah, and many thousand +cylinders and tablets bearing upon the manners, +customs, history, religion, etc., of the Babylonians +and Assyrians, which have been used freely in the +compilation of this book. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='395'/><anchor id='Pg395'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter XI. Contact Of The Hebrews With The Later +Babylonians.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +Nabopolassar and the restoration of the power of Babylonia—Nebuchadnezzar—Evil-Merodach—Neriglissar +and his son—Nabonidus—The +Fall of Babylon—Nabonidus and Belshazzar—Cyrus +and Cambyses—Darius and his successors. +</quote> + +<p> +How great the change which came over the Eastern +world with the disappearance from the political horizon +of the power of Assyria can hardly be estimated. +In the time of Merodach-baladan, the Chaldean who +had mounted the Babylonian throne, an embassy was +sent to the Jewish king Hezekiah with a present and +kind inquiries as to his health, apparently to see +whether it was worth while making an alliance with +him. Merodach-baladan felt that he would need all +the outside help that he could get against the +Assyrians, with whom he was in constant conflict. +With the downfall of Assyria, however, all was +changed. The Jews' whilom friend became their +enemy, and, as indicated in 2 Kings xx. 17 ff., the +Israelites were to lose their independence at the +hands of the descendants of those who were then +seeking their friendship. +</p> + +<p> +There is hardly any doubt that the later Assyrian +kings regarded Babylonia as an integral part of the +Assyrian empire, and had perfect faith in the fidelity +of the inhabitants. It may reasonably be doubted, +however, whether the Babylonians had really forgotten +<pb n='396'/><anchor id='Pg396'/> +the cruel treatment they had received at the hands of +Sennacherib. In addition to this, there must have +existed for a considerable period the feeling that +they, the Babylonians, were the more ancient people +of the two, and that the Assyrians were but a later +offshoot of their own stock, owing to them all their +civilization, manners, customs, laws, and literature. +It will thus be seen that they were sufficiently of the +same origin to be regarded as one people, and for this +reason, many of the cities of Babylonia were satisfied +and happy under Assyrian rule, which they preferred, +to all appearance, to that of the Chaldeans, a nation +which, though inhabiting their own borders, was in +reality more alien to them than the Assyrians in +language, manners, and customs, and whom they +probably regarded as being only half civilized. +</p> + +<p> +The general opinion is, that Nabû-âbla-uṣur (Nabopolassar), +the general whom Sin-šarra-iškun (Saracos), +the last king of Assyria, sent against his enemies (who +seem to have invaded Babylonia by sea at the +northern end of the Persian Gulf), was a Chaldean, +and this is, in fact, confirmed by the quotation in +Eusebius's Armenian Chronicle (p. 44) from Polyhistor, +where it is stated that after Samuges (Šamaš-šum-ukîn, +the brother of Aššur-banî-âpli), Sardanapallus +(this is a mistake for Nabopollasarus), the Chaldean, +reigned for twenty-one years. If this be the case, it is +a matter of surprise that Sin-šarra-iškun should have +given into the hands of one belonging to a tribe of old +hostile to Assyria, the command of his army at such +a critical time. In any case, the result was most +disastrous for Assyria, as the foregoing chapter has +shown. +</p> + +<p> +In the opinion of Friedrich Delitzsch, Nabopolassar +was not the general of Sin-šarra-iškun, but in all +probability a viceroy installed by Aššur-êtil-îlāni-ukinni, +and retained by Sin-šarra-iškun, in which case +it is to be supposed that he made an alliance with the +<pb n='397'/><anchor id='Pg397'/> +Medes (as related by Alexander Polyhistor and Abydenus), +and cemented it by marrying his son Nebuchadrezzar +to Amunhean, Amuhean, or Amytis, daughter +of Astyages, king of the Medes; and according to the +latter author, it was after this that he marched against +Nineveh. Fried. Delitzsch may therefore be regarded +as most probably right, for the king of the Medes +would hardly have consented to bestow his daughter +upon the son of one whom he could not otherwise +have regarded as being of royal race. +</p> + +<p> +Though Nabopolassar had close connection with +Syria, his name is not mentioned in the Bible narrative. +For our information concerning him we are +indebted to Josephus, who, quoting the Babylonian +writer Berosus, relates what was recorded in the +Babylonian chronicles of that period. After the +division of the territory of Assyria, of which Egypt +took a part, the former allies began to quarrel among +themselves, the result being that Nabopolassar, wishing +to regain possession of Syria, which at this time +acknowledged the suzerainty of Egypt, decided to +attack that country. According to Berosus, he not +only regarded himself as master of Coele-Syria and +Phœnicia, but also of Egypt. Hearing, therefore, +<q>that the governor which he had set over Egypt and +over the parts of Coele-Syria and Phœnicia had +revolted from him, he was not able to bear it any +longer, but committing certain parts of his army to his +son Nabuchodonosor, who was then but young, he +sent him against the rebel.</q> This is regarded as having +taken place in 605 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> The governor attacked by the +young Nebuchadnezzar was apparently Necho, who +was completely defeated at Carchemish, and expelled +from Syria. +</p> + +<p> +Whilst upon this expedition, Nebuchadnezzar heard +of the death of his father at Babylon, in the twenty-first +year of his reign, as Josephus, quoting Berosus, +has it. This accords with the statement concerning +<pb n='398'/><anchor id='Pg398'/> +him in the Canon of Ptolemy, and also with native +Babylonian chronology, as may be seen from a tablet +in the Museum of Edinburgh, of which the following +is a translation— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>The 21st year of Nabopolassar a profit was made.</q></l> +<l>The 1st year of Nebuchadnezzar a profit was made.</l> +<l>The 2nd year of Nebuchadnezzar a profit was made.</l> +<l>The 3rd year the same.</l> +<l><q rend='post'>The fourth year the same.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +Returning to Babylon, the young prince found that +his supporters there had looked after his interests, +and no pretender having appeared to dispute with +him the throne, he was at once acknowledged +king. The death of Nabopolassar and the accession +of his son Nebuchadnezzar took place in the year +604 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +Unfortunately, but few inscriptions of Nabopolassar +have been found, and of them some are duplicates, +and all refer to his architectural or engineering works. +The principal treats of his restoration of the temple +Ê-temen-ana-kia, the shrine at Ê-sagila, which the +Babylonians regarded as the Tower of Babel. It is +written in the archaic style of writing much affected +by his son Nebuchadnezzar, and has certain peculiarities +of spelling. Like most of the pious architectural +inscriptions of Babylonia, there is no reference to +historical events, but the king speaks of Nabium-kudurra-uṣur +(Nebuchadrezzar), <q>the eldest, firstborn, +and beloved of my heart,</q> and his younger brother, +Nabû-šumam-lìšir. Both the king and his two sons +took part in the restoration of the temple, bringing +with their own hands material for the work, the +younger son also assisting by pulling the cord of the +<pb n='399'/><anchor id='Pg399'/> +cart which carried it. The receptacles which they used +to carry the material were made of gold and silver. +Other inscriptions of this king refer to the digging out +of the canal of the Euphrates near the city Sippara, +and to Nabopolassar's restoration of the temple of +<q>the Lady of Sippar,</q> called Ê-edinna, <q>the house +(temple) of the plain,</q> or <q>of Edina,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Eden. +</p> + +<p> +When Nebuchadnezzar (in Babylonian Nabû-kudurri-uṣur—he +was the second of the name) came +to the throne, he found himself in possession of a +mighty kingdom, consolidated by his father's talent, +and he could himself boast of having had a hand in +its enlargement and greater security. Everything was, +to all appearance, at peace, and the new king had no +reason to fear either a pretender to the throne, or the +advent of enemies from without. One of his tributaries, +namely, Jehoiakim, king of Judah, after paying +tribute three years (604-602 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), rebelled, but was +again reduced to subjection (2 Kings xxiv. 1 ff.). +</p> + +<p> +Later, however, uprisings of a more earnest nature +came to the ears of the Babylonian king, constraining +him to act. Apparently in consequence of the promises +of Egypt, Jehoiachin, son of Jehoiakim, brought +against himself the hostility of the king of Babylon, +who sent an army to besiege Jerusalem, afterwards +journeying thither himself, the result being, that the +city was taken, and the Jewish king, with his court, +yielded, and were carried away to Babylon (598 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>). +The number of captives on this occasion exceeded +10,000, and the treasures of the palace and the Temple +formed part of the spoils sent to Babylon. The +country was not annexed, however, for Nebuchadnezzar +made Mattaniah king of Judah instead of Jehoiachin, +changing his name to Zedekiah. +</p> + +<p> +Gratitude to the power which had raised him, however, +became weakened with years, and, encouraged +by Pharaoh Hophra, he rebelled in the ninth year of +his reign, the result being that Jerusalem was once +<pb n='400'/><anchor id='Pg400'/> +more besieged. Pharaoh Hophra now marched with +an army across the Egyptian border to the help of his +ally, whereupon the Babylonians raised the siege of +Jerusalem for a time to get rid of the invader (Jer. +xxxvii. 5-7). According to Josephus, the Egyptians +were totally defeated, and returned to their own land +(Jer. xxxvii. 7). The siege of Jerusalem was then +resumed, and the city was taken at the end of a year +and a half, notwithstanding a very courageous resistance. +The date set down for this event is July +586 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +Zedekiah with his army fled, but was pursued by +the Chaldeans, and captured in the plains of Jericho. +Nebuchadnezzar was then at Riblah, where, to all +appearance, a court was held (see 2 Kings xxv. 6), +and sentence pronounced against the faithless vassal, +whose sons were then slain before his eyes, his sight +destroyed, and he himself carried captive to Babylon. +It was a barbarous sentence, and was quite in accordance +with the customs of the age, just as the legal +formalities were to all appearance in conformity with +Babylonian tradition. The destruction of the Temple +and all the principal houses of the city by fire, followed, +this destruction being wrought by Nebu-zar-adan +(Nabû-zēr-iddina), the captain of Nebuchadnezzar's +guard, who also carried captive all who remained in +the city. Only the lowest class of the people remained +to carry on the cultivation of the land. Others were +sent to Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah, and by his orders +put to death. Those of the Jews who remained, however, +were not placed, as might reasonably have been +expected, under a Babylonian governor, but under +Gedeliah the son of Ahikam, who was made governor. +His death at the hands of his own countrymen took +place shortly after, thus putting an end to the last +vestige of native Jewish rule in Palestine. +</p> + +<p> +Next came the turn of Tyre, which the Babylonian +king blockaded for no less than thirteen years (585-573 +<pb n='401'/><anchor id='Pg401'/> +<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), but was apparently successful in the end, +when the inhabitants acknowledged Babylonian overlordship. +That its capture cost him great pains is +testified by Ezekiel (xxix. 18), who states that, to take +the city, <q>every head was bald, and every shoulder +was peeled</q> in consequence of the carrying of material +for the operations against the city, yet neither he nor +his army reaped any material advantage from this +conquest, <q>for the service that he had served against +it.</q> The name of a city Ṣûru, which is probably Tyre, +occurs on a tablet dated in Nebuchadnezzar's thirty-fifth +year (569 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>—four years after the city was taken). +It refers to a transaction in which sesame is sold, an +official of the city being a party to the contract. +Later on, in the fortieth year of Nebuchadnezzar, a +contract was entered into between Milki-idiri, governor +of Kidis (Kedesh), with regard to some cattle. This +document is dated at Tyre (Ṣurru) on the 22nd of the +month Tammuz. Not only Tyre, therefore, but the +whole district, owned the dominion of Nebuchadnezzar +at this time. +</p> + +<p> +Just as successful were Nebuchadnezzar's operations +against Egypt. According to an Egyptian inscription, +the Babylonian king attacked Egypt in the year +572 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, penetrating as far as Syene and the borders +of Ethiopia. Hophra, who still reigned, was defeated +and deposed, the general Amasis being raised to the +throne in his place to rule the land as a vassal of the +Babylonian king. According to the only historical +fragment of the reign of this king known, Nebuchadnezzar +made an expedition to Egypt in his thirty-seventh +year. This was to all appearance against his +vassal Amasis, who, like Zedekiah, had revolted against +the power which had raised him to the throne. The +rebellion was suppressed, but the ultimate fate of +Amasis is not stated. +</p> + +<p> +According to Megasthenes, who lived in the time +of Seleucus Nicator, Nebuchadnezzar conquered North +<pb n='402'/><anchor id='Pg402'/> +Africa, crossing afterwards into Spain by the Strait +of Gibraltar, returning to Babylonia through Europe +and Asia Minor. Such an expedition, however, it is +hardly likely that he ever undertook, and the account +of this exploit may therefore be relegated to the +domain of the fables with which the ancient historians +sometimes ornamented their work. +</p> + +<p> +Concerning the relations of Nebuchadnezzar with +Daniel, the wedge-inscriptions of Babylonia give no +indication whatever. Four hundred and fifty or more +contract-tablets dated in his reign are known, but in +none of them is there any reference to Daniel, at least +in a form that can be recognized. The Babylonian +name given to him, Belteshazzar, is apparently an +abbreviated form, which would be, in Babylonian, +Balaṭ-su-ûṣur, <q>Protect thou (O God), his life.</q> If +this be the explanation, a better transcription of the +Hebrew form would be Beletshazzar (making the +first sheva vocal and the second silent instead of the +reverse). The name of the deity has, in accordance +with custom, been suppressed in the Hebrew form, +but it is probable that either the patron-deity of +Babylon, Bêl, or else the favourite deity of the +Babylonians in general, Nebo, the god of learning, +may have preceded the first element as the name now +stands. In the inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria, +many examples of abbreviated names occur, on account +of what we should consider their inordinate length, +and to such an extent was this customary, that one +element only, out of three or four, might alone be +used. Thus, in the contracts of the time of Nebuchadnezzar, +at least fourteen persons of the name of +Balaṭu, and seven of the name of Balaṭ-su occur, and +it may be safely taken that they are all abbreviations +of names similar to that bestowed upon Daniel. +Apart from the question whether the Book of Daniel +is to be regarded as a part of the Hagiographa or +not, the fact that his descent is not given there would +<pb n='403'/><anchor id='Pg403'/> +make it impossible to recognize him, if his name was +still further abbreviated by the Babylonians, among +so many bearing names possibly the same as his. +Even though his book be regarded as a romance, +there is always the question, whether the personages +mentioned therein may not really have existed. +</p> + +<p> +With regard to the other names in Daniel, it is +to be noted that Shadrach and Meshach, the names +given to Hananiah and Mishael, are doubtful in Babylonian, +the corresponding forms not having been +found. Abednego, on the other hand, the Babylonian +name of Azariah, has long been recognized as being +written for Abed-Nebo, <q>servant of Nebo,</q> either +by a scribal error, or (as seems more probable) in +order to deface the name of a heathen deity. The +name of Ashpenaz, the master of the eunuchs, is still +more doubtful, if anything; but that of Arioch, the +<q>king's captain,</q> is one which has been well known for +some time, being none other than the ancient name +(cf. Genesis xiv.) corresponding with the Akkadian +Êri-Aku or Êri-Eaku, <q>servant of the Moon-god,</q> a +rare name in later times (see pp. <ref target='Pg222'>222</ref> ff.). +</p> + +<p> +Naturally nothing concerning Nebuchadnezzar's +dreams occurs in the inscriptions of Babylonia, though +dreams which were regarded as having a signification +are sometimes recorded. This being the case, it +might be supposed that something upon the subject +would in all probability be sooner or later found. But +what we should expect to find in the extant inscriptions +of Nebuchadnezzar is a reference to the golden +image, threescore cubits high and six cubits wide, +which he is said to have set up in the plain of Dura. +Had he erected such an enormous thing, even if it had +been merely gilt, and not of solid gold, one would +expect that he would at least have made a slight +reference to it. That he may have set up images of +his gods is not only possible, but probable—indeed, he +must have dedicated at least a few during his long +<pb n='404'/><anchor id='Pg404'/> +reign, but it is evident that none of them was of +sufficient importance to cause him specially to refer to +it in his inscriptions. It is therefore not impossible +that there is some exaggeration in the dimensions of +the figure referred to in Daniel. There is also considerable +uncertainty as to the position of the plain of +Dura, in the province of Babylon. The most probable +explanation is that of Prof. J. Oppert, the veteran +Assyriologist, who found what appeared to be the +base of a great statue near a mound known as Dúair,<note place='foot'>Apparently Duwair, S.S.E. of Babylon. This, however, +is probably not a real place-name, the word really meaning +<q>mound.</q></note> +east of Babylon. It is not improbable, however, that +<q>the plain of Dura, in the province of Babylon,</q> means +simply an extensive open space near one of the great +fortifications (<foreign rend='italic'>dûru</foreign>) of the city. That all the principal +officials of the kingdom should be expected to come +to the dedication of such an image is exceedingly +probable. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-xiv.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Bas-relief supposed to depict the triple wall of Babylon, with a portion of +the palace within. In the original, water flows at the base of the lowest wall. +The above is the upper part of slab No. 89 in the Assyrian Saloon of the British Museum, +and apparently illustrates Assur-bani-âpli's campaign against his brother, Samas-sum-ukin +(Saosduchinos), King of Babylon (cf. p. 391). (Two at least of the walls of Babylon were +<emph>much older</emph> than the time of Nebuchadnezzar.)</head> + <figDesc>Plate XIV.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +The portion of Daniel referring to Nebuchadnezzar +which receives the best illustration from the inscriptions +is that referred to after the relation of his second +dream, where he is represented as walking in or upon +his palace, and one may imagine that he had gone up +to enjoy the view of the city, and whilst doing so, +with almost justifiable pride the words, <q>Is not this +great Babylon, which I have built for the royal dwelling-place, +by the might of my power and the glory of +my majesty?</q> escaped him. From his inscriptions +(and they are fairly numerous) we learn, with regard +to Babylon, that it owed most of its glories as they +then existed to this, the greatest of its kings. +That the king did not always distinguish between +what he built and what he rebuilt—indeed, none of +his predecessors seem to have done so either, a circumstance +probably due to the poverty of the Akkadian +<pb n='405'/><anchor id='Pg405'/> +and Semitic Babylonian languages in that respect—would +explain the words attributed to him. +</p> + +<p> +According to the great India-House inscription, +which was carved by order of Nebuchadnezzar, Nabopolassar +had built (= rebuilt) the two great walls +of Babylon, called Imgur-Bêl and Nemitti-Bêl. He +had dug the great city-moat, and raised two strong +walls on its banks, similar, in all probability, to what +other kings had done before him. To all appearance +also he lined the banks of the Euphrates with embankments +(probably the quays of which Herodotus speaks), +and constructed, within the city, a road leading from +Du-azaga, <q>the holy seat,</q> where the oracles were +declared, to Aa-ibur-sabû, Babylon's <q>festival-street,</q> +close to the gate of Beltis, for the yearly procession +of the god Merodach. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-xv.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Bas-relief, supposed to represent the Hanging Gardens at Babylon, +about 645 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> On the slope is a temple, a stele with the figure of a king, +and an altar on the path in front. On the right pointed arches support a +terrace planted with trees. Streams water the sides of the wooded hill. +British Museum, Assyrian Saloon, No. 92 (upper part). +The above, with Plate XIV., apparently illustrate Assur-bani-âpli's campaign against his +brother Samas-sum-ukin (cf. page 391).</head> + <figDesc>Plate XV.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +All these erections Nebuchadnezzar completed or +altered and improved. He added to the defences +which his father had built, and raised the level of the +street Aa-ibur-sabû from the <q>glorious gate</q> to the +gate of Istar. The raising of the <q>festival-street</q> +necessitated the raising of the gateways through +which it ran. Gates were made of cedar covered with +copper, probably after the style of the great gate +found by Mr. Rassam at Balawat in Assyria, which +was adorned with bands of bronze chased with scenes +of Shalmaneser II.'s warlike exploits in relief. In all +probability there were but few gates in Babylon of +solid metal, notwithstanding that there is no mention +in Herodotus of their having been constructed merely +of wood covered with ornamented strips of bronze. +The thresholds of these gates were of bronze, probably +similar to that of which a part was found by +Mr. Rassam at Borsippa (evidently the doorstep of +one of the entrances to the temple called Ê-zida), +and which may now be seen at the British Museum. +These and other portals at Babylon were guarded by +images of bulls and serpents, also of bronze. In +<pb n='406'/><anchor id='Pg406'/> +addition to this, Nebuchadnezzar built a wall on the +east side of the city, high like a mountain, so that +no enemy could approach. Access to the city was +gained by gates, the doors of which were likewise +of cedar ornamented with bronze. For further protection, +he <q>caused great waters like the volume +of the sea to surround the land,</q> and to cross them +was <q>like the crossing of the broad sea, the Salt +Stream</q> (the Persian Gulf). He then rebuilt the +palace of his father, its walls having been undermined +by the waters of the Euphrates, which ran near. +Advantage of the changes made in this building was +taken to raise the gateways, which had become too +low in consequence of the raising of the festival-street +of Merodach. In addition to this, he built another +palace, adjoining that of his father, decorating it with +cedar, cypress, and other precious woods; gold, silver, +and precious stones; and adorning it with sculptures +and with gates overlaid with bronze. According to +the India-House inscription of Nebuchadnezzar, the +fabric of this building was completed in fifteen days, a +fact so remarkable that it is specially mentioned by +Berosus (see Josephus, <hi rend='italic'>Antiquities</hi>, x., xi. 1), whose +word may be taken as proving the translation of the +passage in question. Besides restoring the temples +of the cities, or at least the principal ones, he restored +all the chief temples of Babylonia, notably that at +Sippar, the chief centre of the Sun-god worship, and +the great temple-tower dedicated to Nebo at Borsippa. +This last, indeed, was one of the works upon which he +prided himself most, as is proved by the fact that it is +mentioned in all his inscriptions, including those on +his bricks, along with the temple known as Ê-sagila +(later pronounced Ê-sangil), the <q>temple of Belus,</q> +which he calls <q>the tower of Babylon,</q> the principal +shrine of which seems to have been called <q>the House +of the Foundation of Heaven and Earth,</q> indicating +clearly the estimation in which the Babylonians held +<pb n='407'/><anchor id='Pg407'/> +it (see p. <ref target='Pg138'>138</ref>). It was there that the god Merodach, +the principal deity of the Babylonians, and the founder +of the temple in question, was worshipped. +</p> + +<p> +But one might go on for a long time describing +what Nebuchadnezzar did for the city which, more +than any other, he loved, and to which he brought the +spoils of his many expeditions. There is no doubt +that this, the last great king of Babylon, was a most +successful ruler, of whom his people were proud. He +was pious, and an intense lover of his country—two +characteristics which endeared him, the one to the +priesthood, the other to the people at large. Could +we but find the real history of his reign, it would +undoubtedly prove to be full of interest, and also of +enormous importance, not only on account of the light +that it would throw upon Jewish history during his +period, but also on account of its bearing upon a most +important epoch in the life of the Babylonian nation. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that, in Herodotus, many of the +great architectural works of his reign are attributed +to Nitocris, who, he states, was the mother of Labynetus +(Book I. 185-188). Now, who this Labynetus +was, is clear from the statement that it was he against +whom Cyrus marched—namely the Nabonidus of +other Greek historians, and the Nabû-na'id of the +inscriptions. Nitocris would therefore seem to have +been the name of the queen of Nebuchadnezzar, and +if so, it shows upon what grounds Nabonidus claimed +the throne, and how Belshazzar, in the Book of Daniel, +could be described as the son or descendant of Nebuchadnezzar. +But in this case Nitocris must have +been another wife of Nebuchadnezzar, and not the +Median princess whom he had married when young. +If she supplanted Amytis, Nebuchadnezzar's Median +wife, in the affections of her husband, it is easy to see +how she could have feared a Median invasion, as +indicated by Herodotus. +</p> + +<p> +Nebuchadnezzar died in the year 561 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, leaving +<pb n='408'/><anchor id='Pg408'/> +his crown to Awēl-Maruduk, the Evil-Merodach of +2 Kings xxv. 27, and the Abilamarōdachos of Josephus, +who, however, also gives, in his book against Apion +(i. 20), the genuine Babylonian form as transcribed by +Berosus, namely, Eueilmaradouchos. Two other sons +of Nebuchadnezzar are also mentioned in the contract-tablets +of his reign, namely, Marduk-šum-uṣur +(in his fortieth year) and Marduk-nadin-âḫi (forty-first +year). (See pp. <ref target='Pg434'>434</ref>, <ref target='Pg435'>435</ref>.) +</p> + +<p> +The substitution of the mild rule of Evil-Merodach +for the vigorous government of his father must have +been witnessed by the Babylonians with considerable +misgiving, for in the East, especially at that period, the +successful ruler was he who was the most energetic. +There is every reason to believe, however, that the +character of Evil-Merodach was that of a man in +every way kind and considerate, as is shown by the +fact, that he released Jehoiachin (whom Nebuchadnezzar +had taken prisoner), spoke kindly to him, and +set his throne above those of the other vassal kings in +Babylon. The only thing, according to Josephus, recorded +about him by Berosus was, that <q>he governed +public affairs lawlessly and extravagantly</q>—words +which imply that he displeased the priestly class, of +which Berosus was one. His name appears in certain +contracts (published by Mr. Evetts) as ruler of Babylonia +for about two years, from the 26th of Elul of his +accession year to the 4th day of Ab of his second +year—about two years and five months in all. According +to Berosus, he was slain by his sister's +husband, Nēriglissöoros, the Nergal-šar-uṣur of the +inscriptions, who then ascended the throne. +</p> + +<p> +The name is the same as that given as Nergal-sharezer +in Jer. xxxix. 3, 13, one of the princes of the +Babylonians who was present at the taking of Jerusalem +by Nebuchadnezzar, and who at that time bore +the title of Rab-mag, which is to all appearance the +Rab-mugi of the Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions. It is +<pb n='409'/><anchor id='Pg409'/> +thought by many, and is not by any means improbable, +that the Nergal-sharezer of the passage referred +to and the Nergal-šar-uṣur of Babylonian history are +one and the same, though there is no evidence that +the latter ever bore the title of Rab-mag. +</p> + +<p> +It was in the year 559 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> that Evil-Merodach was +murdered, and Neriglissar at once seized the throne +of his brother-in-law. Berosus (as quoted by Josephus) +gives no details as to his reign. In his inscriptions +he states that he was (like Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar +before him) patron of Ê-sagila and Ê-zida, +the temple of Belus at Babylon and that of Nebo at +Borsippa, and that the great gods had established his +dominion. After speaking of the god Nebo, he +makes a reference to Ura, the god of death, which, +under the circumstances, one can hardly regard as +otherwise than significant— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Nebo, the faithful son, a just sceptre has caused his hands to hold.</q></l> +<l>To keep the people, preserve the country,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Ura, prince of the gods, gave him his weapon.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +He then mentions his father, Bêl-šum-iškun, whom +he calls <q>king of Babylon,</q> and describes the restoration +and decoration of Ê-zida and Ê-sagila, together +with the palace which he built for himself at Babylon, +and other architectural work. +</p> + +<p> +But to describe his father as <q>king of Babylon</q> +was a statement somewhat removed from the truth. +In the contract-tablets of the time of Nebuchadnezzar +and Evil-Merodach, where the name of Neriglissar +occurs somewhat frequently as a purchaser of houses, +land, etc., he is called simply <q>son of Bêl-šum-iškun,</q> +without any other title whatever (see p. <ref target='Pg438'>438</ref>). But +perhaps Neriglissar's statement is due to some historical +event of which we are ignorant. +</p> + +<p> +Neriglissar died in the month Nisan or Iyyar of the +<pb n='410'/><anchor id='Pg410'/> +fourth year of his reign, and was succeeded by his son +Labāši-Marduk, the Labarosoarchod of the Greek +writers. According to Berosus (Josephus against +Apion, i. 20), he was no more than a child, and it +may be supposed that he was a younger son of Neriglissar, +though concerning this we have no information. +He only reigned nine months, a plot having +been laid against him by his friends, and he was +tormented to death, <q>by reason of the very ill-temper +and ill practices he exhibited to the world</q> (Berosus). +After his death, according to the same historian, the +conspirators met, and elected one of their number, +Nabonnedus (Nabuna'id), as king. <q>In his reign it +was that the walls of the city of Babylon were curiously +built with burnt brick and bitumen,</q> is all that +Berosus has to say with regard to the sixteen years of +his reign which preceded his overthrow. +</p> + +<p> +Many inscriptions of the reign of this king exist, +and we are able to gain from them an excellent idea +of the state of the country and the historical events +of this important period. All that Nabonidus tells us +concerning his origin is, that he was the son or descendant +of Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, whom he calls <foreign rend='italic'>rubû +êmqu</foreign>, <q>the deeply-wise prince.</q> Who he may have +been is not known, but there exist two tablets of the +nature of letters written by a certain Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî +to Aššur-banî-âpli, whose faithful servant he +professed to be, protesting against the treatment +which he had received at the hands of certain men +who were hostile to him. If both these letters were +written by the same person, they must belong to +about the year 652 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> (the eponymy of Aššur-naṣir, +which is mentioned in one of them). As that was +about one hundred years before Nabonidus came to +the throne, this personage, if related to him, must +have been his grandfather or great-grandfather. Other +persons of the same name are mentioned in the fifth, +eleventh, eighteenth, and thirty-fourth years of Nebuchadnezzar, +<pb n='411'/><anchor id='Pg411'/> +but it seems very unlikely that the father +of Nabonidus should be one of these. +</p> + +<p> +According to the Babylonian Chronicle, Nabonidus +was at the beginning of his reign engaged in the +west, to all appearance cutting down, among other +things, trees on Mount Amanus for building purposes +at Babylon. Something also took place by the +Mediterranean (<foreign rend='italic'>tâmtim ša mât Amurrî</foreign>, <q>the sea of +the land of Amoria</q>). Apparently he had also troops +in this district, and sacrifices were performed +there. +</p> + +<p> +After this there is a gap until the sixth year of his +reign, the entry for which, however, refers wholly to +Astyages' operations against Cyrus, and its disastrous +results, for he was made prisoner, Ecbatana sacked, +and the spoil brought to Anšan, Cyrus's capital. +</p> + +<p> +Previous to this, as Nabonidus informs us in his +cylinder-inscription found by Mr. Rassam at Abu-habbah +(Sippar), the Medes had been very successful +in their warlike operations, and had even besieged +Haran, making it impossible for Nabonidus to carry +out the instructions of his god Merodach, revealed to +him in a dream, to restore the temple of Sin in that +city. On the king of Babylon reminding the deity +of the state of things in that part, and speaking of +the strength of the Median forces, he was told that in +three years' time their power would be destroyed, +which happened as predicted. He now caused his +<q>vast army</q> to come from Gaza and elsewhere to do +the needful work, and when completed, the image of +the god Sin was brought from Babylon, and placed +in the restored shrine with joy and shouting. Naturally +the Babylonian king was overjoyed at the release +of Haran from the power of the Medes—could he +have foreseen that Cyrus, their conqueror, would one +day hurl him from his throne, his enthusiasm concerning +the success of <q>the young servant of Merodach</q> +(as he calls him) would have been greatly abated. +</p> + +<pb n='412'/><anchor id='Pg412'/> + +<p> +In his seventh and eighth years the king was in +Temâ, and the crown prince (apparently Belshazzar +is meant), with the great men and the army, was in +Akkad (the northern part of Babylonia, of which the +city of Agad or Agadé was the capital). The king +did not go to Babylon, Nebo did not go to Babylon, +Bel did not go forth, the festival <foreign rend='italic'>akitu</foreign> (new year's +festival) was not performed, though the victims seem +to have been offered in Ê-sagila and Ê-zida as usual, +and (the king) appointed a priest (<foreign rend='italic'>uru-gala</foreign>) of the +weapon (?) and the temple. In the ninth year also +the same state of things existed, and this year the +mother of the king died, to the great grief of the +people. It is also recorded for this year that Cyrus, +apparently in the course of one of his military +expeditions, crossed the Tigris above Arbela. +</p> + +<p> +From the fact that the religious processions and +ceremonies are given as being unperformed every +year from the seventh to the eleventh of his reign, it +is clear that a great deal of discontent was caused +thereby, as is, in fact, indicated by the cylinder-inscription +of Cyrus detailing under what conditions +he himself entered Babylon. It was evidently one +of the duties of the Babylonian kings (and, as we have +seen, the Assyrian kings conformed to this when they +became kings of Babylonia) to perform the usual +ceremonies, and the ruler neglecting this was certain +to fall into disfavour with the priesthood, and, by +their influence, with the people as well. +</p> + +<p> +Whatever may have been the sins of omission of +Nabonidus—whether they were trivial or otherwise—there +is no doubt that they made a bad impression +on the people, and gave rise to all kinds of statements +against him when the days of misfortune +came. For the scribe who drew up Cyrus's record +after the taking of Babylon, all Nabonidus's doings +with regard to the temples and statues of the gods +were to be quoted against him. The temple dues had +<pb n='413'/><anchor id='Pg413'/> +been allowed to fail, and the gods quitted their +shrines, angry at the thought that Nabonidus had +brought foreign gods to Šu-anna (a part of Babylon). +With regard to this last accusation, it may be remarked +that a popular ruler would in all probability +have been praised for bringing the gods of other +places to Babylon—it would have been either a +tribute to the power of Babylonia in war (a power +conferred upon her, in their opinion, by her gods); or +else the payment of homage by the gods of other +cities to those of Babylon, acknowledging at the +same time their (and her) supremacy. +</p> + +<p> +The fact is, Nabonidus was either the most intelligent, +or one of the most intelligent, men in Babylonia. +To all appearance he was not a ruler, but a learned +man, full of love for his country and its institutions, +and desirous of knowledge, which he obtained at all +costs. Whenever he had to restore a temple, he at +once excavated in its foundations for the records of +early kings which he knew to be there, and he was +often successful in finding what he wanted. As he +always recorded what he found, his cylinder-inscriptions +nearly always possess a value far beyond those +of other kings of Babylon. He seems to have +delighted in what he saw when engaged in this work—he +not only tells you that he read the texts thus +discovered, but he refers to their perfect condition, +and nearly always says something about the ruler +who caused them to be placed in the foundations. +He, too, is worthy of a statue in every place where +the language of his native land is studied. +</p> + +<p> +Naturally, his antiquarian researches, necessitating, +as they did, the destruction of a part of the fabric of +the temple under repair at the time, were not looked +upon altogether with favour by the priests and the +people, hence the dissatisfaction to which the scribes, +who were probably of the priestly caste, afterwards +gave vent. Besides this, was it not necessary that +<pb n='414'/><anchor id='Pg414'/> +they should justify themselves for accepting a foreign +ruler, of a different religion from their own? +</p> + +<p> +Nabonidus gives no hint in his inscriptions that he +was aware of any dissatisfaction at what he was +doing. In all probability he was as religious as any +of his predecessors had been, and his son Belshazzar +was as the second ruler in the kingdom. Records +exist showing that Belshazzar sent offerings to the +temple at Sippar whilst he was in that neighbourhood, +and the king's own offerings are sometimes +mentioned with them. The king had therefore a good +deputy performing his work. With regard to the +bringing of foreign gods to Šu-anna, Cyrus's scribe +probably refers to the deities of Haran, which were +taken thither before the siege of the place by the +Medes. When the enemy had departed, Nabonidus +restored the temple in that city, and replaced the +deities referred to in their shrines. The transport of +the idols may have been merely to place them for +the time being in a place of greater security. +</p> + +<p> +There is, then, every probability that Belshazzar, +son of Nabonidus, was the real ruler. What an +excellent understanding existed between him and his +father may be gained from the inscription which +Nabonidus caused to be composed to place in the +foundations of the temple of the Moon (the god Sin) +at Ur (identified with Ur of the Chaldees), the +concluding lines of which run as follows— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>As for me, Nabonidus, king of Babylon,</q></l> +<l>from sin against thy great divinity</l> +<l>save me, and</l> +<l>a life of remote days</l> +<l>give as a gift;</l> +<l>and as for Belshazzar, the eldest son,</l> +<l>the offspring of my heart, the fear of thy great</l> +<l>divinity cause thou to exist in his heart, and</l> +<l><q rend='post'>let not sin possess him, let him be satisfied with fulness of life.</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<pb n='415'/><anchor id='Pg415'/> + +<p> +The text being undated, there is no means of +ascertaining in what year the restoration of the +temple of the Moon at Ur took place. +</p> + +<p> +The story of the downfall of the Babylonian empire +and the end of native rule in Babylonia is told by +the Babylonian Chronicle as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(Year 17th), Nebo to go forth (?) from Borsippa +... the king entered the temple E-tur-kalama. In +the month (?) ... and the lower sea, revolted ... +went (?). Bêl went forth, the festival Akitu (new +year's festival) they held as usual (?). In the month +... the gods (?) of Marad, Zagaga and the gods of +the city of Kiš, Beltis and the gods of Ḫursag-kalama, +entered Babylon. At the end of the month Elul the +gods of the land of Akkad who were above the +atmosphere and below the atmosphere entered +Babylon, the gods of Borsippa, Cutha, and Sippar +did not enter. In the month Tammuz Cyrus made +battle at Opis on the Tigris among the soldiers of +Akkad. The people of Akkad raised a revolt; +people were killed; Sippar was taken on the 14th +day without fighting. Nabonidus fled. On the 16th +day Ugbaru (Gobryas), governor of the land of Gutium, +and the soldiers of Cyrus entered Babylon without +fighting—after Nabonidus they pursued (?), he was +captured in Babylon. At the end of the month the +regiment (?) of the land of Gutium surrounded (?) +the gates of Ê-sagila (the temple of Belus). A celebration +(?) of anything, in Ê-sagila and the shrines, +was not being made, and a (lunar ?) festival was not +proceeding. Marcheswan, the third day, Cyrus descended +to Babylon; they filled the roads before him. +Peace was established to the city—Cyrus promised +peace to Babylon, all of it. Gubaru (Gobryas), his +governor, appointed governors in Babylonia, and from +the month Kisleu to the month Adar the gods of +the land of Akkad, whom Nabonidus had sent down +to Babylon, returned to their places. The month +<pb n='416'/><anchor id='Pg416'/> +Marcheswan, the night of the 11th day, Ugbaru +(Gobryas) (went?) against ... and the son (?) of +the king died. From the 27th of the month Adar +to the third of the month Nisan, there was weeping +in Akkad, all the people bowed down their heads. +On the 4th day Cambyses, son of Cyrus, went to +Ê-nig-ḫad-kalama-šummu (<q>the house where the +sceptre of the world is given,</q> the temple of Nebo). +The man of the temple of the sceptre of Nebo....</q> +</p> + +<p> +(The remainder is mutilated, and the sense not +clear—to all appearance it refers to religious ceremonies +and sacrifices in which Cambyses took part.) +</p> + +<p> +Here, again, the suggestion seems to be, that because +the king thought fit to send the statues of the +various gods of the land to other cities than their +own <q>on a visit,</q> as it were, the priesthood was +justified in renouncing allegiance to him (and in +this the people naturally followed them), and in delivering +the kingdom to a foreigner. It has been +said that the success of Cyrus was in part due to +the aid given to him by the Jews, who, sympathizing +with him on account of his monotheism, helped him +in various ways; but in all probability he could never +have achieved success had not the Babylonian priests +(as indicated by their own records) spread discontent +among the people. +</p> + +<p> +More important, however, are the details of the +conquest by Cyrus. He must have entered Babylonia +on the north-east, and met the Babylonian +army at Opis. That the conflict went against the +Babylonians may be taken for granted, though it is +not stated. Apparently the country was divided into +two parties—those for resistance, and those who were +probably discontented on account of the king's reputed +unorthodoxy. A conflict between these took +place, and there was bloodshed, the result being that +no resistance could be offered to the army of Cyrus, +who entered Sippar, the seat of the worship of the +<pb n='417'/><anchor id='Pg417'/> +Sun-god, without fighting. To all appearance Nabonidus +was at his post, but recognizing that all was +lost, fled. Two days later Gobryas (not Cyrus, be it +observed) entered Babylon with the army of Cyrus +without fighting, and apparently captured Nabonidus +there. This took place about the end of June, and it +was October before Cyrus entered the city. Judging +from the text, he was well received, and the result +of the conference between him and Gobryas was, that +the latter <q>appointed governors in Babylon,</q> or <q>in +Babylonia,</q> as the words may be also read. Another +stroke of policy was the return to their habitations +of the images of the gods which Nabonidus had +transferred to other places, thus appeasing the priests. +</p> + +<p> +At this point come some very important and +difficult phrases. On the night of the 11th of +Marcheswan, Gobryas descended (or went) upon or +against something, and the king, or the son of the +king, died. The combination of these two statements, +taken in connection with the record in Daniel v. 30, +suggests that the latter reading is the correct one, +though the first, which would make it to mean that +the king was slain, is not excluded, and would make +very little difference in the record, it being possible +that Belshazzar, as the successor of Nabonidus, might +be meant. An earlier explanation was, that the +doubtful group stood for <q>the wife</q> of the king, +but in this case it would be difficult to explain how +it is that the verbal form (which is ideographically +written, and may be read either <foreign rend='italic'>imât</foreign>, <q>he dies,</q> +<foreign rend='italic'>tamât</foreign>, <q>she dies,</q> or <foreign rend='italic'>mêtat</foreign>, <q>she died</q>) should differ +from that used in the case of the king's mother, where +<foreign rend='italic'>imtût</foreign>, the historical tense of the secondary form of +the kal, is the form used. The use of <foreign rend='italic'>imât</foreign> for <foreign rend='italic'>imût</foreign>, +<q>he died,</q> would be paralleled by the use of <foreign rend='italic'>irab</foreign> +or <foreign rend='italic'>irub</foreign>, <q>he entered,</q> in other parts of the inscription. +</p> + +<p> +Naturally, in a case of doubt, the seeker after truth +in the matter of Babylonian history consults the record +<pb n='418'/><anchor id='Pg418'/> +of the Babylonian historian Berosus. In the case of +the taking of Babylon, however, there are such noteworthy +differences, that one may well be excused for +doubting his statements, notwithstanding his trustworthiness +in other matters. He says that when +Nabonnedus saw that Cyrus was coming to attack +him, he met him with his forces, was beaten, and fled +with a few of his troops to Borsippa. Cyrus then +took Babylon, and gave order that the outer walls +should be demolished, the city having proved very +troublesome to him, and cost him much pains to +capture. He then proceeded to besiege Nabonnedus +in Borsippa, but the Babylonian king decided not to +attempt to resist, and yielded. Cyrus therefore treated +him kindly, and though he would not allow him to +remain in Babylonia, he gave him Carmania as a +place where he might dwell. <q>Accordingly Nabonnedus +spent the rest of his time in that country, and +there died.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The Babylonian Chronicle, however, says nothing +about Nabonidus having taken refuge in Borsippa, +nor of his being besieged there, nor of his having +submitted at that place. On the contrary, he was +taken in Babylon, which city had been captured +without fighting, and there was on that account no +immediate excuse for demolishing the walls, which, as +native records tell us, were dismantled in the time of +the Seleucidæ. The fact is, Berosus did not wish it +to be thought that the Babylonians had allowed their +country to pass into the hands of a foreign ruler without +resistance, hence this statement as to the capital +holding out. To all appearance, Berosus is truthful +where it is not to his interest to be otherwise. +</p> + +<p> +The probability is, therefore, that <q>the son of the +king,</q> Belshazzar, held out against the Persians +in some part of the capital, and kept during that +time a festival on the 11th of Marcheswan, when +Gobryas pounced upon the place, and he, the rightful +<pb n='419'/><anchor id='Pg419'/> +Chaldean king, was slain, as recorded in Daniel. In +this case, Darius the Mede ought to be <q>Gobryas of +Gutium,</q> who, like the former, appointed governors +in Babylonia, and <q>received the kingdom</q> for Cyrus. +If this be the case, Daniel would seem to have been +in Belshazzar's power, though his knowledge of what +was going on on the Persian side gave him courage +to reject that prince's favours with scorn. +</p> + +<p> +Officially, Belshazzar is never mentioned as king, +though the Jewish captives must have regarded him +as such, and probably spoke of him humorously as +being the true ruler. This alone can account for his +being called <q>king of the Chaldeans,</q> and for his +appointing Daniel to be the <q><emph>third</emph> ruler in the kingdom,</q> +as has been already suggested. That he was +also confused with his father is shown by the statement +in Josephus, where he is spoken of (<hi rend='italic'>Antiq.</hi> x. +xi. 2) as being called Nabonidus by the Babylonians +(<q>Baltasaros, who by the Babylonians was called +Naboandelos</q>), though Josephus's transcription of +the names is as incorrect as a Greek's. +</p> + +<p> +Cyrus now found himself master of Babylonia, without +any pretender to molest him; and being the +acknowledged ruler of the land, he made himself as +popular as he could by protecting the various religions +which were to be found in his new dominions. The +Jews are said to have sympathized with him on +account of his being a monotheist, but to the Babylonians +he seemed to be of the same religion as +themselves, and his inscriptions show that, whether +with his consent or not, the gods of the Babylonians +were spoken of and invoked on his behalf just as +if this were the case, and we know that he allowed +his son to take part in the Babylonian religious +ceremonies. +</p> + +<p> +But to show clearly the way in which Cyrus ruled, +a portion of his cylinder-inscription, found by Mr. +Rassam at Babylon, is given here— +</p> + +<pb n='420'/><anchor id='Pg420'/> + +<p> +(To all appearance Nabonidus had tried to make +various religious changes and reforms, the words <q>in +the likeness of Ê-sagila</q> suggesting that he had at +least thought of building another temple similar to +that venerable fane.) +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>The gods, who dwelt in the midst of them (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> +the temples), forsook their dwellings in anger that he +(Nabonidus) had made (them) enter within Šu-anna.<note place='foot'>A part of Babylon.</note> +Marduk in the presence of ... was going round to +all the states whose seat had been founded, and the +people of Šumer and Akkad, who had been like the +dead,<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>like as a corpse.</q></note> became active<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>went round</q> or <q>about.</q></note> ... he had mercy upon the +whole of the lands—all of them found (and) looked +upon him. He sought also a just king, the desire of +his heart, whose hand he might hold, Cyrus, king of +the city Anšan, he called his title, to all the kingdoms +together (his) na(me) was proclaimed.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>The land of Qutû, the whole of the troops of the +Manda, he (Merodach) placed under his feet, he caused +his hands to capture the people of the dark head,<note place='foot'>Probably meaning Asiatics, in contradistinction to the fair +inhabitants of Europe.</note> in +righteousness and justice he cared for them. Merodach, +the great lord, the protector of his people, +looked with joy upon his fortunate work and his just +heart. He commanded that he should go to his city +Babylon, he caused him to take the road to Tindir,<note place='foot'>The old name of Babylon as <q>the seat of life</q> = old +Babylon.</note> +like a friend and a companion he walked by his +side. His vast people, which, like the waters of a +river, cannot be numbered,<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>their number cannot be announced.</q></note> had their weapons girded, +and marched by his side. Without fighting and battle +he caused him to enter into Šu-anna. His city +Babylon he protected in (its) trouble. Nabonidus, who +<pb n='421'/><anchor id='Pg421'/> +did not fear him (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Merodach), he delivered into his +hand. The people of Tindir, all of them, the whole of +the land of Šumer and Akkad, princes and high-warden, +bowed down beneath him, and kissed his +feet—they rejoiced for his sovereignty, their countenances +were bright.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>The lord who, in trust that he (Merodach) gives +life to the dead, spared on every side from destruction +and injury. Well did they do him homage—they +held in honour his name. I am Cyrus, king of the +host, the great king, the powerful king, king of +Tindir, king of the land of Šumer and Akkad, king +of the four regions, son of Cambyses, the great king, +king of the city of Anšan, grandson of Cyrus, the +great king, king of the city of Anšan, great-grandson +of Šišpiš (Teispes), the great king, king of the city of +Anšan, the all-enduring royal seed whose reign Bêl +and Nebo love, for the contenting of their heart they +desired his rule.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>When I entered in peace into (the midst) of Babylon, +I founded in the king's palace a seat of dominion +with pleasure and joy. Merodach, the great lord, broad-hearted +for ... the sons ... Tindir and ... me, and +daily I looked upon his image (?). My vast army +marches in the midst of Babylon peacefully, the whole +of (the people of Šumer and) Akkad I made to have +no opposition. Within Babylon and all its districts +in peace I had care for the sons of Tindir ... as +without heart (?) ... and a yoke (which was) unseemliness +for them was imposed (?). I comforted their +sighing, I did away with their distress. For the work +Merodach, the great lord, established the command—to +me, Cyrus, the king his worshipper, and Cambyses, +the son (who is) the offspring of my heart ... all of +my army graciously he approached, and in peace +before it kindly did he lead (?). (By his) supreme +(command) the whole of the kings dwelling in the +royal abodes of every region from the upper sea to +<pb n='422'/><anchor id='Pg422'/> +the lower sea, (those) dwelling ... the kings of the +Amorites<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>of the land of Amoria.</q></note> (and) the dwellers in tents, all of them, +brought their valuable tribute and kissed my feet +within Šu-anna. From ... -a, the city of Aššur,<note place='foot'>The old capital of Assyria.</note> +and Susa, Agadé, the land of Ešnunak (Umliaš), +Zamban, Mê-Turnu, (and) Dûr-îlu to the border of +Qutû, the districts (on the banks) of the Tigris—from +old time had their seats been founded—the gods +dwelling within them I returned to their places, and +caused eternal seats to be founded, all their people I +collected and returned to their dwellings. And the +gods of Šumer and Akkad, which Nabonidus, to the +anger of the lord of the gods, had caused to enter +within Šu-anna, by the command of Merodach, the +great lord, I set in peace in their shrines—seats of +joy of heart. May the whole of the gods whom I +caused to enter into their places pray daily before +Bêl and Nebo for the lengthening of my days, may +they announce the commands for my happiness, +and may they say to Merodach that <q>Cyrus, thy +worshipper, and Cambyses, his son, ... (in) the +countries (?), all of them, he has founded a seat of +rest</q>....</q> +</p> + +<p> +(Here follow the ends of nine more lines, from +which, however, no certain sense can be gained.) +</p> + +<p> +It will be seen, that this interesting and valuable +inscription is in substantial agreement with the +Chronicle. The grievance concerning the transference +of the statues of the divinities is repeated and +amplified, and the fact that Cyrus entered Babylon +without fighting is confirmed (against Berosus, Xenophon, +and the other Greek authors who describe the +taking of Babylon). +</p> + +<p> +Cyrus, however, here appears before us in quite a +new character, namely, as the champion of Babylonian +religious orthodoxy against Nabonidus's heterodoxy! +<pb n='423'/><anchor id='Pg423'/> +That Cyrus was ignorant of the contents of +this inscription (which must have been written by his +orders) is in the highest degree improbable. That he +may have been affected by Zoroastrian monotheism +is likely, but if so, it was but a thin varnish, for he +was to all appearance a polytheist at heart, as his +Anzanian fathers (who, as we know from recent discoveries +at Susa, were largely influenced by the +religion of Babylonia) had been from the earliest +times. He had chosen well the time of his invasion, +as is shown by the revolt (apparently against Nabonidus) +which is referred to in the Chronicle. It is +strange how the Babylonians were in the main ready +to accept a new ruler. In the earliest times we have +mention of the Arabic dynasty which the native +records call the dynasty of Babylon; later on came +Cassites, Elamites and Assyrians, and now the country +received an Elamite king who ruled over Persia. In +the course of time other aliens would come and rule +over them, but their acceptance of these was much +less a matter of choice, or, rather, of apathetic acquiescence +than on the occasion when they accepted +Cyrus king of Anšan. +</p> + +<p> +We see, moreover, from this inscription, that Cyrus +did restore the various exiles to their homes, thus +securing as far as possible the fidelity of those whom +he wished to secure as his supporters. Among these +were the Jews, and it is on account of this that his +name is so favourably mentioned in the Old Testament. +Cyrus himself says, that he caused all the gods +whose statues had been brought to Babylon to be +returned to the places whence they had come, and it +is clear that, as the Jews had no divine statues, Cyrus +did what he could for them, and sent back to Jerusalem +the sacred vessels (Ezra i. 7), and also gave a +grant for the rebuilding of the Temple (Ezra iii. 7). +In the decree quoted in Ezra (i. 2 ff.), where he is +represented as saying that <q>the Lord God of heaven</q> +<pb n='424'/><anchor id='Pg424'/> +had given him all the kingdoms of the earth, it is best +to see in that, as in his Babylonian cylinder-inscription, +a desire, for policy's sake, to be <q>all things to all +men.</q> His success must have been largely due to +the fact, that he had learned the art of ruling men. +</p> + +<p> +It is to be supposed that he continued as he had +begun, and that his rule was tolerated by the people. +According to the contract-tablets, he associated his +son with him on the throne during part of his first +year, Cambyses becoming king of Babylon, whilst +Cyrus retained the wider title of <q>king of countries.</q> +Probably Gobryas had died, hence this change. Cyrus +died in 529 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and Cambyses took the throne. +During his reign the Babylonians seem to have become +discontented, desiring, perhaps, to have a ruler elected +by themselves. Whilst, therefore, Cambyses was +absent in Egypt, which country he conquered in the +year 527 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, a Median, who was a Magian named +Gomates, taking advantage of the dissatisfaction which +prevailed, gave out that he was Bardes or Smerdis +(called by the Babylonians Barzia), declared himself +the son of Cyrus, whom Cambyses had murdered, and +mounted the throne. Media, Persia, and Babylonia +at once went over to him, and Cambyses hastened +from Egypt to meet the pretender. Whilst in Syria, +on the way home, he killed himself (521), perhaps by +accident, though it is not impossible that it was a case +of suicide, and the pretender retained for a very short +period possession of the throne. +</p> + +<p> +Another prince of the same family, Darius son of +Hystaspes, now came forward, and after defeating +Bardes and a number of other pretenders, among +them Nidintu-Bêl, son of Aniru, who claimed to be +Nebuchadnezzar the son of Nabonidus, mounted the +throne. In fact, almost every province of the Persian +empire had a pretender of its own, so that Darius +found plenty of work ready to his hand. One by one, +however, they were defeated, and <q>the lie</q> was put +<pb n='425'/><anchor id='Pg425'/> +down in all the countries acknowledging Persian rule—Darius +was sole and undisputed king. +</p> + +<p> +It is unfortunate that no historical records referring +to the reigns of Cyrus and Cambyses exist, except +the Chronicle, which, however, ends with the accession +year of the former. We have, therefore, no independent +records of what took place in Syria, though +it must be confessed, that there is great doubt whether +the composer of the Chronicle at the time would have +considered the return of the Jews and the rebuilding +of the Temple as of sufficient importance to place on +record there. The Bible and Josephus give circumstantial +accounts of what occurred, but the official +view of the circumstances of the granting of the permission +to rebuild the Temple and the city by Cyrus, +and its countermanding, at the instance of the +Samaritans, during the reign of Cambyses, would be +interesting in the extreme. +</p> + +<p> +To find something about Zerubbabel, who is said +to have been the friend of Darius (Jos., <hi rend='italic'>Ant.</hi> xi. iii. 1), +would also be welcome, but this we can hardly dare +to hope for. Zerubbabel (better Zeru-Babel, without +the doubling of the <emph>b</emph>) is a name which is far from +uncommon in the contracts of Babylonia. One, for +instance, lived during the time of Nabonidus, and +dwelt at Sippara. He was to all appearance of +Assyrian origin. Another, the descendant of a smith, +was the father of a man named Nabû-âḫê-bulliṭ, who +lived in the third year of Darius. A third bearing the +same name is he who is recorded as having acquired +some ewes in the eleventh year of Darius. His father +bore the unusual name of Mutêriṣu. For yet another +example, see p. <ref target='Pg441'>441</ref>. It will thus be seen that the +name was far from rare in ancient Babylonia. +</p> + +<p> +And in the published contract-tables of Darius's +reign, of which nearly 600 have been made available +for study, there is little bearing upon Old Testament +history. The same may also be said of his historical +<pb n='426'/><anchor id='Pg426'/> +inscriptions, of which that engraved on the great +rock at Behistun in Persia is the most important. +It is in his historical inscriptions, however, that the +character of the man may be read. In the first lines, +where he tells of his origin, you read of his pride of +descent, just as, farther on, he tells the story of his +conflicts—how, with the help of his father, Hystaspes, +who seconded him loyally and (there is hardly any +doubt) affectionately, he overcame all the rebels, and +having annihilated the lie which he hated so intensely, +he could say, after his successes, that <q>the land was +his.</q> +</p> + +<p> +And through it all shines at every point, as it +were, his adoration of the god whom he worshipped, +Ahuramazda, by whose grace and favour he had been +successful. There is no doubt about his religious +faith—in his inscriptions he appears as a monotheist +of the severest type, and for this reason he must have +had but little sympathy with the polytheism of the +Babylonians, and the other nationalities over which +he ruled, whose faith was in a plurality of gods. It +is true that offerings seem to have been made in his +name in the temples of Babylonia, but these must +have been due to old grants which had not been +rescinded, and which the king and his advisers +probably would have regarded as bad policy to +abolish. +</p> + +<p> +Naturally there is every probability that such a +ruler as Darius would have sympathies with the +Jews, on account of their monotheism, and it may +be supposed that such a feeling towards them would +have led him to consent to the upholding of Cyrus's +decree that the Temple at Jerusalem should be +finished, as detailed in Ezra vi. 1 ff. Darius relates +in the Behistun inscription, that he restored the +temples of the gods (Bab. <foreign rend='italic'>bêtê ša îlāni</foreign>, Median <foreign rend='italic'>ziyan +nappana</foreign>, <q>temples of the gods,</q> Pers. <foreign rend='italic'>āyadāna</foreign>, +<q>shrines</q>) which Gomates the Magian, the pseudo-Bardes +<pb n='427'/><anchor id='Pg427'/> +or Smerdis, had destroyed. That a single +word (<foreign rend='italic'>āyadāna</foreign>) is used in Persian, whilst the phrase +<q>temples of the gods,</q> in the plural, is used in +Babylonian and Median, shows merely the desire to +speak to the latter nations in the language to which +they were accustomed, and at the same time indicates +that neither the one nor the other, unlike the Persians, +were monotheists. Gomates was therefore not a +monotheist, otherwise he would not have destroyed +the temples, which would seem to have been those of +Darius's own faith; for this king would hardly have +thought it worth while to mention the fact of their +destruction, had they been the sacred places of a +creed which he despised, and it is only natural to suppose, +from his very frequent mention of Ahuramazda, +the god whom he worshipped, that he was proud of +being a monotheist. +</p> + +<p> +It may therefore be taken, that if Darius Hystaspis +ordered the completion of the Temple at Jerusalem, +and the giving of funds in aid of the work, it was out +of sympathy with the Jews. As his reign was one +of tolerance, he did not interfere with the religion +of either the Babylonians or the Medians, but in all +probability he did not imitate Cyrus by grants on +his own account, and under a royal decree, to the +temples of those, to him, heathen countries. There +is considerable doubt, however, whether it is this king +who is referred to in Ezra and Esdras, as Sir Henry +Howorth has shown (<hi rend='italic'>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical +Archæology</hi>, 1901, pp. 147 ff., 305 ff., 1902, pp. +16 ff.), the ruler intended being in all probability +Darius Nothus, whose position agrees with the chronology +of these books, and does away with much difficulty +as to their acceptance as historical authorities. +</p> + +<p> +According to Darius, twenty-three countries owned +his sway: Persia, Elam, Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, +Egypt, <q>by the sea,</q> Sarpada, Ionia, Media, Armenia, +Cappadocia, Parthia, Drangiana, Aria, Chorasmia, +<pb n='428'/><anchor id='Pg428'/> +Bactria, Sogdiana, Paruparaesana, Scythia, Sattagydia, +Arachosia, and Maka. Palestine was evidently included +in the district designated <q>by the sea.</q> After a most +active reign, Darius died in the year 486 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, having +appointed his son Xerxes as his successor. +</p> + +<p> +The reign of this ruler, and his attempt to reduce +Greece to submission, are well known. It was probably +after his disastrous failure, when he had returned +to Persia, that he took as one of his wives the Jewess +Esther, as related in the book bearing her name. +His inscriptions are short ones, referring to the buildings +erected by his father and himself. In all probability +he thought that his warlike exploits, overwhelmed +as they were by misfortune, were not of a +nature to bear recording. In his own inscriptions, +his name is given as Ḫiši'arši or Ḫiši'arša'i in Babylonian, +and Khshayarsha in Old Persian. In the +contract-tablets, however, it appears as Aḫšiaršu, +Aḫšiwaršu, Akšiaršu, Akkašiaršu, and Ḫišiarši. It +is from one of the forms with prefixed <emph>a</emph> that the +Hebrew Aḫashwērôs (A.V. Ahasuerus) has apparently +come, the most probable original being one similar to +the Aḫšuwaršu of a contract-tablet in the Museum at +Edinburgh. +</p> + +<p> +Xerxes died in the year 464 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and was succeeded +by his son Artaxerxes, the Artakhshatra of the Old +Persian inscriptions, and the Artakšatsu or Artakšassu +of Babylonian inscriptions. Though it was not +without bloodshed that he reached the throne, he +proved to be a successful ruler—more so, in fact, +than his predecessor, whose expedition against the +Greeks had ended only in disgrace and the loss of an +enormous number of troops taken from all the nations +over which he ruled. It is therefore not to be +wondered at that his reign should have been regarded +as wise and temperate. In any case, he was well +disposed towards the Jews, and gave permission, in +his seventh year, to Ezra, to go up to Jerusalem with a +<pb n='429'/><anchor id='Pg429'/> +royal grant, to settle affairs there, and sacrifice to the +God of the Jews (Ezra vii., viii.). Later on, he gave +permission to Nehemiah to return to the land of his +fathers to restore and rebuild the walls of the city. +As Nehemiah was his cupbearer, it is easily conceivable +that he did this to please him, and to reward one +who had evidently been a faithful servant, but it is +not improbable that the king at the same time had in +his mind the rebellion of his general Megabysus, who +had risen against him in protest against the treatment +meted out by his royal master to his captive Inarus. +To have a well-fortified city defended by those who +had benefited greatly by his rule, must have seemed +to the Persian ruler good policy. +</p> + +<p> +Artaxerxes died in the year 425 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and was +succeeded by his son, Xerxes II., who reigned only +two months, at the end of which time he was murdered +by Sogdianus, a bastard son of Artaxerxes, who then +became king. Seven months only, however, was the +length of this new ruler's reign, he being, in his turn, +put to death by another of the bastard sons of +Artaxerxes, Darius Ochus, after he had surrendered +to him. This ruler is the Darius Nothus of history, +who mounted the throne in 424 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> His reign was +noted for the numerous insurrections against his +dominion which took place, but is of special interest +because of the resumption of the work of rebuilding +the Temple of Jerusalem, which had been stopped +by the decree of Artaxerxes, as recorded in Ezra iv. +21-24. (See Sir H. Howorth in the <hi rend='italic'>P. S. B. A.</hi>, 1901, +pp. 307, 308.) +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='430'/><anchor id='Pg430'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter XII. Life At Babylon During The Captivity, With +Some Reference To The Jews.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +The reign of Nebuchadnezzar—The earliest mention of +Nabonidus—Neriglissar and his relations with his fellow-citizens +before his accession—He marries his daughter Gigîtum +to the director of Ê-zida—Prince Laborosoarchod—Nabonidus +and the temples at Sippar—Prince Belshazzar's transactions—His +offerings at Sippar—His sister's gift to her god (or goddess)—Princess +Ukabu'sama's transaction—The Jews at Babylon—Babylonian +business and other letters—Širku's slave—A loan at +Erech—Work upon a plantation—Sale of an ass—Jews and +Babylonians—The dead slave—A right of way—The story of +Abil-Addu-nathānu and Bunanitum—The outcast slave—The +Egyptian slave and her infant—Širku's transactions—Babylon +as the Jewish captives saw it. +</quote> + +<div> +<head>I.</head> + +<p> +If trade-activity be a test of prosperity, then the +Babylonians of the period extending from the end of +the reign of Nabopolassar to the end of that of Darius +could have had but little to complain of on the whole, +notwithstanding the changes of dynasty which took +place. Over three thousand inscriptions covering this +period have been published, and there is every reason +to believe that, if all the texts in the various museums +were made known, twice this number might be +reached. There is, therefore, an abundance of material +with which to reconstruct the life of that period. +Naturally, many of this enormous number of inscriptions +are comparatively uninteresting, and some of +the texts are of little or no value, even to specialists. +This being the case, it will easily be understood that, +<pb n='431'/><anchor id='Pg431'/> +as they are mostly of the nature of contracts, with a +certain number of legal documents, the information +which many of them give is comparatively meagre, +and there is a great deal of repetition. That some of +them, notwithstanding these disadvantages, are sufficiently +interesting, will be seen from the examples +which this chapter contains. +</p> + +<p> +Among all these documents we find repeated, with +some differences which the course of centuries had +brought about, the same transactions, and the same +daily life as has already been treated of in the fifth +chapter, pp. <ref target='Pg159'>159-191</ref>. There are purchases and sales +of land, property, and slaves, loans at interest and +without interest, and all the various kinds of contracts +which the daily needs of a large population call forth. +Marriage-contracts and contracts of apprenticeship are +also not uncommon, wills and divisions of property—generally +in greater detail than of old—are also to +be found. To these must be added the leasing and +hire of houses, the purchase and hire of ships, divisions +of property, inventories of the same, receipts of +different kinds, etc. etc. +</p> + +<p> +For the most part, the people who pass before us +are slaves, servants, money-lenders, merchants, and +other of the common folk, with a sprinkling of scribes, +priests, both of the higher and the lower classes (generally +the latter), palace officials, now and then a judge, +or a governor, or one of the subordinate officials. +Did we know them all, perhaps we should think more +of them, and estimate them at their true worth; but +in the appearance and reappearance of their names +we see only the plaintiff or the defendant, the buyer +or the seller, and it is but rarely that we can recognize +them as men of note, though in many cases it is to +be conjectured that they were so. It is only seldom +that the crown prince or one of his brothers, appears, +or a relative of the ruling king comes within our range—as +for the king himself, except in the date of a +<pb n='432'/><anchor id='Pg432'/> +document, his name is rare in the extreme, and when +he appears actively, it is in the character of patron of +the temples, or something of a similar nature. +</p> + +<p> +Naturally the king was hedged about with a considerable +amount of reverence, which must have manifested +itself in many ways which we shall probably +never know. This consideration for the name of the +king would lead to his being represented by an agent, +doing away with the necessity of his appearing in +person, when dealing with his subjects. Though he +prudently keeps out of sight, it is hardly a dignified +thing that the great Nebuchadnezzar should appear +as a moneylender, even by proxy, as he seems to do +in the following document. But we do not know the +whole history of the transaction, so must not hastily +accuse him of an unkingly action—his appearance +may be unauthorized, or the loan may be capable of +a perfectly natural explanation. +</p> + +<p> +<q>Ten shekels (in) ingots (?), the silver of Ina-êši-êṭir, +son of Nadin, the king's agent. The king's silver, +which was given for gold (? = as capital) to Ina-êši-êṭir, +(is) due from Nabû-êṭir, son of Šulâ, descendant of +the mead-dealer. At the end of the month Tisri he +will give (it) back. His property, as much as there +is, (is) the security, until Ina-êši-êṭir receives the +king's silver. Witnesses: Nadin, son of Marduk, +descendant of Irani; Nergal-iddina, son of Nabû-kaṣir, +descendant of Êpeš-îli; and the scribe, Ana-Bêl-upâqu, +son of Bêl-šum-iškun, descendant of the +mead-dealer. Babylon, month Tammuz, day 28th, +year 21st, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Though security is referred to, there is no mention +of interest, but Ina-êši-êṭir probably expected something +of the kind. The question also arises, whether +the sum may not have been advanced without the +authority of his royal master. The original of the +expression translated <q>ingots</q> suggests that the +pieces may have been in the form of a sword-blade. +</p> + +<pb n='433'/><anchor id='Pg433'/> + +<p> +Among the tablets referring to Nebuchadnezzar's +offerings, 84-2-11, 23, and its duplicate 270 of the same +collection, are probably the most interesting. This +inscription is to the effect that Izkur-Marduk had +given up with willingness the office of <foreign rend='italic'>naš-paṭrūtu</foreign> to +Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî. His duty was to perform the +king's sacrifices every year before the goddess Išḫara, +<q>dwelling in Ê-ša-turra, which is within Šu-anna,</q> and +before Pap-sukal, of <q>the temple Ê-kidur-kani, the +house of the Lady of heaven, of the bank of the water-channel +of <foreign rend='italic'>âlu-eššu</foreign> (the new city) which is within +Babylon.</q> The animals sacrificed were oxen and +sheep, and the parts offered before the two deities are +fully specified. The contract ends with a longer curse +than usual in tablets of this class: <q>Whoever the +words and this gift changes, as much as has been conferred +(?) on Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, may Merodach, Zēr-panitum, +Išḫara, and Pap-sukal bespeak his destruction; +may Nebo, the scribe of Ê-sagila, shorten his +long days. The spirit of Marduk, Zēr-panitum, (and) +his gods, and Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, the king their lord, +they have invoked.</q> The names of three witnesses +and the scribe follow this, after which is the date, +29th day of Tammuz, 32nd year of Nebuchadnezzar. +A portion of the sacrifices were to be made on the +8th day of Nisan, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> at the beginning of the second +week of the new year. +</p> + +<p> +As stated in his long inscriptions referring to the +restoration of the temples at Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar +looked upon that city as the one whose temples he +especially delighted to honour, and this text referring +to his offerings seems to bear out that statement. As, +however, his inscribed cylinders from other places +show that he did not neglect the shrines of his provincial +capitals altogether, so certain inscriptions +referring to his offerings elsewhere show that he did +not withhold what was considered as due from him to +the other shrines of his realm. Thus, in his thirty-fifth +<pb n='434'/><anchor id='Pg434'/> +year he is recorded to have made a gift or offering of +an object, made or set with some kind of stone, to the +goddess of Sippar, Aa, the consort of the Sun-god, and +another object of gold to the god himself. In all +probability, the text referred to is only one of a number +of inscriptions referring to the king's offerings, for +even this great and popular ruler would hardly have +dared to risk the hostility of the priests merely to +gratify his desire to enrich and embellish his capital +city. In addition to the king, the officials of his court +sometimes made offerings at Sippar, as is indicated by +the following short inscription— +</p> + +<p> +<q>One ass, tithe which Nabû-šarra-uṣur, the king's +captain, has given to the temple Ê-babbara. Month +Iyyar, day 20 less 1, year 42nd, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, +king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance, Nabû-šarra-uṣur was a man +sufficiently well off, if, as may well be supposed, he +possessed nine other asses besides the one which he +was giving as tithe. From the nature of the offering, +this could not have been made on account of the +king, though he must from time to time have commissioned +others to act on his behalf, as the following +inscriptions inform us that his sons did— +</p> + +<p> +<q>..., tithe of (Marduk)-šum-uṣur, the son of +the king, Zubuduru, messenger of Marduk-šum-uṣur, +the son of the king, has given to Ê-babbara. The +sheep (is) in the cattle-house in the care of Šamaš-êreš. +Month Adar, day 17th, year 40th, (Nabû-kud)urri-uṣur, +(king of Babylon).</q> +</p> + +<p> +The word to be restored at the beginning is probably +<q>1 sheep,</q> this being the number implied farther on. +If so, it cannot be said that he was by any means a +large owner of these animals. The following refers +to tithe in silver paid by the same prince— +</p> + +<p> +<q>1/3 and 5 shekels (= 25 shekels) of silver (is) the +tithe which Marduk-šum-uṣur, son of the king, has +given by the hands of Šamaš-kain-âḫi and Aqabi-îlu to +<pb n='435'/><anchor id='Pg435'/> +Ê-babbara. Month Iyyar, day 14th, year 42nd, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, +king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Another inscription, dated in the forty-first year of +Nebuchadnezzar, refers to another son, named Marduk-nadin-aḫi, +whose servant, Sin-mâr-šarri-uṣur, had paid +half a mana for fruit (dates). The name of the servant, +which means <q>Moon-god, protect the son of the king,</q> +is interesting, and testifies to the devotion of the +family of its owner to the royal house. +</p> + +<p> +These references to the sons of Nebuchadnezzar +naturally raise the question of the parentage of +Nabonidus, whose son, Belshazzar, is called, in Daniel, +the son—<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> descendant—of Nebuchadnezzar. As +this is a historical point of some importance, even the +most uncertain light, when thrown upon it, may turn +out to be of considerable value. In all probability, +therefore, this is the most appropriate place to introduce +what may be called +</p> + +<div> +<head>The Earliest Mention Of Nabonidus.</head> + +<p> +This document is preserved on two tablets, the most +correct being very much crowded in one part, and the +other very neatly and clearly, but at the same time +very incorrectly, written. Both are, therefore, in all +probability, copies, made at dates some time after the +original document was drawn up. +</p> + +<p> +Though the more clearly-written copy is rather +incorrect, it furnishes in some cases interesting +variants, which will be noticed in their place. The +value of the text as a historical document depends, +in part, as will easily be recognized, upon the trustworthiness +of a statement which the incorrect copyist +has read into it. +</p> + +<p> +Both these documents belong to the collection +obtained by the late George Smith on his last ill-fated +journey to the East. They are numbered S +, 769 +and 734. +</p> + +<p> +<q>Adi'îlu, son of Nabû-zēr-iddina, and Ḫulîti, his +<pb n='436'/><anchor id='Pg436'/> +wife (the divine Ḫulîtum!<note place='foot'>An addition by the scribe of the first tablet (the more correct +copy), seemingly partly erased.</note>) have sold Marduka +(Mordecai), their son, for the price agreed upon, to +Šulâ, son of Zēr-ukîn. The liability to defeasor (?) +and pre-emptor (?), which is upon Marduka, Adi'îlu +and Akkadu respond for.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Witnesses: Nabû-na'id (Nabonidus), who is over +the city<note place='foot'>The second copy (the less correct) has, instead of <q>who is +over the city,</q> the words <q>the son of the king ...,</q> which +(judging from the word for <q>man</q> before <q>king</q>) the scribe +must have read into the traces which he saw.</note>; Agar'u; Mušêzib-Bêl, son of Marduka<note place='foot'>This must be another Marduka—it is most unlikely that it +is the son of Adi'îlu and Ḫulîtu, concerning whom the document +was written.</note>; +Zērîa, son of Bâbîlâa; Ukîn-zēra, son of Yadi'-îlu<note place='foot'>Variant, Adi'îlu, possibly the seller of Marduka, and if so, +Ukîn-zēra must have been the brother of the man sold.</note>; +Rêmut, son of Marduka; and the scribe Nabû-zēr-ikîša, +son of Marduk- ... Ḫuṣṣiti-ša-Mušallim-Marduk, +month Sebat, day 16th, year 8th, Nabû-kudurrî-uṣur, +king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +It will probably seem strange to most readers that +Babylonian parents, who were as a rule fond of +children, should sell their son; but it is impossible +to pronounce judgment against them without knowing +more, so as to be able to take into consideration +the circumstances in which the thing was done. +Though the document resembles those recording the +sale of slaves, certain phrases are left out (compare +the inscriptions referred to on pp. <ref target='Pg465'>465</ref> ff.). +</p> + +<p> +The exclamatory addition of the scribe in one case, +where he writes the name of the mother, Ḫulîtum, +with the prefix for divinity, shows that he regarded +her as being with the gods—to all appearance she +had, at the time of making the copy, departed this +life. It may be taken as implying respect, reverence, +and something more. +</p> + +<pb n='437'/><anchor id='Pg437'/> + +<p> +Naturally there is no suggestion that the Nabonidus +who is given as the first witness, with the title <q>he +who is over the city,</q> was the son of Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, +afterwards king of Babylon. The scribe of the +second tablet calls him <q>the son of the king,</q> but +there is no indication, from Babylonian sources, that +he was one of the sons of Nebuchadnezzar. It is true +that, in Daniel, Belshazzar is spoken of as if Nebuchadnezzar +was his father (or, better, grandfather), +but this is the first indication that the Babylonians +ever thought of Nabonidus, his father, as one of the +sons of the great Nebuchadnezzar. The question is, +whether the scribe who made the second and more +incorrect copy would have read into the doubtful +characters which his original evidently contained, a +statement which he must have known to be untrue, +incorrect, or impossible. In view of the fact that the +copy in question must have been made sufficiently +near to the time of Nabonidus for the facts to be still +known, a wilful error is to all appearance excluded, +though, on the other hand, the incorrectness of other +parts of the tablet obliges us to take the statement +for what it is worth. The traces of a character after +the words <q>son of the king</q> are doubtful—they look +like the remains of three horizontal wedges, the two +lower ones being fairly clear. As the topmost wedge +is the most doubtful, it is possible that the traces +which remain are really part of the sign for <q>city,</q> in +which case the scribe wrote <q>son of the king of the +city,</q> placing the determinative prefix for <q>man</q> +before the character for <q>king</q>—a most unusual way +of writing the word. It enables us to surmise, however, +that the reading of his original was really <foreign rend='italic'>ša +muḫḫi âli</foreign>, instead of <foreign rend='italic'>ša êli âli</foreign> (both phrases have the +same meaning), that he regarded <foreign rend='italic'>ša</foreign> as <foreign rend='italic'>a</foreign>, that he +thought <foreign rend='italic'>muḫ-ḫi</foreign> to be the characters for <q>man</q> and +<q>king,</q> and that he read the last of the phrase, the +character for <q>city,</q> correctly. +</p> + +<pb n='438'/><anchor id='Pg438'/> + +<p> +They are a couple of as interesting, but, at the +same time, as unsatisfactory, tablets, as could well be +imagined. +</p> + +<p> +It is to be noted that the name of Nabonidus is +not altogether uncommon in the inscriptions. In +most cases, however, we know that it is either not +the well-known king of that name, or that his identity +with him is doubtful. That the person here referred +to was a man of some consequence is indicated by his +title, <q>he who is over the city,</q> and it often happens +in that case (as here) that the name of his father and +other remoter ancestor is omitted. This is sometimes +the case with Neriglissar, who is very often named in +the contract-tablets of Babylonia, and his name is +then either given without any indication of his parentage, +or else with the simple addition <q>son of Bêl-šum-iškun.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Another figure which appears at this time is that +same Neriglissar who was to play so important a +part in the affairs of Babylonia at a later date. In +the case of this prince (unlike the Nabonidus of the +inscription translated above) we are not tormented by +any doubts whatever. It is really and truly Neriglissar, +and none other. He first appears in Nebuchadnezzar's +thirty-fourth year, in the following legal +document— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>100 sheep of Kili(gug?), servant of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, +concerning which Abî-nadib, son of Ya-ḫata, +said to Nergal-šarra-uṣur, son of Bêl-šum-iškun, +thus—</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'><q>Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, servant of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, +brought them by my hand.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>If Abî-nadib (and) Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ prove (this), +Abî-nadib is free; if he prove it (not), Abî-nadib will +give to Nergal-šarra-uṣur 100 sheep, (with) wool (?) +and young (?).</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Witnesses: Ṣilli-Bêl, son of Abî-yadiša; Kabtia, +son of Marduk-zēr-ibnî, descendant of the potter; +<pb n='439'/><anchor id='Pg439'/> +Nabû-naṣir, son of Zillâ; and the scribe, (Nabû)-âḫê-iddina, +son of Šulâ, descendant of Êgibi. Takrētain (?), +month Elul, day 2nd, year 34th, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, +king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Neriglissar must therefore have been an extensive +cattle-owner, and had many servants, some of whom +at least must have been men of substance, like Abî-nadib, +who engages to restore to his master the 100 +sheep, if it could be proved that they had been lost +by his fault. Judging from the name, Abî-nadib +(= Abinadab) must have come from the west, his +Biblical namesakes being Israelites. Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ +elsewhere appears as the major-domo of the crown +prince (? Laborosoarchod = Labâši-Marduk) during +the reign of Neriglissar, and of Belshazzar during the +reign of his father Nabonidus. The reader will meet +his name again in the translations which follow. +</p> + +<p> +A similar transaction to the above is one in which +two servants of Neriglissar were concerned, but in +which the prince himself seems not to have been +directly interested. It is as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>(At the end?) of the month Sivan, Šarru-îlûa, +servant of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, will bring his witness +and will prove to Ḫatānu, servant of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, +that Šarru-îlūa gave to Ḫatānu the iron <foreign rend='italic'>raqundu</foreign>. +If he prove it, Ḫatānu will give to Šarru-îlūa a +<foreign rend='italic'>raqundu</foreign>.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Witnesses: Mušêzib-Bêl, son of Nabû-iltama', and +the scribe, Nabû-âḫê-iddina, descendant of Êgibi. +Upia (Opis), month Nisan, day 29th, (year ...)th, +Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +During the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, the <q>chief of +the house</q> or major-domo of Neriglissar was Bêl-êṭiranni, +who is mentioned as having borrowed money, +whether on his own or his master's behalf is not known. +This took place in the forty-third year of Nebuchadnezzar. +The following is an order for the delivery of +goods to the prince— +</p> + +<pb n='440'/><anchor id='Pg440'/> + +<p> +<q>Cause ... iron implements (and) 80 <foreign rend='italic'>kudutum</foreign> +to be taken to Nergal-šarra-uṣur by the hands of +Nabû-šum-iddina, secretary of Nergal-šarra-uṣur. +Month Iyyar, day 12th, year 43rd, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, +king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance prince Neriglissar was a very +busy man, who sought to add to his worldly goods +by every means in his power, and did not disdain to +engage in trade in the attainment of wealth. What +he had apparently begun in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, +he continued in the time of Evil-Merodach, +during whose reign there are several inscriptions +referring to his transactions with regard to houses. +In the first of these inscriptions he hires a house for +11 mana of silver from Nabû-âbla-iddina, by his agent, +Nabû-kain-âbli (first year of Evil-Merodach, month +and day lost). +</p> + +<p> +In another contract he acquires 4 canes, 1 cubit, +8 fingers (of land) from Marduk-šakin-šumi, and +2 canes, 6-2/3 cubits from Kurbanni-Marduk, for a total +of 4 mana 19 shekels of silver. (Babylon, month +Tebet, day 9th, 1st year of Evil-Merodach.) +</p> + +<p> +In the third contract it would seem that the property +in land of Nabû-âbla-iddina had been given over to +his creditors, of whom Nabû-banî-âḫi was one, the +amount due to him being, in all, 53 shekels of silver, +due to him from Nabû-âbla-iddina in the name of a +third party. By the authority of Neriglissar it would +seem that 42-1/3 shekels of silver were paid to Nabû-banî-âḫi, +who then gave to Neriglissar a contract for +53 shekels of silver, promising, at the same time, to +speak to the king's scribes, and draw up and deliver +to Neriglissar a <emph>sealed</emph> document. If he did not do +this, he was to be liable for the silver and its interest. +</p> + +<p> +By advancing the money to this creditor, Neriglissar +became himself a creditor of the estate of Nabû-âbla-iddina +(15th of Adar, 1st year of Evil-Merodach), and +it seems to have been his intention to get the whole +<pb n='441'/><anchor id='Pg441'/> +of the land and the houses thereon into his own hands. +He therefore acquired further interest in the property +a few weeks later (26th of Nisan, 2nd year of Evil-Merodach), +and again after a further interval of three +months (14th of Tammuz, 2nd year of Evil-Merodach). +To all appearance, the amounts advanced by Neriglissar +to the creditors of the estate were less than the +sums due to them from Nabû-âbla-iddina on account +of their claims. He seems, however, to have got +them to give him receipts in full, and they had to +promise to deliver sealed documents. He must have +made a considerable profit out of this species of bill-discounting. +</p> + +<p> +The last tablet referring to the estate of Nabû-âbla-iddina +is dated in the accession year of Neriglissar's +own reign (9th of the 2nd Adar), and in this Nabû-âḫê-iddina +secures an interest by paying 26-¼ shekels +of silver on account of a sum of 52-½ shekels—just +half. The land is stated to have been <q>sold for silver +for a palace,</q> and the money was paid by the intermediary +of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, Neriglissar's representative +in such matters before he ascended the throne. +The following is a translation of this interesting +document— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>52-½ shekels of silver due to Ikîšâ, son of Gilûa, +descendant of Sin-šadûnu, which is upon (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> due +from) Nabû-âbla-iddina, son of Balaṭu, descendant of +the butler (?), in (part payment) of the price of the +house of Nabû-âbla-iddina, which has been sold for +silver for the palace. In agreement with the creditors, +Ikîša, son of Gilûa, descendant of Sin-šadûnu, has +received 26-¼ shekels of silver from the hands of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, +son of Šulâ, descendant of Êgibi, and has +given the contract for 52-½ shekels of silver, which is +upon (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> due from) Nabû-âbla-iddina, to Nabû-âḫê-iddina.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Witnesses: Dâanu-šum-iddina, son of Zēru-Bâbîli, +descendant of the dagger-bearer; Nabû-nadin-šumi, +<pb n='442'/><anchor id='Pg442'/> +son of Ablâ, descendant of Sin-nadin-šumi; Bêl-šunu, +son of Uššâa, descendant of Âḫi-banî;</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>and the scribe, Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, son of Ikîšâ, +descendant of Sin-šadûnu. Babylon, month of the +later Adar, day 9th, year of the beginning of dominion +of Nergal-šarra-uṣur, king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +But Neriglissar was now king, and had no need and +but little desire to appear before his subjects as a +purchaser of houses, or as a trader in any way (it is +probably on this account that his name does not occur +in the above document). When he engaged in anything +of the kind, it was henceforth through agents. +The only exception known is the marriage-contract +of his daughter Gigîtum, who espoused the high priest +of Nebo at Borsippa. The following is a translation +of this document, as far as it is preserved— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Nabû-šum-ukîn, priest of Nebo, director of Ê-zida, +son of Širiktum-Marduk, descendant of Išdē-îlāni-dannu, +said to Nergal-šarra-uṣur, king of Babylon: +<q>Give Gigîtum, thy virgin daughter, to wifehood, +and let her be my wife.</q> Nergal-šarra-uṣur (said) +to Nabû-šum-ukîn, priest of Nebo, director of Ê-zida....</q> +</p> + +<p> +(About twenty-eight lines are wanting here, the +text becoming again legible at the end of the list of +witnesses on the reverse.) +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>..., son of Nabû-šum-lišir, ...; ...-ri, son of +Nabû-šarra-uṣur, the judge (??);</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Nabû-šum-uṣur, the scribe, son of Aššur ... +Babylon, month Nisan, day 1st, year 1st, (Nergal-šarra)-uṣur, +king of Babylon. Copy of Ê-zida.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The mutilation of the record is unfortunate, as +the conclusion of the matter cannot be ascertained, +but it may be regarded as fairly certain that Neriglissar +really did give his daughter Gigîtum in marriage +to Nabû-šum-ukîn, for had it been otherwise, there +would have been but little need to draw up the +document of which the fragment here translated +<pb n='443'/><anchor id='Pg443'/> +has been preserved to us. The remainder of the +tablet was probably taken up with the usual conditions—the +penalty Nabû-šum-ukîn would have to pay +should he divorce or abandon his wife; the penalty +Gigîtum would have to suffer if she disowned or forsook +her husband; directions with regard to the +amount and disposal of her dowry, etc. This and +similar inscriptions seem to suggest that Herodotus +was probably wrongly informed with regard to the +compulsory nature of the public prostitution of unmarried +women which, he says, was practised in +Babylonia, the expressions found in these inscriptions +often pointing, as in the present case, to a belief, on +the part of the bridegroom, in the chastity of the +woman chosen by him to be his wife. +</p> + +<p> +The date corresponds with the Babylonian New +Year's Day, 559 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> +</p> + +<p> +With this inscription we take leave of Neriglissar +except as the ruler whose name the scribes used to +date by. +</p> + +<p> +Though, according to Berosus, Laborosoarchod +(Labāši-Marduk) was a mere child when he came to +the throne, there is no doubt, from the inscription +which follows, that he was old enough to have an +establishment of his own, and also to carry on the +business of money-lender, Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ (see p. <ref target='Pg439'>439</ref>) +being his representative in the transactions in which +he engaged. As it is an inscription typical of its +class, it is given here in full— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>12 mana of silver of the son of the king, which +(has been advanced through) the hand of Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, +chief of the house of the son of the king, is +upon (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> due from) Šum-ukîn, son of Mušallim-îlu. +In the month Nisan the silver, 12 mana, in its full +amount, he will repay. Everything of his, in town +and country, all there is, is the security of the king's +son—another creditor shall not have power over it +until Nabû-sabit-qâtâ receives the money. Nabû-âḫê-iddina, +<pb n='444'/><anchor id='Pg444'/> +son of Šulâ, descendant of Êgibi, takes +responsibility for the receipt of the money.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Witnesses: Šamaš-uballiṭ, son of Ikîšâ; Kalbâ, +son of Bêl-êreš; the scribe Bêl-âḫê-ikîšâ, son of Bêl-êṭeru. +Babylon, month Elul, day 10th, year 2nd, +Nergal-šarra-uṣur, king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +What the crown prince did, it goes without saying +that all the court officials sought to do. An instance +of this is Bêl-âḫê-iddina, the king's captain, who is +recorded as having lent 2/3 of a mana of silver to +Ardîa and Šulâ, at an interest of one shekel upon +every mana monthly—twenty per cent. yearly—a sufficiently +high interest, though it was the usual rate in +Babylonia. This inscription is dated at Babylon, 7th +day of Kisleu, 2nd year of Neriglissar. It is noteworthy, +however, that there is no mention of interest in the +document drawn up for Labāši-Marduk's major-domo. +</p> + +<p> +Interesting is the inscription in which two partners +engage to meet two other men, also partners, at the +gate of the house of the king's son to come to an +arrangement concerning profits which they had made +<foreign rend='italic'>ša zallānu u dusê</foreign>, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> with regard to two <q>lines</q> of +leather goods (9th day of Tammuz, 3rd year of Neriglissar). +It also furnishes further testimony to the +fact that this prince had a separate establishment. +</p> + +<p> +After Laborosoarchod's nine months came the +reign of Nabonidus, whom, as will be remembered, +the Babylonians and Cyrus, his conqueror, accused +of neglecting the gods, and sending them forth from +their shrines to the cities around. Perhaps his crime +consisted in his preference for the gods of other cities +than Babylon, the city which Nebuchadnezzar's lavish +favours had somewhat spoilt, and who resented her +neglect at the hands of the antiquarian king. However +that may be, contemporary records show that he +gave to the benefit of Sippar, the city of the Sun-god, +not unfrequently. A mutilated inscription refers to +full-grown oxen and sheep from the son of the king, +<pb n='445'/><anchor id='Pg445'/> +for the king's sacrifices, divided between two temples +at Sippar, one of them being that of Anunitu[m] (7th +of Adar, 9th year of Nabonidus); and things from +the <foreign rend='italic'>bît makkur nidinit šarri</foreign> (<q>warehouse of the king's +gifts</q>) are often mentioned. Naturally he had to +make gifts to many shrines in Babylonia. +</p> + +<p> +Whether the following refers to oxen for sacrifice +or not is doubtful— +</p> + +<p> +<q>20 shekels of silver have been given to Nabû-šarra-uṣur, +the sec(retary) of the king, for oxen for the +husbandmen who are in the city Ḫa(buru). He has +not given the oxen. Month Nisan, day 16th, year 7th, +Nabû-na'id, king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The above inscription comes from Sippar, near +which the city referred to must have stood. +</p> + +<p> +Several inscriptions refer to the storehouse into +which the king's gift was delivered. The following +is a specimen of these texts— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Fruit, the amount of the 10th year, Ana-âmat-Bêl-atkal +has given into the storehouse of the gift of the +king. Month Kisleu, day 14th, year 10th, Nabû-na'id, +(king) of Êridu.</q> +</p> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>35 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign>, Šamaš-killi-anni.</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>12 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> 90 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign>, Šum-ukîn and Rêmut.</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>65 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> 144 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign>, Ikîšâ.</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>45 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> 72 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign>, Kinâ.</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>62 gur, Niqu(du).</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>17 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> 72 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign>, ...</q></l> +<l><q>Altogether 23(8 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> 18 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign>).</q></l> +</lg> + +<p> +This and other inscriptions, especially one referring +to 250 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of grain, shows that Nabonidus was fairly +liberal to the temples at Sippar. It is also very +probable that he provided for the needful repairs of +this and other temples from time to time, one of the +inscriptions (dated in his third year) recording a contribution +of half a talent and 7 mana of silver for +work done on the great temple-tower of Sippar, +<pb n='446'/><anchor id='Pg446'/> +Ê-babbara, besides 8 mana 20 shekels of silver as +tithe, seemingly for grain for the city Ḫaburu, where, +it is to be conjectured, an agricultural farm belonging +to one of the temples of Sippar was situated.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg445'>445</ref>, where the husbandmen are referred to.</note> +</p> + +<p> +It is not by any means improbable that Nabonidus +had a residence at Sippar, and if so, this would explain +the reason of his favouring that city, and at the same +time add to the causes of the discontent of the <q>sons +of Babylon.</q> This is implied by a small tablet apparently +inscribed with an account of the receipts and +expenditure of the temple Ê-babbara at Sippar, which +occupied the position of purveyor of water, and took +the place of the water-company of the cities of modern +Europe— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>2 mana 13 shekels of silver, the price of the king's +water, which is from Bêl-âbla-iddina, the overseer of<note place='foot'>Probably = <q>under.</q></note> +Kî-Bêl, the chief man of the king's water, has been +brought by the hands of Šamaš-kain-âbli, son of +Balatu.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>From the amount, 2 mana of silver have been +given for 80 measures (?) of oil to Nabû-uṣur-šu, son +of Dummuq, descendant of Gaḫal, in the presence of +Kalbâ, the secretary. 13 shekels of silver are in the +treasury.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Silver, 2 mana, is with Nabû-dûr-pâniâ. Of the +amount, 4 shekels of silver have been paid for 2 +<foreign rend='italic'>parrum</foreign><note place='foot'>Apparently from the root <foreign rend='italic'>par</foreign>, <q>to be bright.</q> These +stones were probably sacred to the Sun-god.</note>-stones, which were given to Aššur-rîmananni, +son of Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month later Adar, day 27th, year 6th, Nabû-na'id, +king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Another tablet, dated in Nabonidus's accession year, +indicates that the temple supplied water, for a fixed +sum, to a part of Sippar called <q>the city of the Sun.</q> +</p> + +<p> +From other tablets we obtain also information +<pb n='447'/><anchor id='Pg447'/> +about the family of Nabonidus. Most of them, as is +to be expected, refer to Belshazzar, the heir to the +throne, who is conjectured to have been the second +ruler in the kingdom, thus explaining how it was +that the position of <q>third ruler in the kingdom</q> +could be offered to the Prophet Daniel. Like the +other rulers of Babylonia, Nabonidus had granted to +Belshazzar, or at least permitted him to occupy, a +separate house, which was situated within Babylon, +beside the house of Marduk-îriba, son of Rêmut, +descendant of Miṣrâa. From the inscription referring +to this which has come down to us, it may be +conjectured that Marduk-îriba was a minor, and his +sister, Bau-êṭirat, therefore acted for him. Bêl-rêṣūa, +servant of Belshazzar, approached her and succeeded +in acquiring her brother's land for 45 shekels of silver, +which was duly paid to Marduk-îriba. Though it is +not stated, this transaction probably took place on +behalf of Belshazzar, who wished to add to his possessions, +and as it is dated in the month Adar, in the +1st year of Nabonidus, it would seem that he decided +to enlarge the domain he was entitled to as crown +prince shortly after he found himself occupying that +position. +</p> + +<p> +Another tablet referring to Belshazzar is a contract +drawn up for one of his secretaries (on the one hand), +by which he obtained the occupation of a house in +exchange for a loan of silver—a common arrangement +in those days in Babylonia. The following +translation will enable the reader to see the terms of +this, the type of a numerous series of documents— +</p> + +<p> +<q>The house of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, son of Šulá, +descendant of Êgibi, which is beside the house of +Bêl-iddina, son of Rêmut, descendant of the <foreign rend='italic'>dikû</foreign>, (is +granted) for 3 years to Nabû-kain-âḫî, secretary of +Bêl-šarra-uṣur, the son of the king, for 1-½ mana of +silver. He has let (it) upon (the condition that) +<q>there is no rent for the house, and no interest for +<pb n='448'/><anchor id='Pg448'/> +the money.</q> He shall repair the woodwork and +renew the dilapidation of the house. After 3 years, +the silver, 1-½ mana, Nabû-âḫê-iddina shall (re)pay +to Nabû-kain-âḫi, and Nabû-kain-âḫi shall leave the +house in the possession of Nabû-âḫê-iddina.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here follow the names of three witnesses and the +scribe, after which comes the date: <q>Babylon, month +Nisan, day 21st, year 5th, Nabû-na'id, king of +Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +As the 1-½ mana of silver would have brought in +18 shekels at the usual rate of interest, that sum +may be taken as representing the rent of the house +in question. +</p> + +<p> +Another inscription, dated two years later, shows +that Nabû-kain-âḫi, Belshazzar's secretary, borrowed +35 shekels of silver from Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, that prince's +major-domo, to purchase a slave, and that the loan +was duly repaid. The curious thing in connection +with this transaction is, that the money advanced +is stated to be <q>tithe of Bêl, Nebo, Nergal, and the +lady (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Ištar) of Erech,</q> implying that Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ +was entitled to certain sums from this source, +or else that he had control of them, and could advance +money to others therefrom. Information concerning +all the items of income and expenditure of the temples +would probably furnish interesting reading, showing, +as it should, who were the people who benefited from +the funds available, and upon what grounds. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that, in these inscriptions referring +to transactions between the members of Belshazzar's +household, no interest seems to have been charged +on the loans granted; and if this was really so, it +indicates a considerable amount of loyalty among +these men towards each other—indeed, it is doubtful +if it could be surpassed at the present day. +</p> + +<p> +Strangest of all these contracts in which Belshazzar +is mentioned, is probably that in which the prince +himself seems to appear as one of the contracting +<pb n='449'/><anchor id='Pg449'/> +parties—as a dealer in clothes. As it is the only one +referring to him thus, a translation of the inscription +in question is here given in full— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>20 mana of silver, the price of the garments<note place='foot'>Or <q>the woollen stuffs.</q></note> +(which were) the property of Bêl-šarra-uṣur, the son +of the king, which (are due), through Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, +chief of the house of Bêl-šarra-uṣur, the son of the +king, and the secretaries of the son of the king, from +Iddina-Marduk, son of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin. +In the month Adar of the 1(1th) year, the silver, +20 mana, he shall pay. His house, which is beside +the (plantation?), his slave, and his property in town +and country, all there is, is the security of Bêl-šarra-uṣur, +the son of the king, until Bêl-šarra-uṣur receives +his money. (For) the silver, as much as (from the +sum) is withheld, interest he shall pay.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Witnesses: Bêl-iddina, son of Rêmut, descendant +of the <foreign rend='italic'>dikû</foreign>; Êtel-pî, son of ..., descendant of <q>the +father of the house</q>; Nadin, son of Narduk-šum-uṣur, +descendant of the master-builder; Nergal-ušallim, son +of Marduk-..., descendant of Gaḫal; Marduk-naṣir, +son of Kur-..., descendant of Dabibu; and the +scribe, Bêl-âḫê-ikîša, son of Nabû-balat-su-iqbî. Babylon, +month ..., day 20th, year 11th, Nabû-na'id, king +of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +But Belshazzar did not confine himself to dealing +in woollen stuffs or clothes, as many another inscription +indicates. This was but an unimportant incident +in his life which chance has preserved to us, and how +far the transaction may have taken place with (or +without) his own knowledge, it is impossible to say. +For a considerable time, however, he was with the +army in Akkad, and whilst there, he interested himself +greatly in the welfare of the temples at Sippar, +making donations to them, not only on his own +behalf, but also for his father. Thus, on the 11th +of Iyyar, in the 9th year of his father's reign, he +<pb n='450'/><anchor id='Pg450'/> +gave to the god Šamaš a tongue of gold weighing +one mana; and on the 7th of Adar of the same year +he gave two full-grown oxen for sacrifice (his father +gave one on that occasion), together with fourteen sheep, +and in addition other sacrifices were made on his +and his father's behalf in the temple of the goddess +Annunitum. The following little inscription, being +rather out of the common, is probably above the +average in the matter of interest— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>1 shekel and a quarter of silver for the hire of +a ship for 3 oxen and 24 sheep, the sacrifices of the +king's son, which went in the month Nisan for Šamaš +and the gods of Sippar.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>In the presence of Bêl-šarra-bulliṭ, who has given +the offerings of the king to Šamaš-iddina and Dannu-Âddu. +He has given 60 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> of fruit as their offerings. +Month Nisan, day 9th, year 10th, Nabû-na'id, king of +Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Seemingly Belshazzar sent the sheep and oxen +from his estate to Sippar by water. +</p> + +<p> +Interesting to an equal degree is likewise the +inscription recording a gift made by his sister— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>27 shekels of silver is the weight of one cup, +tithe of Ina-Ê-sagila-rêmat, the daughter of the king. +By the hands of Bêl-šarra-(bulliṭ), as a king's offering, +she has given (it) to the god.... The cup is in the +treasure-house.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Ab, day 5th, year 17th, (Nabû-na'id) king +of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Though this inscription is defective in places, there +is every probability that little or nothing more than +the name of the god is wanting. The name of +Bêl-šarra-(bulliṭ) shows that the inscription must +belong to the time of Nabonidus, and, in fact, the +initial wedges of his name are visible. +</p> + +<p> +The name of a second daughter of Nabonidus +seems to appear in another inscription from Sippar, +though, as it is rather carelessly written, this is doubtful. +<pb n='451'/><anchor id='Pg451'/> +Notwithstanding the uncertainty attending the +name, however, the inscription is worth quoting in +full— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>3 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> 75 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> of sesame Ukabu'sama (?), daughter +of the king, has sold, through Tattanu, for silver, to +Ê-babbara. The silver has not been received.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Month Ab, day 7th, year 16th, Nabû-na'id, king +of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +With this we take leave of Nabonidus and his +family, as revealed by the contracts and temple +accounts from Babylon and Sippar. The picture +these and the historical inscriptions give of the +Babylonian royal family is not altogether unpleasing, +and that this king, with his son, were the last +rulers of their race, is greatly to be regretted. But, +alas, they had offended the priesthood of Babylon, +and all the people accepted, without a murmur, the +alien ruler, of a differing faith from theirs, who presented +himself, in hostile array, at their doors. It +was the beginning of the end of their life as a nation, +and who shall say that they did not deserve it? If +they had made even a show of resistance, the world +could hold them excused, but this was not the case, +as their own records show, and whatever Nabonidus's +faults may have been, they do not attain to the +culpability of the nation, which, instead of protecting +him—if for no other reason, it ought to have done +this for his son's sake—practically betrayed him to +the enemy. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>II.</head> + +<p> +So far, in depicting the life which the Jews, during +the Captivity, must daily have seen around them, we +have given the tablets whereon the court and its +officials are referred to, and though these reveal +certain phases of life in Babylonia among the people, +typical of the time, they can hardly be held to show +the life <emph>of</emph> the people—those engaged in the life-struggle +<pb n='452'/><anchor id='Pg452'/> +of which every great city is the battlefield, +and has been the battlefield since the first gathering +of large bodies of men in one place. +</p> + +<p> +Who among us can estimate the misery caused by +the tearing away of the slave from the home of the +master with whom he had for many years dwelt in +content?—it must have far outweighed the few cases +in which a slave in those days benefited by such a +change. That the loss of his slaves was sometimes +also a wrench to the owner is indicated by the fact +that he is generally—if not always—made to say, that +he parts with them cheerfully. He had to admit this +for the satisfaction of the buyer, who naturally feared +that the old master would return and ask for the +contract to be annulled, saying that it was all a +mistake on his part—he did not really wish to get rid +of them, and would like to have them back again. +</p> + +<p> +Naturally the tablets do not reveal to us all this, +nor the joys and sorrows, the successes and the +failures, which those great cities of the ancient East +must have contained. But they allow us to guess +a great deal. Did the man ever get the money back +which he had lent? Did he receive the money for +the things he had sold and given credit for? These +and other similar questions are always occurring to +the student of these documents, which reveal always +the grave side of life in that ancient land—never the +gay side—even a wedding, being a contract, was a +thing much too serious to allow its joyful nature to +shine through at any point. +</p> + +<p> +As the documents which best represent the character +of the Babylonians are the letters, it has been thought +well to begin (as in the case of the chapter upon the +earlier Babylonians) with a few specimens of these, +and in the forefront the following may be cited as not +unworthy of a prominent place— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Tablet of Nabû-zēr-ibnî to Ugarâ, Balaṭu, Nabû-bêl-šumāti, +and Šamaš-udammiq, his brothers.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='453'/><anchor id='Pg453'/> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Now to Bêl and Nebo for the preservation of the +life of my brothers I pray.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Bêl-epuš, who is along with you, is my brother. +Whoever speaks his evil words, as my brothers wish, +let him be silent. As for him, from the beginning +to the end, brothers of each other are we. As warning +to my brothers I send this. Let my brothers do +what is right. I should like to see an answer (to this) +letter from my brothers.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Whether we are to substitute <q>friend</q> and <q>friends</q> +for <q>brother</q> and <q>brothers</q> is uncertain, but is very +probable. In any case, the writer would seem to show +considerable courage in the course he was taking, as +well as confidence in the righteousness of his cause. +</p> + +<p> +The following is apparently the letter of a father in +poverty to his more successful son— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>(Letter of) Iddina-âḫâ (to) Rêmūt, his son.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>May (Bêl) and Nebo bespeak peace and life for +my son.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>He, my son, knoweth that there is no corn in the +house. Let my son cause 2 or 3 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of corn to +be brought by the hands of some one whom thou +knowest. Wilt thou not send by the hands of the +boatman whom thou indicatedst? As for him, (he +is coming?) to me—send a gift, cause it to go forth +to (thy) father. To-day I pray Bêl and Nebo for the +preservation of the life of my son. Rêmat asks after +the peace of Rêmūt, her son.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The change from the third person to the second +is noteworthy, and may have been caused by the +necessity of distinguishing between the son and the +messenger to whom the writer referred. Rêmat was +evidently the writer's wife. +</p> + +<p> +The following is a letter of a different nature, and +leads to speculations as to the state of things— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Letter of Marduk-zēr-ibnî to Šulâ his brother.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>May Bêl and Nebo bespeak the peace of my +brother.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='454'/><anchor id='Pg454'/> + +<p> +<q>Why dost thou destroy my house? thou goest +before the destruction of thine (own) house. When +thou hadst taken the responsibility of holding the field, +my field was sold, and the date-palms which I grow +have been destroyed. And thou (remainest) contented +in thy house!<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>thou (art) in thy house, in thy heart (there is) good +to thee.</q></note> Now (as for) the corn which I have +planted in my field, thou (always) takest the whole. +I am now sending to my lord: Come, enter my field, +and give me my harvests. Behold, the corn which +has been got ready thou (always) deliverest: Ikîšā +and Nabû-âḫa-iddina, if they wish, can take it. Speak +to the judges about it.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Apparently the writer of the letter was vexed +because his friend (and lord) had not fulfilled his +undertaking to look after his interests. +</p> + +<p> +Letters of a business nature are not unfrequent, and +are generally dry and uninteresting. The character +of the inscriptions of this class which least exhibit +these defects may be gathered from the following +text, which also has an interest because the sender +was a slave. The original belongs to the collection of +tablets acquired by the late Sir Cuthbert Peek for his +father, the late Sir Henry Peek:— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Letter from Dâan-bêl-uṣur to Širku, my lord. I +pray to-day to Bêl and Nebo for the preservation of +the life of my lord.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Concerning the lambs which my lord sent, Bêl +and Nebo indeed know that there is a lamb (for them) +from thee. I have made the irrigation-channel and +the wall. Behold, send thy servant with the sheep +and thy servant with the lambs, and a command that +they may cause a sheep to be brought up as an offering +(?) to Nebo (?), for I have not acquired a single +lamb for money. (On) the 20th day I worked for +Šamaš; lo, (there were) 56—I caused 20 head to be +bought for my lord from his hand. (As for) the garlic +<pb n='455'/><anchor id='Pg455'/> +for the governor, which my lord bought, the lord of +the fields (? the chief overseer), when he came, took +possession of (it), and it was sold to the governor of +the district of our fields for silver, but enough (?) +thereof I have retained (?); and as my lord said thus: +<q>Why hast thou not sent the messenger? the ground +is suitable (?)—I sent thee a number (?) of (them).</q> Let +one messenger take thy message (?), and depart.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Portions of this inscription, especially towards +the end, being very obscure, the translation is not +so sure as could be wished. Nevertheless, it may be +taken as indicating fairly well the drift of the whole, and +thus answer the purpose for which it is given, namely, +to show what texts of this class generally refer to, and +how excellently they reveal to us the conditions of +Babylonian life at the time when they were written. +</p> + +<p> +This tablet belongs to the reign of Darius Hystaspis, +and is addressed to one of the most prominent men +of Babylon at the time, Širku, otherwise <q>Marduk-naṣir-âblu, +son of Iddinā, descendant of Êgibi.</q><note place='foot'>It seems to have been sometimes the custom for a man to +be known by more than one name.</note> He was an +active man, and his business transactions, which begin, +as far as we have record of them, in the third year of +the king named, consist of the usual loans, exchanges, +purchases, sales, agreements, etc., which exist in large +numbers during this period. In the third year of +Darius he seems to have been in Elam, perhaps upon +business of state, the name of a high Babylonian +official being mentioned on the tablet which records +this fact. Later on, he comes before us as a large +owner and dealer in ships, some of which, of small +size, he seems to have used for the construction of a +bridge of boats. He owned Dâan-bêl-uṣur, the writer +of the tablet translated above, Nanaa-bêl-uṣri, his wife, +and their six children, who dwelt on his property in +the city of Šuppatum. On one occasion, as recorded +on a tablet in the Louvre, they formed part of the +<pb n='456'/><anchor id='Pg456'/> +security for a sum of 45 mana of silver, advanced by +Širku to Šarru-dûri, <q>the king's captain, son of Idra'.</q> +Further references to both master and slave will be +found farther on. +</p> + +<p> +As the tablets referring to life at Babylon are +exceedingly numerous, and many of them have special +interesting points of their own, a few selected specimens +are here translated, and may be regarded as characteristic +and typical in their class and subject. +</p> + +<div> +<head>A Loan Granted On Security At Erech.</head> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>One mana of silver of Nabû-banî-âḫi, son of Ablaa, +son of the gatekeeper, unto Bâbîa, son of Marduk-êreš, +and Ša-Nanaa-šî, his wife. The door of the +gatekeepers of the Salimu-gate, and his property, of +(both) town and country, all there is, are the security +of Nabû-banî-âḫi.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Witnesses: Bêl-âḫê-iddina, son of Gudadū; Nabû-zēr-ukin, +son of Sumâ; Nabû-zēr-ikîša, son of Ginnâ; +and the scribe Mušêzib-Bêl, son of Nanaa-têreš. +Erech, month Tisri, day 15th, year 21st, Nabû-kudurri-usur, +king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +In all probability, the possession of the door carried +with it the right of receiving any toll or dues connected +therewith. As Nabû-banî-âhi, the lender, +belonged to the family or clan of gatekeepers, he +would not be regarded altogether as an interloper. +The name of one of the borrowers, Bâbîa, <q>my gate,</q> +is suggestive, and shows the enthusiasm of his parents +for their profession. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The Work Upon A Plantation.</head> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>144 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> (is the amount needed for) the seeding of +the plantation of Nabû-šum-lîšir, which Nabû-šar-îlāni +has taken for cultivation.<note place='foot'>Lit. <q>gardenership.</q></note> (During) 4 years, +<pb n='457'/><anchor id='Pg457'/> +everything, whatever grows on the date-palms and +in the earth, belongs to Nabû-šar-îlāni; (during the +succeeding 4 ?) years a third, and 4 years (after that) +a fourth. Nabû-šum-lîšir with Nabû-šar-îlāni (?) ... +10 years Nabû-šar-îlāni ... gardener of Nabû-šum-lîšir +... everything, whatever (gro)ws in the earth, +belongs to Nabû-šar-îlāni.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>(The duty) of doing the work, digging (the irrigation-channels), +raising (?) embankments (?), protecting +the plantation, restoring what is wanting of +the date-palms, raising water, Nabû-šar-îlāni undertakes. +(If) he contravene (this contract), he shall +compensate (to the extent of) 1 mana of silver.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here follow the names of three witnesses and the +scribe, the date being— +</p> + +<p> +<q>City of Sûqâain, month Elul, day 26th, year 11th, +Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Sale Of An Ass.</head> + +<p> +<q>The ass of Ârad-Meme, son of Gimillu, descendant +of Êpeš-ili, he (the owner) has sold to Šubabu-sara', +son of Temišâa, for half a mana six and a half shekels +of silver. Êtillu, son of Rêmut, descendant of Dabibi +(and) Nergal-iddina, son of Dâanu-Marduk, descendant +of Lugal-arazū, guarantee the serviceableness of the +ass. It is a branded ass, upon whose front is a +mark.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here come the names of three witnesses and the +scribe, followed by the date— +</p> + +<p> +<q>City of the land of Ṣuma', (or Ṣuba'), month Tammuz, +day 16th, year 40th, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of +Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +From a tablet in the Edinburgh Museum it would +seem that asses were branded to distinguish them, and +that, in place of a mere mark, the name of the owner +was somehow impressed. Cattle were marked with +the letters of the Aramaic alphabet. +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='458'/><anchor id='Pg458'/> + +<div> +<head>Jews And Babylonians During The Captivity.</head> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>When Nabû-na'id, son of Nabû-gamil, brings his +witness, and proves to Aâḫḫa'u, son of Šanîāwa, that +Nabû-na'id has given the proceeds of 2-½ mana of silver +to Aâḫḫa'u and Baruḫi-îlu, (then) the profit which +has been made with them (the 2-½ mana) belongs +to Nabû-na'id, and all right to the share which belongs +to him remains—one do. (? share) (belongs to) Aâḫḫa'u. +If the witness do not prove it, his property, as much as +Nabû-na'id has taken, one do. (? share) he will return +and will give to Aâḫḫa'u.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Witnesses: Iddina-Marduk, son of Akkîa, Yašum-ma, +son of Âḫê-šu; Balaṭ-su, son of Âḫê-šu, and the +scribe, Nabû-âḫê-iddina, son of Êgibi. Upê (Opis), +month Tammuz, day 21st, year 40th, Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, +king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Apparently it was a dispute about profits, which +was to be settled, as was usual in such cases, by producing +a witness. Šanîāwa is one of those names +ending in <foreign rend='italic'>iāwa</foreign> which were certainly not Babylonian, +and which are generally regarded as Israelite, like +Šubunu-yāwa = Shebaniah; Nathanu-yāwa = Nathaniah, +and many others; and its later form would probably +be Shaniah. Baruḫi-îlu is probably for Baruchiel, +and, if so, would show that the pronunciation of +the aspirated <emph>k (ch)</emph> as <emph>ḫ (kh)</emph>, common among Jews +on the Continent and in the East, is of very ancient +date. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The Dead Slave.</head> + +<p> +<q>On the 5th day of the month Kisleu, Šarru-kînu, +son of Ammanu, will bring his witness to the city +Piqudu (Pekod), and he will testify to Idiḫi-îli, son of +Dînâ, that Idiḫi-îli sent to Šarru-kînu thus: <q>Do not +litigate against me concerning thy slave who was +killed—I will make up to thee the life of thy slave.</q> +<pb n='459'/><anchor id='Pg459'/> +If he prove it, Idiḫi-îli shall pay to Šarru-kînu 1 mana +of silver, the price of his slave. If he do not prove it +(he is free).</q> +</p> + +<p> +After the names of three witnesses and the scribe, +is the date— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Upê, month Marcheswan, day 7th, year 40th, +Nabû-kudurri-uṣur, king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>A Right Of Way.</head> + +<p> +<q>Marduk-iriba, son of Rêmut, descendant of the +Miṣirite,<note place='foot'>This may mean <q>the Egyptian,</q> but as there were more +than one Miṣir, this is doubtful.</note> and Kalbâ, son of Balaṭu, descendant of +the chief of the construction (?), in their going forth, +shall go forth over the brook; they have no power +over the exit of the wall of the house of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, +son of Šulâ, descendant of Êgibi; the exit of +the wall of the house of Nabû-âḫê-iddina belongs to +Nabû-âḫê-iddina.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here come the names of five witnesses, including +the scribe, and then the date— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Babylon, month of the later Adar, day 24th, year +1st, Nabû-na'id,<note place='foot'>Nabonidus.</note> king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The Story Of Abil-Addu-Nathanu +And Bunanitum.</head> + +<p> +This is contained, as far as it is preserved, on a +series of five tablets, four of which are in the British +Museum, and the fifth in the Museum of Art at +New York. Abil-Addu-nathānu would seem, from +his name, which would be the West-Semitic Ben-Hadad-nathan, +to have come from Damascus, and +settled at Babylon, and afterwards at Borsippa. His +wife Bunanitum (or Bunanith) was to all appearance a +Babylonian. +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='460'/><anchor id='Pg460'/> + +<div> +<head>The Purchase Of The House At Borsippa.</head> + +<p> +<q>7 canes, 5 cubits, 18 fingers, a built house, the +territory of a plantation<note place='foot'>Or, perhaps, <q>(in) the plantation-territory.</q></note> which is within Borsippa, +which Dâan-šum-iddina, son of Zērîa, descendant of +Nabâa, has bought from Ibâ, son of Zillâ, descendant +of the carpenter, for 11-½ mana of silver, for the price +complete, by the authority of Abil-Addu-nathānu, son +of Addîa, and Bunanitu, his wife, daughter of Ḫariṣâa. +That house he has received, the silver of Abil-Addu-nathānu +and Bunanitu as the price of the house has +been given. Dâan-šum-iddina has no share in the +house or the silver. The tablet which Dâan-šum-iddina +has sealed in his name, he has given to Abil-Addu-nathānu +and Bunanitu. The day a copy of the +sealed document of the purchase or any contract for +that house appears in the house of Dâan-šum-iddina +or in any other place, it belongs to Abil-Addu-nathānu +and Bunanitu.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here follow the names of four witnesses and two +scribes. The date is— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Babylon, month Shebat, day 24th, year 2nd, Nabû-na'id, +king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The agent through whom the purchase was made +has to declare that no part of the property or the +money belonged to him, hence the final clause of the +contract, which was intended to prevent trouble at +any future time. +</p> + +<p> +At the end are the seal-impressions of the two +scribes. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The Loan To Make Up The Sum Required To +Purchase The Property.</head> + +<p> +<q>1-½ mana 8-½ shekels of silver of Iddina-Marduk, +son of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin, upon (= due +from) Abil-Addu-nathānu, son of Addîa, and Bunanitu, +<pb n='461'/><anchor id='Pg461'/> +his wife. It increases to them monthly at the rate of +1 shekel of silver upon each mana. They shall pay +the interest from the month Sivan of the 5th year of +Nabû-na'id, king of Babylon. The silver was the +balance of the silver for the price of a house, which +was paid to Ibâ. They shall pay the interest monthly.</q> +</p> + +<p> +After the names of two witnesses and the scribe +comes the date— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Barsip (Borsippa), month Iyyar, day 3rd, year 5th, +Nabû-na'id, king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +As this tablet was written two years and three +months after the house at Borsippa was bought, it is +clear that the money had been advanced, but the +indebtedness of Abil-Addu-nathānu had not been +placed, until the date of the second tablet, on a legal +footing. Probably he intended to pay the money, but +had not the wherewithal, and this being the case, the +lender agreed to allow the debt to remain unpaid, +stipulating only that the interest should be paid at the +usual rate of one mana upon every mana monthly. +As will be seen from the other documents, the principal +was not paid for many years after this. There is no +record whether any payment of interest had been +made in the meanwhile, but, in any case, the rate is far +beyond what at the present time is considered fair. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>A First Payment Made After The Death Of +Abil-Addu-Nathānu.</head> + +<p> +This is a small tablet similar in shape to the last, +and is now preserved in the Museum of Art at New +York. +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>8 shekels of silver Iddina-Marduk, son of Ikîšā, +descendant of Nûr-Sin, has received from the hands +of Bunanitu, with the first payment, which (has been +made) since the death of Ablada-nathanu, her husband, +from the interest of his money. In the presence of +Tabnêa, son of Nabū-âḫê-iddina, descendant of the +<pb n='462'/><anchor id='Pg462'/> +priest of ...; Nabû-kain-âbli, son of Marduk-šum-ibnî, +descendant of Dannu-Nabû. Barsip (Borsippa), +month Adar, day 18th, year 8th, Nabû-na'id, king of +Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>There is to be no abatement (?).</q> +</p> + +<p> +As the loan was contracted in the second year of +Nabonidus, it cannot be said that Iddina-Marduk had +been by any means pressing in the matter. The +numerous documents which exist show that the Babylonians +were good at making contracts, but they were +probably not so strict in keeping them, and certainly +not so merciless (to judge from the history here unfolded) +as the people of the modern West in enforcing +them. +</p> + +<p> +The phonetic spelling of the name of the husband, +Ablada-nathānu, is interesting, as it shows the Babylonian +pronunciation. Ben-Addu-nathan, however, was +a possible form, and may have been even a fairly +common one. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The Legal Action After The Death Of Abil-Addu-Nathānu.</head> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Bunanitu, daughter of Ḫariṣâa, said thus to the +judges of Nabû-na'id, king of Babylon—</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'><q>Abil-Addu-nathān, son of Nikmadu</q>, had me to +wife, and he took 3-½ mana of silver as my dowry, and +one daughter I bore to him. I and Abil-Addu-nathān, +my husband, traded with the silver of my dowry, and +we bought 8 canes, a built house, the territory of a large +property,<note place='foot'>Or, perhaps, <q>the territory of the great farther side.</q></note> which was within Barsip, for 9-2/3 of a mana of +silver, with 2-½ mana of silver which was from Iddina-Marduk, +son of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin, as +balance, and we fixed (it) as the price of that house, +and we paid and received it together. In the 4th year +of Nabû-na'id, king of Babylon, I made an agreement +<pb n='463'/><anchor id='Pg463'/> +with Abil-Addu-nathān, my husband, concerning my +dowry, and Abil-Addu-nathān, in the kindness of his +heart, sealed the 8 canes, (and) that house which is +within Barsip, and bequeathed it to me for future days, +and on my tablet made it known thus: <q>2-½ mana of +silver, which Abil-Addu-nathān and Bunanitu took from +Iddina-Marduk, and paid as the price of that house, +they received together.</q> He sealed that tablet, and +wrote thereon the curse of the great gods. In the 5th +year of Nabû-na'id, king of Babylon, I and Abil-Addu-nathān, +my husband, took Abil-Addu-amara as our +son, and wrote the tablet of his sonship, and made +known 2 mana 10 shekels of silver and the furniture +of a house as the dowry of Nûbtâ, my daughter. Fate +took my husband, and now Aqabi-îlu, the son of my +father-in-law, has laid claim upon the house and +everything which had been sealed and bequeathed to +me, and upon Nabû-nûr-îli, (the slave) whom we had +acquired by the hands of Nabû-âḫê-iddina for silver. +I have brought it before you, make a decision.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>The judges heard their words, they read the tablets +and contracts which Bunanitu brought before them, +and they caused Aqabi-îlu not to have power over +the house at Barsip, which had been bequeathed to +Bunanitu instead of her dowry, over Nabû-nûr-îli, +whom she and her husband had bought for silver, or +over anything of Abil-Addu-nathānu; Bunanitu and +Abil-Addu-amara, by their tablets, they caused to be +confirmed. Iddina-Marduk pleads for (?), and will +receive, the 2-½ mana of silver which had been given +towards the price of that house. Afterwards Bunanitu +will receive the 3-½ mana of silver, her dowry, and her +share besides. Nûbtâ will receive Nabû-nûr-îli, +according to the contracts of her father.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>By the decision of this judgment.</q> +</p> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>Nergal-banû-nu, the judge, son of the builder;</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>Nabû-âḫê-iddina, the judge, son of Êgibi;</q></l> +<pb n='464'/><anchor id='Pg464'/> +<l><q rend='pre'>Nabû-šum-ukîn, the judge, son of Irani;</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>Bêl-âḫê-iddina, the judge, son of ...</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>Bêl-êṭir, the judge, son of ...</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, the judge, son of ...</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>Nadinu, the scribe, son of ...</q></l> +<l><q rend='pre'>Nabû-šum-iškun, the scribe, son of the ...</q></l> +<l><q>Babylon, month Elul, day 26th, year 9th, Nabûna'id, king of Babylon.</q></l> +</lg> + +<p> +Two copies of this document exist, neither of them +being the original. They were probably made for +persons interested in the result of the judgment. +</p> + +<p> +It has been suggested that the claim of Aqabi-îlu +to all his brother's property was based upon the fact +that he was the eldest of the family. This, however, +is hardly likely to have been the case, the Babylonian +law concerning the wife's dowry—<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> that it was her +own in any event—being clear and incontrovertible. +The probability therefore is, that he claimed the +property hoping that she might not be able to prove +her right. The clear statements of this document, +and the common-sense judgment delivered by Nabonidus's +judges are full of simplicity and dignity, and +show well the Babylonian character. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The Final Repayment Of The Loan To +Iddina-Marduk.</head> + +<p> +A tablet recording the payment of interest has +already been translated (p. <ref target='Pg461'>461</ref>), and from that it would +seem that no repayment on account of the money +lent to Abil-Addu-nathānu and Bunanitu took place +until after the former's death. When the last payment +was made is unknown, but it must have been +some time after the lawsuit. From the portion of the +tablet recording it, it would seem that the amount +remaining to be paid was 2 mana and 10 shekels, +which was paid jointly by Abil-Addu-amari and +<pb n='465'/><anchor id='Pg465'/> +<q>Bunaniti, his mother,</q> who probably lived on the +property with him and her daughter. +</p> + +<p> +Thus ends the life-story of this Babylonian family, +as far as at present known. +</p> + +<p> +In addition to the names Abil-addu-nathānu and +Abil-Addu-amara (or -amari), both of which contain +the name of the deity Abil-Addu or Ben-Hadad, the +name of the brother, Aqabi-îlu, is interesting. It is +naturally a synonym of a Hebrew name found under +the form of Aqabi-yāwa, the Talmudic Aqabiah, +with <foreign rend='italic'>-yāwa</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>-iāwa</foreign> for <foreign rend='italic'>-iah</foreign>, as in Šanîāwa, which +appears on p. <ref target='Pg458'>458</ref>. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Ê-Sagila-Râmat And Her Father-In-Law's +Slave.</head> + +<p> +<q>Ikîšā, son of Kudurru, descendant of Nûr-Sin, +sealed a tablet of adoption for Rêmanni-Bêl, his slave, +whose name is called Rêmut, for the giving of his food +and his clothing. Rêmanni-Bêl, whose name is called +Rêmut, after he had sealed the tablet of his adoption, +ran away, and he did not give him food, oil, and +clothing. Ê-sagila-râmat, daughter of Zērîa, descendant +of Nabâa, wife of Iddina-Marduk, son of Ikîšā, +descendant of Nûr-Sin, reverenced him, feared him, +and befriended him, and gave him food, oil, and clothing. +Ikîšā, son of Kudurru, descendant of Nûr-Sin, in +the joy of his heart, annulled the tablet of the adoption +of Rêmanni-Bêl, and sealed and bequeathed him to +Ê-sagila-râmat and Nûbtâ, her daughter, daughter of +Iddina-Marduk, descendant of Nûr-Sin. He shall +reverence Ê-sagila-râmat and Nûbtâ, her daughter. +Afterwards Ê-sagila-râmat shall leave him to Nûbtâ, +her daughter. Whoever changes these words, and +destroys the contract Ikîšā has drawn up and given to +Ê-sagila-râmat and Nûbtâ, her daughter, may Merodach +and Zēr-panitum command his destruction.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='466'/><anchor id='Pg466'/> + +<p> +The names of four witnesses and the scribe follow. +Date: <q>Babylon, month Iyyar, day 9th, year 13th, Nabû-na'id, +king of Babylon.</q> Postscript: <q>At the sitting +of Bissā, daughter of Ikîšā, descendant of Nûr-Sin.</q> +</p> + +<p> +From this it would seem that Ikîšā made Rêmanni-Bêl +his heir, freeing him from the position of a +bondsman, in exchange for his (Ikîšā's) keep, but +that Rêmanni-Bêl, declining the advantage and the +responsibility, ran away, whereupon the burden fell +upon Ikîšā's daughter-in-law, Ê-sagila-râmat. This +the last-named seems to have undertaken willingly, +and in return, Ikîšā annulled Rêmanni-Bêl's adoption, +and bequeathed him, as a slave, to Ê-sagila-râmat +and her daughter. Means probably existed for bringing +back the runaway, when the news of his return +to his old condition would be communicated to him. +Ê-sagila-râmat's husband, Iddina-Marduk, is the one +who advanced to Abil-Addu-nathānu and Bunanitu +the money to make up the price of their house. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Iddina-Nabû Sells His Egyptian Slave And +Her Infant.</head> + +<p> +<q>Iddina-Nabû, son of Mušêzib-Bêl, has cheerfully +sold Nanaa-ittîa, his slave, and her daughter, a child +of three months, Egyptians captured by his bow, for +2 mana of silver, the complete price, to Itti-Marduk-balaṭu, +son of Nabû-âḫê-iddina, descendant of Êgibi. +Iddina-Nabû has received the money, 2 mana of silver, +the price of Nanaa-ittîa and her daughter, from the +hands of Itti-Marduk-balaṭu. Iddina-Nabû guarantees +against the existence of any liability of defeasor (?), +legal claimant, royal service, or freedmanship with +regard to Nanaa-ittîa and her daughter.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Here come the names of four witnesses and the scribe. +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Babylon, month Kisleu, day 23rd, year 6th, Kambuzîa +(Cambyses), king of Babylon.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>Besides the contract of 240 gur of fruit, from +<pb n='467'/><anchor id='Pg467'/> +Itti-Marduk-balaṭu, which was unto (or due from) +Iddina-Nabû.</q> +</p> + +<p> +This document may be held to testify to the reality +of Cambyses' campaign in Egypt, which took place in +his 5th year (525 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>). It is also a proof that the +Babylonians took part in the campaign. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that three copies of this document +exist, one being in the British Museum, another in +the Museum of Art at New York, and the third in the +museum founded by the late Sir Henry Peek at Lyme +Regis. The tablet recording the contract for the 240 +gur of fruit also exists, and is preserved in the British +Museum. +</p> + +<p> +Among the tablets of the time of Nabonidus, translations +of all the records known which refer to the +family of Ben-Hadad-nathan or Abil-Addu-nāthanu +have been given, and examination of the numerous +other tablets of the reigns of his predecessors and his +successors down to the time of Darius, and perhaps +Xerxes, shows that similar more or less complete +family histories could be made. One of the most +interesting of these, and the most complete on account +of the number of documents (by far the greater number +of the contracts from Babylon and its neighbourhood, +of the period to which he belongs, contain his +name) are those referring to Širku, a tablet from +whose slave Dâan-bêl-uṣur has been given above +(p. <ref target='Pg454'>454</ref>). This man's history has been tentatively +dealt with by the present author in Part IV. of the +catalogue of tablets belonging to the late Sir Henry +Peek. From a tablet in the Louvre, we find that +Širku was not his real name, but that he was called +Marduk-naṣir-âbli. The curious thing about this +double naming of Širku, however, is that the majority +of the tablets where he is called Širku say that he +was the son of Iddina, and the majority of those calling +him Marduk-naṣir-âbli say that he is the son of +Itti-Marduk-balaṭu. Fortunately documents exist +<pb n='468'/><anchor id='Pg468'/> +reversing this parentage, and showing conclusively +that Širku and Marduk-naṣir-âbli are one and the +same personage. Were it otherwise, we should have +to credit his slaves with two masters, and his wife +with two husbands, a state of things probably unknown +in Babylonia. +</p> + +<p> +From a tablet dated in the first year of Darius, we +learn that he bought a field before the great gate of +Uraš in the province of Babylon, this field being beside +that of his wife Âmat-Bau, which she had brought as +her dowry. Other documents record that he made +loans of silver and produce, both alone and associated +with his brothers. In these his proper name is generally +used, but sometimes he was called Širku. The +hiring and letting of houses, the buying and selling +of slaves, etc., are also recorded of them. In the third +year of Darius he and his brothers came into considerable +property in Babylon, sharing it among them, +and there is also record of Marduk-naṣir-âbli paying +his father's debts. This increase in their resources +naturally enabled them to deal in the produce of their +fields, and in all probability they managed his wife's +as well, whilst there is at least one record that she +lent money on her own account. To enumerate all +the interesting points which the tablets reveal to us +concerning their various transactions, however, would +naturally take too much time and space. +</p> + +<p> +In exchange for the slave Dâan-bêl-uṣur, the slave's +wife, their six children, and a cornfield upon the canal +called Ṭupašu, which Marduk-naṣir-âbli gave to his +wife Âmat-Bau, he received from her two sums of +silver and one of gold, a ring, and two slaves, who +had been part of her dowry. The slaves he gave her, +though now her property, were in all probability still +at his disposition, but Dâan-bêl-uṣur seems to have +served him so well when in charge of his affairs, that +after having parted with him, though only to his wife, +he must have found, to his regret, that he and his +<pb n='469'/><anchor id='Pg469'/> +family were naturally not so much at his disposition +as when he could call them his own. +</p> + +<p> +Under the name of Marduk-naṣir-âbli, he appears +before us principally in the character of an agriculturalist +and dealer in produce, combining with this +money-lending on occasion. As Širku, he dealt +largely in ships, and apparently also in boats for +pontoon bridges. In the fifth year of Darius he was +in Elam, and there is a reference to the sending to +him of a messenger, <q>with the charioteers of Bêl-âbla-iddina, +captain of Babylon.</q> Many years afterwards +Širku is said to have received the rent of a house +situated <q>upon the <foreign rend='italic'>giššu</foreign> of Borsippa,</q> and the question +naturally arises, whether <foreign rend='italic'>giššu</foreign> may not be for +<foreign rend='italic'>gišru</foreign>, <q>bridge,</q> though a house upon a bridge crossing +a comparatively narrow canal near Babylon is +certainly not what one would expect. +</p> + +<p> +On the 16th of Sivan in the twenty-sixth year of +Darius, Širku was the scribe who drew up a contract +referring to two ships, one apparently for service on +the Euphrates, the other for the bridge. Later on, he +borrowed some money upon the security of two of his +female slaves, Mušêzibtum and Narû, the wrist of the +former being inscribed with the name of one of his +relations, the other with his own name, Širku (it is +given as Šišku on the tablet). This loan is distinctly +stated to be for the purpose of acquiring <q>a ship for +the bridge</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>êlippu ša giširi</foreign>), and this he seems to +have bought two months later, unless there was +another contract for a vessel which has not come +down to us. In the Peek collection is a large tablet +referring to the completed bridge, the traffic upon it, +and the ships moored to it, suggesting that a portion +of it at least was used as a quay or landing-stage. +More research is needed, however, ere its precise +nature will be clear—perhaps the etymology is misleading, +and <foreign rend='italic'>gišru</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>giširu</foreign> means, in Babylonian, +<q>pier</q> or <q>landing-stage</q> simply. +</p> + +<pb n='470'/><anchor id='Pg470'/> + +<p> +The following is one of the inscriptions which refer +to his hiring a ship— +</p> + +<p> +<q>(Concerning) the ship of Iddina-Bêl which is with +Šamaš-iddina, son of Bêl-iddina, for navigation. He +has given the ship for hire as far as <foreign rend='italic'>bištum ša ṣêrûa</foreign> +(= <foreign rend='italic'>birtum ša ṣêrûa</foreign>, <q>the fortress of <foreign rend='italic'>ṣêrûa</foreign></q>) for 1/3 +of a mana of white silver, coined, to Širik (Širku), +son of Iddinā, descendant of Êgibi. The silver, 1/3 of +a mana, the hire of the ship, and its provisions, he has +received. The ship shall not cross the great (water), +if it pass, he shall pay 5 mana of silver. Each has +taken (a copy of this contract).</q> +</p> + +<p> +The names of three witnesses and the scribe follow +this, after which is the date— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Babylon, month Adar, day 6th, year 26th, Darius, +king of Babylon and countries.</q> +</p> + +<p> +The tablets in which Marduk-naṣir-âbli, <foreign rend='italic'>alias</foreign> Širku, +are mentioned, prove that Babylonia maintained its +character as a maritime nation to a very late date. +As, however, voyages on the ocean are not provable, +it is doubtful whether their ships sailed to any great +distance—in all probability they confined themselves +to making coast-voyages only. Judging from the +penalty attached to taking the ship across the great +(water), the question naturally arises, whether the sea +(the Persian Gulf) may not have been intended. The +word used in the original is <foreign rend='italic'>rabbu</foreign>, which would then +correspond with the last word of the poetic expression, +<q>the rolling main.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Such, as far as space allows, was life at Babylon +and the chief cities of Babylonia, where the Israelites +dwelt for so many years, and colonies of them existed +until a very late date, as the drinking bowls inscribed +with charms against sickness and evil spirits in +Hebrew and Aramaic show. Some of the Hebrew +names contained in the tablets from Babylonia have +already been referred to (p. <ref target='Pg458'>458</ref>), and to these several +others may be added, such as Banāwa or Beniah; +<pb n='471'/><anchor id='Pg471'/> +Gamariāwa or Gemariah; Malakiāwa or Malchiah, +who had a son bearing the heathen name of Nergal-êṭir; +together with several similarly-formed but +otherwise unknown names (as was to be expected). +Examples of these are, Azziāwa, Ḫuliāwa, Nirîāwa +and Agirîāwa. The Gemariah mentioned above was +witness, with his compatriot Barikîa (Berechiah) and +others, on the occasion when Ša-Nabû-duppu sold +Nanaa-silim, his Bactrian slave-girl. The scribe's +name on this occasion was Marduka (Mordecai), son +of Épeš-îli. Mordecai means <q>the Merodachite,</q> and +is interesting as showing how Babylonian monotheism, +such as it was, reconciled the Jews to accept what +they would otherwise have regarded as a heathen +name. +</p> + +<p> +Interesting in the extreme would it be, if we could +know what the Jews thought of the country and the +city of their captivity. In that enormous walled tract +known as the city of Babylon were large open spaces +covered with gardens, and cornfields, and orchards, +mostly, perhaps almost exclusively, of date-palms, the +fruit of which formed such an important part of the +food of the people. These were the trees, in all probability, +on which the Jewish captives hung their +harps when, in their captivity, they mourned for the +city of Sion, from which they were so far away. The +rivers of Babylon, of which the well-known psalm +speaks, were the Tigris and the Euphrates, with the +innumerable canals and watering-channels which the +nature of the country rendered so necessary to the +fertility and productiveness of the land, and without +which it would have been a desert. +</p> + +<p> +There, too, they looked upon the buildings of old +time, the fanes which were there when their forefather +Abraham was a dweller in the land, changed, +doubtless, beyond recognition. Chief among these +was the great temple of Belus, joined to the tower +called <q>the temple of the foundation of heaven and +<pb n='472'/><anchor id='Pg472'/> +earth,</q> and which Nebuchadnezzar speaks of as <q>the +tower of Babylon.</q> There, too, were the shrines +dedicated to Zēr-panitum, consort of Merodach, the +goddess Nin-maḫ; Nebo, the god of wisdom; Sin, the +Moon-god; Šamaš, the Sun-god; Gula, the goddess of +healing, and many other divinities. Whilst the Jews +were there, they must have seen many of this king's +building operations—the strengthening of the fortresses +and the walls, and the repair and extension of +the moats and ditches; the raising of the level of the +great street, Aa-ibûr-sabû (the remains of which have +just been found by the German explorers on the site +of the city), along which, yearly, at the beginning of +the year, processions went, and the images of the +gods were in all probability carried. Then there was +the rebuilding of the royal palace, with its roof and +doors of cedar, the latter being also overlaid with +bronze, probably after the manner of the bronze gates +of Shalmaneser found by Mr. Rassam at Balawat. +The thresholds were also of bronze, and the palace +was adorned, in other parts, with gold, silver, precious +stones, and various other costly things. +</p> + +<p> +They must have seen, also, the construction, between +the two great fortifications called Imgur-Bêl and Nē-mitti-Bêl, +of that great building which was to serve as +a castle and a royal residence at the same time. This +was in connection with the old palace of Nabopolassar, +Nebuchadnezzar's father, built, as already stated, in +a fortnight. Chief among the shrines restored by +Nebuchadnezzar with great magnificence must be +mentioned Ê-kua, the sanctuary of Merodach, in the +temple Ê-sagila (the temple of Belus), and that +called Du-azaga (<q>the glorious seat</q>), otherwise +described as <q>the place of fate,</q> where yearly, on the +new year's festival (the 8th and 9th of Nisan) the +statue of the god Merodach, <q>the king of the gods of +heaven and earth,</q> was placed, and the king's future +declared on the question being put. Doubtless the +<pb n='473'/><anchor id='Pg473'/> +glory of the place attracted not a few, causing them +to decide to stay there permanently, and these, +mingling with the native population, were lost to +Israel, like their brethren of the ten tribes, and even +as Nergal-êṭir, son of Malakiāwa (see above) seems to +have been. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='474'/><anchor id='Pg474'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Chapter XIII. The Decline Of Babylon.</head> + +<quote rend='display'> +The Jews who remained at Babylon and other cities of the +land—Alexander the Great's intentions with regard to the city, +and the result of their non-fulfilment—A Babylonian lamentation +dated in the reign of Seleucus Nicator and his son—The +desolation of the city after the foundation of Seleucia—The +temples still maintained—Antiochus Epiphanes and the introduction +of Greek worship—His invasion of Egypt—The Arsacidæ—A +contract of the time of Hyspasines—Materials +for history—Further records of the time of the Arsacidæ—The +latest date of Babylonian worship—The Christians of Irak or +Babylonia. +</quote> + +<p> +Notwithstanding the return of large numbers +of Jews to Jerusalem, a considerable portion of the +nation had become attached to the land of their +captivity, and remained in Babylon and the other +cities of Chaldea, as well as in Persia. These, no +longer captives, but settlers by their own free will, had +probably decided to stay in the land either from the +desire to continue the businesses which they had started +there, the relinquishing of which would have meant, +in all probability, ruin to themselves and their families; +or because of aged relatives for whom the journey to +Jerusalem, however much they might have desired it, +would have been an impossibility; or because of official +and civil positions which they held either at court or +in the employment of rich or influential personages, +by whose support they hoped to be able to aid their +compatriots; or because of the attractions of a great +city, whose origins must for them have possessed a +<pb n='475'/><anchor id='Pg475'/> +special interest (notwithstanding the horrors of the +captivity which their forebears must have experienced +there), and whose position for thousands of years as +the capital of a large province gave it a preponderating +influence, not only in the country of which it was +the capital, but in all the civilized world at the time. +</p> + +<p> +This being the case, there numbers of the Jews +stayed, and there they witnessed the gradual departure +of the sceptre from that city which one of their own +writers had described as the glory of kingdoms, and +the beauty of the Chaldees' excellency. After the +passing of the kingdom into the hands of the alien +Persian kings, things went on as usual under their rule +for a considerable time—the people lived on their land, +and bought and sold, and transacted their ordinary +business, and trade seems to have been good (judging +from the number of documents which have been preserved) +until the end of the reign of Darius Hystaspis. +Thereafter there was either a great falling off, or else +the documents were deposited in other places, or a +more perishable material was used for them. In any +case, they become comparatively scarce, and their rarity +may be due to the departure of trade from the capital, +brought about by the removal of the court from +Babylon, and the consequent migration of her merchants +to other places. +</p> + +<p> +Things had been going, in fact, from bad to worse +for Babylon, and among the clay records left, some of +the royal names which we should like to see are to +all appearance absent. It was still, however, a place +of great importance, when, in the year 331 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, it +opened its gates to Alexander the Great, surrendering, +like Susa and Persepolis, without striking a blow. +Doubtless to them it was perfectly indifferent under +which foreign potentate they lived, and a change in +that respect could not make their condition worse, +and might be to their advantage. Had he not died +long before the term which nature has fixed, the city +<pb n='476'/><anchor id='Pg476'/> +might have taken upon it such a renewed lease of life +as would have caused it to exist as a great capital to +the present day. As it happened, the Babylonians +began to see their fondest hopes realized, for it must +soon have become noised abroad that the new conqueror +of Asia intended to make Babylon his Eastern +capital, and they saw the clearing away of the rubbish +which was the preliminary to the restoration of +the great and renowned temple of Belus, Ê-sagila (or +Ê-sangil as they called it at that time), actually proceeding, +not only during the reign of Alexander, but +also during that of his successor, Philip, as well. The +mental calibre of the latter, however, who came to the +throne on the death of Alexander in the year 323 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, +must soon have told the Babylonians that the realization +of his great predecessor's schemes was hopeless, +and the downward course of the city's star, arrested +as it were for a moment, soon began again. +</p> + +<p> +The next change of rulers was that following upon +the unworthy bearing of Antigonus with regard to +Seleucus, Alexander the Great's favoured general, who +had espoused his claims to the throne of the Eastern +empire. After aiding Ptolemy of Egypt against +Demetrius, son of Antigonus, he set out with a small +force, and gathering recruits in his course, especially +among the Babylonians, with whom he was popular, +he entered their capital without opposition in 312 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, +from which date the era of the Seleucidæ is regarded +as beginning. How the Babylonians took the foundation +of Seleucia on the Tigris, which is often mentioned +in the numerous astrological tablets of this period, is +not recorded, but from the way in which they speak +of the migration of the inhabitants of Babylonia to +Seleucia implies that they took it greatly to heart. +</p> + +<p> +<q>Blessed shall he be who serveth thee as thou hast +served us,</q> sang the Psalmist when lamenting the +captivity of the Jews at Babylon, and if success in +conquest be a sign of blessedness, then Seleucus must +<pb n='477'/><anchor id='Pg477'/> +have been happy indeed. The Babylonians could +not have regarded the continual and increasing desolation +of their city with indifference, however, and it +is not impossible that their loyalty to their king +suffered somewhat in consequence. This, to all +appearance, found vent in expressions of regret, and +an old lamentation, referring to the depredations of +the Qutû at a period so remote that we can hardly, at +this distance of time, estimate, and of which a copy +was made for a certain Bêl-zēr-lîšir, might well express +their feelings at this period: +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>For the misfortunes of Erech, for the misfortunes of Agadé, I am stricken.</q></l> +<l>The Erechitess wept, that departed was her might, the Agaditess wept, that departed was her glory (?);</l> +<l>The daughter of Erech wept, the daughter of Agadé cried aloud;</l> +<l>As for the daughter of Larancha, in her garment her face was hidden.</l> +<l>The Ḫursagkalamitess wept, that her husband was in trouble;</l> +<l>The Ḫulḫutḫulitess wept, that cast down was her sceptre;</l> +<l>The Mašitess wept, that her 7 brothers were slain, that her brother-in-law was stricken.</l> +<l>The Agaditess wept, that her elder was slain, the lord of her well-being;</l> +<l><q rend='none'>The Kešitess wept—they have wrought destruction (?) for the name of her house: <q>My helpers are shattered</q>;</q></l> +<l><q rend='none'>The Dunnaitess wept, <q rend='pre'>Who has a resting-place, who has leave to go forth?</q></q></l> +<l><q rend='none'><q rend='post'>Whose is it to defeat (?) the enemy, (with) the exits cut off?</q></q></l> +<l>The daughter of Niffer wept, for the raging (?) Qutû assembled,</l> +<pb n='478'/><anchor id='Pg478'/> +<l>She bowed down her face on account of the trouble of the husband of her well-being.</l> +<l>The Dûr-îlitess wept, for the Qutû collected,</l> +<l>For the son of her city destroyed, the overthrow of her father's house.</l> +<l>Weep for Erech, ravaging (and) shame has she received—</l> +<l>As for me, in the storm a place of refuge I know not.</l> +<l>Weep for Larancha (for the spoiling?) of (my) mantle I am in trouble.</l> +<l>My eyes see not my ..., the mothers are cut off from the child.</l> +<l>Weep for Niffer, as for me, (with) abundance of affliction (?)</l> +<l>Heaven has bound me fast;</l> +<l>The throne of my glory has been caused to pass away from me;</l> +<l><q rend='post'>The bridegroom, the husband of my well-being, Bêl has taken away from me.</q></l> +</lg> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Like its original written, made clear, and +acquired.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Tablet of Bêl-zēr-lîšir, son of Bêl-âba-usur, descendant +of the sculptor. +</p> + +<p> +(By) the hands of Bêl-bulliṭ-su, his son. He who +fears the king shall not take (?) (this) tablet (?) away. +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Babylon, month Elul, day 15th, year 25th, Siluku +and Antiukusu (Seleucus and Antiochus), king of +countries.</q> +</p> + +</quote> + +<p> +By those same <q>rivers of Babylon</q> where the +Israelites had mourned in captivity, thinking of Jerusalem, +there the Babylonians themselves came at last +to lament the departed glories of their land. Many a +time, it is true, they had seen the country which was +their fatherland overrun by enemies, but it had always +recovered, and risen to a greater height of prosperity. +<pb n='479'/><anchor id='Pg479'/> +This time, however, there was to be no healing of her +wound. The large and well-peopled space within the +walls of the great city gradually became uninhabited, +and the houses fell into ruin. A time even came at last +when the great walls had to be demolished—or at least +practically so—in order that they might not afford +protection to the lawless bands which infested the +country, and were only too ready to make the most of +such an advantage. +</p> + +<p> +Notwithstanding the desolation of the city, however, +a certain number of people continued to inhabit +the site, probably officials of the temples (whose +services still continued), and tradesmen who supplied +the wants of those whose duty held them attached to +the place. Here, year after year, the usual sacrifices +were offered to the old gods of the Babylonians, especially +<q>My Lord and Lady,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Bêl (Merodach) and +Beltis (Zēr-panitum, his consort), and prayers were +made for the king at the time reigning, and also for +his sons (if he had any). That inscriptions may come +to light which will show more clearly the state of +things in that vast ruined city is exceedingly probable, +and a sufficient number of tablets referring +to this period are known to exist even now, and show +in some measure the state of the city and the kind of +people who dwelt in such parts of it as had been +reserved for that purpose. +</p> + +<p> +To those who inhabited Babylon's desolation, the +most important thing, in all probability, was the +worship, with all the old rites and ceremonies, of the +deities whose temples and shrines still existed there. +But those old priests and temple scribes occupied +their time in another way, namely, the keeping of +careful records of every historical event for the purpose +of being able to tell the future. These historical +notices are preceded by indications of the positions +of the moon and the planets, together with the price +of grain or other produce, during the period referred +<pb n='480'/><anchor id='Pg480'/> +to. The positions of the planets, etc., were combined +afterwards, by the <q>monthly prognosticators,</q> with +the historical happenings, for the purpose of foretelling +events, which at that late period was probably done +much more systematically than during earlier ages, +to the great advantage of the modern student of this +period. +</p> + +<p> +The following will give an idea of these historical +notices:— +</p> + +<p> +(Month Ab, 143rd year, Anti'ukusu, king = 168 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, +reign of Antiochus Epiphanes.) +</p> + +<p> +<q>An., the king, marched victoriously among the +cities of the land of Meluḫḫa, and ... the people +(<foreign rend='italic'>puliṭē</foreign><note place='foot'>As the Babylonians had no means of indicating the sound +of <emph>o</emph>, characters containing <emph>u</emph> had to be used in such words as +these. The Babylonian pronunciation of the Greek πολίτης was, +therefore, <foreign rend='italic'>poliṭē</foreign>. Another form of this plural word, namely, +<foreign rend='italic'>puliṭannu (poliṭānu)</foreign>, also occurs.</note> the Greek πολίτης) (constructed?) idols (<foreign rend='italic'>puppē</foreign>, +evidently a Greek word, probably meaning <q>images +of gods</q>) and works like a shrine (of?) the Greek(s?)....</q> +</p> + +<p> +The inscription then goes on to speak of the appointment +of a <foreign rend='italic'>zazak</foreign> (apparently a grade of priests) by +the king, the handing to him of the gold in the +treasury of Ê-saggil for the great (shrine) of Bêl, the +(dedication?) of an unsuitable or an untimely image +of the god Uru-gala on the 8th day of the month, and +other similar occurrences. From the lines translated +above, it will be seen that the Babylonians had not +by any means escaped from the influence of Greek +civilization, not only Greek words, but also, to all +appearance, Greek gods and shrines having made +their appearance. The word used in speaking of the +image of the god Uru-gala is <foreign rend='italic'>tamšil</foreign>, but the things +which the citizens made were <foreign rend='italic'>puppē</foreign>, possibly used like +our word <q>idol.</q> It is possibly to this period, or a +little later, that the transcriptions into Greek of Babylonian +<pb n='481'/><anchor id='Pg481'/> +tablets (which promise to be of considerable +value for the study of the Assyro-Babylonian language) +belong. +</p> + +<p> +If the translation given above be correct, it would +confirm the account in the second book of Maccabees +(vi. 2), from which it would appear that this +ruler tried to habituate the Jews to Greek customs, +and also to the Greek religion, going even so far as +<q>to pollute also the temple in Jerusalem, and to call +it the temple of Jupiter Olympus; and that in Garizim, +of Jupiter the Defender of strangers, as they did desire +that dwelt in the place</q> (vi. 2). <q>The abomination +of desolation</q> which was set on the altar at Jerusalem +(1 Macc. i. 54) is understood by commentators to +mean an idol-altar, though almost any heathen image +would suit the sense, and a statue of a god, with or +without a shrine, might be meant. The reference to +Meluḫḫa in all probability refers to one of his expeditions +to Egypt, and is generally supposed to indicate +Ethiopia. +</p> + +<p> +Another change which the Babylonians experienced +was when the rule of their Greek masters was exchanged +for that of the Parthians, and the Seleucidæ +gave way to the Arsacidæ. Concerning the period +of the change, and the way in which it came about, +very little is known. The varied fortunes of the +Seleucid princes is illustrated by the fact that a +satrap of Media named Timarchus, in 161-160 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, +had succeeded in proclaiming himself king of Babylon; +and from 153-139 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, Arsaces VI. (Mithridates +I.) was in possession of all the district +east of the Euphrates—Babylonia, Elam, and Persia. +After his death, however, all this portion seems to +have returned to the rule of the Seleucidæ, and their +era was in all probability restored. After the death +of Antiochus Sidetes, in 129 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, the province of +Kharacene became independent under a ruler named +Hyspasines or Spasines, who, two years later, seems +<pb n='482'/><anchor id='Pg482'/> +to have made himself master of Babylon. An interesting +tablet dated in the reign of this king (who used +the Seleucian era) shows something of the state of +things on the site of the old city, and that somewhat +vividly. +</p> + +<p> +(The inscription is preceded by five introductory +lines, which are unfortunately imperfect, but do not +seem to affect the transaction as a whole.) +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>In the month Iyyar, the 24th day, year 185th, +Aspāsinē (being) king, Bêl-lûmur, director of Ê-saggil, +and the Babylonians, the congregation of Ê-saggil, +took counsel together, and said thus—</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>'Itti-Marduk-balaṭu, chief of the construction over +the artificers (?) of the houses of the gods, scribe of +Anu-Bêl, son of Iddin-Bêl, who formerly stood (?) at +the side of Aspāsinē, the king, who (relieved?) want +in the gate of the king; lo, this is for Bêl-âḫê-uṣur +and Nabû-mušêtiq-ûrri, his sons—</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'><q rend='pre'>(As) they find the whole of his keep, a sum (?) +has been collected (?) in the presence of the aforesaid +Bêl-lûmur and the Babylonians, the congregation of +Ê-saggil.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'><q>From this day of this year we will give 1 mana +of silver, the sustenance of Itti-Marduk-balaṭu, for +their father, to Bêl-âḫê-uṣur and Nabû-mušêtiq-ûrri, +from our (own) necessities. The amount, as much as +Itti-Marduk-balaṭu, their father, has taken, they shall +keep for (his) keep, and they shall give the grant for +this year.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>(Done along) with Bêl-šunu; Nûr; Muranu; +Iddin-Bêl; Bêl-uṣur-šu, the scribe of Anu-Bêl, and +the deputy-scribes of Anu-Bêl.</q><note place='foot'>In 1890, when this inscription was copied, it was in the +possession of Mr. Lucas, who kindly gave me permission to +publish it. I do not know who possesses the tablet at present. +The seal-impression at the end is exceedingly indistinct.</note> +</p> + +<p> +Though the translation is necessarily, from the +<pb n='483'/><anchor id='Pg483'/> +mutilation of the text, not altogether satisfactory, +certain items of information which it contains will +hardly admit of doubt. There were still inhabitants +of the city, there were temple-servants, who were +probably under a kind of overseer of the works, and +these apparently attended to all the temples. Whether +this man was too old to work or not is doubtful, but +it would seem that it was considered too much that +his sons should keep him altogether, hence the drawing +up of the document here quoted. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that, instead of Merodach, or Bêl-Merodach, +the god of Babylon, who became the +chief deity of all Babylonia, a new deity appears, +namely, Anu-Bêl, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Anu the Lord, or, paraphrased, +the Lord God of Heaven, probably the god Merodach +identified with Anu. The religion of the Babylonians +probably underwent many changes during this later +period, when those who belonged to it came into contact +with foreigners, many of them most intelligent +men, whose teaching must have had with them great +weight. +</p> + +<p> +Another important inscription, in the British +Museum, gives many details of the period of this +little-known king, Aspāsinē. From this we learn that +the Elamites made incursions in the neighbourhood +of the Tigris. Pilinussu, the general in Akkad, +apparently carried on operations against another +general, and seems to have gone to the cities of the +Medes before Bāgā-asā, the brother of the king. A +man named Te'udišī also seems to have opposed the +general in Akkad. Yet another inscription of the +same period states that Ti'imūṭusu, son of Aspāsinē, +went from Babylon to Seleucia (on the Tigris), showing +that the former renowned place was still regarded +as one of the cities of the land. At this time one of +the opponents of Aspāsinē's generals was <q>Pittit, the +enemy, the Elamite.</q> Elam, to its whole extent, was +smitten with the sword, and Pittit (was slain, or +<pb n='484'/><anchor id='Pg484'/> +captured). Sacrifices were made to Bel, probably on +account of this victory. +</p> + +<p> +Similar inscriptions of the time of the Arsacidean +rule in Babylonia also exist, and would probably be +useful if published. Unfortunately, they are all more +or less damaged and mutilated, but of those which I +have been able to make notes of, one may be worth +quoting. The following extract will show its nature:— +</p> + +<p> +<q>This month I heard thus: Aršakā the king and +his soldiers departed to the city of Arqania.... (I) +heard thus: The Elamite and his soldiers departed +to battle before the city Apam'a which is upon the +river Ṣilḫu....</q> +</p> + +<p> +The remainder is very mutilated, and requires +studying in conjunction with all the other inscriptions +of the same class, though even then much must +necessarily be doubtful. +</p> + +<p> +In many of these inscriptions each of the long +paragraphs ends with a reference to the sacrifices +which had been made in the temples of Babylon +among the ruins, and sometimes, though rarely, they +refer to something of the nature of an omen. The +following will serve as an example:— +</p> + +<p> +<q>... descended to Babylon from Seleucia which +is upon the Tigris. Day 10, the governor of Akkad +... the congregation of Ê-saggil, (sacrificed) one ox +and 4 lambs in the gate Ka-dumu-nuna of Ê-saggil, +(and) made (prayer for the lif)e of the king and his +preservation. On the 5., one ox and 3 lambs (they +sacrificed). The congregation of Baby]lon came to +Ka-dumu-nuna of Ê-saggil, offerings like the former +ones were made ... went forth from Sippar. This +month a goat brought forth, and the litter was 15.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Contract-tablets, some of them of a very late date +indeed, within a decade or two of the Christian era, +show that the temples still existed, and that sacrifices +and services still went on, probably uninterruptedly, +at the temples of Babylon, and this implies that, +<pb n='485'/><anchor id='Pg485'/> +though the country had no national existence, the +beliefs of the people survived for many centuries the +downfall of their power. In all probability, what took +place at Babylon had its counterpart in other places +in the country—the fanes renowned of old—as well. +Indeed, it is known that, at the most perfectly preserved +of the temple-towers of Babylonia at the present +day—that at Borsippa, now and for many centuries +known as the Birs Nimroud, <q>the tower (as it is +explained) of Nimrod,</q>—the services and worship +were continued as late as the fourth century of the +Christian era. The worship of Nebo, the god of +wisdom, or, rather, letters, had always been extremely +popular, hence, in all probability, the continuation of +his cult until this late date. But this was to all appearance +the last remnant of the powerful and picturesque +creed of old Babylon, and details of its slow +and gradual disappearance from the religious beliefs +of the world would probably be as interesting as the +story of its growth and development. +</p> + +<p> +<q>The Church at Babylon,</q> mentioned in 1 Peter +v. 13, is generally understood allegorically, as of the +Church in the world, or that in the great Babylon of +the time when the apostle wrote, namely, Rome. +Though it is unknown whether a Christian Church +existed in his time anywhere in Babylonia, it is probably +certain that the native Christians of Baghdad +(and 'Irāq in general) are pure descendants of the +ancient Babylonians, to whom, in form and stature, +as well as in character, and their tendency to progress, +they have a great likeness. The same may be said +of the native Christians of Assyria. +</p> + +<p> +Could we but know the history of Assyria at this +period, it is very probable that we should find it +to resemble in certain things—perhaps in the main—that +of Babylonia after her downfall. From the +religious point of view, also, there must have been +similarity. They, too, knew the worship of the +<pb n='486'/><anchor id='Pg486'/> +<q>merciful Merodach,</q> to them a type of Christ, and +his father Êa (from whom he obtained the means of +helping mankind), in name and position a type of Jah, +God the Father, whom the Christians worshipped. +But we shall never in all probability know whether +they thus analyzed and compared the two faiths, +though it is very possible that they did, for it is said +that the Egyptians were attracted to Christianity by +the comparison of Christ with their Osiris. Such, +however, is the tendency of the mind of mankind. +Ever unwilling to break with the old, he seeks for +some analogy in the new, to form a bridge whereby +to pass to higher things. Minor deities have ever +tended to become Christian saints, and such may +have been—indeed, probably was—the case with the +Babylonians and the Assyrians. +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='487'/><anchor id='Pg487'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf' level1='Appendix. The Stele Inscribed With The Laws Of Hammurabi.'/> +<head>Appendix. The Stele Inscribed With The Laws Of +Ḫammurabi.</head> + +<p> +This monument was found at Susa, in the excavations undertaken +by the French Government, by MM. de Morgan and +Prof. V. Scheil. It is a column of diorite, measuring about +7 feet in height, tapering slightly from the bottom upwards. +The circumference of the base is about 2 yards, and at the +summit about 5 feet 5-½ inches. As, however, the stone is not +square, it may be described as measuring, roughly, 22 inches +broad at the base, and 16 inches just above the bas-relief at +the top, where it is rounded somewhat irregularly. +</p> + +<p> +The bas-relief, which is in perfect condition, measures about +2 feet 2 inches in height, and represents Ḫammurabi +standing, facing to the right, towards the sun-god Šamaš, who +sits on a throne of the usual recessed design. The god is +bearded, clothed in a flounced robe, and has his hair looped +up behind. His hat is pointed, and is adorned with four +(eight) horns, rising at the side, and coming forward, where +their points are turned up. His right shoulder is bare, and in +his right hand he holds a staff and a ring, emblematic of +authority and eternity, or his apparent course in the heavens. +His right hand is held against his breast, and wavy lines, +probably representing his rays, arise from his shoulders. +</p> + +<p> +Ḫammurabi, who stands before the seated god, is clothed in +a long robe reaching to his feet, and held up by his left arm. +His right shoulder and arm are bare, and the hand is raised +as if to emphasize the words he is uttering. Like the god, he +is heavily bearded. On his head he wears the globular thick-brimmed +hat distinctive of men in authority for many hundred +years before his time, and for a considerable period afterwards. +</p> + +<p> +The inscription, which is in horizontal columns, covers all +four sides of the stone, and is divided into two parts, called by +<pb n='488'/><anchor id='Pg488'/> +Prof. Scheil, who first translated it, the <q>obverse</q> and the +<q>reverse</q> respectively. The former is in 16 columns, after +which come 5 columns which have been erased, probably, as +Prof. Scheil remarks, to insert the name and titles of an Elamite +king, Šutruk-Naḫḫunte, who has his inscription placed on +several other monuments of Babylonian origin found there. +For some reason or other, the space on the stele of Ḫammurabi +still remains blank. The <q>reverse</q> has 28 columns of inscription. +The columns are narrow, and the lines consequently +short, but as the latter are no less than 3638 in number, the +text is a very extensive one, and when complete, must have +consisted of over 4000 lines. +</p> + +<p> +The inscription consists of three portions: the Introduction, +consisting of 4 columns and 25 lines, detailing all the benefits +which Ḫammurabi had conferred on the cities and temples of +the land; the Laws, which occupy the remainder of the +obverse, and 23 columns of the reverse (in all, 40 columns less +25 lines); and the Conclusion, occupying the remaining 5 +columns, in which he recounts his own virtues, and in a long +curse, calls upon the gods whom he worshipped to punish and +destroy any of his successors who should abolish or change +what he had written, or destroy his bas-relief. +</p> + +<div> +<head>The Laws Of Ḫammurabi.</head> + +<div> +<head>Introduction.</head> + +<p> +When the supreme God, king of the Annunaki,<note place='foot'>The spirits of the earth.</note> and Bel, +lord of the heavens and the earth, who fixes the destinies of the +land, had fixed for Merodach, the eldest son of Aê, the Divine +Lordship over the multitude of the people, and had made him +great among the Igigi, they called Babylon by its supreme +name, caused it to be great among the countries (of the world), +and caused to exist for him in its midst an everlasting kingdom, +whose foundation is as firm as heaven and earth. +</p> + +<p> +At that time Ḫammurabi, the noble prince—he who fears God—me—in +order that justice might exist in the country, to +destroy the evil and wicked, that the strong might not oppress +the weak,—God and Bel, to gladden the flesh of the people, +proclaimed my name as a Sungod<note place='foot'>The Sungod was the god of justice, hence this comparison.</note> for the black-headed ones,<note place='foot'>The inhabitants of the land.</note> +appearing and illuminating the land. +</p> + +<pb n='489'/><anchor id='Pg489'/> + +<p> +Ḫammurabi, the shepherd proclaimed of Bel am I—the +perfecter of abundance and plenty, the completer of everything +for Niffur (and) Dur-an-ki,<note place='foot'>The temple-tower of Niffur.</note> the glorious patron of Ê-kura;<note place='foot'>The temple of Bel at Niffur.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The powerful king who has restored the city Êridu to its first +state, who has purified the service of Ê-apsû;<note place='foot'>The temple of Eridu.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The best of the four regions, who made great the name of +Babylon, rejoicing the heart of Merodach, his lord, who daily +stays (at service) in Ê-sagila;<note place='foot'>The temple of Bel at Babylon.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The kingly seed whom the god Sin has created, who endows +with riches the city of Ur;<note place='foot'>See p. <ref target='Pg193'>193</ref>.</note> humble, devout, he who brings +abundance to Ê-kiš-nu-gala;<note place='foot'>The temple of Ur—see p. <ref target='Pg194'>194</ref> ff.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The king of wisdom, favourite of Šamaš, the powerful one, he +who founded (again) the city of Sippar, who clothed with green +the burial-places of Aa,<note place='foot'>The moon-goddess of Sippar.</note> who made supreme the temple Ê-babbara,<note place='foot'>The temple of the sun at Sippar.</note> +which is like a throne (in) the heavens; +</p> + +<p> +The warrior benefiting Larsa,<note place='foot'>Ellasar.</note> who renewed the temple +Ê-babbara<note place='foot'>The temple of the sun at Larsa (Ellasar).</note> for Šamaš his helper; +</p> + +<p> +The lord who gave life to Erech, procuring waters in +abundance for its people, he who has raised the head of the +temple Ê-anna, completing the treasures for Anu and +Innanna;<note place='foot'>The god and goddess of Ê-anna, the temple of Erech.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The protector of the land, who has reassembled the scattered +people of Nisin, who has made abundant the riches of the +temple E-gal-maḫ;<note place='foot'>The temple of Isin or Nisin.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The unique one, king of the city, twin brother of the god +Zagaga, he who founded the seat of the city of Kiš, who has +caused the temple Ê-mete-ursag<note place='foot'>The temple of Kiš.</note> to be surrounded with +splendour, who has caused the great sanctuaries of the goddess +Innanna to be increased; +</p> + +<p> +Overseer of the temple of Ḫursag-kalama, the enemies' +temple-court, the help of which caused him to attain his +desire;<note place='foot'>Apparently a conflict had taken place here, and the success of the +Babylonian arms was attributed to the god of the place.</note> +</p> + +<p> +He who has enlarged the city of Cuthah, made great everything +for the temple Meslam;<note place='foot'>The temple of Cuthah.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The mighty steer who overthrows the enemy, the beloved of +the god Tutu;<note place='foot'>Merodach—see p. <ref target='Pg030'>30</ref> ff.</note> +</p> + +<pb n='490'/><anchor id='Pg490'/> + +<p> +He who causes the city of Borsippa to rejoice, the supreme +one, he who is tireless for the temple Ê-zida;<note place='foot'>The temple of Borsippa.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The divine king of the city, wise, alert, he who has extended +the agriculture of Dilmu,<note place='foot'>The modern Dailem.</note> who has heaped up the (grain) +receptacles for the powerful god Uraš;<note place='foot'>The god of Dilmu.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The lord (who is) the adornment of the sceptre and the +crown, with which the wise goddess Mama has crowned him; +</p> + +<p> +Who has defined the sanctuaries of Kêš, who has made +plentiful the glorious feasts for the goddess Nin-tu; +</p> + +<p> +The provident and careful one, who set pasturages and +watering-places for Lagaš and Girsu, he who procured great +offerings for Ê-ninnû;<note place='foot'>The temple at Lagas.</note> +</p> + +<p> +He who holds fast the enemy, the favourite of the divinity, +he who fulfils the portents of the city Ḫallabu, he who has +gladdened the heart of Ištar;<note place='foot'>Goddess of Ḫallabu.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The prince undefiled, whose prayer<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the raising of the hand.</q></note> Addu<note place='foot'>Hadad.</note> has heard, he who +gives rest to the heart of Addu, the warrior, in the city Muru; +</p> + +<p> +He who set up the ornaments in the temple E-para-galgala, +the king who gave life to the city of Adab; +</p> + +<p> +He who directs the temple E-maḫ, the prince who is the +city-king, the warrior who is without rival; +</p> + +<p> +He who has given life to the city Maškan-šabri, who has +caused abundance to arise for the temple Mešlam; +</p> + +<p> +The wise, the active one, who has captured the robbers' +hiding-places, sheltered the people of Malkâ in (their) misfortune, +caused their seats to be founded in abundance, (and) +instituted pure offerings for Aê and Damgal-nunna, who have +made his kingdom great for ever. +</p> + +<p> +The prince who is city-king, who subjugated the settlements +of the Euphrates, the boundary (of) Dagan, his creator, who +spared the people of Mera and Tutul; +</p> + +<p> +The supreme prince, who has made the face of the goddess +Ištar to shine, set pure repasts for the divinity Nin-azu, who +cared for his people in (their) need, fixing their dues within +Babylon peacefully; +</p> + +<p> +The shepherd of the people, whose deeds are good unto Ištar, +who set Ištar in the temple Ê-ulmaš within Agadé of the (broad) +streets; he who makes the faithful obedient, who guides the Race;<note place='foot'>Or, with Scheil: who has rectified the course of the Tigris. As, +however, the sign for <q>river</q> is wanting, the meaning <q>family,</q> <q>race,</q> +which this word has, is to be preferred.</note> +</p> + +<p> +Who returned its good genius to the city of Asshur, who +caused (its) splendour (?) to shine forth; +</p> + +<pb n='491'/><anchor id='Pg491'/> + +<p> +The king who in Nineveh has caused the names of Ištar to +be glorified in Ê-mešmeš;<note place='foot'>The temple of Ištar of Nineveh, later called E-masmas.</note> +</p> + +<p> +The supreme one, devoted in prayer to the great gods, +descendant of Sumula-ilu, the mighty son of Sin-mubaliṭ, the +eternal seed of royalty; +</p> + +<p> +The powerful king, the Sun of Babylon, he who sends forth +light for the land of Šumer and Akkad, the king causing the +four regions to obey him, the beloved of the goddess Ištar, +am I. +</p> + +<p> +When Merodach chose me to govern the people, to rule and +instruct the land, law and justice I set in the mouth of the land—in +that day did I bring about the well-being of the people. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The Laws.</head> + +<p> +1. If a man ban a man, and cast a spell upon him, and has +not justified it, he who has banned him shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +2. If a man has thrown a spell upon a man, and has not +justified it, he upon whom the spell has been thrown shall +go to the river,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>to the river-god,</q> and so throughout the clause.</note> (and) shall plunge into the river, and if the +river take him, he who banned him may take his house. If the +river show that man to be innocent, and save (him), he who threw +the spell upon him shall be killed; he who plunged into the +river may take possession of the house of him who banned +him. +</p> + +<p> +3. If a man in a lawsuit has come forward (to bear) false +witness, and has not justified the word he has spoken, if that +lawsuit be a lawsuit of life,<note place='foot'>A matter of life and death.</note> that man shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +4. If he has come forward (to bear) witness concerning wheat +or silver, he shall bear the guilt of that lawsuit. +</p> + +<p> +5. If a judge has given judgment, and decided a decision, +and delivered a tablet (thereupon), and afterwards his judgment +is found faulty, that judge, for the fault in the judgment he +had judged, they shall summon, and the claim which is in +question<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>which is in that judgment.</q></note> he shall (re)pay twelvefold, and in the assembly they +shall make him rise up from his judgment-seat, and he shall +not return, and he shall not sit again with the judges in +judgment. +</p> + +<p> +6. If a man has stolen the property of a god, or of the palace, +that man shall be killed; and he who has received the stolen +thing from his hand shall be killed. +</p> + +<pb n='492'/><anchor id='Pg492'/> + +<p> +7. If a man has bought either silver, or gold, or a man-slave, +or a woman-slave, or an ox, or a sheep, or an ass, or anything +whatever, from the hands of the son of a man or the slave of a +man, without witness or contract, or has received it on deposit, +that man is a thief—he shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +8. If a man has stolen either an ox, or a sheep, or an ass, or +a pig, or a ship—if it be from a god or from the palace, he +shall (re)pay thirtyfold; if it be from a poor man, he shall +restore tenfold. If the thief have not wherewith to (re)pay, he +shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +9. If a man who has lost his property meet with his lost +property in the hands of a man, (and) the man in whose hands +the lost thing has been found say <q>a certain seller sold it—I +bought it before certain witnesses,</q> and the owner of the lost +object say <q>Let me bring witnesses who will recognize my +lost object,</q> the buyer shall bring forward the seller who sold it, +and the witnesses before whom he bought (it), and the owner of +the lost object shall bring forward the witnesses who will +recognize his lost object. The judge shall see what they have +to say, and the witnesses before whom the purchase was made, +and the witnesses knowing the object lost shall speak before +God,<note place='foot'>Cf. 126, 131.</note> and (if) the seller is the thief, he shall be killed. The +owner of the lost object shall take (back) his lost object; the +buyer shall receive (back) from the house of the seller the silver +which he has paid. +</p> + +<p> +10. If the buyer has not brought forward the seller who sold +it to him and the witnesses before whom he bought (it), (and) +the owner of the lost object has brought forward witnesses +recognizing his lost object, the buyer is a thief—he shall be +killed; the owner of the object lost shall take (back) the lost +object. +</p> + +<p> +11. If the owner of the lost object has not brought forward +witnesses recognizing his lost object, he is a rogue, (and) has +made a false accusation—he shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +12. If the seller has gone to his fate, the buyer shall receive +from the house of the seller the claims of that judgment +fivefold. +</p> + +<p> +13. If that man have not his witnesses at hand, the judge +shall grant him a delay of six months,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>a period to the sixth month.</q></note> and if he have not +procured his witnesses in six months,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>in the sixth month.</q></note> that man is a rogue—he +shall bear the guilt of that judgment. +</p> + +<p> +14. If a man has stolen the young son of a man, he shall be +killed. +</p> + +<pb n='493'/><anchor id='Pg493'/> + +<p> +15. If a man has caused to go forth from the gate either a +slave of the palace, or a handmaid of the palace, or the slave of +a poor man, or the handmaid of a poor man, he shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +16. If a man has sheltered the escaped male or female slave +of the palace or of a poor man in his house, and at the request +of the steward has not sent him forth, the master of that house +shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +17. If a man has met the escaped male or female slave in the +fields, and has taken him back to his master, the master of the +slave shall give him two shekels of silver. +</p> + +<p> +18. If that slave will not name his master, he shall take him +to the palace, his intention shall be inquired into, and they shall +return him to his master. +</p> + +<p> +19. If he has shut up that slave in his house, and afterwards +the slave has been found in his hands, that man shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +20. If a slave escape from the hands of the man who has +found him, that man shall call God to witness<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>shall call upon the spirit of God.</q></note> unto the master +of the slave, and shall be held blameless. +</p> + +<p> +21. If a man has made a breach in a house, in front of that +breach they shall kill him and bury him. +</p> + +<p> +22. If a man has exercised brigandage, and has been taken, +that man shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +23. If the brigand has not been captured, the man who has +been robbed shall take the thing which he has lost before God, +and the city and the authorities within whose territory and +boundaries the brigandage has been exercised shall make up to +him what he has lost. +</p> + +<p> +24. If (it be a question of) a life, the city and authorities shall +pay one mana of silver to his people. +</p> + +<p> +25. If the house of a man has been set on fire,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>In the house of a man fire has been kindled.</q></note> and a man +who went to extinguish it has raised his eyes to the property of +the owner of the house, and taken the property of the owner of +the house, that man shall be thrown into that same fire. +</p> + +<p> +26. If an army-leader or a soldier, who has been commanded +to go his way on a royal expedition, does not go, and has hired +a mercenary, and his substitute is taken, that army-leader or +soldier shall be killed, he who changed with him shall take his +house. +</p> + +<p> +27. If an army-leader or a soldier, who by the king's misfortune +is kept prisoner, afterwards they have given his field +and plantation to another, and he has carried on its administration; +if (the original owner) then return and reach his city, they +shall return to him his field and plantation, and he himself shall +carry on its administration. +</p> + +<pb n='494'/><anchor id='Pg494'/> + +<p> +28. If the son of an army-leader or a soldier, who is kept +prisoner by the king's misfortune, is able to carry on the +administration, they shall give to him the field and plantation, +and he shall carry on the administration for his father. +</p> + +<p> +29. If his son is young, and is unable to carry on the administration +for his father, the third part of the field and plantation +shall be given to his mother, and his mother shall bring +him up. +</p> + +<p> +30. If an army-leader or a soldier neglect his field, his +plantation, and his house on account of the burden, and leave +it waste, (and) another after him has taken his field, his plantation, +and his house, and has carried on its administration for +three years, if he return and wish to cultivate his field, his +plantation, and his house, it shall not be given to him—he who +took and has carried on its administration shall continue to +administer. +</p> + +<p> +31. If for one year (only) he has let (them) lie waste, and has +returned, his field, his plantation, and his house they shall give +to him, and he shall carry on his administration himself. +</p> + +<p> +32. If a merchant has redeemed an army-leader or a soldier +who has been kept prisoner upon a royal expedition, and has +caused him to regain his city—if in his house there be (the +wherewithal) for his redemption, he shall then redeem himself. +If in his house there be not (the wherewithal) for his redemption, +in the house of his city's god he shall be redeemed. If in the +house of his city's god there be not (the wherewithal) for his +redemption, the palace shall redeem him. His field, his plantation, +and his house shall not be given for his redemption. +</p> + +<p> +33. If a governor or a prefect have a substitute,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>a man of substitution.</q></note> or for a +royal expedition accept a mercenary as substitute and incorporate +(him), that governor or prefect shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +34. If a governor or a prefect take the property of an army-officer, +ruin an army-officer, lend an army-officer for hire, grant +an army-officer in a lawsuit to a magnate, take the gift which +the king has given to an army-officer, that governor or prefect +shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +35. If a man purchase from the hands of an army-officer the +cattle and sheep which the king has given to the army-officer, +he shall forfeit his money. +</p> + +<p> +36. Field, plantation, and house of an army-officer, soldier, +and tax-payer he<note place='foot'>The officer, etc.</note> shall not sell for silver. +</p> + +<p> +37. If a man buy the field, plantation, or house of an army-officer, +soldier, or tax-payer, his contract shall be broken, and +he shall forfeit his money. The field, plantation, or house shall +return to its owner. +</p> + +<pb n='495'/><anchor id='Pg495'/> + +<p> +38. Army-officer, soldier, or tax-payer shall not leave to his +wife or his daughter (anything) from the field, plantation, and +house of his administration, and shall not give them for his +indebtedness. +</p> + +<p> +39. He may leave to his wife and his daughter (any part) of +the field, plantation, or house which he has bought and owns, +and may give it for his indebtedness. +</p> + +<p> +40. But to an agent or other official, he may give his field, +his plantation, or his house for silver, (and) the purchaser shall +carry on the administration of the field, plantation, and house +which he has bought. +</p> + +<p> +41. If a man has enclosed the field, plantation, or house of +an army-officer, soldier, or tax-payer, and given substitutes, +the army-officer, soldier, or tax-payer may return to his field, +plantation, or house, and take the substitutes which have been +given to him. +</p> + +<p> +42. If a man has hired a field for cultivation, and has not +caused wheat to be in that field, they shall summon him for not +having done work in the field, and he shall give to the owner of +the field wheat like his neighbour. +</p> + +<p> +43. If he has not planted the field, and has let it lie, he shall +give to the owner of the field wheat like his neighbour, and the +field which he has let lie he shall break up for cultivation, shall +enclose (it) and return (it) to the owner of the field. +</p> + +<p> +44. If a man has hired an uncultivated field for cultivation<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>for opening.</q></note> +for three years, and he has been idle and has not cultivated +the field, in the fourth year he shall break up the field for +cultivation, shall hoe (it), and shall enclose (it) and return (it) to +the owner of the field, and for every 10 <foreign rend='italic'>gan</foreign> he shall measure (to +him) 10 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat. +</p> + +<p> +45. If a man has given his field for rent to a planter, and has +received the rent of his field, and afterwards a storm<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the god Hadad.</q></note> has inundated +the field, or has (otherwise) destroyed the produce, the +loss belongs to the planter. +</p> + +<p> +46. If he have not received the rent of his field, and has let +the field for a half or a third (of the produce), the planter and +the owner of the field shall share the wheat which has been +produced in the field proportionately. +</p> + +<p> +47. If the planter, because his husbandry did not yield profit<note place='foot'>Or, <q>did not cover the cost.</q></note> +in the first year, direct the field to be cultivated (by another), the +owner of the field shall not object. The planter then shall +cultivate his field, and shall take the wheat at harvest-time, +according to his contract. +</p> + +<p> +48. If there be interest (upon a loan) against a man, and a +<pb n='496'/><anchor id='Pg496'/> +storm<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the god Hadad.</q></note> inundate his field, or has (otherwise) destroyed the +produce, or by want of water there is no wheat in the field, that +year he shall not return any wheat to the creditor.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the lord of the interest.</q></note> He shall +damp his tablet (? to alter it), and shall not pay interest<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>profit.</q></note> for that +year. +</p> + +<p> +49. If a man has borrowed money from an agent, and has +given to the agent a field laboured for wheat or sesame, (and) +has said to him: <q>Plant the field, and gather and take the wheat +or the sesame which will be produced;</q> if the planter has caused +wheat or sesame to be in the field, at harvest-time the owner of +the field may take the wheat or sesame which has been produced +in the field, and shall give to the agent wheat for his silver and +his interest<note place='foot'>Or, <q>its interest.</q></note> which he received from the agent, and (for) the cost +of the cultivation. +</p> + +<p> +50. If he has given (as security) a planted field, or a field +planted with sesame, the owner of the field shall take the wheat +or sesame which is produced in the field, and shall return the +silver and its interest to the agent. +</p> + +<p> +51. If there be no silver (wherewith) to repay, he shall give +to the agent sesame at their market-price for his silver and +his interest, which he received from the agent, according to the +tariff of the king. +</p> + +<p> +52. If the planter has not caused wheat or sesame to be in the +field, it does not annul his contract. +</p> + +<p> +53. If a man has neglected to stren[gth]en his [dyke], and has +not streng[thened his] dyke, [and] a breach has o[pened] in [his] +dyke, and water has inundated the enclosure, the man in whose +dyke the breach has been opened shall make good the wheat +which it has destroyed. +</p> + +<p> +54. If the wheat does not suffice to make good (the damage), +they shall sell that (man) and his goods for silver, and the +people<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>sons,</q> or <q>children.</q></note> of the enclosure, whose wheat the water carried away, +shall share together. +</p> + +<p> +55. If a man has opened his irrigation-channel to water, (and) +has been negligent, and the water has flooded the field of his +neighbour, he shall measure (to him) wheat like<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>I.e.</hi> in the same proportion.</note> (that of) his +neighbour. +</p> + +<p> +56. If a man has opened the water, and the water flood the +work of the field of his neighbour, he shall measure (to him) 10 +<foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat for each 10 <foreign rend='italic'>gan</foreign>. +</p> + +<p> +57. If a shepherd has not agreed with the owner of a field for +grass to pasture his sheep, and without the owner of the field has +pastured sheep (in) the field, the owner shall reap <emph>his</emph> fields; the +<pb n='497'/><anchor id='Pg497'/> +shepherd who, without the owner of the field, pastured sheep (in) +the field, shall pay to the owner of the field 20 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat for +every 10 <foreign rend='italic'>gan</foreign> besides. +</p> + +<p> +58. If, after the sheep have left the enclosure, (and) the whole +flock has passed through the gate, the shepherd place the sheep +(again) in the field, and cause the sheep to pasture (in) the field, +the shepherd shall keep the field (where) he has pastured them, +and shall measure to the owner of the field, at harvest-time, 60 +<foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat for every 10 <foreign rend='italic'>gan</foreign>. +</p> + +<p> +59. If a man, without (the permission of) the owner of a +plantation, has cut down a tree in the plantation of a man, he +shall pay half a mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +60. If a man has given a field to a gardener to plant as a +plantation, (and) the gardener has planted the plantation, he +shall tend the plantation for four years. In the fifth year the +owner of the plantation and the gardener shall share equally; +(thereafter) the owner of the plantation shall apportion and take +his share. +</p> + +<p> +61. If a gardener has not completed the plantation of a field, +and has left an uncultivated place, they shall set for him the +uncultivated place in his share. +</p> + +<p> +62. If he has not planted the field which has been given him +for a plantation, if (it be) grain, the gardener shall measure to +the owner of the field the produce of the field, for the years +during which it has been neglected, like his neighbour; and he +shall do the work of the field, and return (it) to the owner of the +field. +</p> + +<p> +63. If the field (was) waste land, he shall do the work +of the field, and return (it) to the owner of the field, and +he shall measure for every year 10 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat for each +10 <foreign rend='italic'>gan</foreign>. +</p> + +<p> +64. If a man has given his plantation to a gardener to cultivate, +the gardener, as long as he holds the plantation, shall give +two-thirds of the produce of the plantation to the owner of the +plantation, (and) shall take a third himself. +</p> + +<p> +65. If the gardener has not cultivated the plantation, and has +diminished the produce, the gardener [shall measure to the +owner of the field] produce (like) his neighbour. +</p> + +<p> +(Five columns have here been erased, apparently by the +Elamite king who intended to inscribe his name upon the +monument. Prof. Scheil estimates that this contained about +35 sections of the laws, containing the remaining sections +referring to the cultivation of plantations or orchards, the letting +of houses, and the laws relating to commercial transactions, of +which a portion is preserved after the gap. As pointed out by +Prof. Scheil, the following sections, from fragments of tablets +<pb n='498'/><anchor id='Pg498'/> +found at Nineveh by Hormuzd Rassam and the late Geo. Smith, +probably came in here.) +</p> + +<p> +[If a man has borrowed silver from an agent, and has given] +to the agent [a date-orchard, and] has said to him: <q>Take for +thy money the dates, [as much as] will be produced in [my] +orchard, for thy money;</q> (if) that agent be not in agreement, +the owner of the orchard shall take the dates which are produced +in the orchard, and return to the agent the silver and +its interest, according to his tablet; and the owner of the +orchard may ta[ke] the surplus dates which have been produced +in the orchard. +</p> + +<p> +[If a man has hired a house, and] the man has paid to the +owner of [the house] the complete money for his rent for a year, +[and] the owner of the house, before the days are full, command +the ten[ant] to go [forth],—the owner of the house, [as] he sends +the tenant [forth] from his house before the time,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>in days not full.</q></note> [shall return to +the tenant a proportionate sum, for having gone forth from his +house], from the money which the tenant has pai[d to him]. +</p> + +<p> +[If a man] owe (?) wheat (or) silver, and has not wheat or silver +[wherewith] to [pay], but possess (other) goods, whatever is in +his hands he shall gi[ve] to the agent, before witnesses, as profit, +[and] the agent shall not f[ind fault], and shall ac[cept it]. +</p> + +<p> +(Portions of other laws are also preserved, but they are too +fragmentary to enable the sense to be gathered.) +</p> + +<p> +100. [If an agent has advanced silver to a commissioner, and +he has had good fortune in the place to which he went], he shall +write down the profits of his silver, as much as he has received, +and the day when they make up their accounts he shall pay (it) +to his agent. +</p> + +<p> +101. If he found no profit where he went, he shall make up the +silver which he took, and the commissioner shall repay it to +the agent.<note place='foot'>In the British Museum fragment 80-11-12, 1235, found by Mr. Rassam +in Babylonia, 100 and 101 form a single section, the last one of the 5th +tablet.</note> +</p> + +<p> +102. If an agent has advanced silver to a commissioner for +profit, and he found loss where he went, he shall return the +capital of the silver to the agent. +</p> + +<p> +103. If, whilst going on his way, an enemy caused him to lose +what he was carrying, the commissioner shall call God to +witness<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>invoke the spirit of God.</q></note> and shall go free. +</p> + +<p> +104. If an agent has given to a commissioner grain, wool, oil, +or any other goods for trading, the commissioner shall write +down the silver (received), and shall return it to the agent. The +<pb n='499'/><anchor id='Pg499'/> +commissioner shall take a sealed document of the silver which he +gives to the agent.<note place='foot'>In other words, <q>he shall take a receipt for the amount.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +105. If the commissioner has been negligent, and has not taken +a sealed document of the silver which he has given to the agent, +the silver not certified shall not be placed in the business.<note place='foot'>Probably = <q>shall not be placed to his credit.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +106. If a commissioner has taken silver from an agent, and +dispute (withhold it from) his agent, that agent shall summon +the commissioner before God and the witnesses concerning the +money taken; the commissioner shall repay to the agent the +silver, as much as he has taken, threefold. +</p> + +<p> +107. If an agent act unjustly to a commissioner, and the commissioner +has returned to the agent everything which the agent +had given to him, (and) the agent dispute with the commissioner +(concerning) anything which the commissioner has repaid to +him, that commissioner shall summon the agent before God and +the witnesses, and the agent, for having disputed (with) his +commissioner, anything which he has received he shall repay to +the commissioner sixfold. +</p> + +<p> +108. If a wine-woman has not accepted wheat as the price of +drink, (but) has accepted silver by the large stone, or has set +the tariff of the drink below the tariff of the wheat, they shall +summon that wine-woman, and shall throw her into the water. +</p> + +<p> +109. If a wine-woman, (when) riotous fellows are assembled at +her house, does not seize those riotous fellows and take them to +the palace, that wine-woman shall be killed. +</p> + +<p> +110. If a devotee who dwells not in a cloister open a wine-house, +or enter a wine-house for drink, that female they shall +burn. +</p> + +<p> +111. If a wine-woman has given 60 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> of second (?) quality +drink, for thirst, she shall take 50 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> of corn at harvest-time. +</p> + +<p> +112. If a man is travelling,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>dwells on the road.</q></note> and has given to (another) man +silver, gold, (precious) stones, and his other property<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the possessions of his hand.</q></note> and has +caused him to take them for delivery, (and) that man has not +delivered what he was to transmit at the place to which he +was to transmit (it), and has taken it away, the owner of the consignment +shall summon that man for anything which he took and +did not deliver, and that man shall give (back) to the owner of +the consignment fivefold anything which had been given to him. +</p> + +<p> +113. If a man have (an account of) wheat or silver against a +man, and without the owner of the wheat has taken wheat from +the barn or the depository, they shall summon that man, for +having taking wheat, without the owner of the wheat, from the +barn or depository, and he shall return the wheat, as much as he +<pb n='500'/><anchor id='Pg500'/> +took, and he shall forfeit whatever it may be, as much as he +lent.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>and to whatever its name, as much as he gave, he shall renounce.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +114. If a man have no (account of) wheat or silver against a +man, and make his distraint, for every distraint he shall pay +one-third of a mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +115. If a man have (an account of) wheat or silver against a +man, and make his distraint, and the person distrained<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the distraint.</q></note> die, by +his fate, in the house of the distrainer, that lawsuit has no +claim. +</p> + +<p> +116. If the person distrained die in the house of the distrainer +by blows or by ill-treatment, the owner of the person +distrained shall summon his agent;<note place='foot'>Apparently the agent who lent him the money, and who is called <q>the +distrainer</q> in the foregoing lines.</note> and if (the person distrained) +was the son of the man, they shall kill his (the distrainer's) +son; if he was the servant (slave) of the man, he shall +pay one-third of a mana of silver; and he shall forfeit whatever +it may be, as much as he lent. +</p> + +<p> +117. If a man has contracted a debt, and has given his wife, +his son, (or) his daughter for the money, or has let (them) out +for service, three years they shall serve the house of their +purchaser or master, in the fourth year he shall grant their +freedom. +</p> + +<p> +118. If he let out a male or female slave for service, (and) +the agent pass (them) on (and) give them for silver, there is no +claim. +</p> + +<p> +119. If a man has contracted a debt, and has sold his female-slave +who has borne him children, the owner of the slave may +(re)pay the silver which the agent has paid, and redeem his +slave. +</p> + +<p> +120. If a man has delivered his grain for storage in the house +of a man, and a deficiency appears in the granary, or the master +of the house has opened the storehouse and taken the grain, or +he has disputed as to the total of the grain which was delivered +at his house, the owner of the grain shall claim his grain before +God, and the master of the house shall cause the grain which he +has taken to be made up, and shall give (it) to the owner of the +grain. +</p> + +<p> +121. If a man has delivered grain (for storage) at the house of +a man, he shall pay yearly 5 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> of grain for every <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> (as) +the price of the storage. +</p> + +<p> +122. If a man give silver, gold, or anything else, to a man on +deposit, he shall show the witnesses everything, whatever he +gives; he shall make contracts, and (then) give (it) on deposit. +</p> + +<pb n='501'/><anchor id='Pg501'/> + +<p> +123. If he has given it on deposit without witnesses and +contracts, and they dispute (this) to him where he gave it, that +lawsuit has no claim. +</p> + +<p> +124. If a man has given silver, gold, or anything else, to a +man, before witnesses, on deposit, and (the man) dispute with +him, he shall summon that man, and whatever he has disputed, +he shall make up and give (back). +</p> + +<p> +125. If a man has given his property on deposit, and where he +gave (it), his property disappeared, with the property of the +owner of the house, either through a breaking in or through a +trespass, the master of the house which was in fault shall compensate +for his property which he gave him on deposit and +(which) was lost, and he shall make (it) up to the owner of the +property. The master of the house shall seek his lost property, +and take it from the thief. +</p> + +<p> +126. If a man, his property not being lost, say that his property +is lost, he shall bring forward his deficiency. As his property +has not been lost, he shall state his deficiency before God, and +whatever he has claimed they shall cause him to make up, and +he shall give (it) to (make up) his deficiency. +</p> + +<p> +127. If a man has caused the finger to be raised against a +devotee or the wife of a man, and has not justified it, they shall +set that man before the judges, and mark his forehead. +</p> + +<p> +128. If a man has taken a wife, and has not made her contract,<note place='foot'>Has not made a contract for her.</note> +that woman is not a wife. +</p> + +<p> +129. If the wife of a man is taken in adultery with another +male, they shall tie them together, and throw them into the +water. If the owner of the wife spare his wife, and the king +spare his servant.... +</p> + +<p> +130. If a man force the wife of a man who has not yet known +a male, and (who) dwells in the house of her father, and has +lain in her bosom, and they have found him, that man shall be +killed, the woman shall be allowed to go. +</p> + +<p> +131. If the wife of a man has been accused by her husband,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>If the wife of a man her husband accuse her.</q></note> +and he has not found her on the couch with another male, she +shall swear by God,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>she shall invoke the spirit of God.</q></note> and return to her house. +</p> + +<p> +132. If, on account of another male, the finger has been +pointed at the wife of a man, and she has not been found with +another male on the couch, she shall plunge into the river for +her husband('s sake). +</p> + +<p> +133. If a man has been made captive, and there is in his +house the wherewithal to eat, (and) his [wife] has [gone] forth +[from] her [house], [and afterwards?] has [en]tered into another +<pb n='502'/><anchor id='Pg502'/> +house, [as] that woman has not guarded her homestead, and has +entered another house, they shall summon that woman, and +throw her into the water. +</p> + +<p> +134. If a man has been made captive, and there is not in the +house the wherewithal to eat, his wife may enter another house; +that woman is not in fault. +</p> + +<p> +135. If a man has been made captive, and there is not in his +house the wherewithal to eat,<note place='foot'>The original text adds <q>before him,</q> probably meaning <q>before he +left.</q></note> (and) his wife has entered another +house, and has borne children, (and) afterwards her husband +return, and reach his city, that woman shall<note place='foot'>Or <q>may.</q></note> return to her +husband; the children shall go to their father. +</p> + +<p> +136. If a man has abandoned his city and fled, (and) afterwards<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>after him.</q></note> +his wife has entered another house, if that man return, +and (wish to) take his wife, as he hated his city and fled, the +wife of the deserter shall<note place='foot'>Or <q>need.</q></note> not return to her husband. +</p> + +<p> +137. If a man set his face to repudiate a concubine who has +borne him children, or a wife who has caused him to have +children, he shall return to that woman her (marriage) gift, and +shall give to her the usufruct of field, plantation, and goods, and +she shall bring up her children. After she has brought up her +children, they shall give to her, from the property which has +been given to her children, (a share of) the produce like (that +of) one son, and she may marry the husband of her choice.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>she may take the husband of her heart.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +138. If a man (wish to) repudiate his spouse, who has not +borne him children, he shall give to her silver, as much as was +her dower, and he shall restore to her the wedding-gift which +she brought from the house of her father, and shall repudiate +her. +</p> + +<p> +139. If there be no dower, he shall give her one mana of +silver for the repudiation. +</p> + +<p> +140. If (he be) a poor man, he shall give her one-third of a +mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +141. If the wife of a man, who dwells in the house of the man, +set her face to go forth, commit foolishness (?), ruin her house, +despise her husband, they shall summon her, and if her husband +say: <q>I have divorced her,</q> he shall let her go her way. (As +for) her repudiation(-gift), nothing shall be given to her. If her +husband say: <q>I have not repudiated her,</q> her husband may +marry<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>take.</q></note> another woman; that woman shall dwell in her husband's +house like a servant. +</p> + +<p> +142. If a woman hate her husband, and say: <q>Thou shalt not +possess me,</q> her reason for that which she lacks shall be +<pb n='503'/><anchor id='Pg503'/> +examined, and if she has been continent, and have no fault, and +her husband go out, and neglect her greatly, that woman has +no defect; she shall take her wedding-gift, and shall go to the +house of her father. +</p> + +<p> +143. If she has not been continent, and has gone about, she +has ruined her house, (and) despised her husband; they shall +throw that woman into the water. +</p> + +<p> +144. If a man has married a wife, and that wife has given a +maid-servant to her husband, and she has had children, (if) +that man set his face to take a concubine, they shall not allow +that man—he shall not take a concubine. +</p> + +<p> +145. If a man has married a wife, and she has not caused him +to have children, and he set his face to take a concubine, that +man may take a concubine, (and) may introduce her into his +house, (but) he shall not make that concubine equal with (his) +wife. +</p> + +<p> +146. If a man has married a wife, and she has given a maid-servant +to her husband, and (the maid-servant) has borne children, +(if) afterwards that maid-servant make herself equal with her +mistress, as she has borne children, her mistress shall not sell +her for silver; she shall place a mark<note place='foot'>Or <q>a chain.</q></note> upon her, and count her +with the maid-servants. +</p> + +<p> +147. If she has not borne children, her mistress may sell her +for silver. +</p> + +<p> +148. If a man has married a wife, and a malady has seized +her, (and) he has set his face to marry a second, he may marry. +He shall not divorce the wife whom the malady has seized; she +may stay in the house he has made, and he shall support her as +long as she lives. +</p> + +<p> +149. If that woman is not content to dwell in the house of her +husband, he shall deliver to her her marriage-gift, which she +brought from the house of her father, and she shall go her way. +</p> + +<p> +150. If a man has presented to his wife a field, a plantation, a +house, and property, (and) has left her a sealed tablet, after her +husband('s death) her sons shall make no claim against her. +The mother may give her property<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>her after (property).</q></note> to the son whom she loves,—to +the brother she need not give. +</p> + +<p> +151. If a woman who dwells in the house of a man contract +with her husband, and cause (him) to deliver a tablet, so that a +creditor<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>a lord of interest.</q></note> of her husband may not seize her, if that man have +interest of money against him before he marries that woman, +his creditor shall not seize his wife, and if that woman have +interest of money against her before she enter the house of the +man, her creditor shall not seize her husband. +</p> + +<pb n='504'/><anchor id='Pg504'/> + +<p> +152. If interest accrue against them after that woman has +entered the house of the man, they shall both be responsible to +the agent. +</p> + +<p> +153. If the wife of a man cause her husband to be killed on +account of another male, they shall impale that woman.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>set her upon a stake.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +154. If a man has known his daughter, they shall expel that +man from the city. +</p> + +<p> +155. If a man has chosen a bride for his son, and his son has +known her, (and if) he (himself) then afterwards has lain in her +bosom, and they have found him, they shall bind that man, and +cast her into the water.<note place='foot'>There is a mistake in the text here, the most probable reading being +<q>cast <emph>him</emph> into the water.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +156. If a man has chosen a bride for his son, and his son has +not known her, and he (himself) has lain in her bosom, he shall +pay her half a mana of silver, and shall restore to her whatever +she brought from the house of her father, and she shall marry +the husband of her choice. +</p> + +<p> +157. If a man, after his father, has lain in the bosom of his +mother, they shall burn them both. +</p> + +<p> +158. If a man, after his father, be found in the bosom of her +who brought him up, (and) who has brought forth children, that +man shall be turned out of (his) father's house. +</p> + +<p> +159. If a man, who has brought to his father-in-law's house +furniture<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>movable(s),</q> French <foreign rend='italic'>du meuble</foreign>.</note> (and) has given a dower, pay attention to another +woman, and say to his father-in-law: <q>I will not marry thy +daughter,</q> the father of the girl shall take the property which +has been brought to him. +</p> + +<p> +160. If a man has brought furniture to the house of his father-in-law, +(and) given a dower, and the father of the girl say: <q>I +will not give thee my daughter,</q> the property, as much as has +been brought to him, he shall cause to be equal,<note place='foot'>Perhaps <q>shall add to it an equal amount,</q> as a kind of compensation. +Scheil has <q>il égalera.</q></note> and shall +return. +</p> + +<p> +161. If a man has brought furniture to the house of his father-in-law, +(and) given a dower, and his friend slander him, (and) +his father-in-law say to the husband of the wife:<note place='foot'>That is, to the man himself.</note> <q>Thou shalt +not marry my daughter,</q> he shall cause to be equal the property, +as much as has been brought to him, and return (it), and +his friend shall not marry his wife. +</p> + +<p> +162. If a man has married a wife, (and) she has borne him +children, and that woman has gone to (her) fate, her father shall +<pb n='505'/><anchor id='Pg505'/> +have no claim upon her marriage-gift—her marriage-gift belongs +to her sons. +</p> + +<p> +163. If a man has married a wife, and she has not caused him +to have children, (and) that woman has gone to (her) fate, if his +father-in-law has returned to him the dower which that man +took to the house of his father-in-law, her husband shall have +no claim upon the marriage-gift of that woman—her marriage-gift +belongs to the house of her father. +</p> + +<p> +164. If his father-in-law has not returned to him the dower, he +shall deduct from her marriage-gift all her dower, and return +(the balance of) her marriage-gift to her father's house. +</p> + +<p> +165. If a man has presented to his son, who is foremost in his +eyes, a field, a plantation, and a house, (and) has written for +him a tablet, (and) afterwards the father has gone to (his) fate, +when the brothers share together, he shall take the gift which +the father gave him, and they shall share equally in the property +of the house of the father besides. +</p> + +<p> +166. If a man has taken wives for the sons which he has had, +(and) has not taken a wife for his youngest son, (and) afterwards +the father has gone to (his) fate, when the brothers share +together, they shall set aside the money of a dower for their +youngest brother, who has not taken a wife, from the property +of the father's house, besides his (lawful) share, and shall cause +him to take a wife. +</p> + +<p> +167. If a man has married a wife, and she has borne him sons, +(and) that woman has gone to (her) fate, (and) after her he has +married another woman, and she has brought forth sons, (and) +afterwards the father has gone to (his) fate, the sons shall not +share according to the mothers. They shall take the marriage-gifts +of their mothers, and the property of the father's house +they shall share equally. +</p> + +<p> +168. If a man set his face to discard his son, he shall say to +the judge: <q>I discard my son;</q> the judge shall inquire into his +reasons. If the son has not committed a grave fault which cuts +him off from sonhood, the father shall not cut off his son from +sonhood.<note place='foot'>In all probability it is an adopted son who is meant—it is doubtful +whether a man could do more than disinherit his own child.</note> +</p> + +<p> +169. If he has committed against his father a grave fault +which cuts him off from sonhood, the first time (the father) shall +refrain. If he has committed a grave fault a second time, the +father shall cut his son off from the sonhood. +</p> + +<p> +170. If a man's wife has borne him children, and his maid-servant +has borne him children, (and) the father in his lifetime +say to the children whom the maid-servant has borne to him: +<q>My children,</q> he has reckoned them with the children of the +<pb n='506'/><anchor id='Pg506'/> +wife. After the father has gone to (his) fate, the children of the +wife and the children of the maid-servant shall share in the +property of the father's house equally; the son (who is) the +child of the wife shall choose and take at the sharing. +</p> + +<p> +171. And if the father, during his lifetime, has not said to the +children whom the maid-servant has borne to him: <q>My +children,</q> after the father has gone to (his) fate, the children of +the maid-servant shall not share in the property of the father's +house with the children of the wife. (If) he has set free the +maid-servant and her children, the children of the wife shall not +claim the children of the maid-servant for service. The wife +shall take her marriage-gift and the dowry which her husband +gave her (and) recorded upon a tablet, and she shall sit in the +seat of her husband; as long as she lives, she shall enjoy (them)—she +shall not sell them for money—they belong to her children +after her. +</p> + +<p> +172. If her husband has not given her a dowry, they shall +make up to her her marriage-gift, and she shall take, from the +property of her husband's house, a share like (that of) one son. +If her sons afflict her, to send her forth from the house, the +judge shall inquire into her reasons, and (if) he set the fault +upon the children, that woman shall not go forth from her +husband's house. If that woman set her face to go forth, she +shall leave to her children the dowry which her husband gave +her. She shall take the marriage-gift of her father's house, and +the husband of her choice shall marry her. +</p> + +<p> +173. If that woman, in the place where she has entered, has +borne to her second husband children, after that woman has +died, the former and latter children shall share her marriage-gift. +</p> + +<p> +174. If she has not borne children to her second husband, +then the children of her (first) spouse shall take her marriage-gift. +</p> + +<p> +175. If a slave of the palace or the slave of a poor man has +married the daughter of a (free) man, and has borne children, +the owner of the slave shall not make a claim upon the children +of a (free) man's daughter for servitude. +</p> + +<p> +176a. And if a slave of the palace or a slave of a poor man +has married a (free) man's daughter, and when he has married +her, she has entered the house of the slave of the palace or the +slave of the poor man with a wedding-gift from the house of her +father, and after they have been established, they have built a +house and have property, (if) afterwards the slave of the palace +or the slave of the poor man has gone to (his) fate, the daughter +of the (free) man shall take her marriage-gift, and they shall +divide the property, which her husband and she had after they +were established, into two parts, and the owner of the slave shall +<pb n='507'/><anchor id='Pg507'/> +take half, (and) the daughter of the (free) man shall take half +for her children. +</p> + +<p> +176b. If the daughter of the (free) man had no marriage-gift, +the property which her husband and she possessed after they +were established they shall divide into two parts, and the master +of the slave shall take half, the daughter of the (free) man shall +take half for her children. +</p> + +<p> +177. If a widow whose children are young set her face to +enter another house,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>I.e.</hi> decide to marry again.</note> she shall not enter without the judge. +When she enters another house, the judge shall inquire concerning +what remains of her first husband's house, and they +shall entrust the first husband's house to the second husband +and to that woman, and shall cause them to deliver a tablet. +They shall keep that house and bring up the young (children). +They shall not sell (any) utensil for silver. The buyer who buys +a utensil of the children of a widow shall forfeit his money; the +property shall return to its owner. +</p> + +<p> +178. If a devotee, or a public woman, to whom her father has +presented a gift, (and) has written for her a tablet, (and) on the +tablet which he has written for her has not written for her +(concerning) the giving of what she should leave to whomsoever +she pleased, and has not let her follow the desire of her heart, +after the father has gone to (his) fate, her brothers shall take +her field and her plantation, and according to the amount of her +share shall give to her food, oil, and clothing, and shall satisfy +her heart. If her brothers have not given her food, oil, and +clothing according to the amount of her share, and have not +satisfied her heart, she may give her field and plantation to the +farmer who may seem good to her, and her farmer shall support +her. Field, plantation, and property, which her father gave her, +she shall enjoy as long as she lives—she shall not give (them) +for silver, nor shall she be answerable (to) another (therewith)—her +share as daughter belongs to her brothers.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>her sonhood, of her brothers it is.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +179. If a devotee or a public woman, to whom her father has +presented a gift, (and) has written for her a sealed tablet, +(and) on the tablet which he has written for her has written for +her (concerning) the giving of what she should leave to whomsoever +she pleased, and has let her follow the desire of her +heart, after the father has gone to (his) fate, she shall give what +she leaves to whomsoever she pleases—her brothers have no +claim upon her. +</p> + +<p> +180. If a father has not presented a gift<note place='foot'>The same word is used as in the case of a marriage-gift.</note> to his daughter, who +is a recluse or a public woman, after the father has gone to (his) +<pb n='508'/><anchor id='Pg508'/> +fate, she shall take a share in the property of the father's house +like a son, and enjoy (it) as long as she lives. What she leaves +belongs to her brothers. +</p> + +<p> +181. If a father has brought to a god a hierodule or a virgin, +and has not presented to her a gift,<note place='foot'>The same word is used as in the case of a marriage-gift.</note> after the father has gone to +(his) fate, she shall share in the property of the father's house a +third (as) her inheritance, and she shall enjoy (it) as long as she +lives. What she leaves belongs to her brothers. +</p> + +<p> +182. If a father has not presented a gift to his daughter, +priestess of Merodach of Babylon, (and) has not written for her +a sealed tablet, after the father has gone to (his) fate, she shall +share, with her brothers, in the property of the father's house a +third part (as) her inheritance, and she shall not carry on its +administration. The priestess of Merodach may give what she +leaves to whomsoever she pleases. +</p> + +<p> +183. If a father has presented a marriage-gift to his concubine-daughter, +given her to a husband, (and) written for her a sealed +tablet, after the father has gone to (his) fate, she shall not share +in the property of the father's house.<note place='foot'>That is, she must content herself with the marriage-gift.</note> +</p> + +<p> +184. If a man has not presented to his concubine-daughter a +marriage-gift, (and) has not given her to a husband, after the +father has gone to (his) fate, her brothers shall give her a +wedding-gift according to the amount (of the property) of the +father's house, and shall give her to a husband. +</p> + +<p> +185. If a man has adopted<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>taken to childship.</q></note> a child by its name,<note place='foot'>Or <q>in his name.</q></note> and has +brought it up, that foster-child cannot be claimed back. +</p> + +<p> +186. If a man has adopted a child, and when he had adopted +him, he rebelled against his (foster-)father and his (foster-)mother, +that foster-child shall return to his father's house. +</p> + +<p> +<anchor id='Law_187'/> +187. The son of a favourite attending the palace, and the son +of a public woman, cannot be claimed back.<note place='foot'>These were in the position of orphans, having no proper home.</note> +</p> + +<p> +188. If an artizan<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the son of a worker.</q></note> has taken a child to bring up,<note place='foot'>Or <q>as a foster-child.</q></note> and has +taught him his handicraft, he cannot be claimed back. +</p> + +<p> +189. If he has not taught him his handicraft, that foster-child<note place='foot'>Here the term would seem to be equivalent to <q>apprentice.</q></note> +may return to his father's house. +</p> + +<p> +190. If a man has not reckoned with his sons a young child +which he has adopted and brought up, that foster-child may +return to the house of his father. +</p> + +<p> +191. If a man who has adopted a child and brought him up, +has built a dwelling, (and) after he has children (of his own) set +<pb n='509'/><anchor id='Pg509'/> +his face to cut off the foster-child, that child shall not go his +way. His foster-father shall give him one-third of his property +as his inheritance and (then) he shall go. He shall give him +nothing of the field, plantation, and house. +</p> + +<p> +192. If the son of a favourite or the son of a public woman +say to his foster-father and his foster-mother, <q>Thou art not my +father, thou art not my mother,</q> they shall cut out his tongue.<note place='foot'>Evidently such a denial on the child's part was regarded as the height +of ingratitude (see the footnote to § <ref target='Law_187'>187</ref>).</note> +</p> + +<p> +193. If the child of a favourite or the child of a public woman +come to know his father's house, and despise his foster-father +and his foster-mother, and go to his father's house, they shall +tear out his eyes.<note place='foot'>In the original <q>his eye.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +194. If a man has given his child to a nurse, and that child +has died in the hands of the nurse, and the nurse, without [his] +father and his mother, rear another child, they shall summon +her, and as she has rear[ed] another child without [his] father +and mother, they shall cut off her breasts. +</p> + +<p> +195. If a son smite his father, they shall cut off his hands. +</p> + +<p> +196. If a man has destroyed the eye of the son of a man, they +shall destroy his eye. +</p> + +<p> +197. If he has broken the limb of a man, they shall break his +limb. +</p> + +<p> +198. If he has destroyed the eye of a poor man, or broken the +limb of a poor man, he shall pay one mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +199. If he has destroyed the eye of a man's slave, or broken +the limb of a man's slave, he shall pay half his value.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>price.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +200. If a man has knocked out the teeth of a man of his rank, +they shall knock out his teeth. +</p> + +<p> +201. If he has knocked out the teeth of a poor man, he shall +pay one-third of a mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +202. If a man has struck the head<note place='foot'>Or <q>skull,</q> Scheil: <q>cerveau.</q> Peiser's rendering, <q>cheek</q> (Backe), +seems to be the best. (This applies to laws <ref target='Law_203'>203-205</ref> as well.)</note> of a man who is greater +than he, he shall be struck in the assembly sixty times with an +ox-hide whip. +</p> + +<p> +<anchor id='Law_203'/> +203. If the son of a man<note place='foot'>According to Winckler, this expression (<q>son of a man</q>) means <q>a +free-born man.</q></note> has struck the head of the son of a +man who is like himself, he shall pay one mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +204. If a poor man has struck the head of a poor man, he +shall pay ten shekels of silver. +</p> + +<p> +205. If the slave of a man has struck the head of the son of +a man, they shall cut off his ear. +</p> + +<p> +206. If a man has struck a man in a quarrel, and do him hurt, +<pb n='510'/><anchor id='Pg510'/> +that man shall swear: <q>I did not strike him knowingly,</q> and he +shall be responsible for the physician. +</p> + +<p> +207. If he die of his blows, he shall swear (the same). If (it +was) the son of a man, he shall pay one-half a mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +208. If it was the son of a poor man, he shall pay one-third of +a mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +209. If a man has struck the daughter of a man, and caused +what was within her to fall from her, he shall pay ten shekels of +silver for what was within her. +</p> + +<p> +210. If that woman die, they shall kill his daughter. +</p> + +<p> +211. If by blows he has made what was within the daughter +of a poor man to fall from her, he shall pay five shekels of +silver. +</p> + +<p> +212. If that woman die, he shall pay one-half a mana of +silver. +</p> + +<p> +213. If he has struck a man's slave-woman and made that +which was within her fall from her, he shall pay two shekels of +silver. +</p> + +<p> +214. If that slave-woman die, he shall pay one-third of a mana +of silver. +</p> + +<p> +215. If a physician has treated a man for a grave injury with +a bronze lancet, and cured the man, or opened the cataract of a +man with a bronze lancet, and cured the eye of the man, he +shall receive ten shekels of silver. +</p> + +<p> +216. If it was the son of a poor man, he shall receive five +shekels of silver. +</p> + +<p> +217. If it was a man's slave, the owner of the slave shall pay +to the physician two shekels of silver. +</p> + +<p> +218. If a physician has treated a man for a grave injury with a +bronze lancet, and caused the man to die, or opened the cataract +of a man with a bronze lancet, and destroyed the eye of a man, +they shall cut off his hands. +</p> + +<p> +219. If a physician has treated a poor man's slave for a grave +injury with a bronze lancet, and has caused (him) to die, he +shall make good slave for slave.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>slave like slave.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +220. If he has opened his cataract with a bronze lancet, and +destroyed his eye, he shall pay half his value in silver.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the silver of half his price.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +221. If a physician has made sound the broken limb of a man, +or saved a diseased part, the patient<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>lord of the injury.</q></note> shall pay to the physician +five shekels of silver. +</p> + +<p> +222. If it be the son of a poor man, he shall pay three shekels +of silver. +</p> + +<p> +223. If it was a man's slave, the owner of the slave shall pay +to the physician two shekels of silver. +</p> + +<pb n='511'/><anchor id='Pg511'/> + +<p> +224. If an ox-doctor or an ass-doctor has treated an ox or an +ass for a grave injury, and has saved (it), the owner of the ox or +the ass shall pay to the physician one-sixth (of a shekel) of silver +(as) his hire. +</p> + +<p> +225. If he has treated the ox or the ass for a grave injury, and +caused (it) to die, he shall give to the owner of the ox or the ass +a quarter of its price. +</p> + +<p> +226. If a barber, without the (knowledge of the) owner of a +slave, has marked an inalienable slave with a mark, they shall +cut off the hands of that barber.<note place='foot'>This was regarded as a fraud, and punished as such.</note> +</p> + +<p> +227. If a man has deceived a barber, and he has marked an +inalienable slave with a mark, they shall kill that man, and bury +him in his house; the barber shall swear: <q>I did not mark +knowingly,</q> and shall go free. +</p> + +<p> +228. If a builder has made a house for a man, and has finished +it (well), for a house of one <foreign rend='italic'>šar</foreign>, he shall give him two shekels +of silver as his pay. +</p> + +<p> +229. If a builder has made a house for a man, and has not +done his work strongly, and the house he has made has fallen +down, and killed the owner of the house, that builder shall be +killed. +</p> + +<p> +230. If it cause the son of the owner of the house to die, they +shall kill the son of that builder. +</p> + +<p> +231. If it cause the slave of the owner of the house to die, he +shall give to the owner of the house a slave like (his) slave. +</p> + +<p> +232. If it has destroyed the property, whatever it has destroyed, +he shall make good. And as he did not make strong the house +he constructed, and it fell, from his own property he shall +rebuild the house which fell. +</p> + +<p> +233. If a builder has made a house for a man, and has not +caused his work to be firm, and the wall has fallen over, that +builder shall strengthen that wall with his own money. +</p> + +<p> +234. If a boatman has calked a vessel of 60 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> (burthen) for +a man, he shall give him two shekels of silver as his pay. +</p> + +<p> +235. If a boatman has calked a vessel for a man, and has not +perfected his work, and in that (same) year that vessel sail, (if) +it have a defect, the boatman shall alter that vessel, and repair +(it) with his own capital, and give the repaired vessel to the +owner of the vessel.<note place='foot'>Or <q>the boatman shall repair that vessel, and strengthen (it) with his +own capital, and give the strengthened vessel (back) to the owner of the +vessel.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +236. If a man has given his vessel to a boatman for hire, and +the boatman has been neglectful, and sunk or lost the vessel, +the boatman shall replace the vessel to the owner of the vessel. +</p> + +<pb n='512'/><anchor id='Pg512'/> + +<p> +237. If a man has hired a boatman and a vessel, and has +freighted it with wheat, wool, oil, dates, and any other kind of +freight; (if) that boatman be neglectful, and sink the vessel, +and lose what is within (it), the boatman shall replace the vessel +which he has sunk, and whatever he lost, which was within it. +</p> + +<p> +238. If a boatman has sunk a man's vessel, and refloated it, +he shall pay half its value<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>price.</q></note> in silver. +</p> + +<p> +239. If a man [has hired] a boatman, he shall give him 6 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> +of wheat yearly. +</p> + +<p> +240. If a down-stream vessel collide with an up-stream vessel, +and sink (it), the owner of the sunken vessel shall declare before +God whatever has been lost in his vessel, and (he) of the down-stream +vessel which sank the up-stream vessel shall replace for +him his vessel and whatever was lost. +</p> + +<p> +241. If a man has driven the ox (of another) to work, he shall +pay one-third of a mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +242 and 243. If a man has hired for a year, (as) hire of a +draught-ox he shall pay to its owner 4 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat. (As) hire +of a carrier(?)-ox, 3 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat. +</p> + +<p> +244. If a man has hired an ox (or) an ass, and a lion kill it in +the field, (the loss) is its owner's. +</p> + +<p> +245. If a man has hired an ox, and cause it to die by negligence +or by blows, to the ox's owner he shall make up ox for ox.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>ox like ox.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +246. If a man has hired an ox, and has broken its foot or cut +its nape,<note place='foot'>Such is the general translation. An injury of this kind would render +the animal useless, as it would be unable to bear the yoke, hence this +enactment.</note> to the ox's owner he shall make up ox for ox. +</p> + +<p> +247. If a man has hired an ox, and has poked out its eye, he +shall pay to the ox's owner half its value in silver. +</p> + +<p> +248. If a man has hired an ox, and has broken its horn, cut +off its tail, or pierced<note place='foot'>Or <q>slit.</q></note> its nostril, he shall pay a quarter of its +value in silver. +</p> + +<p> +249. If a man has hired an ox, and God has stricken it and it +has died, the man who hired the ox shall swear by God,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>shall invoke the spirit of God.</q></note> and +shall go free. +</p> + +<p> +250. If a mad bull, in its onset, has gored a man, and caused +(him) to die, that case has no claim.<note place='foot'>As the dog his first bite, so the bull was allowed his first toss free.</note> +</p> + +<p> +251. If a man's ox—goring for goring—has made known to +him its vice,<note place='foot'>Or <q>failing,</q> <q>defect.</q></note> and he has not sawn off its horns, (if) he has not +shut up his ox, and that ox has gored the son of a man, and +caused him to die, he shall pay half a mana of silver. +</p> + +<pb n='513'/><anchor id='Pg513'/> + +<p> +252. [If] it be a man's servant, he shall give one-third of a +mana of silver. +</p> + +<p> +253. If a man has hired a man to stay upon his field, and +[ha]nded to him the produce (?), confided to him the oxen, [and] +contracted with him [to] cultivate the field, if that man has +stolen the wheat or the vegetables, and it is found in his hands, +they shall cut off his hands. +</p> + +<p> +254. If he has taken away the produce and deprived<note place='foot'>Or <q>weakened,</q> <q>starved.</q></note> the oxen, +he shall replace the amount of the wheat which he has wasted (?). +</p> + +<p> +255. If he has let out<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>given.</q></note> the oxen of a man for hire, or stolen +the wheat, and not made (it) to grow in the field, they shall +summon that man, and for every 10 <foreign rend='italic'>bur-gan</foreign> he shall measure +60 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat. +</p> + +<p> +256. If his borough cannot respond for him, they shall leave +him in that field with the oxen. +</p> + +<p> +257. If a man has hired a field-labourer, he shall give him +8 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat yearly. +</p> + +<p> +258. If a man has hired an ox-herd (?), he shall give him 6 +<foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat yearly. +</p> + +<p> +259. If a man has stolen a watering-machine from the +enclosure, he shall give to the owner of the watering-machine +five shekels of silver. +</p> + +<p> +260. If he has stolen a shadoof or a plough, he shall give +three shekels of silver. +</p> + +<p> +261. If a man has hired a herdsman to pasture oxen and +sheep, he shall give him 8 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of wheat yearly. +</p> + +<p> +262. If a man an ox or sheep for.... +</p> + +<p> +263. ... If he has lost [an ox] or a sheep which has been +given to [him], he shall restore to [their] owner, ox for [ox], +sheep for [sheep]. +</p> + +<p> +264. If a [herdsman], to whom oxen or sheep have been given +to pasture, has received his wages, everything (?) as agreed (?), +and is satisfied,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>it is good to his heart.</q></note> has reduced the oxen, (or) reduced the sheep, +(or) lessened (their) young, he shall give (back) young and +increase according to his contracts. +</p> + +<p> +265. If a herdsman, to whom oxen and sheep have been +given to pasture, has acted wrongly, and changed the natural +increase,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the fate,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, divine decree concerning them.</note> and has given (it) for silver, they shall summon him, +and ten times what he has stolen, oxen and sheep, he shall +make good to their owner. +</p> + +<p> +266. If in the fold an act of God has taken place, or a lion has +killed, the herdsman shall declare his innocence before God, +and the owner of the fold shall meet the destruction of the fold. +</p> + +<pb n='514'/><anchor id='Pg514'/> + +<p> +267. If the herdsman has been in fault, and has caused +damage in the fold, the herdsman shall make up the loss caused +by<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>of.</q></note> the damage which he has brought about in the fold, (both) +oxen and sheep, and shall give (them) to their owner. +</p> + +<p> +268. If a man has hired an ox for treading out (the corn), +20 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> of wheat is his hire. +</p> + +<p> +269. If he has hired an ass for treading out (the corn), 10 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> +of wheat is his hire. +</p> + +<p> +270. If he has hired a young animal for treading out (the +corn), 1 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> of wheat is his hire. +</p> + +<p> +271. If a man has hired oxen, a cart, and its driver, he shall +give 180 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> of wheat daily. +</p> + +<p> +272. If a man has hired the cart by itself, he shall give 40 <foreign rend='italic'>qa</foreign> +of wheat daily. +</p> + +<p> +273. If a man has hired a workman, from the beginning of +the year to the fifth month he shall give six grains<note place='foot'>The character used is the same as that for grain (wheat, etc.), but the +weight is unknown.</note> of silver +daily; from the sixth month to the end of the year, he shall +give five grains of silver daily. +</p> + +<p> +274. If a man hire an artizan, (as) wages of a ... five [grains] of +silver; (as) wages of a brickmaker (?)<note place='foot'>Winckler: <q>potter.</q></note> five +grains of silver; +(as) wages of a linen-weaver<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>man of linen.</q> Scheil, Winckler, and Johns translate <q>tailor.</q></note> five grains +of silver; +(as) wages of a stone-worker(?)<note place='foot'>A part only of the word is preserved.</note> ... +grains of silver; +(as) wages of a milkman (?) ... [grains] of silver; +(as) [wages] of a ... ... [grains] of silver; +(as) [wages] of a carpenter four grains of silver; +(as) wages of a ... four grains of silver; +(as) [wages] of a house-superintendent (?) ... grains of silver; +(as) [wages] of a builder (?), ... grains of silver. +[dai]ly [he shall g]ive. +</p> + +<p> +275. [If] a man has hired a small boat (?), three grains of +silver is its hire daily. +</p> + +<pb n='515'/><anchor id='Pg515'/> + +<p> +276. If he has hired a down-stream (vessel), he shall give two +grains and a half of silver (as) its hire daily. +</p> + +<p> +277. If a man has hired a vessel of 60 <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign>, he shall give +one-sixth (of a shekel) of silver daily (as) its hire. +</p> + +<p> +278. If a man has bought a male or female slave, and before +he has fulfilled his month an infirmity has fallen upon him, he +shall return him to his seller, and the buyer shall receive back +the silver he has paid. +</p> + +<p> +279. If a man has bought a male or female slave, and he is +liable to be reclaimed,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>he has had a claim.</q></note> his seller shall respond to the claim.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>shall answer the claim.</q></note> +</p> + +<p> +280. If a man, in a foreign country, has bought a male (or) +female slave of a man, (and) when they have arrived in the +midst of the land, a (former) owner of the male or female slave +recognize his male or female slave, if their male and female slave +are children of the land, he shall set them free without payment.<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>he shall make their freedom without silver.</q> This law seems +to indicate that neither owner was regarded as having a right to them.</note> +</p> + +<p> +281. If they are children of another land, the buyer shall +declare before God the money<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>silver.</q></note> he has paid, and the (former) +owner of the male or female slave shall give to the agent the +money he has paid, and shall recover his male or female slave. +</p> + +<p> +282. If a slave has said to his master: <q>Thou art not my +master,</q> he shall summon him as his slave, and his master shall +cut off his ear. +</p> + +<p> +Decrees of equity, which Ḫammurabi, the able king, has +established, and has procured (for) the country lasting security +and a happy rule. Ḫammurabi, the accomplished king, am I. +For the head-dark (ones),<note place='foot'>The people.</note> whom Bel assigned, (and whose) +shepherding Merodach has given, I have not been neglectful, +I have not relaxed—peaceful localities have I found for them,<note place='foot'>The Ninevite duplicate has a different reading.</note> +I have opened the narrow defiles, light have I caused to go +forth to them. With the powerful weapon which Zagaga and +Ištar have conferred upon me, with the acuteness which Aê has +bestowed, with the might which Merodach has bestowed, I have +rooted out the enemy above and below.<note place='foot'>Probably = <q>north and south,</q> or <q>in mountain and valley.</q></note> I have dominated the +depths,<note place='foot'>Winckler: <q>put an end to battles.</q></note> I have made happy the flesh of the land, the people +of the dwellings (therein) have I caused to lie down in security—fear +caused I not to possess them. The great gods have +elected<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>proclaimed.</q></note> me, and I am the shepherd giving peace, whose +sceptre is just, setting up my good shadow in my city. I have +pressed the people of the land of Šumer and Akkad in my +<pb n='516'/><anchor id='Pg516'/> +bosom; by my protective spirit fraternally (?) have I guided +them in peace; in my wisdom have I protected them. For the +strong not to oppress the weak, to direct the fatherless (and) +the widow, I have raised its<note place='foot'>Apparently meaning the head of the stone bearing this inscription.</note> head in Babylon, the city of God +and Bel. In Ê-sagila, the house whose foundations are firm +like heaven and earth, I have written on my monument my +most precious words to judge the justice of the land, to decide +the decisions of the land, to direct the ignorant; and I have +placed (them) before my image as king of righteousness. +</p> + +<p> +The king who is great among the city-king(s) am I; my +words are renowned, my power has no equal; by the command +of Šamaš, the great judge of heaven and earth, may righteousness +have power in the land;<note place='foot'>The Nineveh duplicate has: <q>by the command of Šamaš and Hadad, +judges of justice, deciders of decisions, may justice have power.</q></note> by the word of Merodach, my +lord, may my bas-reliefs not have a destroyer; in Ê-sagila, +which I love, may my name be commemorated in happiness for +ever. The ignorant man, who has a complaint,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>a word.</q></note> let him come +before my image (as) king of righteousness, and let him read +my inscribed monument and let him hear my precious words, +and my monument explain to him the matter. Let him see +his judgment, let his heart expand, (saying): <q>Ḫammurabi +is a lord who is like a father, a parent to the people; he has +caused the word of Merodach, his lord, to be reverenced, and +has gained the victory for Merodach above and below. He +has rejoiced the heart of Merodach, his lord, and fixed for the +people happiness<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>good flesh.</q></note> for ever, and (well) has he governed the +land.</q> Let him pronounce (it) aloud, and with his heart perfect, +let him pray before Merodach, my lord, (and) Zērpanitum, my +lady. May the winged bull, (and) the protecting spirit, the gods +of the entrance of Ê-sagila, (and) the wall of Ê-sagila, daily +further (his) desires<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>thoughts.</q></note> in the presence of Merodach, my lord, and +Zērpanitum, my lady. +</p> + +<p> +For the future, the course<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the going forth.</q></note> of days for all time: May the king +who is in the land protect the words of righteousness which I +have written on my monument. Let him not change the law +of the land which I have adjudged, the decisions of the country +which I have decided; let him not cause my bas-relief to be +destroyed. If that man have intelligence, and wish to govern +his country well, let him pay attention to the words which I +have written on my monument, and may this monument show +him the path, the direction, the law of the land which I have +pronounced, the decisions of the land which I have decided. +<pb n='517'/><anchor id='Pg517'/> +And let him rule his people,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>his dark of head.</q></note> let him pronounce justice for +them, let him decide their decision. Let him remove the evil +and the wicked from his land, let him rejoice the flesh of his +people. +</p> + +<p> +Ḫammurabi, the king of righteousness, to whom Šamaš has +given (these) enactments,<note place='foot'>Scheil: <q>given rectitude.</q></note> am I. My words are noble, my +works have no equal—they have brought forth the proud (?) to +humility (?) the humble (?) to wisdom (?) (and) to renown. If +that man<note place='foot'>The future king.</note> is attentive to my words, which I have written on my +monument, and set not aside my law, change not my word, +alter not my bas-relief—that man like me, the king of righteousness, +may the god Šamaš make his sceptre to endure, may he +guide his people in righteousness. If that man regard not my +words, which I have written on my monument, and despise my +curse, and fear not the curse of God, and do away the law which +I have ordained—(if) he change my word, alter my bas-relief, +destroy my written name, and write his (own) name, (or) on +account of these curses cause another to do so,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>cause another to take (this responsibility).</q></note> that man, whether +king, or lord, or viceroy, or personage who has been elected,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>whose name has been proclaimed.</q></note> +may the great God, the father of the gods, proclaimer of my +reign, take back from him the glory of my kingdom, break his +sceptre, curse his destiny. May Bel, the lord who determines +the destinies, whose command is unchangeable, he who has +magnified my kingdom, rouse against him revolts which his +hand cannot suppress, causing (?) his destruction upon his seat.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>I.e.</hi>, his throne.</note> +A reign of sighing, days (but) few, years of want, darkness +without light, death the vision of (his) eyes, may they set for +him as (his) destiny. May he decree with his grave lips the +destruction of his city, the dispersion of his people, the taking +away of his royalty, the annihilation of his name and his record +in the land. May Beltis, the great mother whose command is +supreme<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>honourable.</q></note> in E-kura, the lady who makes my thoughts propitious, +instead of judgment and decision, make his word evil before +Bel, may she accomplish the ruin of his country, the loss of his +people, the pouring out of his life like water by the command of +Bel the king. May Aê, the great prince, whose decisions have +the precedence,<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>go before.</q></note> the sage of the gods, he who knows everything, +who lengthens the days of my life, take back from him understanding<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>ear.</q></note> +and wisdom, bring him back into forgetfulness.<note place='foot'>Or <q>oblivion.</q></note> +May he dam up his rivers at (their) sources, (and) cause grain, +the life of the people, not to exist in his land. May Šamaš, the +<pb n='518'/><anchor id='Pg518'/> +great judge of heaven and earth, he who rules living things, the +lord my trust, destroy his dominion; may he not pronounce his +judgment, may he confuse his path, may he annihilate the course +of his army. May he place for him, in his oracles,<note place='foot'>Or <q>visions.</q></note> an evil +design to snatch away the foundation of his dominion and to +destroy his country. May Šamaš's word of misfortune speedily +attack him; may he snatch him from the living on high, +beneath in the earth may he deprive his spirit<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>spirits</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>utukke</foreign>). Perhaps the <q>soul</q> and <q>spirit</q> are meant, +the plural being indicated by writing the character twice, though nothing +certain can be deduced from this.</note> of water. +May Sin, lord of the heavens, the god my creator, whose +brightness<note place='foot'>Scheil and Winckler: <q>sickle</q> (= crescent), but this seems to be a +different word.</note> shines resplendent among the gods, withdraw +from him crown and throne of dominion. May he fix upon +him a grave misdeed, his great fault, which will not disappear +from his body, and may he cause the days, the months, the +years of his reign to end in sighing and tears. May he increase +for him the burthen of his dominion, may he fix for him as (his) +fate a life which is comparable<note place='foot'>Scheil: <q>is in conflict.</q></note> with death. May Hadad, lord +of fertility, dominator of heaven and earth, my helper, withhold +from him the rains in the heavens, the flood in the springs. +May he destroy his country with want and famine, may he +angrily rage over his city, and turn his country to mounds of +the flood.<note place='foot'>Mounds of an inundation, such as the great Flood was supposed to +have produced.</note> May Zagaga, the great warrior, the eldest son of +(the temple) Ê-kura, he who goes at my right hand, break his +weapons on the battle-field. May he turn for him day into +night, and may he set his enemy over him. May Ištar, lady of +war and battle, who lets loose my weapons, my propitious genius, +lover of my reign, in her angry heart, in her great wrath, curse +his dominion, his favours into evils may she turn, may she turn.<note place='foot'>Probably repeated by an error of the stone-cutter.</note> +In the place of war and battles may she break his weapons, may +she make for him confusion and revolt, may she cast down his +warriors, may she cause the earth to drink their blood, may she +cast down in the plain a heap of corpses of his warriors, may +she not cause his soldiers to have [burial?]. As for him, may +she deliver him into the hand of his enemy, and bring him as a +captive to the land which is hostile to him. May Nergal, the +strong one among the gods, unrivalled battle,<note place='foot'>The Nineveh duplicate has: <q>whose battle has no equal.</q></note> he who causes +me to attain my victory, in his great might burn<note place='foot'>Or <q>bind.</q></note> his people like +<pb n='519'/><anchor id='Pg519'/> +a tiny bundle of reeds. With his strong weapon may he subjugate +him, and may he crush his members like an image of +clay. May Nintu, the supreme lady of the lands, the mother +my creator, withhold from him his son, and cause him to have +no name, in the midst of his people may she not produce a +human seed. May Nin-Karrak, daughter of Anu, she who +announces my happiness, let forth from Ê-kura upon his +members a grave sickness, an evil pestilence, a grievous injury, +which they cannot cure, whose nature the physician does not +know, which he cannot ease with a bandage, (and which), like +the bite of death, cannot be removed. Until she take possession +of his life, may he groan for his manliness.<note place='foot'>Or <q>strength,</q> apparently meaning the imperfectness of that quality.</note> +</p> + +<p> +May the great gods of heaven and earth, the Anunna<note place='foot'>Generally referred to under the fuller form Anunnaki.</note> in +their assembly, the divine bull of the house,<note place='foot'>Or <q>temple,</q> either that of Merodach at Babylon, or Ê-babbara.</note> the bricks of +Ê-babbara,<note place='foot'>The temple of the Sun at Sippar or at Larsa—probably the former.</note> curse that (man), his reign, his country, his army, +his people, and his nation, with a deadly curse—with powerful +curses may Bel, by his word which cannot be changed, curse +him, and speedily may they overtake him. +</p> + +<milestone unit='tb' rend='rule: 50%'/> + +<p> +These laws, as being the oldest known, have attracted +considerable attention, and much has been said concerning +their connection with the Mosaic Code. Whatever connection +there may be between them, however, it must be kept well in +mind, that they have been formulated and compiled from +totally different standpoints. Notwithstanding the references +in the Code of Ḫammurabi to religious things, there is no +doubt that the laws given therein are purely civil, and compiled +either by the king as temporal ruler of the land, or by his +advisers, or by the judges who <q>decided the decisions of the +land.</q> Charitable enactments were therefore as far from the +intention of the compilers of the Babylonian code as such +things are from the intention of the legislation of this or any +other modern civilized community or nationality. The Law of +Moses, on the other hand, has long been recognized as a +Priestly Code, into which all kinds of provisions for the poor, +the fatherless, the necessitous, were likely to enter, and have, in +fact, entered. From this point of view, Moses' code is immeasurably +superior to that of the Babylonian law-giver, and +can hardly, on that account, be compared with it. +</p> + +<p> +From existing duplicates of this inscription, we know that it +bore a title which, in accordance with the usual custom in +ancient times, was taken from the first few words of the +<pb n='520'/><anchor id='Pg520'/> +inscription, in this case <foreign rend='italic'>Ninu îlu ṣîrum</foreign>, <q>When the supreme +God.</q> In the Ninevite duplicate in the British Museum, +however, a kind of title in the modern sense of the word is +given, namely, <foreign rend='italic'>Dinani Ḫammurabi</foreign>, <q>The Laws of Ḫammurabi,</q> +the first word being from the common Semitic root which +appears, in Semitic Babylonian, under the form of <foreign rend='italic'>dânu</foreign>, <q>to +judge.</q> As far as our information goes, it would seem that, +whilst the Hebrew <foreign rend='italic'>tôrah</foreign> was both judicial, ceremonial, and +moral, the Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>dînu</foreign> was judicial only. Ceremonial +enactments are entirely foreign to it, and morality, in the +modern sense of the word, though represented, does not hold a +very high place, though it must not be forgotten that five +columns of the text are wanting. +</p> + +<p> +That there should be, therefore, but few parallels between +the Codes of Moses and of Ḫammurabi was to be expected, +though naturally likenesses and parallelisms are to be found, +the Hebrews being practically of the same stock as the +Babylonians, and also, as has been shown, under the influence +of the same civilization. It will be noticed, in reading through +the code, that not only are there no laws against sorcery, +worshipping other than the national god or gods, and prostitution, +but there are actually enactments referring to the first +and the last, showing that they were recognized. Moral, +religious, ceremonial, and philanthropic enactments are, in fact, +entirely absent. +</p> + +<p> +3-4. With the enactments concerning false witness, cp. Ex. +xx. 16; Deut. v. 20, etc. More especially, however, are the +directions in Deut. xix. 16 ff. noteworthy. Here the direction +is, to do to the false witness <q>as he had thought to do to his +brother.</q> In this case, too, the logical penalty would be death, +in a matter involving the life of a man. +</p> + +<p> +7 (liability to be regarded as a thief on account of the +purchase or receiving of things without witnesses or a contract) +is to a certain extent paralleled by Lev. vi. 2 ff., where, however, +the penalty for wrongful possession is not death, but the +restoration of the object detained, with a fifth part of the value +added thereto. +</p> + +<p> +8 (theft of live-stock) is illustrated by Ex. xxii. 1, where it is +ordered that the thief restore five oxen for a stolen ox, and four +sheep for a stolen sheep. All laws dealing with theft seem to +have been more severe among the Babylonians than among the +Hebrews, and inability to make the object good, with the +penalties attached thereto, was visited with death (6-11, +14, 15, etc.). +</p> + +<p> +14. This enactment is exactly parallel with Ex. xxi. 16: <q>He +that stealeth a man ... shall surely be put to death.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='521'/><anchor id='Pg521'/> + +<p> +21 (housebreaking). Ex. xxii. 2-4, justifies the killing of a +burglar caught in the act before sunrise, but not otherwise. +</p> + +<p> +57. In the case of unlawful pasturing, it is probable that +Ex. xxii. 5 may furnish the key to the obscurities of this +Babylonian enactment. According to the Mosaic law, the +owner of the cattle had to make the damage good with the best +of his field or vineyard. To ensure getting the best, and his +due share, the most satisfactory way would be to reap the +offender's field, if he had one. +</p> + +<p> +110. The opening (seemingly in the English sense) of a wine-house +by a temple-devotee, or her merely entering such a place, +was in all probability equivalent to prostituting herself, and if +so, this law may be compared with Lev. xxi. 9, in which the +daughter of a priest, if she profaned herself (and her father) by +playing the whore, was to be put to death by burning. +</p> + +<p> +117. As is shown by the preceding enactments, the person of +a man might be seized for debt, but this shows that he might +allow his wife, his son, or his daughter to be taken to work it +off, and in that case they were to be set free in the fourth year. +In Hebrew law (Ex. xxi. 2) an ordinary purchased slave was +free after six years' service, but if a man sold his daughter (v. 7), +she did not <q>go out as the men-servants do.</q><note place='foot'>In Ex. xxi. 8 it is presumed that the master of the girl betrothed her to +himself, as in the case of Šamaš-nûri (p. <ref target='Pg185'>185</ref>), who, however, could be sold +as a slave if she denied her mistress.</note> +</p> + +<p> +125. The theft of things on deposit entailed only restitution if +the person with whom they were deposited were not in fault. +In Ex. xxii. 7-9 the person condemned had to pay or restore +double the value of the things stolen. +</p> + +<p> +129. In this law the conditional clause at the end is incomplete, +but it may be supposed that liberty was accorded therein to the +king and to the injured husband to exercise mercy, and commute +the death-penalty in any way they thought fit, attaching thereto +any other penalty which might seem good to them. According +to Lev. xx. 10, the adulterer and the adulteress were to be put to +death, but in what manner is not stated. To all appearance no +mercy was given. +</p> + +<p> +130. As this is a case of a married woman living in her +father's house, Ex. xxii. 16 is not an exact parallel. The +woman being unbetrothed, the man who had violated her had +to endow and marry her. +</p> + +<p> +155. Incest of the nature referred to here is practically a +complete parallel with Lev. xx. 12, where, however, the nature +of the death-penalty is not stated. If the correction of the code +of Ḫammurabi suggested in the footnote (<q>they shall bind that +man, and cast <emph>him</emph> into the water</q>) be the true one, the man +<pb n='522'/><anchor id='Pg522'/> +would seem to have been regarded as the chief sinner, and the +woman was probably left to be dealt with by the son's family. +The mere binding of the man, as in the text, would be no +adequate punishment, and the correction: <q>They shall bind +<emph>them</emph>, and cast <emph>them</emph> into the water,</q> pre-supposes a very serious +mistake on the part of the scribe. +</p> + +<p> +157. This is a parallel with Lev. xviii. 8, and xx. 11, and +the penalty is death in both codes. The word <q>mother</q> in +the Babylonian Code probably includes <q>step-mother</q> as +well. +</p> + +<p> +195. This is parallel with Ex. xxi. 15, where, however, the +smiting of the mother is included, and the more severe penalty +of death is prescribed, instead of merely cutting off the offending +members as a punishment. +</p> + +<p> +196, 197, 200, 210. These illustrate the dictum: <q>An eye for +an eye, and a tooth for tooth</q> (Ex. xxi. 24, 25; Lev. xxiv. 20; +Deut. xix. 21; Matt. v. 38). They were naturally the common +punishments of the period when the penalty of imprisonment +could not be imposed. +</p> + +<p> +199. The destruction of the eye of a man's slave, or the +fracture of his limb, was apparently held to entail the diminution +of his value by one-half, which the person who inflicted the +injury had to pay. Nothing is said, however, concerning injury +to a slave by his master, and this law, therefore, has no parallel +in the Mosaic ordinance given in Ex. xxi. 26, 27, where the +master is spoken of as the possible aggressor, and had to set his +slave free on account of the injury he had received.<note place='foot'>The old Sumerian law referring to injuries to slaves (p. 191) inflicts a +fine on the <emph>hirer</emph>, not on the owner.</note> +</p> + +<p> +206. The law regarding injuries inflicted upon a man in a +quarrel is parallel with Ex. xxi. 18, 19, except that the latter +decrees that the person inflicting the injury, in addition to +causing the injured man to be completely healed, has also to +pay for his loss of time. On the other hand, it is noteworthy +that, in the Code of Ḫammurabi, he who committed the injury +had to swear that he did not do it knowingly—that is, with the +intention of injuring the man, otherwise he probably came +under the law of retaliation, Nos. 196, 197, and 200. +</p> + +<p> +209. This is parallel with Ex. xxi. 22, but whereas the +penalty for the injury to the woman was fixed at ten shekels of +silver, the law of Moses allowed the husband to estimate the +compensation, which was certified and probably revised by the +judges. +</p> + +<p> +210. It was not only <q>an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a +tooth,</q> but also <q>a daughter for a daughter,</q> even when a +mortal injury may not have been intended. This is practically +<pb n='523'/><anchor id='Pg523'/> +the same as Ex. xxi. 23: <q>And if any mischief follow, then +thou shalt give life for life.</q> +</p> + +<p> +241. As this law stands, it refers to the unlawful working of +another man's ox, and not to an ox taken in pledge, for the +working of which there could be no remedy, any more than +there was for taking a man's wife, child, or slave, in pledge to +work out a debt. +</p> + +<p> +244 (loss of an animal through attack by a wild beast). +Compare Ex. xxii. 13: <q>If it (an animal delivered into the +care of another) be torn in pieces, then let him bring it for +witness, and he shall not make good that which was torn.</q> +Apparently there was no obligation to place the animal in a +safe place. Cf. Gen. xxxi. 39 (Jacob's reproof to Laban): +<q>That which was torn of beasts I brought not unto thee; I +bare the loss of it.</q> +</p> + +<p> +245 ff. These are to a certain extent illustrated by Ex. xxii. +14, 15, in which passage, if the owner of the injured animal was +not present, the borrower had to make good any loss. If, +however, the owner was there to protect it, there was no +penalty, as he could in all probability have prevented the +injury from being inflicted, and in any case might be supposed +to have control over the animal. +</p> + +<p> +250. The owner of a furious bull was protected from loss, +even though the result was fatal, if he did not know that the +animal was vicious. In Ex. xxi. 28, though the owner of the +offending ox was to go free, the animal itself was to be stoned +to death, and its flesh not eaten. There is no doubt that this +was hard on the owner, but it must have had an excellent +effect, and ensured the proper enclosing of all doubtful animals. +</p> + +<p> +251. Even when the master knew that his ox was vicious, the +Babylonians were more lenient than the Hebrews, who, in such +a case, besides the destruction of the ox, decreed the death of +the owner as a punishment for his negligence (Ex. xxi. 29). +As will be seen from verse 30, however, he might be spared by +paying such ransom as might be imposed upon him. +</p> + +<p> +252. One-third of a mana of silver is equivalent to 20 shekels, +so that the sum here indicated as compensation for the death +of a slave who has been gored by a bull differs from that +awarded in Ex. xxi. 32, by ten shekels—one-sixth of a mana +more. +</p> + +<p> +266. This is in part covered by 244 (destruction of cattle by +a lion), and is parallel with Ex. xxii. 10, 11, where, also, an +oath had to be sworn between the parties, and the herdsman in +whose care the cattle were, went free of all obligation. The +accident causing the loss, however, is not there described as <q>an +act of God.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='524'/><anchor id='Pg524'/> + +<p> +267. The wording of this law clearly indicates that it would +apply if the herdsman were in fault, and suggests that the same +condition must be read into Ex. xxii. 12, where, if the cattle +were stolen from him, he had to make the loss good. +</p> + +<p> +Besides the enactments in the Code of Moses, however, we find, +in the interesting and important monument translated above, +and in the legal documents of the period to which it belongs, +noteworthy parallels to other parts of the Old Testament. +Reference has already been made (pp. <ref target='Pg174'>174</ref>, <ref target='Pg175'>175</ref>, and <ref target='Pg185'>185</ref>, <ref target='Pg186'>186</ref>) to +the contracts of the period of Ḫammurabi's dynasty which +illustrate the matter of Sarah giving Hagar to Abraham because +she herself was childless (Gen. xvi. 1, 2). That this was the +custom in Babylonia is now confirmed by law 144, which also furnishes +the reason why it was the wife who chose her partner in +the husband's affections. It was because the first wife preferred +to choose herself the woman who was to replace her, and in +doing this, she chose one who would be her subordinate, not one +who might become a really serious rival. A parallel case is that +of Bilhah (Gen. xxx. 4). Hagar's despising her mistress (Gen. +xvi. 4) is illustrated by law No. 146, which allows the mistress to +reduce her to the position of a slave again, which was agreed to +by the patriarch, the result being that Hagar fled (v. 6). +</p> + +<p> +The determination to have the possession of the cave of +Machpelah placed upon a thoroughly legal footing (Gen. xxiii. 14-20) +may, perhaps, be illustrated by law No. 7, though there is not +much parallelism between the two instances, a field with a cave +and trees being a difficult thing to steal. There is hardly any +doubt, however, that the patriarch desired that no accusation +should be brought against him or his descendants for unlawfully +using it, as is suggested by the fact that when Ephron offered to +give it, he said that he did so <q>in the presence of the sons of my +people</q> only, but when the transaction was completed as +Abraham wished, it was done not only in the presence of the +children of Heth, but before all who went in at the gate of his +city (Gen. xxiii. 18), and naturally included strangers as well. +</p> + +<p> +Abraham's seeking a wife for his son (Gen. xxiv. 4) is in conformity +with laws 155, 156, and 166; gifts are given (Gen. xxiv. 53 +and laws No. 159, 160, etc.); seemingly the father-in-law retained +the presents given by his son-in-law, if he could get possession +of them (Gen. xxxi. 15 and laws 159-161), and these belonged to +the wife (wives) and the children (xxxi. 16 and laws 162, 167, +171, ff.). +</p> + +<p> +Whether the theft of her father's teraphim by Rachel (Gen. +xxxi. 19) could be construed as sacrilege or not is doubtful, +but this may well have been the penalty thought of by Jacob +when Laban accused some of his household of theft (Gen. xxxi. +<pb n='525'/><anchor id='Pg525'/> +32 and law No. 6), though theft, if there were no restitution, was +in Babylonian law always punishable with death. +</p> + +<p> +The punishment of death by burning, which Judah decreed for +his daughter-in-law Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 24), is parallel with that +meted out to a devotee opening or entering a wine-house +(probably a place of ill-repute), but the parallel ends there—there +is no law in the code of Ḫammurabi, as at present preserved, +decreeing death by burning for a widow who became a +harlot. +</p> + +<p> +Theft from a palace (law No. 6) is parallel with Gen. xliv. 9, +where the sons of Jacob admit the justice of a death-penalty if +Joseph's cup were found in the possession of any of them. +Whether the purchase of the Egyptians and their land for bread +by Joseph had any analogy in Western Asia or not, is uncertain, +though law No. 115, as well as those which precede it, refer to +something similar, but in these cases the servitude was terminable, +which does not appear from Gen. xlvii. 19 ff. Thereafter +the Egyptian ruler took from these farmer-thralls a fifth +part of the produce, which compares well with the half or third +exacted by the owner of a field in Babylonia from the hirer (law +46). Finally, the clauses of the laws of Ḫammurabi referring to +adoption (No. 185) might be quoted in illustration of the adoption +of Ephraim and Manasseh by their grandfather Jacob (Gen. +xlviii. 5), especially when read in connection with the inscriptions +translated on pp. <ref target='Pg176'>176</ref> and <ref target='Pg177'>177</ref>, where the sharing of the adopted +son <q>like a son</q> is expressly referred to. +</p> + +<p> +In the New Testament, Gal. iv. 30: <q>Cast out the bondwoman +and her son, for the son of the bondwoman shall not be +heir with the son of the freewoman,</q> finds illustration in law 171 +of Ḫammurabi's code, and the parable of the talents (Matt. +xxv. 14 ff.) reminds one of the agent sending forth commissioners +to get gain for him by trafficking, as in laws 100-102. 103-107 +do not bear directly upon this parallel, but are worth noting in +connection with it. +</p> + +<p> +It will be long ere all that can be said about this noteworthy +inscription finds expression. There is much needing comment, +and much to study therein, and the precise rendering of many a +word has still to be found out. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Babylon And The Bible.</head> + +<p> +A great deal has been written concerning the two lectures +which the renowned Assyriologist, Friedrich Delitzsch, delivered +some time ago before the German Emperor, under the title of +<hi rend='italic'>Babel und Bibel</hi>. These lectures have now been published, +<pb n='526'/><anchor id='Pg526'/> +and from their style and contents, one can easily judge how +great was the interest which they aroused. Those who were +privileged to hear them must have enjoyed a true archæological +feast, all the more exquisite in that the subject was that which +throws more light upon the Old Testament than any other +known. +</p> + +<p> +His lectures deal, for the most part, with the things which are +touched upon at greater length in this book—the early records +of Babylonia and Assyria, the history, the literature, the arts, +and the sciences of those countries, and of the great cities of +which they were so proud. Beginning with <q>the great mercantile +firm of Murašû and Sons in the time of Artaxerxes,</q> +about 450 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and the Hebrew names found therein, he +speaks of Ur of the Chaldees, Carchemish, Sargon of Agadé, +Ḫammurabi, the Bronze Gates of Shalmaneser II., Sargon of +Assyria, Sennacherib, Assurbanipal (Aššur-banî-âpli or Sardanapalus), +the Laws of Ḫammurabi (translated in full in this +volume), the processions of gods,<note place='foot'>Isaiah xlv. 20: <q>They have no knowledge that carry the wood of their +graven images.</q> R. V.</note> the blessing of Aaron,<note place='foot'>Num. vi. 26: <q>The Lord lift up his countenance upon thee,</q> equivalent +to <q>to raise the eyes</q> in Assyro-Babylonian.</note> the +advanced civilization of Babylonia 2250 years <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and many +other things. To touch upon all his points would be to repeat +much that has been treated of in this book, and that being the +case, all the most important of them are referred to in the +following pages under special headings:— +</p> + +<div> +<head>Canaan.</head> + +<p> +That he is right in calling Canaan at the time of the Exodus +<q>A domain of Babylonian culture</q> is indicated by the testimony +of the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, and is fully shown in the present +work, Chapters V.-VII. In the notes appended to the first +lecture he refers to the fact that there existed, in the neighbourhood +of Jerusalem, a town called Bît (or Beth) Ninip, after +the Babylonian god—<q>even though there may not have been in +Jerusalem itself a <foreign rend='italic'>bît Ninip</foreign>, a temple of the god Ninip.</q> +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The Sabbath.</head> + +<p> +In the present work, the Sabbath is referred to on pl. <ref target='Plate_II'>II.</ref>, +where photographs of two fragments (duplicates) explaining the +word are given. Prof. Delitzsch calls attention, in the notes to +his first lecture, to this text, together with the British Museum +syllabary 82-9-18, 4159, col. I., l. 24, where <foreign rend='italic'>ud</foreign> (weakened to <foreign rend='italic'>û</foreign>), +<pb n='527'/><anchor id='Pg527'/> +meaning <q>day,</q> is explained by <foreign rend='italic'>šabattum</foreign>, <q>Sabbath,</q> as <q><emph>the</emph> +day</q> <foreign rend='italic'>par excellence</foreign>, and from other passages he reasons that the +old rendering of the word as <q>day of rest,</q> <foreign rend='italic'>ûm nûḫ libbi</foreign>, <q>day +of rest of the heart</q>—cf. pl. <ref target='Plate_II'>II.</ref>—is the correct one. +</p> + +<p> +The following list of Sumerian and Babylonian days of the +month will serve to show exactly how the matter stands:— +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{2.3cm} p{2.3cm} p{2.3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(18) lw(18) lw(18)'"> +<row><cell>Sumerian.</cell><cell>Semitic Babylonian.</cell><cell>Translation.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U</cell><cell>ûmu</cell><cell>day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-maš-am</cell><cell>[mišil] ûmu</cell><cell>half a day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-gi-kam</cell><cell>[ûmu] kal</cell><cell>first day (Sum.), the whole +day (Sem.).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-mina-kam</cell><cell>ši-na [ûmu]</cell><cell>second day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-eši-kam</cell><cell>šela[štu ûmu]</cell><cell>third day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-lama-kam</cell><cell>irbit</cell><cell>fourth (day).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-ia-kam</cell><cell>ḫamil[tu]</cell><cell>fifth (day).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-âša-kam</cell><cell>šeš[šitu]</cell><cell>sixth (day).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-imina-kam</cell><cell>sib[itu]</cell><cell>seventh (day).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-ussa-kam</cell><cell>saman[atu]</cell><cell>eighth (day).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-ilima-kam</cell><cell>tilti do.</cell><cell>ninth day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-ḫu-kam</cell><cell>êširti do.</cell><cell>tenth day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-ḫuia-kam</cell><cell>šapatti</cell><cell>fifteenth day (Sum.), Sabbath +(Sem.).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-mana-gi-lal-kam</cell><cell>ibbû</cell><cell>twentieth day less 1 (Sum.), +the wrathful (Sem.).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-mana-kam</cell><cell>êšrû</cell><cell>twentieth day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-mana-ia-kam</cell><cell>ârḫu bat[tu]</cell><cell>twenty-fifth day (Sum.), festival +month (Sem.).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-eša-kam</cell><cell>šelašâ</cell><cell>thirtieth day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-na-am</cell><cell>bubbulum</cell><cell>rest-day (Sum.), (day of) +desire (Sem.).</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-ḫul-gala</cell><cell>u-ḫulgallum</cell><cell>evil day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-ḫul-gala</cell><cell>ûmu lim[nu]</cell><cell>evil day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-šu-tua</cell><cell>ûmu rimku</cell><cell>libation-day.</cell></row> +<row><cell>U-elene</cell><cell>ûmu têliltum</cell><cell>purification-day.</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +From the above it will be seen, that the <foreign rend='italic'>šapattum</foreign> or Sabbath +was the 15th day of the month, and that only. That it was a +day of rest, is shown by the etymology, the word being derived +from the Sumerian <foreign rend='italic'>ša-bat</foreign>, <q>heart-rest,</q> which probably has, +therefore, no connection with the Semitic root <foreign rend='italic'>šabātu</foreign>, which, as +far as at present known, is a synonym of <foreign rend='italic'>gamāru</foreign>, <q>to complete.</q> +It was the day of rest of the heart, but being the 15th, it was +also the day when the moon reached the full in the heart or +middle of the month, and its name may, therefore, contain a +<pb n='528'/><anchor id='Pg528'/> +play upon the two ideas which the word <foreign rend='italic'>libbu</foreign> contains. In +accordance with the general rule, the consonants of words +borrowed from the Sumerian were often sharpened when transferred +to Semitic Babylonian, hence the form <foreign rend='italic'>šapattum</foreign> instead +of <foreign rend='italic'>šabattum</foreign>, though the latter is also found. +</p> + +<p> +The nearest approach to the Sabbath, in the Jewish sense, +among the Babylonians, is the <foreign rend='italic'>û-ḫulgala</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>ûmu limnu</foreign>, <q>the +evil day,</q> which, as we know from the Hemerologies, was the +7th, 14th, 21st, 28th, and 19th day of each month, the last so +called because it was a week of weeks from the 1st day of the foregoing +month. It is this, therefore, which contains the germ of +the idea of the Jewish Sabbath, but it was not that Sabbath in +the true sense of the term, for if the months had 30 days, the +week following the 28th had 9 days instead of 7, and weeks of 8 +and 9 days therefore probably occurred twelve times each year. +The nature of this original of the Sabbath is shown by the +Hemerologies, which describe how it was to be kept in the +following words:— +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>(The Duties Of The 7th Day).</head> + +<p> +<q>The 7th day is a fast of Merodach and Zēr-panitum, a +fortunate day, an evil day. The shepherd of the great peoples +shall not eat flesh cooked by fire, salted (savoury) food, he shall +not change the dress of his body, he shall not put on white, he +shall not make an offering. The king shall not ride in his +chariot, he shall not talk as ruler; a seer shall not do a thing in +a secret place; a physician shall not lay his hand on a sick +man;<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>shall not bring his hand to the sick.</q></note> (the day) is unsuitable for making a wish. The king +shall set his oblation in the night before Merodach and Ištar, he +shall make an offering, (and) his prayer<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>the raising of his hands.</q></note> is acceptable with +god.</q> +</p> + +<p> +For the 14th, 21st, 28th, and 19th, the names of the deities +differ, and on the last-named the shepherd of the great peoples +is forbidden to eat <q>anything which the fire has touched.</q> +Otherwise the directions are the same, and though generally +described as a lucky or happy day, it was certainly an evil day +for work, or for doing the things referred to. It is to be noted, +however, that there is no direction that the day was to be +observed by the common people. +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='529'/><anchor id='Pg529'/> + +<div> +<head>Was The Flood A <q>Sin-Flood</q>?</head> + +<p> +That the Flood was a <q>sin-flood</q> (<q>dass die Sintflut eine +Sündflut<note place='foot'>This form is due to a false etymology, but it is used by Delitzsch as a +very convenient compound word.</note> war</q>) among the Babylonians as among the Hebrews +has already been stated (p. <ref target='Pg112'>112</ref>—cf. p. <ref target='Pg107'>107</ref>, I, II ff.), and with +this Prof. Delitzsch, answering the criticisms of Oettli, agrees. +Replying to König, he energetically repudiates the idea that +<q>the Babylonian hero saves his dead and living property, but +in both Biblical accounts there appears, instead of that, the +higher point of view of the preservation of the animal-world.</q> +He then cites Berosus, according to whom Xisuthros received +the command to take into the ark winged and four-footed +animals, and quotes the line translated on p. <ref target='Pg103'>103</ref>: <q>I caused to +go up into the midst of the ship ... the beasts of the field and +the animals of the field—all of them I sent up.</q> +</p> + +<div> +<head>The Dragon And The Serpent-Tempter.</head> + +<p> +Prof. Delitzsch's notes upon the Dragon of Chaos are exceedingly +interesting, as is also the picture which he gives, from a +little seal in the form of a long bead, of the god Merodach +<q>clothed in his majestic glory, with powerful arm, and broad +eye and ear, the symbols of his intelligence, and at the feet of +the god the captive Dragon of the primæval waters.</q> From +our point of view the deity does not look very majestic, but it is +an exceedingly interesting representation, the more especially +as he bears in his left hand (in the drawing) the circle and staff +of Šamaš, the sun, showing the correctness of the theory which +made Merodach likewise a sun-god. It is noteworthy, however, +that a similar object found by the German expedition to +Babylonia shows a figure of Hadad, the wind-god, as the +Babylonians conceived him, and accompanying him are a +winged dragon and another creature—indeed, each deity seems +to have had his own special attendant of this nature. Are we, +therefore, to understand that each deity overcame a dragon or +other animal? or may it not be, that Merodach had a kind of +dragon as his attendant, and the one depicted sitting by his +side, close to his feet, is the creature devoted to him, and not +the Dragon of Chaos at all? +</p> + +<p> +The Dragon of Chaos, Tiamtu or Tiawthu, appears in the +inscriptions as the representative of the Hebrew <foreign rend='italic'>tehôm</foreign>, which +<pb n='530'/><anchor id='Pg530'/> +is the same word without the feminine ending. It is also +regarded, however, as being represented in the Old Testament +by <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>liwyāthān</foreign> (leviathan), <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>tannîn</foreign>, and <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>rahab</foreign>, explained as <q>the +winding one,</q> <q>the dragon,</q> and <q>the monster</q> respectively. +As far as our knowledge at present goes, none of these names +occur in the Babylonian inscriptions, but there is sufficient +analogy between the Biblical passages which contain them and +the story of Tiamtu to establish an identity between the two +sources. +</p> + +<p> +In the passage <q>Awake, awake,</q> etc. (Is. li. 9), the cutting of +Rahab in pieces, and the piercing of the dragon, are made into +similes typifying the drying up of the Red Sea, so that the +Israelites might pass over, and on this account the words +standing for these creatures seem to have become an allegorical +way of referring to Egypt, caught, like Tiamtu, in a net (Ezek. +xxxii. 2, 3). In Job ix. 13 the <q>helpers of Rahab</q> are mentioned, +recalling the gods who aided Tiamtu, and in xxvi. 12 <q>he +smiteth through Rahab</q> is a reminiscence of the piercing of +the head of Merodach's opponent. +</p> + +<p> +In Job xli. 3 the words <q>Lay thine hand upon him; remember +<emph>the battle</emph>, and do so no more,</q> evidently refer to leviathan in v. +1, here typical of Tiamtu, the battle being that which Merodach +fought with her. <q>Shall not one be cast down even at the sight +of him?</q> in verse 9, recalls the dreadful appearance of Tiamtu +and her helpers, whose aspect filled the gods of the Babylonians +with fear. Still another parallel is to be found in the verse +<q>Their (the enemies') wine is the poison of dragons (<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>tanninim</foreign>),</q> +Deut. xxxii. 33, reminding us of the monsters created by Tiamtu, +whose bodies were filled with poison like blood. +</p> + +<p> +All these passages naturally prove that the legend was well +known to the Hebrews, and must also have been current among +their neighbours. Though they identified her with the sea +(<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>tehom</foreign>), they did not, to all appearance, use that word to indicate +the Dragon of Chaos, as did the Babylonians—she was a +serpent, a dragon, or a monster. Though she may be the type +of the serpent-tempter (the difference of sex makes a little +difficulty), the compiler of the first two chapters of Genesis +rigorously excluded her from the Hebrew Creation-story. The +story of leviathan, the dragon, or the monster, was a legend +current among the people, and used by the Hebrew sacred +writers as a useful simile, but it seems to have formed no part +of orthodox Hebrew religious belief. +</p> + +<p> +Prof. Delitzsch has boldly reproduced, on p. 36 of his <hi rend='italic'>Babel +und Bibel</hi> (German edition), what has been regarded in England +as the driving of the evil spirit from the temple built at Calah +by Aššur-naṣir-âpli (885 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), but he calls it <q>Fight with the +<pb n='531'/><anchor id='Pg531'/> +Dragon.</q> The evil spirit represented is certainly a kind of +dragon, but on the original slab in the British Museum the +creature is a male, and not a female, as in the Babylonian +Creation-story. Identification with the Dragon of Chaos is +therefore in the highest degree improbable, and as it would +seem from his answer to Jensen, Delitzsch does not regard it as +having anything to do with the Creation-story, but a representation +of <q>a fight between the power of light and the power of +darkness in general.</q> This seems exceedingly probable, as is +also his statement that in such a conception as that of Tiamtu, +it may easily be imagined that plenty of room for fancy existed. +</p> + +<p> +The serpent-tempter in Gen. iii. 1 is an ordinary serpent, +<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>naḫas</foreign>, the type of the evil one. He had no part in the creation, +and was to all appearance one of the beasts of the field created +by God. Tiamtu, his Babylonian parallel, on the other hand, +does not seem to have been in any sense a tempter—she simply +tried to overcome the gods of heaven, aided by her followers +and offspring, among whom were some of the divine beings +created by the gods. That in consequence of this, she may +have been regarded as having tempted those of her followers +who were the offspring of the gods of heaven, is not only +possible, but probable, and if provable, we should have here the +identification of the Dragon of Chaos with the serpent-tempter. +</p> + +<p> +And this leads him to the question as to whether the celebrated +cylinder-seal referred to on p. <ref target='Pg079'>79</ref> is really intended to be a +picture of the circumstance of the fall of man. Delitzsch points +out, that the clothed condition of the figures prevents him from +recognizing in the tree the tree <q>of knowledge of good and +evil</q>—perhaps there glimmers through the Biblical account in +Gen. ii. and iii. another and older form of the story, in which +only one tree, the tree of life, appeared. The words in ii. 9: +<q>and the tree of the knowledge of good and evil,</q> seem, as it +were, patched on, and the narrator completely forgets this +newly-introduced <q>tree of the knowledge of good and evil</q> to +the extent, that he even, by oversight, makes God allow man, in +contradiction to iii. 22, to eat of the Tree of Life (ii. 16). All +this seems very plausible, but may it not be, that man, before +eating of the tree of knowledge, was permitted to eat of the +tree of life, which was denied to him after the Fall? If this be +the case, there was probably no forgetfulness on the part of the +narrator, and the story hangs excellently together. And here it +is to be noted that both the tree of life, and the tree of the +knowledge of good and evil, were in the midst of the garden (ii. +9), that the woman seems to be aware of the existence of one +tree only (iii. 3), and there is no statement that the man knew +the nature of the fruit which his wife handed to him (6), though +<pb n='532'/><anchor id='Pg532'/> +it may be surmised that, with the prohibition with regard to one +of them in his mind, he ought to have inquired. The heaviest +punishment therefore falls upon the tempter, the woman coming +next, and the man having the lightest though even his is +sufficiently severe. +</p> + +<p> +In the design on the cylinder Delitzsch sees a male and a +female figure, with a serpent, and in this both Hommel and +Jensen agree. Delitzsch, moreover, says: <q>The distinguishing +of the one figure by horns, which was, in Babylonia, as in Israel, +equally the common symbol of strength and victoriousness, I +regard as a very delicate device of the artist to introduce into +the two clothed human figures the sex-distinction in an unmistakable +manner.</q> He is of opinion that nothing very decisive +can as yet be pronounced concerning the serpent, but one might +connect therewith the appearance of Tiamtu, who also, like +leviathan in Job iii. 8 and <q>the old serpent</q> in the Apocalypse, +may be assumed to have been still existing. (Compare p. <ref target='Pg032'>32</ref> of +the present work, lines 112 and 113.) +</p> + +<p> +He points out that in a list of rivers, etc., there is one called +<q>the river of the Serpent-god destroying<note place='foot'>The word may also be translated <q>inhabiting,</q> but this does not seem +to be so good.</note> the abode of life</q> +(<foreign rend='italic'>Id-Sir-tindir-duba</foreign>), which is also a confirmation of the theory +that the Babylonians possessed the legend of the serpent-tempter. +Noteworthy also is the following text, which he refers +to <q>by the way,</q> with a slight indication of the contents:— +</p> + +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>... sin, fixing the command.</q></l> +<l>... of the ordinance, the man of lamentation.</l> +<l>... the maid, has eaten the evil thing—</l> +<l>... Ama-namtagga has done what is evil</l> +<l>The fate of Ama-namtagga is hard<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>ill.</q></note>—</l> +<l>Her fate is hard, her face is troubled with a tear.</l> +<l>She has sat on a glorious throne,</l> +<l>She has lain on a glorious couch,</l> +<l>She has learned to love aright,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>She has learned to kiss.</q></l> +</lg> + +<p> +The mutilation of this inscription renders the true interpretation +doubtful, but it would seem to be exceedingly probable that +there is in it some reference to the fate of our first mother, +inherited by all her daughters to the end of time. +</p> + +<p> +Ama-namtagga means <q>The Mother of Sin,</q> and her having +eaten and done what is evil makes an interesting parallel with +the case of Eve.<note place='foot'>For parallels to the Babylonian legend of Tiamtu in the Talmud and +Midrash, see S. Daiches in the <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift für Assyriologie</hi>, xvii. (1903), +pp. 394-399.</note> +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='533'/><anchor id='Pg533'/> + +<div> +<head>The Cherubim.</head> + +<p> +Concerning the Cherubs something has been said in this +book, pp. 80-82, and to this Prof. Delitzsch adds a few more +instances. As others have done, he regards the cherubim of +the Babylonians and Assyrians as being the winged bulls, with +heads of men. As an angel he gives a picture of a winged +female figure holding a necklace<note place='foot'>Similar figures are shown on the slabs in the British Museum (Nimroud +Gallery) standing before the sacred tree.</note>; the demons he depicts are +from the slabs in the Assyrian Saloon of the British Museum, +where two of these beings are fighting with each other; and +devils he regards as being typified by a small but mutilated +statuette of a creature with an animal's head, long erect ears, +and open mouth with threatening teeth. For the existence of +guardian-angels he quotes the letter of Ablâ to the queen-mother: +<q>Bel and Nebo's messenger of grace (<foreign rend='italic'>âbil šipri ša +dunqi ša Bêl u Nabû</foreign>) will go with the king of the countries, my +lord.</q> Of especial interest, however, is his reference to the +inscription of Nabopolassar, in which that founder of the latest +of the Babylonian empires states that Merodach <q>called him to +rule over the land and the people, caused a guardian-god +(cherub) to go by his side, and caused all the work which he +undertook to succeed.</q> Besides the cherubs or guardian-angels, +the Babylonians believed in numerous evil gods and devils, +besides Tiamtu and the serpent-tempter of mankind. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Babylonian Monotheism.</head> + +<p> +The question of Babylonian monotheism, and of the antiquity +of the name Yahweh (Jehovah) attracted a considerable amount +of attention, and has been supplemented by Delitzsch very fully +in the notes to his first lecture. Upon this point something +was said in the present volume (pp. <ref target='Pg047'>47</ref> and <ref target='Pg058'>58-61</ref>), and the +author is practically at one with Prof. Delitzsch. As the +inscription translated on p. <ref target='Pg058'>58</ref> shows, the Babylonians were +monotheists, and yet they were not. They believed in all their +various gods, and at the same time identified those gods with +Merodach. Just as, in the beliefs of India, each soul may be +regarded as emanating from, and returning to, the Creator, and +forming one with Him at the final death of the body, so the +gods of the Babylonians were apparently regarded as parts of, +and emanations from, Merodach, the chief of the gods, who, +<pb n='534'/><anchor id='Pg534'/> +when they conferred upon him their names, conferred upon him +in like manner their being. It is in this way alone that Merodach, +the last-born of the great gods, can be regarded as the father +and begetter of the gods (see pp. <ref target='Pg045'>45</ref>, <ref target='Pg046'>46</ref>). +</p> + +<p> +Prof. Delitzsch has therefore done a service in bringing more +prominently to the notice of students and scholars the text of +which the obverse is printed on p. <ref target='Pg058'>58</ref>, and mentioning the paper +where it first appeared.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Religious Ideas of the Babylonians</hi>, in the Journal of the Transactions +of the Victoria Institute, 1895.</note> The study of the religion of the +Babylonians and Assyrians has been greatly furthered thereby. +</p> + +<p> +With regard to the question, whether besides this tablet, +there be other indications that the Babylonians—or a section of +them—believed in one god, Delitzsch quotes, as did also the +present author, many names supporting this idea. Thus he +gives the following:— +</p> + +<lg> +<l>Ilu-ittîa, <q>God is with me.</q></l> +<l>Ilu-amtaḫar, <q>I called upon God.</q></l> +<l>Ilu-âbi, <q>God is my father.</q><note place='foot'>P. 181.</note></l> +<l>Ilu-milki, <q>God is my counsel.</q></l> +<l>Yarbi-îlu, <q>God is great.</q></l> +<l>Yamlik-îlu, <q>God rules.</q></l> +<l>Ibšî-ina-ili, <q>He existed through God.</q><note place='foot'>P. 183, where the reading is Ibsina-ili.</note></l> +<l>Awel-ili, <q>Man of God.</q><note place='foot'>P. 184.</note></l> +<l>Mut(um)-ili, <q>Man of God.</q></l> +<l>Ilûma-le'i, <q>God is mighty.</q></l> +<l>Ilûma-âbi, <q>God is my father.</q></l> +<l>Ilûma-ilu, <q>God is God.</q></l> +<l>Šumma-îlu-lâ-îlîa, <q>If God were not my god?</q></l> +</lg> + +<p> +And if more be wanted, to these may be added Ya'kub-îlu, +Yasup-îlu, Abdi-îlu, Ya'zar-îlu, and Yantin-îlu, on p. 157; Ili-bandi, +<q>God is my creator,</q> p. 166; Sar-îli, <q>Prince of God,</q> +p. 170; Uštašni-îli, <q>My God has made to increase twofold,</q> p. +178; Nûr-ili, <q>Light of God,</q> p. 184; Arad-îli-rêmeanni, <q>The +servant of God, (who) had mercy on me,</q> p. 187; Yabnik-îlu, +<q>God has been gracious (?),</q> p. 243; and many others. Remarks +upon some of these names will be found on pp. 244, 245. Similar +names occurring during the time of the later Babylonian empire +will be found on pp. 434, 463 (Aqabi-îlu), 435, 436 (Adi'-ilu and +Yadi'îlu), 458 (Baruḫi-ilu, probably a Jew, and Idiḫi-îlu). It +will therefore be seen that names of a monotheistic nature were +common in Babylonia at all periods, but as they are greatly outnumbered +by the polytheistic ones,<note place='foot'>For a list of these, see <q>Observations sur la Religion des Babyloniens +2000 ans avant Jésus-Christ,</q> by Th. G. Pinches, in the <hi rend='italic'>Revue de l'Histoire +des Religions</hi>, 1901.</note> their exact value as testimony +to monotheism, or to a tendency to it, is doubtful. In certain +cases, the deity intended by the word <foreign rend='italic'>îlu</foreign> is the family god, but +<pb n='535'/><anchor id='Pg535'/> +in the above examples, names implying this have been as far as +possible avoided. +</p> + +<p> +<q>Of what kind and of what value this monothesis was, our +present sources of knowledge do not allow us to state, but we +can best conclude from the later development of Jahvism.</q> +(Delitzsch.) +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Jahweh (Jehovah).</head> + +<p> +Most important of all, however, from the point of view of the +history of the religion of the Jews, is what Delitzsch states +concerning the name Jahweh (Jehovah). On p. 46 of his first +lecture (German edition) he gives half-tone reproductions of +three tablets preserved in the British Museum, which, according +to him, contain three forms of the personal name meaning +<q>Jahwe is God</q>—<foreign rend='italic'>Ya'we-îlu</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Yawe-îlu</foreign>, and <foreign rend='italic'>Yaum-îlu</foreign>. The +last of these names we may dismiss at once, the form being +clearly not that of Yahweh, but of Yah, the Jah of Ps. civ. 35 +and several other passages. The other two, however, are not +so lightly dealt with, notwithstanding the objections of other +Assyriologists and Orientalists. It is true that Ya'pi-îlu and +Yapi-îlu are possible readings, but Delitzsch's objections to +them are soundly based, and can hardly be set aside. The +principal argument against the identification of Ya'we or Yawe +with Yahwah is, that we should have here, about 2000 years +before Christ, a form of the word which is really later than that +used by the Jewish captives at Babylon 500 years before Christ, +when it was to all appearance pronounced Ya(')awa or Yâwa +(see pp. 458, 465, 470, 471). If, however, we may read the name +Ya'wa (Ya'awa) or Yâwa, as is possible, then there is nothing +against the identification proposed by Delitzsch. That [Cuneiform] was +used with the value of <foreign rend='italic'>wa</foreign> is proved by such words as <foreign rend='italic'>warka</foreign>, +<q>after,</q> where the reading <foreign rend='italic'>wearka</foreign> seems to be impossible, and +the necessary distinction between <foreign rend='italic'>ma</foreign> and <foreign rend='italic'>wa</foreign> (the former was +written with a different character) would be maintained. It is +worthy of note that Ya'wa must have been more of a name than +Yau, which was a primitive Babylonian word for <q>God,</q> it is +doubtful whether it could always be written without the divine +prefix. As, however, the divine name Ae or Ea, with others, is +often written so unprovided, such an objection as this could not +be held to invalidate Delitzsch's contention. +</p> + +<p> +The probability therefore is, that Delitzsch is right in transcribing +<pb n='536'/><anchor id='Pg536'/> +the name as he has done, if we may change the final <emph>e</emph> +to <emph>a</emph>, and he is also probably right in his identification. Nevertheless, +we require more information from the records of ancient +Babylonia before we can say, with certainty, that the first +component of the name Ya'wa-îlu is the Yahweh of the Hebrews, +though we are bound to admit that the identification is in the +highest degree probable. Delitzsch speaks of the possibility of +<foreign rend='italic'>ya've</foreign> being a verbal form (it would be parallel to names like +Yabnik-îlu), only to reject it, as a name meaning <q>God exists</q> +(Hommel and Zimmern) is certainly not what one would expect +to find. On the other hand, Zimmern admits the possibility +that Yaum may be the name of a god, and possibly the name +Yahu, Yahve may be present in it. As he is against Delitzsch +on the whole, this is an important admission. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>Additional Notes To Ḫammurabi's Laws.</head> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg492'>492</ref>, §. 8. The <q>poor man</q> who is mentioned here and in several +other places, is referred to under a Sumerian term translated by the Semitic +<foreign rend='italic'>muškinu</foreign>, Arabic <foreign rend='italic'>miskīn</foreign>, from which the French <foreign rend='italic'>mesquin</foreign> is derived +(through the Spanish <foreign rend='italic'>mezquino</foreign>). With the Babylonians, however, the +<q>poor man,</q> as expressed by this term, was only one who was comparatively +wanting in this world's goods. That he was able to pay a fine, +presupposes that he was the possessor of property, and this is confirmed by +a bilingual explanatory list, which reads as follows: +</p> + +<table rend="latexcolumns: 'p{2.3cm} p{2.3cm} p{2.3cm}'; tblcolumns: 'lw(18) lw(18) lw(18)'"> +<row><cell>Giš šar</cell><cell>kirû</cell><cell>Plantation.</cell></row> +<row><cell>giš šar êgal</cell><cell>kirû êkalli</cell><cell>plantation of the palace.</cell></row> +<row><cell>giš šar lugal</cell><cell>kirû šarri</cell><cell>plantation of the king.</cell></row> +<row><cell>giš šar mašdu</cell><cell>kirû muškini</cell><cell>plantation of a poor man.</cell></row> +</table> + +<p> +<foreign rend='italic'>Muškinu</foreign> is rendered by Winckler <q>freedman.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg493'>493</ref>, § 26 ff. It is difficult to find a satisfactory rendering for the words +translated <q>army-leader</q> and <q>soldier.</q> Winckler translates <q>soldier</q> +and <q>slinger.</q> Perhaps the latter should be rendered <q>scout.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg495'>495</ref>, §§ 43 and 44. The word translated <q>shall enclose (it)</q> is in +accordance with the meaning given for the root <foreign rend='italic'>šakāku</foreign> in Delitzsch's +<hi rend='italic'>Handwörterbuch</hi>. If, however, the rendering <q>plough</q> in § 260 (p. <ref target='Pg513'>513</ref>), +first proposed by Scheil, be correct, then in all probability the translation in +the two sections should be <q>shall plough (it).</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg498'>498</ref>, l. 12. Literally, <q>the man the tenancy, the silver of his rent +complete for a year, to the lord of the house has given.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg499'>499</ref>, § 108. The <q>large stone</q> was seemingly large only by comparison +with the <q>small stone</q> which weighed 1/3 of a shekel. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg500'>500</ref>, § 116, etc. <q>The son of a man</q> Winckler translates as <q>a free-born +person.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg501'>501</ref>, § 126. Or <q>As (in the case of) his property (which) has not been +lost, he shall state his deficiency before God.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg510'>510</ref>, §§ 215, 218, 220. Instead of <q>cataract</q> Winckler translates +<q>tumour,</q> but thinks <q>lachrymal fistula</q> still better, though <q>cataract</q> +is possible. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg513'>513</ref>, § 257. Here, as in other places, the character for field-labourer is +the archaic form of [Cuneiform] <foreign rend='italic'>ikkaru</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>îrrišu</foreign>. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='537'/><anchor id='Pg537'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Appendix To The Third Edition.</head> + +<div> +<head>The Hittites.</head> + +<p> +In consequence of the very important discoveries of the +German explorers at Boghaz-Köi, the site of the ancient Hittite +capital Ḫattu,<note place='foot'>See Hugo Winckler, <hi rend='italic'>Die im Sommer 1906 in Kleinasien ausgeführten +Ausgrabungen</hi>, Orientalische Literatur-Zeitung, Dec. 15, 1906; <hi rend='italic'>Vorläufige +Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-Köi im Sommer 1907</hi>, +Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, Dec. 1907 (No. 35).</note> much light will be thrown on the ancient history, +religion, manners, and customs of that portion of Western Asia, +and Syria as well, together with the relations of the empire of +the Hittites with Egypt. As far as can at present be judged, the +language of the Hittites was Aryan, and the similar terminations +in such Kassite<note place='foot'>See pp. <ref target='Pg297'>297</ref>, <ref target='Pg298'>298</ref>, where Cassites (<foreign rend='italic'>Kâsi</foreign>) are referred to. The Kassites +east of Babylonia were the Cosssæans of the Greeks. (Cf. pp. <ref target='Pg122'>122</ref>, <ref target='Pg140'>140</ref>, <ref target='Pg170'>170</ref>.)</note> words as are known point to its being of the +same family, and the same may, perhaps, be said of Mitannian.<note place='foot'>See pp. <ref target='Pg275'>275</ref> ff.</note> +The excavations at Boghaz-Köi began where fragments of +tablets had already been found, namely, on the slope of the hill +at Böyük-kale, the documents becoming more complete as the +explorers went higher. Another mass of records was found at +the foot of the hill, by the ruins of the temple. It was in the +upper find that the Babylonian version of the treaty between +Rameses II. and the Hittite king Ḫattušil was found. The +founder of the dynasty was Šubbiluliuma, the name read +<foreign rend='italic'>Sapalulu</foreign> in the Egyptian version of the treaty. He was +evidently a warrior-king, whose overlordship the state of +Mitanni acknowledged, and seems to have been succeeded by +his son Arandaš. The next ruler was Muršil, the <foreign rend='italic'>Maurasar</foreign> of +Egyptologists, who appears to have been a great conqueror. +Muršil's successor was his brother Mutallu (<foreign rend='italic'>Mautenel</foreign>), who, +however, was apparently killed in a revolt, whereupon the +renowned Ḫattušil (the <foreign rend='italic'>Khetasir</foreign> of Egyptologists) mounted the +throne. His queen was Pudu-ḫipa, and they had a son Dudḫalia, +whose name recalls the Tidal (Tid'al) of the 14th chapter of +Genesis, and the Tudḫula (or Tudḫul) of the tablets which +apparently refer to Chedorlaomer and his allies.<note place='foot'>See pp. <ref target='Pg222'>222</ref> ff.</note> In the Babylonian +version of the treaty of Ḫattušil with Rameses II., we +learn that the titles of the Egyptian king were <foreign rend='italic'>Wašmua-ria +šatepuaria Ria-mašeša mâi Amana mâr Mim-mua-Ria binbin +Min-paḫirita-Ria</foreign>, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> User-maat-ra Ra-messu Mery Amen, son +of Men-maat-ra (Seti I.), grandson of Men-peḫti-ra (Rameses I.).<note place='foot'>It will be noticed that the Hittite-Babylonian transcription is of considerable +value for the pronunciation of Egyptian.</note> +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='538'/><anchor id='Pg538'/> + +<div> +<head>The Ḫabiri.</head> + +<p> +Dr. Hugo Winckler, the explorer of Boghaz-Köi, who has +published many interesting details of the result of his researches, +states that parallel passages prove the identity of the +Sa-gas (<hi rend='italic'>see</hi> pp. <ref target='Pg291'>291</ref>, <ref target='Pg292'>292</ref>) of the Tel-al-Amarna tablets with the +Ḫabiri, and that not only the Sa-gas people, but also the Sa-gas +gods are referred to. For these latter, he says, compare the +image of the <q>valley of the <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>'oberim</foreign></q> (translated <q>them that +pass</q>) in Ezekiel (xxxix. 11), in which further justification of the +comparison of <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabiri</foreign> and <foreign rend='italic'>'eber</foreign> (Eber, regarded as the ancestor +of the <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>'Ibrim</foreign> or Hebrews) results. One would like to have +further details of the learned explorer's opinions upon this point. +To all appearance the connection of <foreign rend='italic'>'oberim</foreign> with <foreign rend='italic'>'eber</foreign> would +involve a change in the vocalization. For the author, the +difficulty of connecting <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabiri</foreign> with <foreign rend='italic'>'Ibrim</foreign> (Hebrews) still continues +to exist. The connection of <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabiri</foreign> with <foreign rend='italic'>'Ibri</foreign> (Hebrew) +requires that the <foreign rend='italic'>ain</foreign> should have been pronounced as <foreign rend='italic'>ghain</foreign>, and +the Septuagint generally gives <foreign rend='italic'>gh</foreign> when it was so pronounced.<note place='foot'>See p. <ref target='Pg232'>232</ref>.</note> +In <foreign rend='italic'>'Ibrim</foreign>, however, this is not the case, and Prof. Swete has only +the soft breathing in his edition. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>A Letter Apparently From Prince Belshazzar +(<hi rend='italic'>see</hi> pp. <ref target='Pg446'>446-451</ref>).</head> + +<p> +This is evidently one of the documents obtained by Mr. +Hormuzd Rassam at Sippar (Abu-habbah), as the reference to +Bunene, one of the deities of the city, shows. Unfortunately, it is +very defective, there being only eight lines (five of them incomplete) +on the obverse, and the remains of the last three lines of +the communication on the reverse. What makes it probable +that the Belshazzar who sent the letter is the son of Nabonidus, +and the hero of the fall of Babylon, is, that no honorific expressions +are used with reference to the person to whom it is +addressed—he does not call Mušêzib-Marduk his lord, or father, +or brother, as was the custom in private correspondence. As +far as it is preserved, the following is a rendering of this document, +which is of interest mainly on account of the personality +of its assumed writer— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Letter of Bêl-šarra-uṣur to Mušêzib-Marduk. May the gods +grant thee prosperity. Behold, I have sent Bêl-šunu and ... +the (two) <foreign rend='italic'>mašmašē</foreign>, to.... Send the requirements for the +robes (?) of the deity Bunene....</q> +</p> + +<p> +(Several lines are wanting here.) +</p> + +<pb n='539'/><anchor id='Pg539'/> + +<p> +<q rend='post'>... I have caused ... to be ... the threshold ... +may all....</q> +</p> + +<p> +The documents referring to Belshazzar's residence at Sippar, +are mentioned on pp. <ref target='Pg414'>414</ref>, <ref target='Pg449'>449</ref>, <ref target='Pg450'>450</ref>. +</p> + +</div> + +<div> +<head>The Aramaic Papyri From Elephantine.</head> + +<p> +These noteworthy documents, which have attracted considerable +attention, were found in the ruins of the city which lie at +the southern point of the island. Almost all the brick-built +private houses of Elephantine are in a ruinous state, partly due +to the ravages of time, but principally to the Fellahin, who have +for many years dug there for garden-mould. To the south of +the place where Mr. Mond's Aramaic papyri<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Aramaic Papyri discovered at Assuan</hi>, edited by A. H. Sayce and +A. E. Cowley. London, 1906.</note> are said to have +been found, Greek papyri were discovered, but proceeding +north of that point, the German explorers soon came upon the +Aramaic fragments. Those first found are said to have been +in earthen vessels, but the most important of them (the texts +translated below) were buried, without any protective covering, +close to the eastern and southern walls of the room in which +they lay. To all appearance these last had escaped the notice +of the earlier excavators, who had thrown them away with the +rubbish cast aside as containing nothing more worth carrying off. +</p> + +<p> +The text of the most perfect of them reads as follows— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>To our lord Bagohi, governor of Judea, thy servants Yedoniah +and his companions, the priests in the fortress of Yeb, salutation! +May our Lord, the God of heaven, grant (thee) prosperity +at all times, and set thee in favour before Darius the king, and +the sons of the (royal) house a thousandfold more than now, and +may He give thee long life. Be at all times joyful and firm. Now +speak thy servants Yedoniah and his companions as follows—</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>In the month Tammuz in the 14th year of Darius the king, +when Arsâm (Asames) had marched forth and gone to the king, +the priests of the god Khnub, who are in Yeb, the fortress, [made] +with Waidrang, who is the governor here, a secret union of the +following nature—</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'><q>The temple of Yahû, the god who is in Yeb, the fortress, +shall be removed<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>they shall remove.</q></note> from that place.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Thereupon that Waidrang, the <foreign rend='italic'>laḫya</foreign>,<note place='foot'>Sachau suggests that this may be gentilic, and mean <q>the Lachite.</q></note> sent letters to +Nephayan, his son, who was commander-in-chief in Syene, the +fortress, saying—</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'><q>The temple which is in Yeb, the fortress, they shall destroy.</q></q> +</p> + +<pb n='540'/><anchor id='Pg540'/> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Thereupon Nephayan brought in Egyptians, together with +other warriors; they came to the fortress of Yeb together with +their <foreign rend='italic'>tali</foreign>,<note place='foot'>Possibly <q>companions</q> (Sachau).</note> penetrated into that temple, destroyed it down to the +ground. And they shattered the stone columns which were +there. It also happened, (that) they shattered the seven stone +doors,<note place='foot'>Variant: <q>the 7 great doors.</q></note> built out of a hewn block of stone, which were in that +temple, and their heads, they ...<note place='foot'><foreign rend='italic'>QYMu</foreign>, a word of doubtful meaning.</note> and their hinges which +were in the marble, those were of brass,<note place='foot'>Or <q>bronze.</q></note> and the roofing, consisting +wholly of cedar beams, together with the plaster pavement +(?) of the forecourt (?) and other (things) which were +there—all this have they burned with fire. And the sacrificial +dishes of gold and silver, and the things which were in that +temple, all have they taken and have used as their own. And +since the days of the kings of Egypt have our fathers built that +temple in Yeb, the fortress. And when Cambyses came up to +Egypt, he found that temple (already) built, but they pulled all +the temples of the gods of Egypt down. In that temple, on the +contrary, no one had destroyed anything.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>And after they had done this, we, with our wives and +children, wore mourning-garments, fasted, and prayed to Yahû, +the lord of heaven, who had given us warning concerning that +Waidrang, the <foreign rend='italic'>kalbya</foreign>.<note place='foot'>Sachau suggests that this may be the name of Waidrang's tribe—that +of Caleb, or the like.</note> They have taken the chains<note place='foot'>Possibly signs of dignity or wealth, made of some precious metal.</note> away +from his feet, and all the treasures, which he had acquired, have +gone to ruin. And all the men who wished evil to that temple, +have all been killed, and we have been witnesses thereof.</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Also before this, at the time when this evil was committed +upon us, did we send a letter to our lord, and to Yehoḥanan, +the high-priest, and his companions, the priests who were in +Jerusalem, and to Ostan (Ostanes), his brother, that is, 'Anani,<note place='foot'>In the original <foreign rend='italic'>Ostan âḫûhi zi 'Anani</foreign>, a construction which reminds +us of the Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>âbli-šu ša</foreign>, <q>son of.</q> May we, therefore, read +<q>Ostanes, brother of 'Anani?</q></note> +and the free ones (princes) of the Jews. They have not sent us +one letter (in reply).</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Also since the days of Tammuz of the 14th year of Darius +the king, and until this day, we wear mourning-garments and +fast, our wives have been made as a widow, we have not +anointed (ourselves with) oil nor drunk wine. Also since then +and until (this) day of the 17th year of Darius the king they +have not made food-offerings, incense-offerings, and burnt-offerings +in that temple.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='541'/><anchor id='Pg541'/> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Moreover, thy servants, Yedoniah and his companions, and +the Jews, all citizens of Yeb, speak as follows—</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'><q rend='pre'>If it be good to our lord, mayest thou consider upon that +temple, for its rebuilding, as they do not allow us to rebuild it. +Look to the receivers of thy benefits and favours, who are here +in Egypt. Let a letter be sent from thee to them with regard +to the temple of the god Yahû, to rebuild it in Yeb, the fortress, +even as it was heretofore built. And they shall offer food-offerings +and incense-offerings and burnt-offerings upon the +altar of the god Yahû in thy name. And we will pray for thee at +every time—we and our wives and our children and all the +Jews who are here, if they<note place='foot'>That is, the receivers of Bagohi's benefits.</note> have then worked until that temple +is rebuilt.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'><q>And a share shall be thine before Yahû the god of heaven +from the man who offers to him a burnt-offering and a sacrifice, +a value equal to the worth of a silver (shekel) for (every) 1000 +talents.<note place='foot'>As such a reward would be much too small, Sachau suggests that the +<foreign rend='italic'>kinkar</foreign> (? talent) was much below the value of an ordinary talent.</note> And with regard to the gold, concerning that we have +sent and given instruction. We have also sent everything in a +letter in our name to Delaiah and Shelemiah, sons of Sanaballat, +governor of Samaria. Also Arsames had no knowledge of all +that which has been done unto us.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +<q>On the 20th of Marcheswan in the year 17 of Darius the king.</q> +</p> + +<p> +A fragment of a duplicate gives some instructive variants +of this exceedingly interesting document, from which it would +appear that gold and treasure was given to Waidrang to induce +him to act against the temple of Yahû at Yeb. +</p> + +<p> +To this plea on the part of Yedoniah and the Jewish +congregation at Yeb a favourable answer was given, as the +following document shows— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>Memorandum of what Bagohi and Delaiah said to me—Memorandum +as follows—</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q><q>Thou shalt speak in Egypt before Arsames concerning the +temple of the sacrificial altar of the God of Heaven which +is in Yeb, the fortress, before our time, before Cambyses, which +Waidrang, that <foreign rend='italic'>lahia</foreign>,<note place='foot'>See page <ref target='Pg539'>539</ref>.</note> destroyed in the 14th year of Darius the +king, to rebuild it in its place, as it was formerly. And they +shall offer food-offerings and incense upon that altar, even as +was wont to be done formerly.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +Nothing could be more satisfactory than this little episode of +the Jewish colony at Yeb—it needs but the discovery of the +record of the rebuilding and the inauguration of the temple to +round it off. +</p> + +<pb n='542'/><anchor id='Pg542'/> + +<p> +Bagohi governor of Judea is the Bagoas or Bagoses of +Josephus, <hi rend='italic'>Antiquities of the Jews</hi>, xi. 7. The high-priest +Johannes or John (the Yoḫanan mentioned on p. <ref target='Pg539'>539</ref>) had slain +his brother Jesus in the temple, because the latter, supported +by Bagoas, sought to dispute with him the High-priesthood. +Notwithstanding the protests of the Jews, Bagoas penetrated into +the temple, and imposed upon it a fine of 50 drachmas for every +lamb sacrificed therein. It will thus be seen, that in offering to +him a percentage of the sacrifices in return for his support in +rebuilding the temple at Yeb, Yedoniah and his companions +were acting in accordance with what was known to be his +character. The reference to Yohanan's refraining from helping +them, it is reasonable to suppose, also occurred to them as +likely to further their desires. +</p> + +<p> +Yedoniah, the chief of the Jewish colony at Yeb and the +writer of the longer document, is probably likewise named in the +Oxford papyri—he was either Yedoniah ben Hosea or Yedoniah +ben Meshullam, but could not have been identified with a +third of the name, Yedoniah ben Nathan, as this last is stated +to have been an Aramean of Syene. We have to await further +light upon his identity. +</p> + +<p> +Arsames, who is mentioned in the second paragraph (p. <ref target='Pg537'>537</ref>), +is probably, as Sachau points out, the Arsanes of Ktesias, who +was governor of Egypt when Darius II. mounted the throne. +He left Egypt and went to the court of Darius, and the priests +of Chnum<note place='foot'>Chnub, the Greek <foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Chnubis</foreign>, <foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Knuphis</foreign>, or <foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Kneph</foreign>.</note> in Elephantine profited by his absence to destroy +the Jewish temple there. In this they were supported by +Waidrang, who, in the absence of Arsames, seems to have +exercised the office of governor. To all appearance he had +been commander-in-chief of the army in Egypt, a post held, at +the time this document was written, by Nephyan his son. +There is some doubt as to the reading and vocalization of the +name Waidrang, and consequently, also, as to its true form, but +it is regarded as certainly Persian. It is thought that its +Persian prototype may have been <foreign rend='italic'>Vayu-darengha</foreign>,<note place='foot'>If this be the case, <foreign rend='italic'>Waidareng</foreign> is also a possible reading.</note> <q>companion +of the wind-god,</q> whilst his son's name, in Persian, is possibly +<foreign rend='italic'>Napâo-yâna</foreign>, <q>favour of the god Napâo.</q> Should these identifications +be found correct, they will have, as Sachau remarks, +considerable value in ascertaining the principle upon which +names in Persian were given. +</p> + +<p> +To all appearance Arsames returned to Egypt, and a reaction +followed which ended in the disgrace of Waidrang and his +followers, who were deprived of the spoils which they had +stolen from the temple at Yeb, and the Jews also became, in +<pb n='543'/><anchor id='Pg543'/> +the end, witnesses of the death of all their persecutors. It seems +probable that the central government was greatly displeased at +the action of Waidrang and the priests of Chnub, for the Persians +seem always to have been well-disposed towards the Jews—moreover, +cupidity, and not the good of the state, was at the +bottom of Waidrang's action. The destruction wrought, however, +was not immediately made good, hence this document, +which throws such a vivid light upon the state of Egypt and the +Jews in those days. It is but just to the Persians of that period +to say, that notwithstanding their seemingly Persian names, +Waidrang and his son were apparently not Persians, but possibly +Semites, as the (probably gentilic) adjectives applied to the +former seem to show. +</p> + +<p> +The date of this document is regarded as not admitting of +any doubt, as may be gathered by the references to the regnal +years of Darius in conjunction with the names of historical +personages—Bagohi (Bagoas or Bagoses of Josephus), governor +of Judea, Yehoḥanan or John, the high-priest at Jerusalem, and +the two sons of Sanaballaṭ,<note place='foot'>Sanballat in Nehemiah. The transcription here used is that of the +Septuagint, but the vocalization is in both cases incorrect—it should be +Sin-uballiṭ. This name, which is Babylonian, means <q>the moon-god has +given life.</q> He is called a Horonite in Neh. ii. 10, 19.</note> the governor of Samaria in the time +of Artaxerxes I. (Longimanus). The ruler of the Persian empire +when these documents were written, must therefore have been +Darius II. (Nothus), who reigned for 19 years, namely, 424-405 +<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> The 14th year of Darius II.—the date of the destruction +of the temple at Yeb—was 410 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and his 17th year—the +date when the appeal was sent to Bagohi—corresponds with +407 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> This fixes, among others, the date of Yehoḥanan, and +Sachau points out as noteworthy that one of his brothers, named +Manasseh, was son-in-law of the governor of Samaria, Sanaballaṭ, +as related in Nehemiah xiii. 28. Another brother of the +high-priest was the one whom he killed in the temple (Jesus). +In this record, however, a third brother, Ostan or Ostanes, +appears. To all appearance this last bore also another name, +to wit, 'Ahani, which would be his true Hebrew appellation. If, +however, the Babylonian construction has been followed here, +this Ostan or Ostanes would be brother of 'Ahani, a personage +of importance in Jerusalem, but not otherwise known. Adopting +the rendering given in the translation, however, it is noteworthy +that two brothers named Yehoḥanan and 'Ahani are mentioned +in 1 Chronicles iii. 24. These, however, were descendants of +David, whereas the brothers mentioned in the papyrus must +have been descendants of Aaron. +</p> + +<p> +A high Persian official named <foreign rend='italic'>Uštanu or Uštannu (Ostanu</foreign> +<pb n='544'/><anchor id='Pg544'/> +or <foreign rend='italic'>Ostan</foreign>) occurs on two Babylonian tablets in the British +Museum, and also on one in the possession of Lord Amherst of +Hackney. He bears the title <q>governor of Babylon and across +the river,</q> possibly meaning all the tract west of the Euphrates. +This man, however, can hardly at the same time have been +governor of Egypt, and the texts in which he is mentioned +seem, moreover, to belong to the time of Darius Hystaspis, in +which case he lived at a much too early date. +</p> + +<p> +The Egyptians called the island of Elephantine Yeb, and its +capital bore the same name as the island. It is transcribed Ab +by those who follow the old system of reading Egyptian, so that +the present documents seem to support the philological views of +the Berlin school. A common ideograph for the name of the +island is an elephant with an upturned trunk, showing that Yeb +really means <q>elephant-island,</q> and that Elephantine is simply +the Greek translation of the native name. The temple of +Khnum (Khnumba, Khnub), whose priests are referred to in the +papyri, was destroyed by Moḥammed Ali in 1822. +</p> + +<p> +The Hebrew divine name is written Yahu, which is apparently +the longer form of the biblical Jah, seen in such names as +Hezekiah (Assyrian <foreign rend='italic'>Ḫazaqi-yau</foreign>), Gemariah or Gemariahu (Jer. +xxix. 3; xxxvi. 10, etc.). As is shown on p. <ref target='Pg471'>471</ref>, this termination +was pronounced <foreign rend='italic'>iāwa</foreign> by the Babylonian Jews, which raises +the question whether the Yahu of these papyri may not have +been pronounced <foreign rend='italic'>Yāwa</foreign> also. +</p> + +<p> +Dr. L. Belleli, of the Philological Section of the <hi rend='italic'>Instituto di +Studi Superiori</hi> in Florence, doubts the genuineness of the +papyri found at Elephantine on account of chronological +difficulties. In the case of the documents here translated, +however, no such difficulties can be said to exist, and the forger +of such things would have to be not only a splendid Aramaic +scholar acquainted with the Berlin scheme of transcribing +Egyptian, but also a historian and the possessor of an exceedingly +lively imagination. +</p> + +<p> +The above description is based upon Eduard Sachau's noteworthy +monograph, <hi rend='italic'>Drei aramäische Papyrusurkunden aus +Elephantine</hi>, Berlin, Königliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, +1907. The documents in question were discovered by Dr. Otto +Rubensohn, and the collection included some papyri still in roll-form, +and various fragments. The principal document translated +above belonged to the former category, and was successfully +unrolled by Herr Ibscher, the keeper of the Royal Museum. +The reproduction shows it as a large sheet of papyrus, folded in +two, and certain damaged portions, on the left, imply that it was +rolled upon itself about six times. +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<pb n='545'/><anchor id='Pg545'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Notes And Additions.</head> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg011'>11</ref>. It is needful to state, as has been pointed out to the +writer, that <q>our English translation would make all (the Biblical +Creation-story) appear English.</q> In other words, the test of +language is not an unfailing one. +</p> + +<p> +Pp. <ref target='Pg014'>14-15</ref>. To the names of translators of the Babylonian +Creation-stories must be added P. Jensen, and W. L. King, who +has published important additions to the text. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg021'>21</ref>, l. 4. Alternative rendering: <q>He beheld Tiamtu's +snarling</q> (see the note to p. <ref target='Pg024'>24</ref>). +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg022'>22</ref>. With the first paragraph on this page the contents of +the third tablet, and with the last paragraph those of the fourth, +begin. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg024'>24</ref>. Instead of <q>they clustered around him,</q> Jensen translates +(doubtfully), <q>they ran round about him,</q> and King, <q>they +beheld him.</q> Something may be said in favour of each, but the +rendering of the text seems more probable. Also, instead of +<q>Examining the lair,</q> I am inclined to return to my earlier +rendering, <q>Noting the snarling of Kingu, her consort.</q> The +four succeeding lines read:— +</p> + +<quote rend='display'> +<lg> +<l><q rend='pre'>He looks, and his advance<note place='foot'>Lit.: <q>going.</q></note> becomes confused,</q></l> +<l>His understanding is destroyed, and his action fails (?),</l> +<l>And the gods, his helpers, going by his side,</l> +<l><q rend='post'>Saw the [con]fusion (??) of their leader, (and) their sight was troubled (too).</q></l> +</lg> +</quote> + +<p> +King attributes this fear and confusion not to Merodach, but +to Kingu and his followers, which would seem to be more consistent, +but the difficulty is, that the original gives no indication +that this was the case. Further discoveries may throw light +upon the point. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg027'>27</ref>. The Lumaši (l. 2), according to <hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions +of Western Asia</hi>, vol. III., pl. 57, were seven constellations, +and seem to have been included in the thirty-six stars or constellations +mentioned two lines lower down. A list of these will +<pb n='546'/><anchor id='Pg546'/> +be found in the <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</hi> for 1900, +pp. 573-575. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg028'>28</ref>, l. 29. The translation of this line is based on that of +Mr. L. W. King, who first published the text. The word for +<q>bone</q> is <foreign rend='italic'>iṣṣimtum</foreign>, the Heb. <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>'eṣem</foreign>, Arab. <foreign lang='ar' rend='italic'>'adhm</foreign>. If the word +be correctly read (the character <foreign rend='italic'>tum</foreign> is doubtful), it is possibly +connected with <foreign rend='italic'>êṣimtum</foreign>, which translates the Sumerian character +standing for a weapon or a long straight object. +</p> + +<p> +Pp. <ref target='Pg029'>29-31</ref>. Tutu and other names given to Merodach in this +section are referred to on pp. <ref target='Pg045'>45-46</ref>. By <q>the people</q> in line +15 (p. <ref target='Pg030'>30</ref>) are apparently to be understood the gods. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg044'>44</ref>. Other names of the goddess Aruru, who assisted Merodach +in the creation of man, are <q>the lady potter,</q> <q>the constructor +of the world,</q> <q>the constructor of the gods,</q> <q>the +constructor of mankind,</q> <q>the constructor of the heart.</q> Aruru +was the goddess of progeny, and is one of the forty-one names +by which <q>the lady of the gods</q> was known. An interesting +Sumerian (dialectic) hymn to her exists in the Brussels +Museum. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg047'>47</ref>, ll. 29-32. Instead of <q>in their (the fallen gods') room,</q> +Jensen suggests, <q>for their redemption.</q> That the fallen +gods were to be redeemed (lit.: <q>spared</q>) by the merits of +the race of men which Merodach created is a new idea, which +further information may confirm.<note place='foot'>See the Author's <hi rend='italic'>Religion of Babylonia and Assyria</hi> (A. Constable & +Co., 1906), pp. 43-44.</note> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg059'>59</ref>, l. 13. Ea is the Aê of the preceding pages, the Oannes +of Damascius. There is reason to believe that the name was +also read Aa, which would account for the Greek form which he +employs, and likewise for the identification of this god with the +Aa of l. 4 and the following paragraph. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg063'>63</ref>, l. 27. Perhaps the most interesting of recent discoveries +is the identification (by Prof. Zimmern) of Euedoreschos with +the Enweduranki of the tablet described on p. <ref target='Pg077'>77</ref>. The original +Greek form must have been Euedoranchos (see the note to the +page mentioned). Euedocus (l. 21) is probably the Sumero-Akkadian +En-me-duga. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg067'>67</ref>. For further notes in connection with Tiamat, see the +discussion of Delitzsch's <hi rend='italic'>Babel und Bibel</hi> at the end, pp. <ref target='Pg529'>529-532</ref>. +It is noteworthy that this name heads the list of abodes of the +gods published in the <hi rend='italic'>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical +Archæology</hi> for Dec., 1900, pp. 367-369. The explanation is +unfortunately broken away, but it may be surmised that as the +goddess of the watery wastes of the earth she was described as +the abode of the gods who were regarded as her followers. +</p> + +<pb n='547'/><anchor id='Pg547'/> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg072'>72</ref>. The description of Tammuz as <q>the peerless mother of +heaven</q> is probably to be explained by the fact, that <foreign rend='italic'>ama-gala</foreign>, +<q>great mother,</q> is one of the Sumerian words for <q>forest,</q> and +Tammuz was identified with the forest of Eridu, the divine abode +where he dwelt. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg073'>73</ref>. For Pir-napištim, Ut-napištim is a possible reading (see +below, note to p. <ref target='Pg099'>99</ref>). +</p> + +<p> +For further notes upon the trees of Paradise, see pp. <ref target='Pg531'>531</ref>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg077'>77</ref>. Euedoranchos. The forms of this name, as handed +down, are Εὐεδωραχος, Εὐεδωρεσχος, and Εὐερωδεσχος. Eusebius's +Chronicle, however, gives the best form, namely, Edoranchus. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg078'>78</ref>, l. 20. Perhaps it would be better to say that the Hebrew +accounts of the Creation <q>probably came from Babylonia</q>—they +may not have originated there. +</p> + +<p> +Pp. <ref target='Pg080'>80-82</ref>. For further remarks upon the cherubin, see p. <ref target='Pg533'>533</ref>. +In <q>the <foreign rend='italic'>kurub</foreign> of Anu, Bel,</q> etc., which also occurs, we probably +have a variant form. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg083'>83</ref>, ll. 1-5. It is noteworthy that Ablum (<q>Son</q>) as a +personal name actually occurs (De Sarzec, <hi rend='italic'>Découvertes</hi>, pl. 30 +bis, No. 19). Compare Ablaa, <q>my son,</q> p. 533, l. 12. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg090'>90</ref>. For further information about the name Gilgameš, see +the <hi rend='italic'>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology</hi> for 1903, +pp. 198-199. Prof. Hommel has pointed out that an inscription +exists stating that he built the fortress of Erech, thus bringing +him almost within the domain of history. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg099'>99</ref>. (The Legend of Gilgameš.) Dr. Meissner's discovery of +a fragment of a new version of the Gilgameš-legend<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft</hi>, 1902, I.: <hi rend='italic'>Ein Altbabylonisches +Fragment des Gilgamosepos</hi>, von Bruno Meissner. Berlin, Wolf +Peiser Verlag.</note> is a most +welcome addition to our knowledge. A description of this text +will be found in the <hi rend='italic'>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical +Archæology</hi> for March and May, 1903, where a comparison of +the two versions is also given. It speaks of his visit to the land +of darkness in quest of his friend Ea-banî (whose name, as this +inscription indicates, should properly be read Enki-du or +Ea(Aê, Aa)-du). In the second column it details his conversation +with Siduri (<q>the <foreign rend='italic'>Sabitu</foreign></q>), in which he refers to the death of +his beloved companion, since whose departure he had not sought +to live, but having seen her face, he expresses the hope that he +will now not see death. The <foreign rend='italic'>Sabitu</foreign>, however, answers him to +the effect that he would not find the life which he sought—death +was the lot which the gods had set for mankind. Eat, therefore, +make festival, rejoice day and night, put on fine apparel, take +pleasure in child and wife—such was her advice. In the last +<pb n='548'/><anchor id='Pg548'/> +column of this version the hero meets with Sur-Sunabu (Ur-Šanabi), +who asks him his name. Gilgameš tells him who he is +and whence he came, and asks to be shown Uta-naištim, the +remote, as the Babylonian Noah seems to be called in this +version of the legend. About one-third of the tablet, giving the +lower parts of columns 1 and 2, and the upper parts of columns +3 and 4, is the amount preserved. +</p> + +<p> +The above seems to show, that the name of the friend of +Gilgameš was Êa-du, (Aa-du, Aê-du, or Enki-du), not Êa-banî; +whilst Ur-Šanabi the boatman, was really called Sur-Sunabu +(or Sur-Šanabi); and Pir-napištim, the Babylonian Noah, was +Ut-napištim. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg104'>104</ref>, ll. 1 and 6. Jensen suggests, for <foreign rend='italic'>muir kukki</foreign>, the +translation <q>rulers of darkness(?)</q>:— +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='pre'>(If) the rulers of darkness cause to rain down one evening a +rain of dirt (?),</q> +</p> + +<p> +<q rend='post'>Enter into the ship, and shut thy door!</q> +</p> + +<p> +That period arrived; +</p> + +<p> +<q>The rulers of darkness rain down one evening a rain of +dirt (?).</q> +</p> + +<p> +<foreign rend='italic'>Muir</foreign>, however, seems to be singular, not plural. Another +meaning of the word is <q>messenger.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg108'>108</ref>, l. 35. If this translation be correct, the throwing down +of a part of the food recalls the casting of meal on the ground as +an offering to the gods. It is not unlikely that the preparation +of the food, and setting it by his head, was accompanied by +some prayer or incantation to secure his recovery, as in the +inscription translated in the <hi rend='italic'>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical +Archæology</hi>, May, 1901, pp. 193 and 205-210. Sleeping with +a cruse of water near the head (1 Sam. xxvi. 11-12) was +probably simply a provision against thirst, with no special +meaning. On p. <ref target='Pg111'>111</ref>, there is just the possibility that <q>The +leavings of the dish</q> were what was allowed to remain therein +for the gods, and <q>the rejected of the food</q> may have been that +which was thrown on the ground as an offering. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg113'>113</ref>, ll. 19 ff. A number of the deities identified with the +god Ea or Aa are given in the <hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western +Asia</hi>, vol. II., pl. 58, and form a parallel with the inscription +printed on p. <ref target='Pg058'>58</ref>. Deities seem also to have been identified +with Nebo. The centres where these gods were worshipped +therefore had likewise their monotheistic system, in which all +the other gods were identified with the patron-deity of the +place, just as those Babylonians who worshipped Merodach +identified all the other gods with him. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg119'>119</ref>. There has been a great deal of discussion as to the +way in which Šumer could be connected with Shinar, the chief +<pb n='549'/><anchor id='Pg549'/> +reasons against their identification being that the latter must +have come from a Babylonian form, of whose existence there is +no evidence, and that it stood for the whole country (except, +possibly, Larsa), whereas Šumer was the name of the southern +part only. Hommel derives the Biblical Shinar from Ki-Imgir, +through the intermediate forms Shingar, Shumir (Šumer) and +Shimir. This is based upon the tendency which <foreign rend='italic'>k</foreign> had to +change into <foreign rend='italic'>š</foreign>, whilst the substitution of <foreign rend='italic'>m</foreign> for an older <foreign rend='italic'>g</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>ng</foreign> +can be proved. As, however, Shinar corresponds practically +with the whole of Babylonia, a modification of Prof. Hommel's +etymology may, perhaps, best meet the case. The whole of the +country was called by the Sumerians Kingi (or Kengi) Ura, +and the expression <foreign rend='italic'>mâda Kingi-Ura</foreign> is rendered, in the lists, <foreign rend='italic'>mât +Šumeri u Akkadī</foreign>, <q>the land of Sumer and Akkad.</q> It is +therefore clear, that Kingi-Ura corresponds with the whole tract, +and is practically synonymous with the Biblical Shinar. The +change from <foreign rend='italic'>k</foreign> to <foreign rend='italic'>š (sh)</foreign> being provable, it is possible that +Kingi-Ura, pronounced Shingi-Ura, may have originated the +Hebrew form Shinar (better Shin'ar), through the intermediate +forms Shingura and Shingar. +</p> + +<p> +The statement that Elam was the firstborn of Shem (Gen. x. +22) receives illustration from the fact, that many inscriptions +have been found showing that Semitic Babylonian was not +only well known, but also used in that country. From the +order in which the names occur in Genesis, it ought to +be the earliest of the Semitic settlements, coming before +Asshur, Arpachshad, Lud, and Aram. If, however, Arpachshad +stand, as is generally thought, for Babylonia, it is quite +clear that there is no indication of chronological order in this, +for Assyria was certainly younger, as a Semitic settlement, +than Babylonia, and it would seem that Elam was colonized +with Semites from the last-named country. This would make +Elam to be simply the first Semitic colony, as Prof. Scheil has +already suggested. +</p> + +<p> +A good example of the slim racial type is shown on pl. <ref target='Plate_V'>V.</ref>, +second seal-impression. For a long time after the Sumerians +had become one nation with the Semitic Babylonians, the type +of the figures represented on the cylinder-seals and sculptures +remained unchanged, and it is on this account that Ḫammurabi +is portrayed, on the slab reproduced as pl. <ref target='Plate_I'>I.</ref>, in the old non-Semitic +costume. The early Semitic type is shown on pl. <ref target='Plate_III'>III.</ref>, +no. 1 (no. 2 shows the late Assyrian type). In pl. <ref target='Plate_VI'>VI.</ref> the +Sumerian style is there, but the type is rather thick. This, however, +may be partly due to the sliding of the cylinder when the +impression was taken. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg124'>124</ref>. Sargon of Agadé's conquests, according to the omens +<pb n='550'/><anchor id='Pg550'/> +referring to his reign, were as follows:—(paragraph 1) Elam, +(2) the land of the Amorites, (4 and 5) the land of the Amorites +(twice), (6) doubtful, (7) he crossed the sea of the rising of +the sun, and the reference to three years in that district +seems to refer to the time he stayed there, (8) apparently no +expedition, (9) he ravaged the land of Kazalla, (10) he put down +a revolt in his own country, (11) he fought against Suri or +Sumaštu. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg125'>125</ref>, l. 27. The old Sumerian or Akkadian laws are only +known to us from a few specimens preserved in the tablets of +grammatical paradigms (the series <foreign rend='italic'>Ana itti-šu</foreign>), and will be +found on pp. <ref target='Pg190'>190-191</ref>. It is probable that they were made use +of in compiling the Code of Ḫammurabi. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg127'>127</ref>, l. 21 ff. But perhaps it was the city of Aššur which +came forth from Babylonia (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> was a Babylonian colony), and +its ever-increasing inhabitants who founded the other cities +mentioned. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg130'>130</ref> (the derivation of Nimrod). Another suggestion is, +that Nimrod may be the name of Merodach, as <q>Lord of +Marad</q> (Nin-Marad). As far as I have been able to see, +however, this name of Merodach does not occur, and moreover, +it was Nergal, and not Merodach, who was lord of Marad—Merodach's +city was Babylon. Prof. Hommel's acute suggestion, +that Namra-ṣit may be a Babylonian form of Nimrod, would +seem to be doubtful. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg131'>131</ref> (Merodach's net). The bow of Merodach, after his +fight with Tiamtu, was placed in the heavens, and seemingly +became one of the constellations, but we do not hear of any +similar honour having been conferred on his net, notwithstanding +the great service which it had rendered him. In Habakkuk i. +15-17 there is a curious passage in which <q>the Chaldean</q> is +described as catching men with his angle and his net, as fishes +are caught, and making sacrifice to his net and his drag on +account of his success with them. Heuzey, the well-known +French Assyriologist and antiquarian, makes a comparison +between this passage and the Vulture-stele, on which an ancient +Babylonian prince is represented as having placed his conquered +foes in a great net. This, however, does not explain the statement +that the Chaldean sacrificed and offered incense to his net +and his drag, and it is doubtful whether the Prophet had either +that or any similar sculpture or picture in his mind. There is, +nevertheless, just the possibility that the Babylonians were +accustomed to pay divine honours to the net of Merodach, and +this may have given rise to the statement in the passage quoted. +Whether the relief on the Vulture-stele be derived from the +legend of Merodach or not, is doubtful—in all probability it +<pb n='551'/><anchor id='Pg551'/> +merely expresses a simile derived from catching wild animals +with a net, as exhibited by the sculptures of Aššur-banî-âpli in +the Assyrian Saloon of the British Museum. +</p> + +<p> +Pp. <ref target='Pg132'>132-133</ref>. With regard to the statements on these pages, +the Rev. John Tuckwell writes: <q>Gen. xi. 1 must in all fairness +be regarded as going back prior to ch. x, in order to tell the +history of Babylon from its foundation. Again:—Why contradict +Genesis? We do not know who <q>began</q> to build Babylon—Sayce +suggests <q>Etana.</q> It is quite possible that <q>they left +off to build the city,</q> and resumed the work under Nimrod. +There is no need to regard any of the statements as <q>interpolations</q> +if thus read. If all mankind perished by the Flood, as +both stories appear to teach, there must surely have been a time +when <q>the whole earth was of one language.</q></q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg134'>134</ref>. For the derivation of Shinar, see the note to p. <ref target='Pg119'>119</ref>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg136'>136</ref>. The Mohammedan legend of the Tower of Babel, as +told in the Persian work, <hi rend='italic'>Rauzat-us-Safa</hi>,<note place='foot'>Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, I. <hi rend='italic'>The Rauzat-us-Safa; or +Garden of Purity</hi>, by Mirkhond. Translated by E. Rehatsek. Royal +Asiatic Society, 1891.</note> may be interesting. +It is as follows:— +</p> + +<p> +<q>When Nimrud had witnessed the extinction of the pile of +fire, and had beheld the roses produced therein by the benign +Creator, he aspired to ascend to heaven.... Nimrud ... +spent many years in erecting a tower, which was so high that +the bird of imagination could not reach its summit. When it +was completed, he ascended to the pinnacle of the spire, but the +aspect of the heavens remained precisely the same as from the +surface of the earth. This astonished and perplexed him. The +next day the tower fell, and such a fearful noise struck the ears +of the inhabitants of Babel that most of them fainted from the +effects thereof; and when they had recovered their senses they +forgot their own language, so that every tribe spoke a different +idiom, and seventy-two tongues became current among them.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg136'>136</ref>, l. 3 from below. Nannara was the moon-god, the same +as Sin. L. 6 from below, read <foreign rend='italic'>Ê-bar-igi-ê-di</foreign>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg144'>144</ref>, l. 9 from below. The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, in his +Assyrian deeds and documents, has pointed out the likeness of +the names <foreign rend='italic'>Naḫiri</foreign> and <foreign rend='italic'>Naḫarau</foreign> (or <foreign rend='italic'>Naḫarâu</foreign>) to Nahor, referred +to by Kittel in his little book upon Delitzsch's <hi rend='italic'>Babel und Bibel</hi>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Babylonian Excavations and Early Bible History</hi>, by Prof. Kittel, +translated by Edmund McClure, M.A., with a preface by Henry Wace, +D.D. Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1903.</note> +<foreign rend='italic'>Naḫiru</foreign>, however, is the common Assyro-Babylonian word for +<q>nostril,</q> and is also the name of a creature of the sea supposed +to be the dolphin. <foreign rend='italic'>Naḫarâu</foreign> it may be noted, notwithstanding +<pb n='552'/><anchor id='Pg552'/> +the absence of the prefix of divinity, bears every appearance of +being a name like <foreign rend='italic'>Bêl-Yau</foreign> on p. <ref target='Pg059'>59</ref>, the initial <foreign rend='italic'>y</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>i</foreign> being +omitted as in the case of <foreign rend='italic'>Au-Aa</foreign> seven lines lower down. Judging +from analogy, <foreign rend='italic'>Naharâu</foreign> should mean <q>Naḫar is Jah,</q> but +whether this has anything to do with the name Nahor or not +is doubtful—as Assyrian equivalent we should rather expect +<foreign rend='italic'>Naḫuru</foreign>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg145'>145</ref>, l. 11 from below. The name of a Babylonian district +called Pulug occurs in a Babylonian geographical list, and may +be the same as Peleg. Though the ideogram is different, this is +possibly the same as the Pulukku of the <hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions +of Western Asia</hi>, vol. II., pl. 52, l. 53, where it is explained as +<foreign rend='italic'>Bît ḫarê</foreign>, <q>the house of the cutting,</q> or <q>excavation.</q> The +Babylonians would therefore seem to have regarded Pulug or +Pulukku as referring to the division of the land of Babylon by +the cutting of the irrigation-channels which gave it its fertility. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg146'>146</ref>, l. 4. There is no great probability that the name Terah +has anything to do with <foreign rend='italic'>Tarḫu</foreign>, which occurs in certain names +found in Assyrian contracts (Johns, <hi rend='italic'>Assyrian Deeds</hi>, pp. 127, +458, etc.). +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg147'>147</ref>, l. 4 from below. The family of Terah may, however, +have become pastoral on leaving Ur of the Chaldees. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg148'>148</ref> (Abram). According to Prof. Breasted (<hi rend='italic'>American +Journal of Semitic Studies</hi>, Oct. 1904) mention is made in the +geographical list of Shishak at Karnak of <q>the field of Abram,</q> +and if this identification be correct, it is the earliest reference to +the great ancestor of the Hebrews and the nations associated +with them, though it cannot be said that the date (time of +Jeroboam and Rehoboam) is a very remote one. Owing to the +same Egyptian character being used for both <foreign rend='italic'>r</foreign> and <foreign rend='italic'>l</foreign>, Maspéro +read the word as the plural of <foreign rend='italic'>'abel</foreign>, <q>meadow.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg150'>150</ref>, l. 23. Illustrations of the old Akkadian (or Sumerian) +laws will be found in the contracts of adoption of Bêl-êzzu and +Arad-Išḫara on pp. <ref target='Pg176'>176</ref> and <ref target='Pg177'>177</ref>. The laws themselves are +given on p. <ref target='Pg190'>190</ref>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg152'>152</ref>, second paragraph. It is needful to state that a few +Semitic Babylonian inscriptions of an exceedingly early date +(seemingly before 3000 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>) exist, likewise a few Sumero-Akkadian +texts after 2300 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, and the periods of the two +languages therefore overlap. Judging from the inscriptions, +however, Sumero-Akkadian goes back to a date much earlier +than the earliest Semitic, but it was to all appearance hardly +used after the period of the dynasty of Ḫammurabi. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg158'>158</ref>, l. 11. The Gutites were probably Medes. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg161'>161</ref>, l. 11. It is not improbable that Sippar-Amnanu means +simply <q>Amonite Sippar,</q> the second word of the compound +<pb n='553'/><anchor id='Pg553'/> +being apparently from Amna,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia</hi>, vol. v., pl. 2, l. 40, and +<hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets</hi>, part xii., pl. 6. Cf. p. 144.</note> which is possibly the Babylonian +form of the name of the Egyptian sun-god, Amon. <foreign rend='italic'>Ya'ruru</foreign> is +seemingly the old form of Aruru, one of the names of Ištar, who +was also worshipped there. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg166'>166</ref>. The wedding-gift was to all appearance the price paid +by the bridegroom for the bride, in this case handed to the +bride's brother and sister. For the laws concerning this payment, +see Ḫammurabi's Code, sections 163 and 164 (p. <ref target='Pg505'>505</ref>). It +was generally handed to the bride's father (upon a dish, +according to <hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia</hi>, vol. v., +pl. 24, ll. 48-51<hi rend='italic'>cd</hi>).<note place='foot'>Probably illustrating the Sumerian Laws.</note> Instead of <q>Ammi-ṭitana the king,</q> Dr. +Schor reads Ammi-ṭitana-šarru<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>m</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> as the name of a man, +meaning <q>Ammi-ṭitana is king.</q> If this be correct, the +document is not a record of the marriage of a princess. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg168'>168</ref>. The grain given to Šeritum was probably of the nature +of a deposit—according to Ḫammurabi's Code, sect. 257, the +wages of a reaper were not one <foreign rend='italic'>gur</foreign> of grain, but eight. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg173'>173-174</ref>. Upon the question of adoption, see Ḫammurabi's +Code, sections 185-193. As there is no indication, in these +enactments, that female children were included, it is doubtful +whether Ana-Aa-uzni and Aḫḫ-ayabi had any remedy in case +of repudiation, or refusal to perform all the conditions. Calling +the gods to witness was probably regarded as being a sufficient +safeguard. Nevertheless, the usage of the language was such +that <q>daughtership</q> could be included in <q>sonship.</q> +</p> + +<p> +Pp. <ref target='Pg174'>174</ref> ff. It is noteworthy that, in this contract, there is no +indication of the second wife having been taken to vex the first +(Lev. xviii. 18, A.V.), and as the second was to be subordinate +to the first, rivalling (as the R.V. translates) was as far as +possible prevented. As the children already born are referred +to (p. <ref target='Pg175'>175</ref>, l. 20), the second marriage could not have been due +to the absence of offspring, and it may therefore be supposed +that the second wife was taken on account of the ill-health of +the first (Ḫammurabi's Code, sect. 148). This is supported by +the clauses referring to the services which Iltani was to perform +for her <q>sister.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg176'>176</ref>. The adoption of Bêl-êzzu illustrates section 191 of +Ḫammurabi's Code. Both are based upon the Sumerian laws +translated on pp. <ref target='Pg190'>190</ref> and <ref target='Pg191'>191</ref>. The word translated <q>deep</q> +(line 19) is one generally used for the ocean, the abode of Ea +(Aa), god of the waters. It may have been something similar +to <q>the brazen sea</q> in the temple at Jerusalem. +</p> + +<pb n='554'/><anchor id='Pg554'/> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg177'>177</ref>. Arad-Išḫara was evidently adopted under the same law +and enactment as the foregoing. The declaration of the foster-father +of his right to have children is interesting. +</p> + +<p> +Upon the adoption of Karanatum, compare pp. <ref target='Pg173'>173</ref> and <ref target='Pg174'>174</ref>, +with the note thereon. +</p> + +<p> +Pp. <ref target='Pg178'>178</ref> and <ref target='Pg179'>179</ref>. The three tablets giving equal portions to +each of the three brothers, illustrate sections 165 and 167 of +the Code, which enacts that all brothers shall share equally. +Any gift or share in the property left by the mother would +probably be recorded on another document. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg180'>180</ref>. Laws 178 ff. of Ḫammurabi's Code show that votaries +and priestesses had special privileges in the matter of inheriting +property, and it would seem from the tablet of Erištum, the +sodomite or public woman, that her station did not allow her +the choice, that being the right of her sister, Amat-Šamaš, +priestess of the sun. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg181'>181</ref>. Naramtum apparently had no children, and seems +to have been divorced in accordance with section 138 of +Ḫammurabi's Code. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg185'>185</ref>. The case of Šamaš-nûri is illustrated by sections 144-146 +of Ḫammurabi's Code. +</p> + +<p> +Pp. <ref target='Pg187'>187</ref> and <ref target='Pg188'>188</ref>. The conditions of the hiring of a slave were +probably those of the old Sumerian law translated on p. <ref target='Pg191'>191</ref>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg199'>199</ref>, l. 26. Elamite overlordship was naturally coextensive +with that of Babylon as long as the latter power acknowledged +Elamite supremacy. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg201'>201</ref>, l. 5 from below. <foreign rend='italic'>Qanni</foreign> is probably one of the Assyro-Babylonian +words for <q>sanctuary.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg203'>203</ref>. In addition to the deities mentioned, Aššur-banî-âpli +(Assurbanipal) speaks of the goddess Nin-gala, the <q>great +lady</q> or <q>queen,</q> as having a temple called Ê-gipara at Haran. +She is mentioned with Nusku (p. <ref target='Pg202'>202</ref>) and is called <q>the mother +of the gods,</q> Šamaš, the sungod, being described as her firstborn. +To all appearance she was the consort of the Moongod, Nannar. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg208'>208</ref>, last line. <q>Yoke of the <emph>Elamites</emph></q> would probably +have been the better term. (See the note to p. <ref target='Pg199'>199</ref>.) +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg209'>209</ref>, l. 8 from below. Oppert always refused to accept the +identification of Amraphel with Ḫammurabi. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg222'>222</ref>, l. 4 from below. It would appear from the Babylonian +lists that Tudḫula may be read simply Tudḫul, notwithstanding +the final <foreign rend='italic'>a</foreign> at the end. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg243'>243</ref>, ll. 25 ff. The name Aqabi-îlu (p. <ref target='Pg463'>463</ref>, l. 15) is similarly +formed to that of Ya'kubi-îlu, and from the same root, but +it is not identical with it. There is no probability that Egibi +(p. <ref target='Pg439'>439</ref>, l. 2, etc.) has any connection with the name Jacob, as +has been suggested. Its connection with the (? Assyrian) name +<pb n='555'/><anchor id='Pg555'/> +Ḫakkubu seems to be still more unlikely. Upon these and +similar names, see Hommel, <q><hi rend='italic'>Ancient Hebrew Tradition</hi>,</q><note place='foot'>Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1897.</note> +p. 112. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg246'>246</ref>, l. 5. If my memory serves me, the name Gadu-ṭâbu, +<q>the fortune is good,</q> occurs on a contract-tablet in the British +Museum. (I unfortunately forgot to make note of it at the time, +hence my inability to give the reference.) +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg249'>249</ref>, after the first paragraph. Jacob's wrestling with <q>a +man</q> (Gen. xxxii. 24 ff.) brings out the interesting name Peniel +or Penuel (vv. 30 and 31), explained as <q>the face of God,</q> so +called because he had there <q>seen God face to face.</q> A similar +name to this is the Babylonian <foreign rend='italic'>Ana-pâni-îli</foreign>, <q>to the face of +God,</q> sometimes shortened to <foreign rend='italic'>Appâni-îli</foreign>. The documents +bearing the latter are of the time of Samsu-iluna, and are therefore +rather earlier than the time of Jacob. Besides the meaning +given above, other renderings are possible, and the question +arises, whether <foreign rend='italic'>Ana-pâni-îli</foreign> means <q>(let me go) to the presence</q> +or <q>before the face of God,</q> or that its bearer was asked +for by his father <q>at the presence of God.</q> Many other possible +renderings will also, in all probability, occur to the reader, +but it is noteworthy, that in this case, the Biblical narrative +may, by chance, serve to explain this Babylonian compound, +for as <q>the man</q> with whom Jacob wrestled was the representative +of the Almighty, so <foreign rend='italic'>pâni</foreign> in the Babylonian name may +be interpreted in the same way, and the person bearing it may +have been offered or dedicated to the face, or presence (that is, +the representative) of God. It is to be noted that the owner of +the name on Mr. Offord's cylinder (pl. vi. no. 2) was a worshipper +of the god Hadad or Rimmon, and was not, therefore, a +monotheist. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg273'>273</ref>, l. 8. The date of Amenophis II., according to Petrie, +was about 1449 to 1423. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg278'>278</ref>. The non-Semitic pronunciation of <foreign rend='italic'>Ninip</foreign> was possibly +<foreign rend='italic'>Nirig</foreign>, and the Semitic reading <foreign rend='italic'>En-mašti</foreign> (so Prof. A. T. Clay). +An earlier reading of the Aramaic character regarded as <foreign rend='italic'>m</foreign> +was <foreign rend='italic'>n</foreign>, which would give <foreign rend='italic'>Ênu-rêštū</foreign>, <q>the primæval lord,</q> or +the like, a title of Ninip and of other gods. For other suggestions, +see Hrozný in the <hi rend='italic'>Revue Sémitique</hi>, July 1908. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg279'>279</ref>, l. 2. The name Bidina may also be read Kaština, +apparently a variant of the Babylonian Bidinnam or Kaštinnam. +</p> + +<p> +L. 12 ff. The mention of <foreign rend='italic'>Dumu-zi</foreign>, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> Tammuz or Adonis, +goes back to about 3500 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, or earlier. Hymns to Tammuz +in the dialect of the Sumerian language exist, dating from about +2000 years before Christ, the most noteworthy of these compositions +<pb n='556'/><anchor id='Pg556'/> +at present known being that preserved in the Manchester +Museum. +</p> + +<p> +L. 27. Mutzu'u. It is doubtful whether this name is complete +on the tablet where it occurs. Possibly Mutzuata, a name +occurring on the Bronze Gates found by Mr. Rassam at +Balawat, furnishes an indication as to the way in which it +should be completed. (Knudtzon reads <foreign rend='italic'>Mut-baḫlu</foreign>, written for +Mut-ba'la, possibly meaning <q>the man of his lord.</q>) +</p> + +<p> +L. 31. Yabitiri. The inscription referring to his early life is +translated on pp. <ref target='Pg284'>284-285</ref>. +</p> + +<p> +L. 37. For Addu-nirari, read Adad-nirari, the Assyrian +form. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg280'>280</ref>, line 4 and note. Nin-Urmuru (?) Knudtzon reads as +Bêlit(= Ba'lat)-Ur-Maḫ-Meš. In Assyro-Babylonian this would +probably be read <foreign rend='italic'>Bêlit-nêši</foreign>, a name meaning <q>the lady of the +lions.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg286'>286</ref>, note 1. For the name Mut-zu'u, compare the note to +p. <ref target='Pg279'>279</ref>, l. 27, above. Knudtzon's new translation differs somewhat +from that given here. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg293'>293</ref>, l. 26. Another Zimrêda (to all appearance) is mentioned +in an inscription in the British Museum. This text comes +from Babylonia, and is possibly of an earlier date. It apparently +refers to the affairs of the Babylonian principality of Suḫu and +Maër. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg319'>319</ref>, l. 14. Suḫi and Maër are mentioned together in the +document referred to above, note to p. <ref target='Pg293'>293</ref>, and in the inscription +of Šamaš-rêš-uṣur, governor of that district, published by +Dr. Weissbach in his <hi rend='italic'>Babylonische Miscellen</hi>. This district lay, +according to that scholar, somewhere near the point where the +Habûr runs into the Euphrates. As the western boundary of +this state is entirely unknown, the full value of Tiglath-pileser +I.'s boast cannot be estimated, but the district ravaged must +have been a considerable stretch of country. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg325'>325</ref>. The inscription referring to Gazzāni probably forms +part of one of those in which the ruler asks the gods (generally +Šamaš and Hadad) for success against the countries which he +intended to invade. Sargon of Assyria, Esarhaddon, and Aššur-banî-âpli +(Assurbanipal) all had similar inscriptions composed +for them. From the manner in which the text is written, however, +it is probable that it antedates these. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg329'>329</ref>, l. 4 from below. Instead of <q>advanced,</q> another +possible translation is <q>rose up.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg330'>330</ref>, l. 3. Instead of Gilzau, Kirzau and several other +readings are possible. +</p> + +<p> +The <q>battle of Qarqara,</q> as it is generally called, is illustrated +by strip I (old mark C) of the Bronze Gates of Shalmaneser +<pb n='557'/><anchor id='Pg557'/> +II.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates of Balawat</hi>, with an introduction +by Walter de Gray Birch, and descriptions and translations by +Theophilus G. Pinches. Published at the Offices of the Society of Biblical +Archæology, Bloomsbury, W.C.</note> The scenes only represent the capture of the cities Pargâ, +Adâ, and Qarqara of Urḫilêni (= Irḫulêni) of the land of the +Hamathites, there being no reference either to Ahab, or to his +allies. The city of Qarqara was later on taken by Sargon (see +p. <ref target='Pg363'>363</ref>). +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg341'>341</ref>, l. 4. Instead of <emph>Persia</emph>, read <foreign rend='italic'>Pahlav</foreign> as the identification +of Parsua (Hommel). +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg343'>343</ref>, l. 22. As the character translated <q>lady</q> means also +<q>sister,</q> it may in reality indicate the relationship of Sammu-ramat +to Bêl-tarṣi-îli-ma. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg346'>346</ref>, l. 22. Tiglath-pileser <q>III.,</q> or <q>IV.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg347'>347</ref>, l. 25. Sardurri of Ararat is the Sardaris (II.) of the +Armenian cuneiform texts. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg349'>349</ref>, l. 6. Ḫatarikka is also spelled with one <emph>k</emph>, as on pp. +<ref target='Pg344'>344</ref> and <ref target='Pg345'>345</ref>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg374'>374</ref>, l. 20. In Kammusu-nadbi we have an instance of the +occurrence of the name of Chemosh, the national god of the +Moabites. This name is also found in that of Kamušu-šarra-uṣur, +apparently a Babylonian, perhaps of Moabite origin (see +the note to p. <ref target='Pg466'>466</ref>). +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg376'>376</ref>, l. 21. Urbi occurs as the name of a city or district in +a Babylonian geographical list, from which we learn also that +there was an <q>upper</q> and a <q>lower</q> Urbi. It is immediately +followed by Pulug (see the note to p. <ref target='Pg145'>145</ref>). +</p> + +<p> +L. 8. from below. Kallima-Sin is now read Kadašman-Ḫarbe +(or Muruš). +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg381'>381</ref>, foot-note. According to Prof. W. Max Müller, <hi rend='italic'>Orientalische +Literaturzeitung</hi>, Nov., 1902, Mer-en-Ptah and <q>the +great sorcerer and high-priest of Memphis</q> were brothers, and +the incident of the vision took place before Mer-en-Ptah's battle +with the Libyans, when, as he himself states, he saw in a dream +a figure like that of Ptah, who said to him <q>Take,</q> giving him +the sword, and <q>Put away from thee thy faintheartedness.</q> +Max Müller attributes the chronological error neither to Herodotus +nor to the Egyptian scribes who supplied him with +information, but to Hecataeus of Miletus, whose work Herodotus +used—<q>an Egyptian would not have made such a chronological +blunder.</q> This, naturally, much diminishes the value of the +extract as a parallel to the account of the destruction of +Sennacherib's army before Jerusalem. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg384'>384</ref>, l. 1 ff. The following is Nabonidus's account of the +murder of Sennacherib and the events which led up to it, from +<pb n='558'/><anchor id='Pg558'/> +the inscription published by the Rev. V. Scheil in the <hi rend='italic'>Recueil +des Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie égyptiennes +et assyriennes</hi>, vol. XVIII., pp. 1 ff.:— +</p> + +<p> +<q>He (this must be Sennacherib) went to Babylon, he laid its +sanctuaries in ruin, he destroyed the reliefs,<note place='foot'>Or <q>images.</q></note> the statues he +overthrew. He took the hands of the prince, Merodach, and +caused him to enter within Aššur<note place='foot'>Assyria.</note>—according to the anger of +the god then he treated the land. The prince, Merodach, did +not cease from his wrath—for 21 years he set up his seat within +Aššur. (In) later days a time arrived, the anger of the king of +the gods, the lords, was then appeased. He remembered +E-sagila and Babylon, the seat of his dominion. The king of +Mesopotamia,<note place='foot'>See p. <ref target='Pg207'>207</ref>, upper part.</note> who during the anger of Merodach had accomplished +the ruin of the land, the son born of his body slew him +with the sword.</q> +</p> + +<p> +For the Babylonians, the Assyrian king was the instrument of +Merodach's wrath. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg385'>385</ref>. The British Museum <q>black stone</q> mentions Esarhaddon's +elder brothers: <q>I, Esarhaddon, whom thou (O Merodach) +hast called, in the assembly of my elder brothers, to restore +those buildings</q> (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> the temples, etc., damaged by floods). +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg393'>393</ref>. Nabopolassar, father of Nebuchadnezzar the Great, +in an inscription found by the German expedition, and published +by Dr. Weissbach in his <hi rend='italic'>Babylonische Miscellen</hi>, refers to the +downfall of Assyria in the following words:— +</p> + +<p> +<q>The Assyrian, who from remote days ruled all people, and +with his heavy yoke oppressed the people of the land,<note place='foot'>That is, Babylonia.</note> I, the +weak, the humble, the worshipper of the lord of lords, by the +mighty force of Nebo and Merodach, my lords, cut off their +feet from the land of Akkad, and caused their yoke to be +thrown off.</q> +</p> + +<p> +As the text is not of any great length, Nabopolassar could +not give details, but notwithstanding his humility, it is noteworthy +that he takes all the credit to himself. The inscription +is written on four cylinders from Ê-ḫatta-tila, the temple of +Ninip in Šu-anna. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg399'>399</ref>, l. 8. The spelling of the name of Nebuchadnezzar +differs somewhat in the various inscriptions, but the meaning is +always practically the same—<q>Nebo, protect the boundary</q> or +<q>my boundary,</q> according as the second component ends in <emph>a</emph> +or <emph>i</emph>. In Nabium (p. <ref target='Pg398'>398</ref>, l. 7 from below) we have an old form +fully spelt out. +</p> + +<p rend='text-align: center'> + <figure url='images/illus-xvi.png' rend='width: 80%'> + <head>Emblems used by Esarhaddon, and carved on the upper surface of the +black stone presented to the British Museum by Lord Aberdeen. It represents +a divine tiara upon an altar, a priest, the sacred tree of the Assyrians, a bull, +a mountain (?), a plough, a date-palm, and a rectangular object—perhaps the +walls of a town. The same emblems, arranged in a circle, are found on the +cylinders from Babylon inscribed with his architectural works in that city.</head> + <figDesc>Plate XVI.</figDesc> + </figure> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg400'>400</ref>, l. 25. The name of at least one Nabû-zer-iddina (son +<pb n='559'/><anchor id='Pg559'/> +of Ab[laa?], descendant of Irani) occurs in the contracts of the +time of Nebuchadnezzar. This man, however, was a scribe, +and there is no indication that he had ever been captain of the +guard. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg403'>403</ref>, ll. 7 ff. The penalty of death by fire, inflicted on +Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, receives illustration from +the notes to p. <ref target='Pg480'>480</ref>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg405'>405</ref>, l. 21. The German excavations at Babylon have +revealed the appearance of the gate of Ištar as a plain opening +in a wall of the city, covered with glazed brickwork, ornamented +with bulls and dragons alternately, arranged in vertical +rows, a decoration which is repeated in the thickness of the wall +and in the inner recesses. (See Delitzsch's <hi rend='italic'>Im Lande des +einstigen Paradieses</hi>, figures 25 and 26.) For the position of +the gate, see the note to pp. <ref target='Pg471'>471</ref>, <ref target='Pg472'>472</ref>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg406'>406</ref>, ll. 2 and 3 from below. <q>The House of the Foundation +of Heaven and earth</q> is the Ê-temen-ana-kia of p. <ref target='Pg138'>138</ref>. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg413'>413</ref>, above. As an example of the sending of the statues of +deities temporarily away from their shrines, see p. <ref target='Pg278'>278</ref>, where +mention is made of the image of Ištar of Nineveh, sent to Egypt +by king Dušratta. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg415'>415</ref>, l. 23, and four following pages. Ugbaru and Gubaru +are generally regarded as two forms of the name Gobryas, and +though this seems certain, there is just the possibility, that they +are the names of two different persons. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg425'>425</ref>, l. 10 from below. The tablet mentioning Zēru-Bâbîli +son of Mutêriṣu exists in two examples, one being in the British +Museum, and the other (which has an Aramaic docket) in the +possession of Mr. Joseph Offord. It is translated in the +<hi rend='italic'>Quarterly Statement</hi> of the Palestine Exploration Fund, July, +1900, pp. 264 ff. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg439'>439</ref>, l. 26. The <foreign rend='italic'>raqundu</foreign> was probably a weaver's or +embroiderer's tool, returned in exchange for that lent. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg446'>446</ref>, ll. 8 ff. from below. The inscription referred to is +published in the <hi rend='italic'>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology</hi>, +Dec. 1895, pp. 278, 279. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg453'>453</ref>, ll. 6-8. Prof. Campbell Thompson translates: <q>I send +this as a <emph>trouble</emph> to my brothers</q>—<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> <q>I am sorry to trouble +you, but I hope you will do what is right.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg457'>457</ref>, l. 19. Arad-Mede may also be read Arad-Gula. In +the next line Šubabu-sara' may be Šumabu-sara'. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg466'>466</ref> (the sale of an Egyptian slave). Another text of the +same nature, dated in the same year, is in the De Clercq collection. +It refers to the sale of an Egyptian slave-woman named +Tamūnu (<q>she of Amon</q>). The text is published, with a +translation by Prof. J. Oppert, in the second vol. of the +<pb n='560'/><anchor id='Pg560'/> +<hi rend='italic'>Catalogue</hi>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Collection de Clercq. Catalogue méthodique et raisonné</hi>, par M. de +Clercq, avec la collaboration de M. J. Menant. Paris, Leroux, 1885, etc.</note> The slave in question belonged to Itti-Nabû-balaṭu, +son of Kamušu-šarra-uṣur, <q>Chemosh, protect the king</q>—probably +indicating that the bearer of the name was of +Moabite origin, or the introduction of the god of the Moabites +into Babylonia. +</p> + +<p> +Pp. <ref target='Pg471'>471-472</ref>. The German excavations have already settled +many doubtful points concerning the topography of Babylon, +and it is certain that, after the destruction of the city, exaggerated +accounts of its enormous extent obtained credence. +According to Delitzsch, it was not larger than Munich or +Dresden, though even that is a good size for an Oriental city. +The principal ruins are on the right bank of the river, and +included Babil (<q>Probably a palace</q>), to protect which the city-wall +makes a considerable angle on the north. From this point +the wall continues its course in a south-easterly direction for a +considerable distance, and turning at a right angle at its farthest +point from the river, runs back in a south-westerly direction +to meet it again. About a mile south of Babil the visitor +comes upon the great ruin known as the Kasr, where stood +Nebuchadnezzar's second palace. On the eastern side of +this is the <q>procession-street</q> of the god Merodach, from +which came some very fine reliefs of <q>the Lion of Babylon,</q> +beautifully wrought in coloured and enamelled brick. The +temple of the goddess Nin-maḫ lay to the south-east of the +southern end of the street, and between the two was situated +the celebrated Gate of Ištar, adorned with lions and strangely-formed +dragons, already referred to (p. <ref target='Pg551'>551</ref>). Proceeding to +the south-west from the temple of Nin-maḫ, we reach Nebuchadnezzar's +earlier palace, a very extensive structure, with a +spacious court-yard and a large hall used as a throne-room, on +the south side of which the recess for the throne is still visible. +The palace of his father Nabopolassar, which adjoined it on the +west, has not yet been excavated. About half-a-mile to the +south of these palaces lie the ruins of the great temple of Belus, +in the mound now known as Amran-ibn-Ali (see pp. <ref target='Pg137'>137</ref> ff., <ref target='Pg476'>476</ref>, +<ref target='Pg480'>480</ref>, ff.). The German excavations have thus confirmed the +identification of the site, as indicated in the <hi rend='italic'>Cuneiform Inscriptions +of Western Asia</hi>, vol. I., pl. 48, no. 9 (published in 1861). +This text, which is a brick-inscription of Esarhaddon, reads as +follows:— +</p> + +<p> +<q>Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, king of Babylon, has caused +the brickwork of Ê-saggil, Ê-temen-ana-kia, to be built anew +for Merodach his lord.</q> +</p> + +<pb n='561'/><anchor id='Pg561'/> + +<p> +According to the German plan, the portion of the city on the +west of the river was of exceedingly small extent. +</p> + +<p> +Artists will soon be able to depict the scenery of Babylon as +a background for pictures of this world-renowned city with considerable +accuracy. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg478'>478</ref>, l. 24. An alternative rendering instead of <q>sculptor,</q> +is <q>seal-engraver.</q> +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg480'>480</ref>. On account of the Greek words, I give here a transcription +of the late Babylonian text of the extract printed on +this page:— +</p> + +<p> +<foreign rend='italic'>An(tiukkusu) šarru ina âlāni ša mât Meluḫḫa šalṭaniš itta-luku-ma +... (amēlu) puliṭê puppê u êpšētam ša kima uṣurtu +(amēlu) Yāwannu....</foreign> +</p> + +<p> +<foreign rend='italic'>Uṣurtu</foreign> may be translated <q>bas-relief</q> instead of <q>shrine,</q> +but the rendering would not be materially changed thereby. +</p> + +<p> +The remainder of the inscription, which is exceedingly interesting, +is rather mutilated, and a trustworthy translation of it is +at present exceedingly difficult. Certain thieves (<foreign rend='italic'>šarraqa</foreign>), however, +seem to be mentioned, and had to all appearance stripped +(<foreign rend='italic'>iqlubū</foreign>) the image of Uru-gala and another, <q>a deity whose +name was called Ammani'ita.</q> On the 10th of Marcheswan +these thieves were captured and imprisoned, and on the 13th to +all appearance judged and condemned. <foreign rend='italic'>Ûmu šuati ina išati +qalû</foreign>, <q>That day they were burnt in the fire</q>—such is the end +of the story. +</p> + +<p> +This seems not to be in accordance with the laws of sacrilegious +theft, as stated in sections 6 and 8 of Ḫammurabi's code. +Perhaps the law had changed in the 1800 years which had +elapsed since the time of that ruler; or stripping a sacred image +was a much more heinous crime than mere theft from a temple, +which, in the first degree, was punishable with death. +</p> + +<p> +It is noteworthy that refusal to worship the image set up by +Nebuchadnezzar was visited, in Dan. iii, with the same penalty, +probably as showing contempt for the divinity. +</p> + +<p> +P. <ref target='Pg484'>484</ref>, l. 13. The river Ṣilḫu is probably the Sellas in +Messinia, where one of the numerous cities named Apameia +(Apam'(i)a) lay. +</p> + +<p> +Pp. <ref target='Pg489'>489-491</ref>. Not the least interesting of this long list of +temples and cities are Aššur and Nineveh, of which we have +here the earliest mention. +</p> + +</div> + +<pb n='563'/><anchor id='Pg563'/> + +<div rend='page-break-before: always'> +<index index='toc'/> +<index index='pdf'/> +<head>Index.</head> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Aa'/> +<l>Aa, Aê, Ea (Aos), 17, 26, 56, 61, 77;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>? the same name as Yâ, 59, 112;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>transferred to Merodach, 32, 113;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his other names and titles, 62;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>abode and form, 62, 63;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>offspring, attendants, and consort, 63, 64;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>parentage, 17, 64;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>god of handicrafts, rivers, and water, the sea and life therein, 62, 63;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>ever ready with counsel, 64;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>warns Pir-napištim of the coming of the Flood, commands him to build a ship, and tells him what to say to the people, 102;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>reproaches Ellila, 107;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>deifies Pir-napištim, 107, 108;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped at Eridu, 160;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>month Iyyar dedicated to him, 65;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>figures of Aa, 247</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aa (Aê, Ea), Yâ, Ya'u, names containing, 59, 546</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aa (goddess), 160</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aah-mes, Egyptian captain of marines, 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aah-mes, Pharaoh, 269, 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aa-ibur-sabû, Babylon's festival street, 405, 472</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aa-rammu of Edom, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Abarakku</foreign>, 258</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abdi-Aširta (Abdi-Aširti, Abdi-Ašratum, Abdi-Aštarti), the Amorite, 278, 293;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the forms of his name, 313;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>writes to the king of Egypt, 314</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abdi-îli (Abdeel), 157</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abdi-li'iti of Arvad, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abdi-milkutti of Sidon beheaded, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abdi-tâba of Jerusalem, 233;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in a different position from Melchizedek, 235;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>writes to the king of Egypt, 294, 295, 297-299;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abed-nego (Abed-nebo), the Babylonian name of Azariah, 129, 403</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abel-Beth-Maachah, 352, 353</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abēšu' (Ebisum), king, 153, 155;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his daughter hires a field, 167</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abi-baal of Samsimuruna, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abil-Addu-nathānu, life of, 459 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abil-akka, 352</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abil-Sin, king, 153</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abi-nadib (Abinadab), 438, 439</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ablum, <q>son,</q> as a personal name, 547</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abram, Abraham, his parentage, meaning of his first name, and traditions concerning him, 146, 147, 196;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a Chaldean or Babylonian, 147;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>probable Assyrian form of his name, 148;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the importance of his period, 149 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his seeming mistrust of the sons of Heth, 150, 151;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>was there a movement towards monotheism in his time? 198, 199;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the Sabeans dedicate a chapel to him, 203;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the field of Abram, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Abrech</foreign>, Sayce's explanation of, 258</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Abriqqu</foreign>, 258</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Absence of names of Egyptian kings, 250</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Abubu</foreign>, one of the weapons of Merodach, 24</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='564'/><anchor id='Pg564'/> + +<lg> +<l>Abu-habbah (Sippar), 158, 411</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abu-ramu, 148</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abydenus, 63, 384, 385, 393</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Abyss, the, measured by Merodach, 26.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Apsu'>Apsū</ref>, <ref target='Index-Apason'>Apason</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Accad, a city of Nimrod's kingdom, 118.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Akkad'>Akkad</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Accho, 277;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>lawless acts of the people, 281, 282, 360, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Accusation, false, 501 (127)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Achzib (Akzibi), 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Act of God, 513, 523</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adad-'idri, 329;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>resists the Assyrian king, 334, 335;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>= Ben-Hadad, 337</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adad-nirari of Assyria, 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adad-nirari, king of Nuḫašše, 317</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adad-nirari III., king, 339, 342, 344;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>inscriptions of, 340, 341, 343</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adam, various etymologies of the word, 78;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><foreign rend='italic'>adam</foreign> in the bilingual story of the Creation, 78, 79</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adamah, 292</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adaya, 297</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Addu'/> +<l>Addu (Hadad), 157, 170, 277</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adini of Til-barsip, 328</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Administration, 493, 494</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adonis (<hi rend='italic'>see</hi> <ref target='Index-Dumuzi'>Dumuzi</ref>, <ref target='Index-Tammuz'>Tammuz</ref>), 82, 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adoni-zedek, 324</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adoption, 173, 175 177, 463, 465, 508, 509, 525, 553 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adram(m)elech, 378, 384, 385</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Adultery, 501, 502</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aesculapius, the serpent, and the magic herb, 109 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Agad, Agadé, 124, 412, 422;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its temple-tower, 136;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>misfortunes sung, 477.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Akkad'>Akkad</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Agaditess, lamentation of the, 477</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Agents and travelling merchants, laws concerning, 495</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Agricultural implements, theft of, 513</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ahab (Ahabbu of the Sir'ilâa), 329-331, 335, 337, 338</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ahaz and Tiglath-pileser, 353, 356</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aḫi-milki of Ashdod, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aḫi-miti of Ashdod, 369</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aḫi-tâbu (Ahiṭub), 281</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ahuni of Til-barsip, 328</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ahuramazda, 426, 427</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ain-anab, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ainsworth, W. F., his description of the ruins of Haran, 200</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ajalon, 280, 297</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Akizzi, king of Qatua, 289-290, 317</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Akkad'/> +<l>Akkad (Accad), 119;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>references to the country and its language, 121, 412;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the ideograph for, 122;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in early times a collection of small states, 123;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>names of their capitals, 124;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the gods of, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>revolt in, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>weeping in, 416</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Akaad'/> +<l>Akkad, the city (Agadé), 124, 135</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Akkadian, Akkadians, 119, 120, 121;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>probably migrants, 134;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>will overthrow the nations, 123;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their language that of most of the earlier inscriptions, 124;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its gradual disuse, 125;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>disappearance of their specific racial type, 125;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their literature current also in Assyria, 126;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their laws retained, 125;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>transcription and translations of inscriptions, 219-221</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Akkû (Accho), 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Alašia (? Cyprus), 277</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Al Aštarti, city, 278</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Al bêth Ninip, <q>the city of the temple of Ninip,</q> 278</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aleppo, 304, 329</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Allala-bird, Ištar breaks his wings, 96</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Allat, the temple of, 182</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Alliance by marriage, 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amadeh, 273</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amāna, the god Ammon, 278</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ama-namtagga, <q>the mother of sin,</q> 532</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amanus mountains, 349, 368</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amaru, a name of Merodach, 54</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amar-uduk (Merodach), 54</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amasis, pharaoh, Babylonian vassal, 401</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amattu (Hamath), 363</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='565'/><anchor id='Pg565'/> + +<lg> +<l>Amedi, city, 372</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amen-em-heb, officer of Thothmes III., 272</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ameni (Amen-em-ha), inscription of, 261</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amenophis II., 273;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Amenophis III., 274, 316;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Amenophis IV., 269, 293, 299, 302;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his names, 303</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amherst of Hackney, Lord, his tablet mentioning Ostanes, 544</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amki, the cities of, 288, 289, 317</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ammani'ita, goddess, 561</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amminadab (Ammi-nadbi) of Beth-Ammon, 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ammi-ṭitana, king, 153;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>extent of his dominions, 155;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>letter from, 165;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>lord of Amurrū, 215</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ammi-zaduga, king, 153;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablet dated in his reign, 168, 332</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ammonites (Amanians), 329, 333</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ammurabi, a form of the name Hammurabi, 209</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ammurapi (Hammurabi), 210</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amna, a name of the sun-god, 144</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amon (the god Ammon), 278</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amoria (the land of the Amorites), 155, 205, 206, 207, 208, 374, 422</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amorite, Amorites, 156, 157, 300;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Babylonia, 169, 277, 310;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tribute from the, 328, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their kings do homage to Cyrus, 422;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their deities, 156, 170 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>names, 170</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amorite tract, the, 169, 312</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amorite, an, the father of Jerusalem, 316</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amosis, the prince who knew not Joseph, 307</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>'Amq, identified with Amki, 289</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amraphel (Hammurabi), 125, 152;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identified with Hammurabi by Prof. Schrader, 209;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>explanations of the final <hi rend='italic'>l</hi>, 211;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>colophon-dates of his reign, 211-214;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his successor, 153, 187, 188</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amtheta, mother of Abram, 146</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amu, the ethnic name of the <q>impure</q> Hyksos kings, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amurrū (the land of the Amorites), 122, 134, 155, 205, 206 (207), 208, 328, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>ruled over by Sargon of Agadé, 215;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>claimed by Ḫammurabi, 215;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>ruled by Ammi-ṭitana, 311;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the cuneiform ideographs for, 122, 311, 312;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>used for <q>west,</q> 311</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amurrū (the god), 156, 312</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amurrū (personal name), 157</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Amytis, 407</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Anab, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Anamimi, the spring of, 305</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>An eye for an eye,</q> etc., 509, 522</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Animals created by Merodach, 40;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>animals sent into the ark, 103, 117;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>animals held in honour at On, 264, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ankh-kheperu-Ra, <q>the beloved</q> of Amenophis IV., 303</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Anman-ila, king, 54 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>, 154</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Annihilation, the, of Assyria, 393</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Annunit, 224. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Anunitum'>Anunitum</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Anos (= Anu), 17</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ansan, city, 411, 420, 421</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Anšar and Kišar, production of, 16;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their names, 65;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>connection of Anšar with Asshur, 66;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identity of the two deities, 66;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>similar names, 67</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Anšar and the revolt of Tiamtu, 20</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Antiochus (Epiphanes), tablet referring to his reign, 480, 561</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Anu, god of the heavens, 16;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>asked to subdue Tiamtu, 20;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>fails, 21;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>mentioned with Ištar, 41;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped at Erech, 160, 231;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Merodach founds a place for him, 26;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he joins with other deities to send a flood, 101</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Anu-Bel'/> +<l>Anu-Bêl, the god, 482, 483</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Anunitum'/> +<l>Anunitum, goddess of Sippar, 160;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Nabonidus' and Belshazzar's offerings to her temple, 445, 450</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Anunnaki (spirits or gods of the earth), creation of, 40;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>present at the Flood, 104</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aos (Aa, Aê, or Ea), 17. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Aa'>Aa</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Apam'a (Apameia), city, 484</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Apason'/> +<l>Apason (Apsū, the primæval ocean), +<pb n='566'/><anchor id='Pg566'/> +16;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>husband of Tauthé (Tiamtu), 17</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Apharsathchites, the, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Apharsites, the, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aphek, city, 330</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Apophis ('Apop'i), 262</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Apparazu, city, 334</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Apprenticeage, 508</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Apsu'/> +<l>Apsū (= Apason), the primæval ocean, the abyss, 17;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>non-existent at the beginning, 39;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its fountain, 41, 44;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>E-sagila there, 40, 43;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the abode of Tammuz, 43</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arabia, Sennacherib, king of, 378, 381</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arabians (Arbâa), 329, 333, 388, 391;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>help Sennacherib, 382</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Arabic</q> dynasty, the, 169</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arabs, 347</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Araḫtu, the canal, 70</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aramaic dialects, 140;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>papyri, 539 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arame, king, 334</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aramean tribes, 347, 356</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arameans, 371</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aram-naharaim, 207</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arandaš, Hittite king, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ararat (Urarṭu), 127, 336, 347, 351, 367, 368</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arareh, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ararma (Larsa), 218</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Araske (Nisroch, the god Assur), 378</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arazias, land of, 341</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arbaces, the Scythian, 393</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arbela, 412</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Archevites, the, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arganâ, city, 329</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Argob, 313</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ari, the land of the Amorites in Sumerian, 312</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arioch, 164;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identified with Eri-Aku, 209</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arioch, the king's captain, 403</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ark (ship), command to build the, given by Aê (Ea, Aa), 102, 117;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>description of the, 103;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>entered by Pir-napištim, his family, etc., 103;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>given into the hands of a pilot, 104;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>stopped by the mountain of Niṣir, 105;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Bel's anger on seeing it, 106;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its building and provisionment, 103, 115</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Armenia, 311, 344, 373;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Sennacherib's sons take refuge there, 378</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Armenians (Mannâa), 387</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arnon, 313</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arpachshad, possible etymologies of, 143, 144 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arpad, 340, 345, 347</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arqania, city, 484</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arrapha (Arrapachitis), 345, 346</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arsakā (Arsaces), departs to Arqania, 484</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arsâm (Arsames), 539, 542</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Art of the Hittites, 323</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Artaxerxes, friendly to the Jews, 428;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 429</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Artificers of the ark saved in the vessel, 103, 115, 117</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aruada (Arvad), 386, 390</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aruru, the goddess of Sippar-Aruru, 43, 44;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>aids Merodach to create the seed of mankind, 40;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>creates Ea-banî, 93;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>her names, 546</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arvad, city, 272, 322, 328, 386, 390</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arvadites (Arudâa), 329, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arzauya of Ruhizzu, 289</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Arzawa, 298</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ašaridu, letter of, 210</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Asari-lu-duga (Merodach), 54, 155</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Asaru or Asari (Merodach), 54, 143</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Asdudimma, city, 369</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Asenath, the name, 258;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>legend concerning her, 259</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ashdod, 322, 369, 370, 376, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ashdodites (Asdudâa), 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Asherah, the, 278, 314</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ashtoreth, Ashtaroth, 156, 157, 278, 313</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Askelon, 277, 297;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>conquered by Meneptah II., 306, 374, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Asnapper (Assur-banî-âpli), 391;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>letter apparently addressed to him, 210</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Aspasine'/> +<l>Aspāsinē (Hyspasines), Kharacenian king, 482, 483</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='567'/><anchor id='Pg567'/> + +<lg> +<l>Assarachoddas (Esarhaddon), 378</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Asshur, builder of the cities of Assyria, 118</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Asshur (Aššur), city, creation or foundation of, 28, 38, 374, 422;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>earliest mention of, 490;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>revolts, 345, 346;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>land of, 340</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Assignment for loan, 498</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur, the national god of the Assyrians, 202, 329, 340;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Delitzsch's etymology of, 66</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššurâaitu, queen, 392</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-âḫâ-iddina (Esarhaddon), 392</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-banî-âpli, 129;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>letters to, 201, 410;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>restores the temple of Nusku at Haran, 202;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 251;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>refers to Sennacherib, 382;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his reign, 388-392;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his palace discovered, 394</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-dan, king, 344;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>wars in Babylonia, etc., 345</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-êtil-îlāni-ukînni, 392</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-mulik (Aššur-munik), 385</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-nadin-šum, son of Sennacherib, made king of Babylon, 379;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his deposition, 380</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-naṣir, eponym, 410</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-naṣir-apli, I., 327</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-naṣir-âpli II., 327;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>attacks Carchemish, 321;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>marches to the Mediterranean, 328</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-nirari II. marches to Hatarika, Arpad, 345;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and Namri, 346</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-uballiṭ to Amenophis III., 282</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aššur-uttir-aṣbat = Pitru, 329</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Assyria, Assyrians, 122, 123;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>spoke the same language as the Babylonians, 126;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their origin, 126;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>character, rulers, artistic skill, 128;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>invasion by, 331;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>revolt of, 345, 374;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>downfall of, 391 ff., 395;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Christians of, 485</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Assyro-Babylonian language, the, widely known, 140, 275</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Astamaku, city, 334</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aštarte (Istar) and the Asherah, 314</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Astyages captured by Cyrus, 411</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ašur-nadin-âḫi of Assyria, 283</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>'Atar-'ata ('Atar-ghata), Tar-'ata, Atargatis, or Derketo, 203</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Atargatis, goddess of Haran, 203</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aten, the sun's disc, its suggested etymology, 303</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Athribis, 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Atra-ḫasis (Gk. Xisuthrus), a name of Pir-napištim, 107, 117;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the coming of the Flood revealed to him in a dream, 107</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Augury from entrails, 240</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Avaris, the Hyksos shut up in, 252;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the centre of their rule, 254;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>taken by the Egyptians, 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Avitus of Vienne, Bishop, 47</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ay, pharaoh, 303</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Azariah, 338, 348</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Aziru, 279, 293, 313, 315</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Azor (Azuru), 375</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Azriau or Izriau (Azariah), 348, 349</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Azuri of Ashdod, 369</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Azzati (Gaza), 285</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ba'ali, city, 340</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ba'ali-ra'asi, 337</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ba'al(u) of Tyre, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Baal-zephon (Ba'ali-ṣapuna), 349;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(Ba'il-ṣapuna), 369</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ba'asa (Baasha), 333</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Baba (Beby), 261;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his inscription, 262</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Babel = Babylon, 118, 135</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Babel, Tower of, supposed, 44, 132-141, 398</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bâbîa, name, 456</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Babylon, founded by Merodach, 40;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>principal centre, 124;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Dynasty of Babylon, 142, 152, 153;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>city destroyed by Sennacherib, 380, 381;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Jehoiachin carried to, 399;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the gods of Akkad enter, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>at the time of the Captivity, 471-473;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the proposed new capital under Alexander the Great, 476;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its walls dismantled under the Seleucidæ, 418;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>as revealed by the German excavations, 560;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the Church at, 485;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated at, 432, 440-444, 448, 449, 459, 460, 464, 466, 478</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='568'/><anchor id='Pg568'/> + +<lg> +<l><q>Babylon and the Bible,</q> 525, ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Babylonia (Sumer and Akkad, Shinar), 118, 119;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>majority of inscriptions Semitic, 119;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>federated under Ḫammurabi, 149;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>change in its rule, 152;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>under Assyrian rule, 327, 356, 357, 371, 379, 380, 386, 391;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>under Cyrus, 419 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Darius and his successors, 424 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the Greeks, 475 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Kharacenians, 481;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Parthians, 484</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Babylonia at the time of Abraham, 171, 347</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Babylonian, Babylonians, character, 150;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>dress, 171;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>manners, 172, 391;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>racial characteristics, 119, 120;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>downfall of their empire, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>fought in the army of Cambyses, 467;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their religion, 49 ff., 159 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>gods worshipped at a late date, 479</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Babylonian Chronicle, the, 361, 383, 385</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bactrian slave-girl, the, 471</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bāgā-asā, brother of Hyspasines, 483</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Baghdad, the Christians of, 126</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bagohi (Bagoas, Bagoses), 539 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Baḫiani, 322</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Balawat, gates of, 405</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ball, the Rev. C. J., 54;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>compares Akkadian with Chinese, 121</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Barbers and slave-marking, 511</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bardes (Barzia), 424</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Baruḫi-îlu (? Baruchiel), 458</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bashan, the plain of, 277</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bashmurites, origin of the, 266</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Battle,</q> the, 530</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Behistun (rock), 426</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl, <q>the lord,</q> a name given to Merodach, 32, l. 116, 54;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>= Baal, Beecl, etc., 55;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>as god of lordship and dominion, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his dislike for Pir-napištim, 102;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his anger at the escape of the patriarch and his people from the Flood, 107.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Anu-Bel'>Anu-Bêl</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl, <q>the lord</q> = Ellila (Illil) = Illinos, 17;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>called <q>the father,</q> 32, l. 116</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bel and the Dragon, story of (= the Semitic Babylonian story of the Creation), 20</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-âbla-iddina, captain of Babylon, 469</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-âḫê-iddina, one of Neriglissar's captains, 444</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-bulliṭ-su (a scribe), 478</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-êṭiranni, major-domo of Neriglissar, 438</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-ibnî (Belibus), 379</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Belichus (river), 328</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bel-Merodach, 18</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Belos (Bel-Merodach), 17, 18;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his temple, 471, 472, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-rêṣuā, Belshazzar's servant, 447</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-šarra-bulliṭ, agent of Nabonidus and Belshazzar, 450</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-šarra-uṣur, chief of a Median province, 367</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bel-shamin worshipped at Haran, 203</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Belshazzar (Bêl-šarra-uṣur), son of Nabonidus, 414;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>was he descendant of Nebuchadnezzar? 339, 407;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>as crown prince, 412, 447 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Akkad, 412, 449;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his position, 414;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>though heir to the throne, 447; never mentioned as king, 419;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a sale of clothes, 449;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his appointment of Daniel, 419;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a letter apparently from, 538;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 417-419</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-šum-iškun, father of Neriglissar, 409, 438</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-tarṣi-îli-ma, of Calah, 343</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Belteshazzar (Daniel), explanation of the name, 402</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Beltis, goddess, 415</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-ušallim, the enchanter, tablet of, 155</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-Yau, <q>Bel is Jah,</q> name, 59</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêl-zēr-lîšir, copy of an old lamentation made for, 447, 478</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bene-berak (Banâa-barqa), 375</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ben-Hadad II. (son of Ben-Hadad I.), 330;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>restores cities, 331;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>besieges Samaria, 333;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>meets Shalmaneser, 335;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 329, +<pb n='569'/><anchor id='Pg569'/> +337, 338, 342;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ben-Hadad (god), 317</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Bennu</foreign>, the bird of Râ or Rê, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Berechiah, 471</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bêri, the Ḫašabite, to the king of Egypt, 288</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Berlin Museum, 372</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Berosus, the Babylonian author, 63, 378, 379 (siege of Jerusalem), 384, 385 (death of Sennacherib), 406, 408, 409, 410, 418, 422</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bertin, George, his suggestion with regard to the <q>sons of god,</q> 86</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Beth-Ammon, 322, 386, 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Beth-Ammonites, the, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Beth-arbel, 361</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Beth-Dagon (Bît-Daganna), 375</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bethel (<foreign rend='italic'>bêt-îli</foreign>), the, at Haran, 201;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>division of property declared in the, 180</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Beth-Ninip, the city, 235, 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bethuel, the name, 245</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Beyrout, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Biamites, origin of the, 266</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bigamy, 503</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bilingual Creation story, 38-41</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bin-Addu, 317</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bin-Addu-'idri, 329.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> Ben-Hadad</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Birch, Dr. S., 253</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Birds, sending forth of the, 106, 116</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Birejik, 207</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Birs-Nimroud'/> +<l>Birs-Nimroud (Tower of Nimrod), services in, 485.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-E-Zida'>E-zida</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bît-Amukkāni (Chaldean tribe), 356</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bît-Baḫiani, 322</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bît Ḫumrî, Bît Ḫumrîa (Israel), 332, 352, etc.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bît Ninip in the province of Jerusalem, 2, 235, 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bît-Yakin, 371</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Black Obelisk, 332, 337</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Blessed, the abode of the, at the mouths of the rivers, 73</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Blessing of Aaron, Delitzsch's parallel to, 526</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Boatmen's wages and penalties, 511-512</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Boats and ships, hire of, 514, 515;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>boats of skins, 319</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Body, the, of Joseph not taken at once to Canaan, 266, 267</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Boghaz Keui (Köi), 205, 317, 537, 538</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bond and free, marriages between, 506, 507, 525</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Borrowers, liabilities and rights of, 495, 496</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Borsippa, the temple tower at, 137;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated at, 461, 462.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Birs-Nimroud'>Birs-Nimroud</ref>, <ref target='Index-E-Zida'>E-zida</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bosanquet (Mr.), 345</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bow of Merodach, 28</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Branding of animals, 457</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Breasted, Prof., 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Brick in Babylonia, 135</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Brigandage, 493</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Brugsch, Prof., 253, 304, 305;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his translation of the inscription of Baba, 262</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bubastis, 263</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Budu-îlu of Beth-Ammon, 374, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Builders, their pay and liabilities, 511;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Babylonian kings as, 398</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Building of the ship or ark, 102, 103, 117</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bull, divine, sent against Gilgameš and his friend, 97;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>killed and mutilated by the latter, 97, 98</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Buntaḫtun-ila, king, 54 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>, 154</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Burial of Seqnen-Rê, 269</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Burra-buriaš (Burna-burias), king, 276, 293;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>speaks of Canaan, 205;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his letter to Amenophis III., 281</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Bûr-Sin, king, 124, 164;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>meaning of his name, 217, 218</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Buzu, city, 182</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Buzur-Kurgala, the pilot or boatman of the ship (ark), 104</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Caedmon, 47</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cain and Abel, parallel to the story of, 82-84</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Calah (Nimroud), built by Asshur, 118, 126, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>statues at, 343;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>revolt in, 346</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Calne, 348</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Calneh'/> +<l>Calneh, one of the cities of Nimrod's +<pb n='570'/><anchor id='Pg570'/> +kingdom, 118;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identified with Niffer, 126, 135</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Camarina (Urie), 146;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its probable etymology, 147, 197</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cambyses (Kambuzîa), performs ceremonies, 416;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>becomes king, 424;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablet of his reign, 466;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his campaign in Egypt, 467</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Canaan, 204, 205;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>mentioned by the Pharaoh, 301, 304, 306;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><q>a domain of Babylonian culture,</q> 526</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Canaanites, Rameses II. and the, 305</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Canals, the Babylonian, 159</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Canon, the Babylonian, agrees with that of Ptolemy in naming Pûlu or Poros, 357, 358</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Canon of Ptolemy, 358, 398</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Canons, the eponym, 352, 353, 358</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cappadocia, 318</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Captives asked for, 301, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Caravans, attacks on, 281, 285, 286</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Carchemish, 272, 304, 319, 321, 329-334, 339, 367</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Carchemishites, 350</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Carmania, Nabonidus exiled to, 418</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Carmel, Thothmes III. at, 271</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Cedar, beloved of the great gods,</q> the, 76</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Carrier's responsibility, 499</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cart, oxen and driver, hire of, 514</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chaboras (Habor), river, 364</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chaldean, Chaldeans, the tribes, 341, 347, 356;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>not liked by the Babylonians, 371;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Esarhaddon and the, 388;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Nabopolassar supposed to be a, 396</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chaldean Christians, the, 394</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Characters, Assyrian, 312;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Babylonian, 122</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Changelings, 509</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chariots of the Hittites, 319</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chedor-, 209.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Kudur'>Kudur-</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chedorlaomer, 209, 215;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>at first identified with Kudur-mabuk, 222;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>probably the Kudur-laḫmal, or Kudur-laḫgumal of the inscriptions, 223, 232</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chemosh, the god of the Moabites, 557, 559 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cherub, cherubim, 80-82, 533, 547</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chiefs of Takhsi made captive, 273</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chinzeros (Ukîn-zēr), 356, 357</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chnub, Chnum, priests of, plot against Jews, 539, 542, 543</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Choosing the inheritance, 180</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Christians, of Mossoul and its neighbourhood, 394;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>of Baghdad and Irak, 485</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Chronological trade-document, a 398</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cilicia (Kefto), 274, 368;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>places near, conquered by Sennacherib, 379</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cilicians, the, 390</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cities, creation of, in Babylonia, 28;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their growth, 171;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>invoked as deities, 181;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>those benefited by Ḫammurabi, 489, 491</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cities, etc., of the western states, before the Hebrews, 277</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cittaeans, 360</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Civilization in Babylonia, antiquity of, 170</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Clay, Prof. A. T., 555</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cleopatra's Needle, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Coast-lands, Mediterranean, pay tribute to Aššur-banî-âpli, 388</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Code of Ḫammurabi, 491-515;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>notes upon, 519, ff., 545, 546;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>illustrations of, 166, 168, 173 ff., 176, ff., 179, ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Collisions at sea, 512</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Colophon-dates, 178-182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 211-214</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Combat with the Dragon, 18 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Commagene, 319, 329, 372</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Commissariat, letter concerning the, 287</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Commissioner and agent, relations between, 498, 499</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Compensation for slaves, 458, 459, 513, 523</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Conciliation, Elamite policy of, 233</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Concubines, 502, 503, 508</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Confusion of tongues, the, 132, 133, 139, 140, 170</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='571'/><anchor id='Pg571'/> + +<lg> +<l>Congregation, the, of, E-saggil, 126 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, 482</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Constellations, Merodach sets the, 27</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Consulting the teraphim, 247</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Contempt for gods, 553, (480)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cossaeans (Kaššû), 373, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Costume of the people in Babylonia 2000 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, 171</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Countries known to the Babylonians and Assyrians, list of, 206</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Courts of Justice in the temples and at the gates of cities, 163</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Creation, the Hebrew story of, 11 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>how it grew, 9 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>differences between it and the Babylonian accounts, 34 ff., 48-49</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Creation-legend, the Semitic, an heroic poem, 10;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>extracts from, 18, 19, 21-23, 35, 36;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>remarks upon, 20, 33-38</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Creation-legend, the bilingual, 38-45;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>why compiled, 39</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Creation-legends, though differing, contain similar ideas, 10</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Creation-tablet, the first, 16;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Damascius' version, 16;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>remarks thereon, 20;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the second, 20, 21;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>third, 22;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>fourth, 22-26;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>fifth, 26-28;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>sixth, 28, 29;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>last, 29-33</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cruelty of the Egyptians to captives, 273</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cultivation, tablet referring to, 456, 457</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cure of Gilgameš, the, 108, 109</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cush, the father of Nimrod, 118, 204</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cuthah, the temple-tower at, 136;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tribute from, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its site found by Rassam, 394</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cylinder-seal with supposed representation of Adam's fall, 79</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cyprus (Yatnana or Ya(w)anana), 128, 304, 373;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its kings, 386, 387;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tributary to Egypt, 272;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>aids Aššur-banî-âpli, 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Cyrus, his operations against Astyages, 411;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>crosses the Tigris, 412;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>subjugates Babylonia and enters the capital, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>helped by the Jews, 416;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his treatment of Nabonidus, 418;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>master of Babylonia, 419;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his inscription, 420 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>champion of the Babylonian gods, 422;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>restores exiles to their homes, 423;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 424</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Daché and Dachos, miswritten for Laché and Lachos, 17</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dagon (Dagunu), 59;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(Dagan), 142, 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><hi rend='italic'>Daily Telegraph</hi> expedition, the, 90;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>finds a fragment of a second story of the Flood, 117</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Damage by herdsmen, 514</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Damascius, his version of the Babylonian Creation-story, 16, 17, 63</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Damascus, the city (Dimasqu, Dimasqa), Israelites build streets there, 331;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Mari'u, the king besieged there, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><q>land of,</q> 353;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ahaz goes there, 356, 363</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Damascus, the country (Ša-imēri-šu, Imēri-su), 329, 334, 336-338;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Mari'u, king of, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>subdued by Assyria, 348 (353);</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Rezon of, 354</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Damu, goddess, <q>the great enchanter,</q> 16</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Daniel, 402, 417</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Daos, the shepherd of Pantibiblon, his long reign, 63</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dapur (Tabor), 305</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Darius Hystaspis, mounts the throne of Babylon, 424;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the contract-tablets of his reign, 425, 468-471;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his monotheism, 426, 427;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the extent of his dominions, 427</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Darius II., 539, 542</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dark head, people of the, 420</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Dark vine,</q> the, of the Babylonian Paradise, Eridu, 71, 75</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dâ-šartî, a captive, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Date, probable, of the Hyksos invasion, 265;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>of the Exodus, 306</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Daughter for daughter,</q> 510, 522</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Daughter (? adopted), sale of a, 185</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='572'/><anchor id='Pg572'/> + +<lg> +<l>Dauké (= Damkina), 17, 18;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>consort of Aa or Ea, 64</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Day, the evil, 528</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Days of creation, no reference to, 49;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>days of the month, 526, ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dead slave, the, 458, 459</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Death of Shalmaneser II., 339;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>IV., 361;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Sargon, 372;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Sennacherib, 383;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Esarhaddon, 388;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the last king of Assyria, 393;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Belshazzar, 419</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Death-penalty for adultery, 501, 521</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Debt, working off of, 500, 521;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>responsibility of husband and wife for, 503, 504</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>De Clercq collection, the, 560</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Decoration, Babylonian, 551 (405), 552 (471-472)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Defamation, 501</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dehavites, the, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Deified kings, 164</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Deities as witnesses, 187</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Deities of Mitanni, 277, 278</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Deities of west Asian origin, 156</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Deities probably foreign, 157</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Delaiah, son of Sanballat, 541</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Delitzsch, Prof., Friedrich, 14, 15, 36, 78;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>restorations by, 122, 361;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his etymology of <foreign rend='italic'>sadû</foreign>, 248;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>Babel und Bibel</hi>, etc., 525, ff., 546, 559</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Deposit, goods on, 499, 500, 501, 521</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Derketo (Atargatis), goddess, 203</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dêru, Babylonian city, 363</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Desertion, 502</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Devotees, recluses, priestesses, and public women, 161, 499, 507, 508</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Dibbara Legend,</q> the, 122</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Digging of canals, dating by the, 159</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dimasqa, Dimasqu (Damascus), 336, 341, 353, 363</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dinaites, the, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Diodorus Siculus upon the taking of Nineveh, 393</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Disaster, the Assyrian, at the siege of Jerusalem, 378</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Disowning of a son, 176, 177, 505</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Distraint, 500;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a parallel to the case of the Egyptian farmers, 525</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Divination, 247</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Divine Daughters,</q> the, 160</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Divine honours paid to Egyptian rulers, 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Division of property, 178-181</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Divorce, 181, 502</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Double-formed and bull-like monsters, Ea and his attendants, 63, 64</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dove, swallow, and raven sent forth from the ship (ark), 106</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dower, return of, 502, 504</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dowers and gifts to virgins, priestesses, etc., 508</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Downfall of Assyria, the, 392, 393;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Nabopolassar upon the, 550</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dragon of Chaos, the, 18;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>dragon and the serpent-tempter, 529 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dreams, royal, 390, 411</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dress of the scribes in early Babylonia, 171, 172</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Driver, Prof., 260 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Du-azaga, <q>the holy seat,</q> 405</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dûdu, name, 315</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dudḫalia, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Due of the Sun-god,</q> the, 167</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dū-maḫa, a sacred place, 228</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Dumuzi'/> +<l>Dumuzi-Abzu, <q>Tammuz of the Abyss,</q> 43, 63</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dungi, Babylonian king, 124, 152, 164</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dunip (Tenneb), city, 277;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>resists the enemies of Egypt, 294</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dunnaitess, lamentation of the, 477</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dura, plain of, 403, 404</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dûr-Ammi-zaduga, city, 172</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dûr-Dungi, 325</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dûr-îlitess, lamentation of the, 478</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dûr-Kuri-galzu, 347</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dûr-Ladinna, 371</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dûr-maḫ-îlāni, son of Eri-Eaku, 223, 224, 226, 227, 231, 233</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dûr-Sargina (Khorsabad), the temple-tower there, 137, 369</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Dusratta, king of Mitanni, 276, 278, 304, 316</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='573'/><anchor id='Pg573'/> + +<lg> +<l>Dynasty of Babylon, 142, 152, 153;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Babylonia at the period of the, 169 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ea, the god, 17, 26, 56, etc.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Aa'>Aa</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Eaašarri, 278 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ea-banî (Aê-banî, Aa-banî), the man of the wilds, 92;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his creation and appearance, 93;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>is seen by a hunter, enticed, and induced to go to Erech, 94;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he accompanies Gilgameš against Ḫumbaba, 94, 95;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>kills a divine bull, 97, 98;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his dreams and death, 98;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his resurrection, 110 (Ea-du, Enki-du)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ea-du or Enki-du, 92 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>, 548</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-ana, E-anna, the temple at Ecrech, 39, 229;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its sanctuary, 91</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Early life of a Syrian prince, 285</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-E-babbara'/> +<l>E-babbara (the temple at Sippar), 160, 434;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>expenditure of, 446;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(the temple at Larsa), 218</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-bara. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-E-babbara'>E-babbara</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ebed-tob (Abdi-ṭâba), 291</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ebers, Prof., his translation of the inscription of Ameni, 261;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>upon Apophis, 263</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ebisum (Abēšu'), king, 153, 155</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Eden, Garden of 13, 69;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the native land of the Babylonians, 14;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Sippar of Eden, 70, 72;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Eden not referred to as the earthly paradise in the Babylonian inscriptions, 72</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Edina, <q>the plain</q> (Eden), 43, 72</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Edom (Udumu), 322, 341, 370, 374, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Edrei, 313</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Egypt (Musuru, Musru, Musur, Miṣir), 249-309;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the Hyksos invasion, 251;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>gradually loses Palestine, 290;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>governors still faithful to, 293;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>invaded by Sennacherib, 381;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>an Assyrian province;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 363, 365, 375</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Egypt, the brook (? river) of, 388</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Egypt Exploration Fund, the, 305</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Egyptian civilization, 250</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Egyptian king, the, to the prince of the Amorites, 300</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Egyptian loan-words, 143, 144</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Egyptian slave, sale of an, 466, 551;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>testifies to Cambyses' campaign in Egypt, 467</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Egyptians (Muṣurâa), 375;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their decision with regard to the Israelites, reason of, 268</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-ḫulḫul, the temple of Sin or Nannara at Haran, 202</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ejectment before the end of the term, 498</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-kidur-kani, temple at Babylon, 433</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ekron (Amqarruna), 375, 376, 377, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-kua, sanctuary of Merodach, 472</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elah, 355</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elam, a mountainous country, 206;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>firstborn of Shem, 549;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its power, 209;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>conquered by Sargon, 362 (363);</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Merodach-baladan in, 373;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>ravaged by Sennacherib, 380;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>conquered by Aššur-banî-âpli, 391;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>acknowledges the sway of Darius, 427</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elamite, Elamites: Ḫumbaba, 94, 95;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Chedorlaomer, 209, 215, 222, 224, 227;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Kudur-mabuk, Kudur-laḫ(gu)mal, etc., 222-225, 230, 232;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>hostile to Assyria, 372, 379, 380, 391;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their incursions near the Tigris, 483;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 122, 140, 170, 229</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elath, 353</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elders, rule of, 280</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elephantine, the Aramaic papyri from, 539 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elephants killed by Tiglath-pileser I. in the land of Haran, 200;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and in Lebanon, 201;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>elephants in the district of Niy, 273</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elephants' tusks, 321</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>El-Kâb, 261</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ellasar, city, 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ellila (v. Bel)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ellipu, country of, 341, 372</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='574'/><anchor id='Pg574'/> + +<lg> +<l>Elmesum, princess, marriage-contract of, 166</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elmešum's letter to his father, 172</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Eltekah (Altaqû), 375</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Elulaeus of Tyre, 360</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-maḫ (temple), 161</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Embankment of the Sun-god, the 213</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-melam-anna, the temple of Nusku at Haran, 202</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Emutbālu or Yamutbālu, conquered by Ḫammurabi, 211, 212, 213, 216, 217, 219, 220</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Enchantments, Istar's, 97</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Endowment of an adopted daughter, 173</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Engur, mother of Aa or Ea, 64</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Enki-du, the friend of Gilgameš, 92 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>, 540</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>En-nu-gi and the Flood, 101</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ennun-dagalla, 228</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Enoch, 84</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Enšara and Ninšara, 67</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Enweduranki (Euedoreschos), 63, 77, 538, 539</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ephron, 315</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Eponym dates in the reign of Shalmaneser IV., 358</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Erech non-existent at the beginning, 39;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>built by Merodach, 41;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>called <q>Erech the walled,</q> and ruled over by Gilgameš, 91;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>besieged, 91;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>other references to the city, 92, 93, 94;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>rejoicing there on the death of the divine bull, 98;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Gilgameš returns thither after seeing Pir-napištim, 110;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>one of the cities of Nimrod's kingdom, 118, 124, 135;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its temple-tower, 136;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the city delivered to Rîm-Sin, 221;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>lamentation over its misfortunes, 477, 478;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablet dated at, 456</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ereš-ki-gala (Persephone), 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Eri-Aku (Eri-Sin), 216, 217, 218, 233;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>inscription of, 219</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Eridu, the Babylonian Paradise, 71, 72, 73;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>non-existent at first, 39, 42;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>made, 40;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>not the earthly city of that name, 43;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a type of Paradise, 43;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the incantation of, 44;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>one of the principal cities of Babylonia, 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Esâ (? = Esau), 157, 245</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-saggil, 223, 224. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-E-sagila'>E-sagila</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-E-sagila'/> +<l>E-sagila (E-saggil, E-sangil), completed by Merodach, 40, 43;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>meaning of the name, 43, 139;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the temple of Belus, 137, 246, 472;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>restored by Samsu-iluna, 161;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>restoration attempted under Alexander and Philip, 476;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>offerings at, 412, 480;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its congregation, 482;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 409, 415</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-sagila, the temple <q>within the Abyss,</q> founded by Lugal-du-azaga, 40, 73</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-sagila-râmat and her father-in-law's slave, 465, 466</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Esarhaddon (Aššur-âḫâ-iddina), 383, 384-388;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>apparently crowned at Haran, 201-202;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Ḫanigalbat, 384, 385;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Babylonia and the Mediterranean states, 386, 387;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Armenia, and on the east of Assyria, 388;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Egypt, 251, 388;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he restores the temple of Belos, 560;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>mentions his brothers, 558, and his father's campaign against the Arabs, 382;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 388</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-šarra, the heavens, 26</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-šarra, an Assyrian temple, 328, 340</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-ša-turra, a temple at Su-anna, 433</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Esau, the name, 157, 245</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Escaped slaves, 493</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Esdraelon, defeat of Syrians at, 271</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ešnunna(k) (Umliaš), soldiers of, defeated by Ḫammurabi, 213;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>destroyed by a flood, 214;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its gods restored by Cyrus, 422</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Etakama (Edagama), of Kinza and Kadesh, 279;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>pretending to be faithful to Egypt, attacks Amki, 288, 289;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>hostile to Egypt, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-temen-ana(-kia), the tower of +<pb n='575'/><anchor id='Pg575'/> +Babylon, 136, 138, 139, 406, 559;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and shrine of E-sagila, 398, 560</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-temena-ursag, temple, 213</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Etham, 304</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ethobaal (Tu-ba'alu), 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-tur-kalama, a Babylonian temple, 214, 415</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Euedoreschos, 63, 546, 547</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>E-ur-imina-ana(-kia), the tower of Borsippa, 136, 138</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Euphrates, creation of, 40;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>mentioned, 329, 334, 335, 336, 339, 341, 344, 471, etc.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Eupolemus concerning Abraham, 146, 196</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Eusebius, 396</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Eve, a Babylonian type of, 532</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Events chosen to date by, 159</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Evetts, Mr. B. T. A., 408</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Evil-Merodach (Awel-Maruduk), 408;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>murdered, 409;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated in his reign, 440, 441</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Evil spirit, the, driven from the temple, 530</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Evolution in the Babylonian story of the Creation, 33, 34</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Exodus, date of the, 306;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>pharaoh of the, 309</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Expulsion of Eve, a parallel to, 83</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Expulsion of the Egyptians from Palestine, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Eye for an eye,</q> 509, 522</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-E-Zida'/> +<l>E-zida, the temple-tower at Borsippa, restored by Nebuchadnezzar, 138, 139, 406;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Evil-Merodach, 409;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its people resist Kudur-laḫgu(mal), 229, 230;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its bronze doorstep, 405;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>incantation concerning, 41;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 412, 415, 485</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ezra, Sir H. Howorth upon, 427, 429</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Fair son,</q> the, his carrying off, 83</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Faithlessness, 503</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Fall? did the Babylonians possess the legend of the, 79, 531, 532</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>False witness, 491</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Family of the hero of the Flood saved with him, 103, 115, 117</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Famines in Egypt, 260, 261</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Father's lawsuit, a, 182</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Fear of God, lines upon, 50</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Female rule, 280</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Fifteenth day = Sabbath, 527</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Fire, penalty of death by, 480</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Flood, the Biblical story, 87 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the Babylonian story, 100 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>introduction to, 89, ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>first read by G. Smith, 90;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a chapter of the Legend of Gilgameš, 90;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>related to him by Pir-napištim, 101;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>decided upon by the gods, 101, 102;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its approach, arrival, and effect, 104, 105;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>duration and subsidence, 105, 106;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>due to the god Bel, 106;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>why sent, 107, 112;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Pir-napištim dreads its coming, 104, 116;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the second Babylonian story of the, 117;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>was it a <q>Sin Flood</q>? 529;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>description of the tablets recording, 100, 101</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Followers of Tiamtu, the, 530</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Food, incantation in which it is used, 540</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Foster-children and their disowning, 176, 177, 505</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Four kings against five, the, 208</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Fraudulent practices, 513</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Furious cattle, laws concerning, 512, 523</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Furniture, lists of, 189</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Future life, 111</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gad, the name, 246 (Gadu-ṭâbu)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gadlat, goddess of Haran, 203</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gadu-ṭâbu, name, 547</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gala-Aruru = Istar the star = the planet Venus, 44</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Galilee, attacked by Tiglath-pileser, 353</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Galilee, South, invaded by Amenophis II., 273</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Garden of Eden, 69</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Garizim, temple at, re-dedicated to Jupiter, 481</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Garment, the vanishing, 23</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='576'/><anchor id='Pg576'/> + +<lg> +<l>Garu, Petrie's identification of, 292</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gate of Istar at Babylon, 551, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gates of city, judgment in the, 163</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gath (Gimti), 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gath-Carmel, 296</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gauzanitis, 304</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gaza (Ḫazitu), 277, 376 386, 411;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Thothmes III. at, 271;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Yabitiri guards, 285;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Hanon of, 352, 363, 365, 366</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gazzāni (a ruler), 224, 325, 556</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gebal (Gublu), 278, 293, 313, 317, 322, 339, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gebalite, whose brother drove him from the gate, 300</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gebalites (Gublâa), 350, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gedaliah, governor of Jerusalem, put to death, 400</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gemariah, 471</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gergesa, 324</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gezer, 297, 299, 306</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Giammu, prince, 328</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gift to a son, 505</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gigîtum, Neriglissar's daughter, 442</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gihon, river, 69, 70</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gilead, 353</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Gilgames'/> +<l>Gilgameš, ancient hero, king of Erech, 73, 91;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the legend concerning him, 90 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and his friend Ea-banî, 92;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>who consents to go to him, 94;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he seeks the place of Ḫumbaba, 94;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>who is killed, 95;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ištar makes love to him, 95, 96;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he reproaches her, 96, 97;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and she sends a divine bull against them, 97;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>dreams concerning him, 98;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he mourns for Ea-banî and sets out on his great journey, 98;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he meets Ur-Sanabi, the pilot, and Pir-napištim, 99;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>who tells him the story of the Flood, 101 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he is restored to health, 108, 109;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>finds the magic plant, 109;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>loses it, and reaches Erech, 110;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>sees the spirit of Ea-banî, 111;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the new version of the legend referring to him, 547 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gilgameš-series, the getting together of the, 90</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gilu-ḫêpa, wife of Amenophis II., 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gimil-Sin, king, 124, 164</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gimmirrâa, the, 390</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gimti (Gath), 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gimtu (Gath?), 369</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gindibu'u, an Arabian tribe, 333</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Girgashites, the, 310, 324-326</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gišdubar, Gišṭubar, Gisdhubar. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Gilgames'>Gilgameš</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Glosses in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, 234 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gobryas (Gubaru, Ugbaru) of Gutium, enters Babylon, and appoints governors there, 415, 417, 418, 419;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(goes) against ..., 416, 417;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>receives the kingdom for Cyrus, 419</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>God,</q> names for, in the chief tongues of the ancient East, 170, <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gods and their seats, 160, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tithe granted to, 448;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>processions of, 526;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>they fear the Flood, 105;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>those who joined Tiamtu, 20, 25;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their punishment, 25</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gods, figures of, found under the pavement of palaces, 247</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gods identified with Merodach, 58</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gods of On (Heliopolis), 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gods of the west of Asia, 277</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gog, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Gold, much gold,</q> 277, 283</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gomer, people of, 390</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Good wishes,</q> the tablet of, 81</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Goshen, 268</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Government of states, 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gozan, 345, 364</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Greek words in Babylonia, 480</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Greetings, Babylonian, 172, 452, 453, 454</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gublu (Gebal), 313</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Guites, 329;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(= Goim?), 332, 333</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gula, goddess of healing, 86, 472</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gutians, Gutites, 158, 170, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Guti-kirmil, 296</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gutû or Gutium, 206, 207, 415</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Gyges' son, the dream of, 390</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='577'/><anchor id='Pg577'/> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Habati'/> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Ḫabati</foreign>, the, 292, 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Ḫabbatu</foreign>, 291. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Habati'>Habati</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Ḫabiri</foreign>, the, 269, 291, 295, 296, 297, 538;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>they possess the land, 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫaburu, city in Babylonia, 446</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hadad, 160, 277, 330;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>of Aleppo, 329.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Addu'>Addu</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫādara, Rezon's birthplace, 354</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hades, <q>the land of no-return,</q> 65</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hagar, her position, 186;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>parallels (with differences) to the case of, 174, 175, 185, 236, 524</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫâi, 315</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Halah (Ḫalaḫḫa), 364</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫalman, 325</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hamah (Hamath), 317</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫamanu (Amanus), mountains, 328, 334, 336, 349</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hamath (Amatte), Hamathites (Amatâa), Irhulêni of, 329, 334;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>districts of, 349;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Yau-bi'idi (Ilu-bi'idi) of, 322, 363;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 348</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫammatites (? = Hamathites), Eni-îlu of the, 350</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫammurabi (Amraphel), changes during his reign, 125;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its length, 153;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated therein 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>references to his conquest of <q>Mair and Malgia,</q> 187;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>other references to him, 209-215, 238;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his code of laws, 491-515;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his image on the stele, 487;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the benefits he had conferred on the cities of Babylonia, 488-491;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his opinions of his reign, 515, 516;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his curse upon any destroying or changing his record, 517-519</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫammurabi-ḫêgalla, canal, 211</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫammurabi-nuḫuš-niši, canal, 212</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫammurabi-Samši, name, 164, 187</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫana-galbat, Ḫani-galbat, king of, 283;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the caravans of, 286;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Esarhaddon fights (? against his brothers) there, 384, 385</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫanni, messenger of Egypt, 301</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hanon of Gaza, 352</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫanû, land of, 206</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Haran born at Ur of the Chaldees, 144</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Haran (city, the Bab. Ḫarran), a centre of lunar worship, 147, 195;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Terah and his family migrate thither, 192, 195;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its probable origin, 199, 200;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its ruins, 200;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>elephants in the neighbourhood in early times, 200, 201;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its gods and temples, 201, 202, 534;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Esarhaddon (?) crowned there, 201, 202;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Nabonidus restores the temple of Sin, 202;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its renown in later days, 202, 203;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the city besieged, 411;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>deities restored, 414</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫarḫar, called by the Assyrians Kar-Sarru-ukîn, 367, 368</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫarri-si'isi, 325</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫatānu, servant of Neriglissar, 439</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫatarika, Ḫatarikka, 344, 345, 349</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hatred of Bel for the hero of the Flood, 102, 113</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hatshepsut, queen regent, 271</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫatta, 288. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Hatti'>Hatti</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Hatti'/> +<l>Ḫatti, Ḫattî (Hittites, Kheta, people of Heth), 205, 288, 319, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their depredations, 317;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>ships of, used by Sennacherib, 379;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Syria and the Holy Land, 386.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Heth'>Heth</ref>, <ref target='Index-Hittites'>Hittites</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫattu, city, 205</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫattu-šil, (Kheta-sir), 320, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Haupt, Prof. Paul, upon the description of the ship or ark, 114</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hauran, the (Ḫauranu), 336</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫâya, a messenger, 286</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫaza, 340</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Hazael'/> +<l>Hazael of Arabia, 382</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hazael of (Ša-)Iamēri-šu (Damascus), 337, 338, 342</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫaza-îlu, 336, etc. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Hazael'>Hazael</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hazor, 277, 353</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Heathen images, the, of Jacob's household, 247, 248</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Heavens, Merodach arranges the, 27</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='578'/><anchor id='Pg578'/> + +<lg> +<l>Hebrews, their ancestor and his language, 204;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Egypt, 268;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>did not leave with the Hyksos, 267;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their commonwealth, 327;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>were they the <foreign rend='italic'>Ḫabiri</foreign>? 538</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Heliopolis, 258</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Helios (Samas), 203</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hellenizing influence, the, of Antiochus Epiphanes, 480</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Helpers of Rahab, the, 530</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hephaistos (Sethos), 381, 382</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Herdsmen, their duties and liabilities, 213, 214, 524</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hereditary chiefs, 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Herodotus upon the Temple of Belus, 137, 405;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Sennacherib's expedition to Egypt, 381, 382;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Nitocris' architectural works, 407;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 342, 443</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Heth'/> +<l>Heth, 368, 369; the sons of, 315.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Hatti'>Ḫatti</ref>, <ref target='Index-Hittites'>Hittites</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hezekiah (Ḫazaqiau), 375, 376, 377, 395</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hiddekel, the Tigris, Babylonian form of the name, 84</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hiding heathen images, 248</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hieroglyphic inscriptions of the Hittites, 317</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hilprecht, Prof. H. V., 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hire of animals for agricultural work, 514;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>field labourers and herdsmen, 513;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>fields, 495;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>of a ship (by Belshazzar), 450;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(by Sirku), 470</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hired <q>from himself,</q> 188</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hired men, their responsibilities, 513</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hiring of slaves and freemen, for money, 187, 188;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>for produce, 188;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>risks of the hirer, 191</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hirom (Ḫirummu) of Tyre, 350</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Hittites'/> +<l>Hittite, Hittites, 140, 205, 274, 277, 315-323, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>attack Tuneb, 316;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tributary, 272, 316, 320;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their architecture borrowed by the Assyrians, 323;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>inscriptions, where found, 317;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their language, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hittite, a, the mother of Jerusalem, 316</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Holy Land, 340;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its state before the entry of the Israelites, 277</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Home, the, of the Hittites, 318</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hommel, Prof., 14, 54;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>suggests a connection of Ea, Aê, or Aa, with Ya'u (Jah), 113;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his early etymology of Arpachshad, 143;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his work upon Egyptian culture 144 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the Hittite inscriptions, 318;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Gilgameš, 547;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Shinar, 549;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>early names, etc., 555, 557</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hophra encourages Zedekiah against Nebuchadnezzar, 399;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>marches to support him, 400;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>deposed, 401</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hor-em-heb, 303</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Horner, Rev. J., 331</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Horse, glorious in war, loved by Istar, 96</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Horus, 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hosea, Hoshea (Ausi'a), king, 354, 355, 359;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the prophet, 361</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>House of Belshazzar, its situation, 447</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Household goods, 189;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>gods, 247</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Housebreaking, 493, 521</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Houses and cities, built by Merodach, 40</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Houses, private, 188, 189</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Howorth, Sir H., 427, 429</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hui, his tomb at Thebes, 303</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫulḫutḫulitess, lamentations of the 477</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫumbaba, apparently an Elamite, 94;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Gilgameš and Ea-banî seek his domain, 94, 95;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his end, 95</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫursag-kalama, Babylonian city, 415</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫursag-kalamitess, lamentations of the, 477</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Husband, causing death of, 504</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ḫuṣṣiti-ša-Mušallim-Marduk, tablet dated at, 436</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hyksos, or shepherd-kings, legends concerning, 252;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their fear of an Assyrian (Babylonian) invasion, 251;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their policy in time of famine, 260;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>quit Egypt, 252, +<pb n='579'/><anchor id='Pg579'/> +270;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>at Tanis, 264;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>those who remained reduced to subjection, 270;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their descendants, 266</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Hyspasines, 481. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Aspasine'>Aspāsinē</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ian-Ra (Ra-ian), was he the pharaoh of Joseph? 263</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Iāwa, the ending of names, 470, 471.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Yawa'>-yāwa</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ibi-Sân sells his daughter, 185</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ibi-Sin, king, 124, 152, 164</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ibi-Tutu, king (?), 230, 231</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ibscher, Herr, 544</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Idalium, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Idigna, Akkado-Babylonian form of the name of the Tigris, 84</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Igigi, address to Merodach by the, 29-33;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his title among them, 32</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ijon, 353</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ikausu of Ekron, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ili-milki (Elimelech), 295</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ili-rabiḫ, 288, 289</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Illegitimate children, acknowledgement of, 505, 506</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Illinos (Illil, the god Bel), 17</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Iltani, princess, hires a field, 167</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Iltani, princess, sun-devotee, hires a reaper, 168</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ilu-bi'idi (Yau-bi'idi) of Hamath, 322, 363, 366</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ilu-dâya, the Hazite, writes to the king of Egypt, 288</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Imgur-Bêl, wall of Babylon, 405</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Immerum, king, 154</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Immortality, the Chaldean Noah attains, 101, 108</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Impure,</q> the name given by the Egyptians to the Hyksos, 254</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Inaction of the Egyptian king, 296, etc.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ina-E-sagila-rêmat, daughter of Nabonidus, 450</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ina-êši-êṭir, Nebuchadnezzar's agent, 432</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Incantation for E-zida (the Birs-Nimroud), 41;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>against <q>sickness of the head,</q> 55;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>to purify, 86</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Incest, 504, 521, 522</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>India-House Inscription, extract from the, 138, 139;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>references to Babylon, 405, 406</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Inheritance, 178-181, 503-507;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>of virgins, priestesses, etc., 508</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Injuries, penalties for, to slaves, 509, 522;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>to a woman, 510, 522;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in a quarrel, 509, 510, 522</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Inscriptions, the Hittite, 317, 318</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>'Ir</foreign>, the Hebrew for <q>city,</q> and <foreign rend='italic'>uru</foreign>, 241</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Irḫulēni of Hamath, 329; = Urhi-lēni, 332;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>resists the Assyrian king, 334, 335</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Irnini, a god, 95</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Irqata, rule of, 280</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph, 242</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Išḫara, goddess, invoked, 433</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Isidore of Charax, 192</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Isin, Isinna (Karrak), city, 124, 211</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Isis, 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Isis-Hathor (Venus Urania), 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Isqal(l)una (Askelon), 374, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Israel, 351, 352, 355;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>on the monolith of Meneptah, 306</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Israel, the name, probable Assyro-Babylonian forms, 157, 245</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Israelites, allied with Ben-Hadad, 329-333, 337;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>subject to Hazael, 342</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Iššaku</foreign>, <q>chief</q> (= <foreign rend='italic'>patesi</foreign>), 127</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Istar'/> +<l>Ištar, 55;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>her search for Tammuz in Hades, 65;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>makes love to Gilgameš, 96;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>her cruelty to her lovers, 96, 97;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>sends a divine bull against Gilgameš and Ea-banî, 97;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>which they kill, 98;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>her grief on account of the Flood, 105, 116;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped at Erech, 160;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>her spouse Tammuz, 279;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ištar's gate, at Babylon, 405, 559, 560</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ištar and the <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>asherah</foreign>, 278</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ištar of Babylon, 212;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Haran, 203;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Nineveh, 278, 491, 551</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ištara, goddess, 156</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Išullanu, Ištar's treatment of, 97</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Itu'u, on the Euphrates, 344</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='580'/><anchor id='Pg580'/> + +<lg> +<l>Iyyar, the month of Ea (Aa, Aê), 65</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Izdubar. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Gilgames'>Gilgameš</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jabesh, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jacob, Jacob-el, 157, 183, 243, 244, 547</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Jaffa'/> +<l>Jaffa, Yabitiri guards, 285</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jah, 113, 535</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jahweh (Jehovah), 535</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Janoah, 353</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jebus (Jerusalem), 323</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jebusites, 312, 323, 324</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jehoahaz, 342</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jehoiachin, captive in Babylon, 399;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>released by Evil-Merodach, 408</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jehoiakim, 399</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jehoram, 338, 339</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jehu, <q>son of Omri,</q> 332, 337-339</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jensen, Prof., 140, 318, 546, 548</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jerabis (Carchemish), 317</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jerusalem (Uru-salim, Ursalimmu), 234, 277, 280, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>legend attributing its foundation to the Hyksos, 252;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ahaz besieged there, 353;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>invested twice by the Babylonians, 399, 400;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Temple destroyed, 400;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Temple polluted, 481</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jesus, brother of Johanan, murdered, 542</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Jews'/> +<l>Jews (Yaudâa), 375;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>at Damascus, 331;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>last vestiges of their rule, 400;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Cyrus helped by, 416;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>probably thought him a monotheist, 419;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>names of Jews at Babylon, 470, 471;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>why did they remain in the cities of their exile? 474 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jezreel, 338</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jilting, 504</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Joash, king of Israel, 340, 342</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Johns, the Rev. C. H. W., 551, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Joppa (Yappû). <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Jaffa'>Jaffa</ref>, <ref target='Index-Yapu'>Yapu</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Joseph, the name, 243;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its probable meaning, 244</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Joseph in Egypt, 255 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>as viceroy, 260;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>no native record of his administration, 253;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 266, 267</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Josephus, 359, 382, 408-410;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>upon the Hyksos, 251;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the period of Joseph, 262;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the Amorites, 313;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the siege of Jerusalem, 377, 378;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the murder of the high-priest's brother, 542</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Jotham, 355</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Judah, 353;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>one of the states regarded by the Assyrians as Hittite, 322, 386 (Yaudu)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Judeans (Yaudâa), 375. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Jews'>Jews</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Justin upon Abraham, 147</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kadašman-ḫarbe or Kadašman-Murus, 123;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>transports the Sutites, 291</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kadesh, 279;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(Kidša), 300;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>conquered by Seti I., 304;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(Kidiš), 401</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ka-dumu-nuna, the gate of E-saggil, 484</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kaldu (the Chaldean tribes in Babylonia), 341</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kalisch, 266</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kallima-Sin (now read Kadašman-ḫarbe), king, 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kames, king of Egypt, 269</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kamid-el-Lauz, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kammusu-nadbi of Moab, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kan'ana (Canaan), 304</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Karanatum, her adoption, 177;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>her name and that of Ashteroth Karnaim, 157</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kar-Adad (fortress of Hadad), 349</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kar-Duniaš, Kara-Dunias, Karu-Dunias (Babylonia), 120 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>ruled by Kudur-laḫgumal, 225;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 281, 286</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kar-Nebo, maternal grandfather of Abram, 146</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kar-Shaimaneser (-Shalmanu-aša-rid), city, 339</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kar-Sippar, 167</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kaši (= Kašši), 297, 298</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(<hi rend='italic'>see</hi> <ref target='Index-Kassite'>Kassite</ref>)</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='581'/><anchor id='Pg581'/> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Kassite'/> +<l>Kassite, Kassites, 122, 140, 170, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kedesh, 272, 353</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kefto, identification of, 274</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Keilah, 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kemi (Egypt), 271</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kêš, a Babylonian city, 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kêšitess, lamentations of the, 477</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kheta (Hittites), 274;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>their treaty with Egypt, 304;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Meneptah's reference to, 306</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kheta-sir = Ḫattu-šil, 320, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Khorsabad (Dûr-Sargina), 137, 369</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kidnapping, 492, 493, 520</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kidiš (Kadesh), 401</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kili(gug ?), Neriglissar's servant, 438</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kili-Tešub son of Kali-Tešub, 319</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Killing and mutilating hired animals, 512, 523</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kinaḫḫi (Canaan), 281, 301</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>King, Mr. L. W., 28, 545, 546</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>King, the, 164-168</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kingi or Kengi (a part of Babylonia), 134, 351</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kingi-Ura or Kengi-Ura = Sumer and Akkad (Babylonia), 206</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kingu, Tiamtu's husband, exalted, receives the Tablets of Fate, 19;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>is overcome by Merodach and deprived of them, 25;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>bound, 36</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kirbiš Tiamtu, 24, 31</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kirkišâti, 324, 325</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Kirubu</foreign> = Heb, <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>kerûb</foreign>, <q>cherub</q>;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><foreign rend='italic'>kirub nismû</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>kirub šarri</foreign>, 81</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kiš, a Babylonian city, 415</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kišar, <q>host of earth,</q> 16</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kišara-gala, 66</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kisi, Aramean leader, 349</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kiškanū-tree in Eridu, 75;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its fruit, 76</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kissaré and Assoros (Kišar and Anšar), 17</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kizirtum, princess, 166</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Knudtzon, Prof., 556</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ktesias, 203</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kudma-bani, district, 179, 180</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Kudur'/> +<l>Kudur in Elamite names, 209, 222</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kudur-laḫgumal, 230, 231</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kudur-mabuk, inscription of, 219;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his sons Eri-Aku and Rîm-Sin, 216</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kûites, the, 350</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kullanû, city, 348</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kulummite(s), 372</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kummuhi (Commagene), 319, 320, 329</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kundaspu of Commagene, 329</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Kurium, 387</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Laban, the name, 245</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Labaya, father of Mut-zu'u, 286;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his sons, 293, 297, 298</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Laborosoarchod (Labāši-Marduk), son of Neriglissar, 410;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>lends money, 443, 444</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Labynetus, Cyrus marches against, 407.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Nabonidus'>Nabonidus</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lachish, 277, 297, 377</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lachish epigraph, the, 382</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lagamal (Lagamar, Lagamaru), 222</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lagaš, a Babylonian city, 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Laḫamu, consort of Laḫmu, 16</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Laḫamu, creatures produced by Tiamtu, 19</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Laḫmu and Laḫamu, production of, 16;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>these names in Damascius, 17</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Lake of Abraham the Beloved,</q> 192, 193</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Lament of the Daughter of Sin,</q> 83</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lamentations, Babylonian, 194, 195, 477, 478</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Land of the city of Jerusalem,</q> 297</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Landed property acquired by Neriglissar, 440-442</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lands, etc., created by Merodach, 40</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Language of Canaan, 204</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Larancha, lamentation of, 477, 478</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Larsa (Ellasar), 124;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the temple-tower at, 137;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a centre of sun-worship, 160</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Laws, Sumero-Akkadian, 190, 191, +<pb n='582'/><anchor id='Pg582'/> +550;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ḫammurabi's, 491-515, 553, 554</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lawsuit of Bunanitu, the, 462-464</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lawsuits, 182, 184</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Layard, Sir A. H., discoverer of the palaces of Nineveh and Calah;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and Rassam, his helper and successor, 394</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Laz (goddess), 211</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Leasehold system, the, 190</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lebanon, elephants in, 201;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Saniru (Shenir) before, 336;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 387</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Legal precedents, 190, 191</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Legend of Asenath, 259</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Legend of Chedorlaomer, 227-230</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Legend of Râ-'Apop'i, 254</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lenormant, inscription published by, 216</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Letter concerning an inscription of Ammurapi (Hammurabi), 210</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Letters from Abdi-ṭâba (Ebed-ḫiba, Ebed-ṭâba, Ebed-tob), 294-299;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ammi-ṭitana, 165;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Akizzi of Qatna, 289;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ašur-uballiṭ, 382;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Bêri, 288;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Burra-buriaš, 281;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ilu-dayan, 289;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Mut-zu'u, 286;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Yabitiri, 284;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Yidia, 286, 287;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the king of Egypt, 300;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the king's daughter to Queen Aššu-râaitu, 392</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Leviathan, 530</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Leviticus xviii. 18, the tablet illustrating, 545</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Lex talionis</foreign>, 509, 522</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lêya, a captive, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Libation, the, of the Babylonian Noah, 106</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lieblein upon the pharaohs of the Oppression and the Exodus, 269</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Life at Tanis in Egypt, 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>Lingua franca</foreign>, the, of Western Asia, 140</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lion (divine), loved by Ištar, 96</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Liver, the, in divination, 247</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Loan to make up purchase-money and its repayment by instalments, 460, 461, 464, 465</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Lord and Lady, my,</q> 479</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lud, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ludlul the Sage, lines by, 50</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lugal-zag-gi-si, early Akkadian king, 123, 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Luli of Sidon, 373</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lullubite, Lullubites, 123, 325</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lulubū (Lullubū), country, 206, 208</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lulumu (Lulubū), 207, 351</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Luluppu</foreign>-tree, the legend of the, 76</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Lumaši</foreign>-constellation, 545</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Luxor, 326</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Lydia (Luddu), 390, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Machpelah, differences between Babylonian contracts and that referring to, 236-238, 524</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mad bull or vicious ox, death or injury from, 512, 513</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Maër (and Suḫi), principality, 548</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Magdala, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Maḫ, Babylonian goddess, 105, 106, 116</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mahler, Dr. Edouard, upon the stele of Meneptah II. and the Exodus, 306</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mair, city, 213, 214</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Majesty, plural of, in addressing the king, 284;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(in the Chedor-laomer-legend it refers to the god)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Malgia, city, 211, 213, 214</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Malik (Moloch), 156;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Maliku, 170 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mamre, 315</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mamun, khalif, 266</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Man, creation of, 28, 40, 45, 47</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Manamaltel, king, 154, 155</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Manasseh (Minsê, Minasê), 340;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>pays tribute to Esarhaddon, 386;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>to Assur-banî-âpli, 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Manda barbarians, Medes, 420</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Manê, a messenger, 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Manetho, 251, 274</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mankind, destruction of, in the Flood, 105;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in future other means to be used, 107, 112, 116</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Man's duties, 45</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marad, city, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its patron-deity, 542</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='583'/><anchor id='Pg583'/> + +<lg> +<l>Marduk (Merodach), 33, etc.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marduk-âbla-iddina (Merodach-baladan) of Babylonia, 379</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marduk-îriba, one of Belshazzar's neighbours, 447</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marduk-nadin-aḫi, son of Nebuchadnezzar, 435</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marduk-našṣi-abli. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Sirku'>Sirku</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marduk-šum-uṣur, son of Nebuchadnezzar, 434</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marduk-zakir-šumi of Babylonia, 379</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Maritime nation, Babylonia a, 115, 116</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mari'u of Ša-îmēri-šu, 341, 342</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marking of slaves, 469</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marriage, 173-175, 186</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Marriage-contracts, 173, 174;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>of Princess Elmešu, 166;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>of Neriglissar's daughter, 442;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>indispensable, 501</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Martu = Amurrû, 312</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mašitess, lamentation of the, 477</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Maspero, Prof., 253;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>upon the Sallier Papyrus, 255 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Matan-ba'al of Arvad, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Mattaniah'/> +<l>Mattaniah (Zedekiah), 399</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Max Müller, Prof. W., 274</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Medes, the (Madâa, Umman-manda), in alliance against Assyria, 392;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>at Haran, 411, 414;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 341, 351, 364, 388</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Media, 206, 346, 351, 368</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mediation, 53</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mediterranean, the, 340, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>states of, 365</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Megasthenes, 401</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Megiddo, 274;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Thothmes III. at, 271</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Meissner, Dr., 547</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Melakiyin, the, 266</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Melchizedek, 324;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Heb. vii. 3, 234</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Meluḫḫa, 370, 375, 480, 481</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Memphis, 263;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>captured by Esarhaddon, 388, 389 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Menahem (Meniḫimme, Minḫimmu), 350, 351, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Menander, 360</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Menanu of Elam, 380</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Menant, M. J., 560</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Menasê (Manasseh), 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Meneptah II. (Merenptah), the pharaoh of the Exodus, 269, 305</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mentiu (Bedouin), 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mer, Merri, a name of Hadad or Rimmon, 207, 212</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Merchants of Babylonia killed, 281</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Merodach, the god, his parentage, 33, 63;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the same as Nimrod, 126;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the gods' champion against Tiamtu, 21, 22;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>installed as king, 23 (163);</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>prepares for the fight, 23, 24;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>attacks and conquers Tiamtu, 25, 537;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>takes the Tablets of Fate, 25;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>cuts Tiamtu asunder, 26;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>orders the universe anew, 26 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>receives new names, etc., 29-33;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his <q>incantation,</q> 41;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>founds Babylon, Niffer, and Erech, 40, 41, 42, 126;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>creator of the gods, 43;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his titles, 44;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>explanations of some of his names, 45, 54, 56;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identified with other gods, 47, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>glorified above them all, 49;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>prayer to be delivered into his gracious hands, 51;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the other deities mediators with him, and his manifestations, 53, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>heavenly bodies, identified with him, 55;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the benefactor of mankind, 56, 57;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the begetter of the gods, 533, 534;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his description, 529;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his weapons, 550;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>names compounded with his, 57;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>which in the end was almost = <foreign rend='italic'>îlu</foreign>, 58, 61;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he was the <q>great hunter,</q> 131;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped especially at Babylon, 160, 407;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his yearly procession, 405;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his vengeance, 392;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his merciful nature, 486;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>replaced in the end by Anu-Bel, 483</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Merodach in West Asia, 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Merodach-baladan, king of Babylon, 357, 361, 364, 370, 371, 373, 379, 380, 395</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Merom, 305</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='584'/><anchor id='Pg584'/> + +<lg> +<l>Merwân II., khalif, 266</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mesech, 230</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mesha of Moab, 338</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mesopotamia, 204, 207, 336, 351</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Messengers dying abroad, concerning, 283, 284</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mesu, the land of, 341</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Methusael, 84</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Middle class, the, 171</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Mighty king,</q> the, 234, 280</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Milki-asapa of Gebal, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Milki-idiri, governor of Kedesh, 401</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Milki-îli, Milkîli, 293, 297, 298, 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Milku (Melech, Moloch), 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Milton, 47</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Minsê (Manasseh), 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mitâ of Musku (Mesech), 367</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mitanni (Naharain, Naharaim), 276, 277, 304;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its language not Semitic, 275;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>vassal state, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mitinti of Ashdod, 374, 376</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mitinti of Askelon, 355, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mitunu, the eponyme of, Sennacherib's campaign against Hezekiah, 378</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mnevis, the bull, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Moab (Ma'ab, Ma'abi), 322, 338, 370, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Moabites, the, 326, 374;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>driven out, 313</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Moloch, 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mond, Mr., his papyri, 539</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Monotheism and polytheism in Babylonia, 47, 198, 533</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Monotheistic names, 534;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>systems, 541</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Monster, the, 530</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Monsters, produced by Tiamtu, 18 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Month, Egyptian god, 262</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Months and stars, 27</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Moon, purpose of the, 27, 37</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Moph or Noph (Men-nofr, Memphis), 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mordecai (Mardecai), 61, 436, 471</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Moses, notes upon his date, 306;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>was he saved by Teie's daughter? 307</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mosque of Abraham at Urfa (Orfa or Edessa), 192</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Mother of Sin,</q> the, 532</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Moumis (= Mummu), son of Tauthé and Apason, 17</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mouths of the rivers, a sacred place, 71, 108</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mugallu of Tubal, 290</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mugheir, regarded as Ur of the Chaldees, 147, 193;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>but not altogether certain, 197</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Müller, Prof. W. Max, 557</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mummu Tiamtu, the first producer.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Tiamtu'>Tiamtu</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Muršil, Hittite king, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Muru, a centre of the worship of Hadad, 490</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Muṣaṣir, 127</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mušêzib-Marduk of Babylonia, 380</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mushtah, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Muškinu</foreign>, 536</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Musku (Mesech), 371</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Muṣrites, 329;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(Muṣrâa), 333</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Muṣru, the land of, 354</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Muṣur'i of Moab, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Muṣuru, Muṣur, Miṣraim (Egypt), 366, 370</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mut-Addu to Yanhama, 292</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mutallu, Hittite king, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mut-îli = Methusael, 84, 245</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Mut-zu'u, 279;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>letter from, 286</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabonassar, 347;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 356</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Nabonidus'/> +<l>Nabonidus, <q>who is over the city,</q> witness to a contract, 436;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>described on one copy as the son of the king, 436 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>, 437</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabonidus, king, his parentage, 410;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>expeditions, and reference to Cyrus, 411;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>said to have neglected the gods, 412;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and brought strange deities, 413;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his antiquarian researches, 413;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his son Belshazzar, 414, 447 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his daughters, 450, 451;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his flight before the army of Cyrus, and capture, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>sent to Carmania, 418;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his record of the downfall of Assyria, 392;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>of the death of Sennacherib, 537 ff.;</l> +<pb n='585'/><anchor id='Pg585'/> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>other inscriptions, 411, 414;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated in his reign, 444-451;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his pious works, 445, 446;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Berosus upon his reign, 410</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabopolassar, king, supposed to have been a Chaldean, 396;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his alliance with the Medes, 392, 397;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>marches against Nineveh, 392, 393, 397;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his connection with Syria, 397;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he builds the two great walls of Babylon, 410;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his guardian-god, 533;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>frees Akkad from Assyrian yoke, 558</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabû-balaṭ-su-iqbî, the father or ancestor of Nabonidus, 410, 437</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabû-bêl-uṣur, governor, 346</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabû-kain-âḫi, secretary of Belshazzar, 447, 448</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabû-nadin-zēri, 356</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabû-ṣabit-qâtâ, servant of Neriglissar, 438;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Laborosoarchod, 443;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and Belshazzar, 448 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabû-šarra-uṣur, one of Nebuchadnezzar's captains, 434;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a secretary of Nabonidus, 445</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabû-šum-iddina, secretary of Neriglissar, 440</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nabû-šum-ukîn, Babylonian king, 356;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a priest of Nebo, 442</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nagitu, the three cities called, 373, 380</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Naharaina'/> +<l>Naharaina, Naharaim (Upper Mesopotamia), 270, 271, 272, 274, 288, 296, 304.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Nahrima'>Nahrima</ref>, <ref target='Index-Narima'>Narima</ref>, <ref target='Index-Nairu'>Na'iru</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Naḫarâu and Nahor, 551</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nahor, the city of, 204</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nahor, 551;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>traditions concerning, 146</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Nahrima'/> +<l>Nahrima (Naharaim), 296.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Naharaina'>Naharaina</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nahr-Malka, 158;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>referred to by Mr. Rassam, 159</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nahum upon the fall of Nineveh, 393</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Nairu'/> +<l>Na'iru (Mesopotamia), 341, 351</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nal mountains, 351</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Names given to Merodach, 30-32</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Names of captives, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nammu, a river-god, 43</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Namri, 336, 346, 347</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Namyawaza, an Egyptian vassal, 290, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nannar(a), worshipped at Ur and Haran (Ḫarran), 147, 160, 219 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>hymns referring to him, 194, 195</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Naphtali, 353</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Napḫu'ruria, Napḫuri (Amenophis IV.), 281, 282</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Naram-Sin conquers Elam, 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Narima'/> +<l>Narima (Naharaim), 288</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Navigation, Babylonian, 470, 512</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Naville, Prof. E., 253, 305;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>upon the stele of Meneptah II., 306</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nebo identified with Merodach, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>takes part at the coming of the Flood, 104;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped at Borsippa, 160, 409, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>named also Lag-gi, 370;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his titles, 343</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Neb-mut-Râ (Amenophis III.), 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nebuchadnezzar (Nebuchadrezzar), son of Nabopolassar, 392;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>marries Amytis, sent against the army of Egypt, 397;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>aids, with his brother, in the restoration of the temple E-sagila, 398;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>mounts the throne, 398, 399;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>affairs in Palestine, Syria, Egypt, etc., 399-402;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his dreams and the golden image, 403, 404;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his buildings, 405-407;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his sons, 408;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>was Nabonidus his son-in-law? 407, 437, 438;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated in his reign, 432-440;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his offerings, 433;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his use of divination, 247;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his name, 558</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nebuzaradan, 400, 558 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Necho of Memphis and Sais, 389 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nefer-titi, the Egyptian name of Tâdu-ḫêpa, 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Negeb, the, 272</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Negligence, loss or damage from, 496, 513</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nemitti-Bêl, wall of Babylon, 405</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nephayan, commander-in-chief at Syene, 539 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nergal, Nerigal, god of war, etc., 279, 330;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identified with Merodach, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped at Cuthah, 160;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and in Alašia, 278</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='586'/><anchor id='Pg586'/> + +<lg> +<l>Nergal-sharezer, 408, 409</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nergal-ušêzib of Babylonia, 380</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Neriglissar (Nergal-šarra-uṣur), son of Bêl-šum-iškun, 409, 438;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>cattle-owner, 339;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>trader, 440;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>banker, 441;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>mounts the throne, 408, 409;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his daughter's marriage, 442;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated in his reign, 441-444;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 410</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Net, Merodach's, wherewith he catches Tiamtu, 24, 131, 550</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nibhaz, god of the Avvites, 129</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nîbiru, planet Jupiter, 27</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nicolas of Damascus upon Abraham, 147</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Niffer'/> +<l>Niffer (Calneh), non-existent at the beginning, 39;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>built by Merodach, 41;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>called Nippur (Niffer), 124;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its temple-tower, 136;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its streets and houses, 188, 189;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the daughter of Niffer laments, 477, 478</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nimmalḫê, an Amorite captive, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nimmuaria (Neb-mut-Râ, Amenophis III.), 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nimrod, son of Cush, his power and kingdom, 118, 119;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the same as Merodach, 126, 127, 129, 130;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><q>the mighty hunter,</q> 131;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his land, 126;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>how his name assumed this form, 129, 550;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Arabic Nimrud, 551</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nina, goddess, 64</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nin-aḫa-kudu, goddess, 41</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nin-edina, 77</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nineveh (Ninua), 376, 378, 387;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>probably named after Nina, daughter of Ea or Aa, 64;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>built by Asshur, 118, 126, 127;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>earliest mention of, 491;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its destruction, 393</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nineveh-road, the, 384, 385</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nina-gala, goddess of Haran, 546</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nin-igi-azaga (Aa or Ea), 114</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ninip identified with Merodach, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his names, 235, 236, 555;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped near or at Jerusalem and in the west, 235, 278;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in the Flood-story, 101, 104, 107</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ninšaḫ inscription dedicated to, 220</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nin-Urmuru (?), 280;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>possible reading <foreign rend='italic'>Bêlit-nêši</foreign>, 548</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nippuru, 28, 37.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Calneh'>Calneh</ref>, <ref target='Index-Niffer'>Niffer</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nisaba, the legend of, 76</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Niṣir, the mountain on which the <q>ship</q> rested, 90, 106</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nisroch, the god Asshur, 129</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nitocris, queen, 407</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Niy, city, 271;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>elephant-hunting near, 273</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Non-existent things at the beginning, 16, 39</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nudimmud (= Aa, Aê, or Ea), 18;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>asked to subdue the Dragon, fails, 21;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>an abode made for him, 26</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nuḫašše, 317;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>an Assyrian district, 280</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nûr-îli-šu, builds and dedicates a temple, 162</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nûr-Rammāni (Nûr-Addi), king of Larsa, 218</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Nusku, one of the gods of Haran, 202</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Obelisk, the, emblematic, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Offerings, royal, to the gods, 433, 444-446</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Officials' rights, duties, and responsibilities, 493, 494</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Offord, Mr. J., his cylinder, pl. vi. and p. 548;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his tablet, 559</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Og of Bashan, 313</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Omri (Ḫumrî), the <q>house of Omri,</q> 332;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><q>son of Omri,</q> 337, 339;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><q>land of Omri,</q> 341</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>On (Heliopolis), 258, 264;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the shrine of, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Opis on the Tigris, the battle of, 415, 416;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated at, 439, 450, 459</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Oppert, Prof., 14;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his suggested Babylonian etymology of Abel, 82, 83;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>dates from Hebrew sources, 332</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Oppolzer upon the Sothis period, 307</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='587'/><anchor id='Pg587'/> + +<lg> +<l>Oracles (for Esarhaddon), 385;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(concerning Nineveh), 393</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Osah (Ušû), 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Osiris, Merodach identified with, 54;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped at On, 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ostâu (Ostanes), 540, 543 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Oxen, the hire of, 512</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Padî of Ekron, 375, 376, 377</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Palace, house bought for a, 441;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>theft from a, 491, 492, 525</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Palaces of Nebuchadnezzar at Babylon, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Palastu (Philistia), 341 (<hi rend='italic'>see</hi> <ref target='Index-Pilista'>Pilišta</ref>)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Palestine, Egyptian successes in, 270;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Assyrian do., 329, 336, etc. (Amurrū, Ḫattî)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pallukatu (the Pallacopas), 70</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pâlûma, a captive, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Panbesa, letter of, 305</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pantibiblon, supposed to be Sippar, 63</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Paphos, 387</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pap-sukal, the god, 433</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Papyri of Elephantine, the, 539-544</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Paradise, the Babylonian, description of, 71, 72;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its inaccessibility, 72</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pariktum (canal), 167</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Partnership, 183</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Party-walls or fences, 190</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pasturing, 496, 497</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Patesi</foreign> (priest-kings or viceroys), 126</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Patinians, Kalparundu of the, 334</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Patriarchs before Abraham, 141 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Paura (Pauru, Puuru), the king's commissioner, 297, 298</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Peek, Sir Cuthbert, 179</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pekah, 352-355</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pekod, 458</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pekodites, the, 347</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Peleg, 145, 552</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>" 544 (note to p. 145)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pelusium besieged, 378, 381</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Penalties, for changing the words of a contract, 174;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>for divorcing a wife, or denying a husband, and denying sisterhood (by adoption), 175;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>for denying an adopted son, an adopted father, 176, 177;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>for denying a mistress (by a female slave), 185;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 190, 191</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Peniel or Penuel, 547</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pen-nekheb, officer of Thothmes I., 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pentaur, Egyptian poet, 304</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>People, the, in early Babylonia, 169-191</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Persian rule in Babylonia, 423 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pethor (Pitru), 329</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Petrie, Prof. Flinders, 250, 253, 274, 275, 292, 293, 297, 303, 312, 313;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>upon the revival of native Egyptian power, 269;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>on Amenophis II., 273;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>monolith found by, 305</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pharaoh not drowned in the Red Sea, 307</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Philistia (Pilišta, Palastu), 341, 352, 353, 361, 370</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Phœnicia, 272, 360</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Phœnix, the, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Physicians' fees and liabilities, 510, 511</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pi-Beseth (Pi-Bast, Bubastis), 263</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Piercing of Rahab, the, 530</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pilinussu, general of Hyspasines, 483</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Pilista'/> +<l>Pilišta (Philistia), 352, 353, 361</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pilot or boatman (of Gilgameš), 99;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(of the ship or ark), 104, 116</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Pirke di Rabbi Eliezer</foreign>, 307</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pir-napištim, the Babylonian Noah, 73;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Gilgameš sees him afar off, 99;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>they converse, 100;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tells Gilgameš the story of the Flood, 101-108;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>directs his wife to cure Gilgameš, 108;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tells him of a wonderful plant, 109;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>he was a worshipper of Ea (Aê, Aa), 113, 114;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and was called also Atra-ḫasis, 107, 112, 117;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his faithfulness to the old deity Aê, 114;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his name probably Ut-napištim, 547</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pir'u of Musuri or Musri, 366, 370;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>one of the kings of the sea-coast and the desert, 368</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='588'/><anchor id='Pg588'/> + +<lg> +<l>Pishon, river, 69, 70</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pisiris of Carchemish, 350, 367</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pithom, 305</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pittit, an Elamite, 483</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Place of fate, the, 472</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Plague of darkness, the, 309</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Plantation, concerning a, 456, 457</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Planting and plantations, 497</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Plant making the old young, the, 75</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Plants, Merodach creates, 40</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pliny, his reference to king Horus, 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Polyhistor, 393</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Polytheism, the difficulty of escaping it, 246</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Potiphar, 255;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the name, 258</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Poti-phera, meaning of, 258</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Prayer to be freed from sin, 50-52</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Presents, interchange of, 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Priestesses and votaries, privileges of, 507, 508, 546 (180)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Priest of Nebo marries the daughter of Neriglissar, 442</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Priests of On, the, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Primæval Ocean, the, 16</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Principal cities, the, of Babylonia, 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Procession-street at Babylon, the, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Profaning herself, of a temple-devotee, 499, 521</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Property of officials, 493-495</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Prostitution probably not compulsory, 443</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Protection of caravans, the, 282</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Prove purchase and gift, contracts to, 438, 439, 458</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ptolemy, 357, 358</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pul (= Pûlu, Poros), 357, 358</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pulug, Pulukku, or Peleg, 544</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Pura-nunu (the Euphrates), 158</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Purattu (Phuraththu), the Euphrates, 158</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Purchase of a house, 460</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Qarqara, royal city, 329, 330, 363;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the battle there, 556 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Qatna, 290, 317</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Qauš-gabri of Edom, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Quê, 371</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Qutite, Qutites, 123, 170</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Qutû, the land of, 420, 422;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>old lamentation referring to the, 477.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> Qutite</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Râ or Rê, the Egyptian Sun-god, 254, 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Râ-'Apop'i and the king of the south, 254</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rabbātum, land of, 224</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rabi-mur of Gebal, 288</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rab-mag (? = Rab-mugi), 408</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Races, many, in Babylonia, 119, 169, 170, 541, 542</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rahab, 68, 530</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Râ-Harmachis, 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Raian ibn el-Walid,</q> pharaoh, 263</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Raising the spirit of Ea-banî, 110</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rameses I., 303</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rameses II., the pharaoh of the Oppression, 269, 304, 305, 307, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rammānu (Rimmon), 160, 277</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ramoth-Gilead, 338</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ranke, Dr. Hermann, 148, 154 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Raphia (Rapiḫu), 363</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Râ-seqenen (Seqenen-Rê) III., 261</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rassam, Mr. Hormuzd, 38;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>finds the gates of Balawat, 405, 556;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his reference to the Nahr-Malka, 159;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>finds bas-relief and inscription of Ḫammurabi, 215;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>cylinder of Cyrus, 411, 419;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his family in the East, 394</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Raven, sending forth of the, 106</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rawlinson, Sir Henry, recognizes Eridu as a type of Paradise, 71;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his identification of Ur (Mugheir), 193;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and Kudur-mabuk, 222</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Reaper, hire of a, 168</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Receiver, liabilities of a, 492, 520</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rehoboth, Rehoboth-Ir, built by Asshur, 118, 127</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Reisner, Dr. G. A., 156</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Religion of the Western states, 277-279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Religious element, the, 159 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rent, 448</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Reproaching the Amorite, 300</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='589'/><anchor id='Pg589'/> + +<lg> +<l>Repudiation of master by slave, 515 (law 282)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Resen, its origin, 126, 127</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Respect for parents, 509, 522</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Retaliation, the law of, 509, 510</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rezin, Rezon (Rasunnu), 350, 353, 355</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ria (the Egyptian Râ or Rê), 254</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rianappa, the representative of Egypt, 287</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rib-Addi of Gebal, etc., 293, 313</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rieu, Dr., 263</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Right of way, tablet concerning, 459</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rim-Anu, king, 217</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rimmon (or Hadad), god of the atmosphere, identified with Merodach, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in the Flood-story, 104, 277 (Addu, Rammānu)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rîm-Sin, 164;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>connection of this name with Eri-Aku, 216, 217;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>capture of, 213, 214, 217;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>inscription of, 220, 221</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rivers, the mouths of [which are on] both sides, 73;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the place of the Babylonian Paradise, 71, 72</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rost, Dr. P., 347, 348, 352</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Royal family, the, among the people, 166-168</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Royal letters, 165</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rubenstein, Dr. Otto, 544</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rubute, city, 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rûkipti of Askelon, 355, 356</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Rutennu (Syrians), 303;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the Upper, 274;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Upper and Lower, 304;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>conquered by Thothmes I., 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Sabbath'/> +<l>Sabbath, the Babylonian, 27, 527, 528, pl. ii.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sabeans, the, 203, 363</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sachau, Prof. E., 539 ff., 542</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sacrifice, the, on coming out of the ship (ark), 106</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sacrilegious theft, the punishment of, 553</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sadi-Tesub, son of Hattu-šar, 320</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Šadû</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Šaddu</foreign>, <q>mountain,</q> <q>lord,</q> <q>commander,</q> 248</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>SA-GAS = <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabatu</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>ḫabbatu</foreign>, 291, 292, 538</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ša-imērišu, Imērisu (Syria of Damascus), 329, 334, 336, 337, 341, 354, 356</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sajur (river), 329</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šala, consort of Rimmon or Hadad, 212</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Salatis, Hyksos king, 251</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Salem, 239-241</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sale of a son by his parents, 435, 436</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sales of land, 237, 238;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>slaves, 466, 559 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Šalim</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>šalimmu</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Šulmanu</foreign> (<foreign rend='italic'>Salmanu</foreign>), <foreign rend='italic'>Šalmanu nunu</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>šalāmu</foreign>, 239-241</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Salmayātu, worshipped at Tyre, 278</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Salvation, Babylonian desire for, 52</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Samaria, 322;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ben-Hadad's attempts upon, 330, 333, 338;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Pekah's flight from, 354, 355;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>revolts, 363;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Menahem of, 350</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Samarians, city of the, 350</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Samas'/> +<l>Šamaš, the Sun-god, 77;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identified with Merodach, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>monsters guard him, 98;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>appoints the time for the coming of the Flood, 103, 104, 115;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Mitanni, 278</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šamaš-šum-ukîn, king of Babylon, 388</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sammu-ramat (Semiramis), 342, 343</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Samsê, Samsi, queen of Arabia, 354, 363</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Samsi-Adad III., king, 339</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Samsimuruna, city, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Samsimurunâa, Menahem, the, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Samsu-iluna (king), 142;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>length of his reign, 153;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated therein, 179, 180, 187, 188</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Samsu-ṭitana, king, 153</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sân (deity), 156</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-San'/> +<l>Sân (Zoan), 263;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the inhabitants said to be of a different type from those of other places in Egypt, 266</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sanaballat (Sinuballiṭ), governor of Samaria, 541, 543</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sanacharib (Sennacherib), 378, 381</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='590'/><anchor id='Pg590'/> + +<lg> +<l>Sangara of Carchemish, 329, 334;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>called king of the Hattê, 321</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šaniāwa, name, 458</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Saniru (Shenir), 336</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Saosduchinos (Samaš-šum-ukîn), 388;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>refuses to acknowledge his brother's suzerainty, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sapîa, city, 357</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Saracos (Sin-šarra-iškun), 392, 396</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sarah, 148</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sarasar (Shareser), 378</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sardurri of Ararat, 347</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šargani (Sargon of Agadé), 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sargon of Agadé, 124, 313;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>ruler of Amurrū, 215;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>period and extent of his rule, 150;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 549 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sargon (Sargina) the later, the Arkeanos of Ptolemy, 362;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his annals, 367;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his conquests, 322, 363-372;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 372</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sarḫa (Zorah), 280</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sar-îli, name, 157, 245</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šarru and Šullat, foundation of a temple to, 162</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šarru, a captive, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sarru-dûri, one of Darius's captains, 456</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šarru-îlûa, servant of Neriglissar, 439</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šarru-lû-dâri of Askelon, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šarru-lû-dâri of Zoan, 389 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sauê mountains, 349</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sayce, Prof., 14;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identifies the Babylonian story of Paradise, 71; 124;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>researches in Hittite, 140, 318;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>upon the Amorites and Tidalum, 311, 312;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his analysis of a Hittite name, 321;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>see also 283 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>, 332, 539 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Scape-goat, Babylonian parallel to the, 53</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Scheil, the Rev. V., 117, 487 ff., 536, 549, 558</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Schrader, Prof. Eberhard, 143;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identifies Amraphel with Ḫammurabi, 209;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 341, 342</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sea, the, personified by Tiamtu, 16, 67;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the abode of the god of knowledge, 62</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sea-coast, kings of the, 334, 335, 340</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Seir, 296</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Seizing the person for debt, 500, 521</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Seleucia'/> +<l>Seleucia upon the Tigris, 476, 483, 484</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Seleucus and the Babylonians, 476;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Seleucus and Antiochus, tablet dated in the reign of, 477, 478</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sellas river. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Silhu'>Ṣilḫu</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Semiramis, 342, 344</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Semitic names replace the Akkadian, 125;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Semitic inscriptions more numerous, 119</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sennacherib, 129, 372, 373-384;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Armenia, against Merodach-baladan, the Cosseans and Yasubigalleans, Ḫatti (Sidon, Ekron, Hezekiah, etc.), 373-376;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>before Lachish, 377, 382;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in Babylonia, 379;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Elam, 380;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>against Egypt, 381;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his treatment of the Babylonians, 396;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 383, 384, 550</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Seqnen-Rê, the death of, 255 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šêri (Seir), 296</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Serpent and magic plant, 109;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>serpent-god and the abode of life, 532;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>serpent-tempter, the 531</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Serû-êṭirat, princess, 392</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sethos and Hephaistos, 549 (381)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Seti I., Meneptah, 304</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Seven</q> a round number, 263</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Seven kings of Cyprus send tribute, 372</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Seventh day, the Flood stops on the, 105;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the birds sent forth seven days later, 106;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>duties of the, 528 (<hi rend='italic'>see</hi> <ref target='Index-Sabbath'>Sabbath</ref>)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shaaraim, 297</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shaddai, a possible etymology of, 248</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shalam (Salamis), 305</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shalman, 239</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shalmaneser II., his accession, 328;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>refers to Ahab and Ben-Hadad, 331 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Jehu son of Omri, 332, 337-339;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his death, 339</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='591'/><anchor id='Pg591'/> + +<lg> +<l>Shalmaneser III., his accession and expeditions, 344</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shalmaneser IV., his accession and expeditions, 357, 358-362</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Share of the cultivator, the, 495, 525</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shareser, Sarasar, 378, 384, 385</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shasu Bedouin, the, 271, 304</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shaving the head in Egypt and Western Asia, 257</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sheep, the, of Neriglissar's servant, 438</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shelemiah, son of Sauballaṭ, 541</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shem, 141</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shepherd kings, the, in Egypt, 251, 252 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shepherd loved by Ištar, her treatment of him, 96, 97</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sheshonq of Busiris, 389 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shinar (Babylonia), 118;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>regarded as equivalent to Sumer, 119, 134;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its etymology, 548 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ship, Gilgameš and Ur-Šanabi embark in a, 99;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Gilgameš lies down in its <q>enclosure,</q> 108</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ship, Pir-napištim commanded to build one to escape the Flood, 102, 113;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its building and provisionment, 103, 114;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the embarkation, 103, 104, 115;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the pilot, 104, 116;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the god Uragala, 104;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Pir-napištim looks forth, 105;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the mountain of Niṣir, and the sending of the birds, 105;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ellila's anger and Aê's kindness, 106, 107</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shrine of Râ at On, 265</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shrines of the gods at Babylon, 472</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Shuhites, 319</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Shulchan Aroch</foreign>, the, 306</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sibitti-bi'ili of Gebal, 350</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sickness of the head, incantation against, 55, 56</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sidon in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, 277, 300;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its tribute to Shalmaneser II. (337), 338, 339;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>conquered by Adad-nirari, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Tiglate-pileser III., 360;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Sennacherib, 373;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Esarhaddon, 386;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Great and Little Sidon, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sidonians (Ṣidunâa), 328, 337, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ṣidqâ of Askelon, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Siduri, goddess, consulted by Gilgameš, 99</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sihon, 313</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Silhu'/> +<l>Ṣilḫu, river (the Sellas ?), 484, 561</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ṣili-Ištar and Iribam-Sin, their dissolution of partnership and the lawsuit following, 183-185</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Silili, mother of the horse beloved of Ištar, 96</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ṣilli-bêl of Gaza, 376, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Siluna, country of, 340</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Similes, Babylonian, 52</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ṣimirra (Simyra), 348, 351</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Simti-Šilhak, king, 219</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Simyra (Ṣimirra, Ṣumuru), 277, 293, 313, 348, 351, 363</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sin, the Moon-god, identified with Merodach, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped at Ur and Sippar, 160, 194, 195;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>also at Haran, 201, 202, 411</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sin-idinnam of Larsa, 165, 169, 218</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sinjar, 304</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sin-mâr-šarri-uṣur, servant of one of Nebuchadnezzar's sons, 435</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sin-mubaliṭ, king, 153;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets of his reign, 178, 179, 180, 181</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sin-šarra-iškun (Saracos), the last king of Assyria, 392, 396</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sippar or Sippara (now Abu-Habbah), discovered by H. Rassam, 394;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its four names, 70;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>supposed to be Sepharvaim, 158;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>dated tablets from, 211;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>captured by Tiglath-pileser, 347;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>by Cyrus, 415, 416;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its gods, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 38, 63, 484</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sippara of Eden, 70</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sippar-Amnanu(m), 161, 552 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sippar-Ya'ruru (Aruru), 161, 165, 553</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sirara, forests of, 387</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sir'ilites (Sir'ilâa, Israelites), 329, 330, 332, 335, 337</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Sirku'/> +<l>Sirku, a Babylonian magnate, 454, 467 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Širru, land of, 206, 207</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sirû, land of, 206, 207</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='592'/><anchor id='Pg592'/> + +<lg> +<l>Sisters, the, of Belshazzar, 450, 451</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Slander, 504 (law 161)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Slavery, 182, 185-187, 515</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Small Hittite states, 322</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Smerdis, 424</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Smith, George, publishes the Babylonian Creation-story, 14;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the original of Berosus' Canon, 84; the Gilgameš-series, 90;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>conducts the <hi rend='italic'>Daily Telegraph</hi> expedition, 90;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and finds a fragment of the second Flood-story, 117;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>arranges the series, 91, 93, 95;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identifies Arioch, 209;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>concerning Shalmaneser IV., 359, 362</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Smiting a father, 509 (law 195)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>So, king of Egypt, 359, 365, 366</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Son of his God,</q> the, 86</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Sons of God,</q> the, 85</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sons of Syrian chiefs educated in Egypt, 274</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sons, the, of Yakinlû of Arvad, 390</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sothis period, 307</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Spells, 491 (laws 1 and 2)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sphinxes, Hyksos, 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Spiegelberg upon the stele of Meneptah II., 306</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Spirit of Ea-banî, the raising of, 110</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Spirits of heaven and earth, invocation of, 56</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Spirits of the departed, their lot, 111</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Stars, creation of, 27</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>States regarded by the Assyrians as Hittite, 322</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Steindorff's translation of Zaphnath-paaneah, 257</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Stele of Meneptah II., extract from the, 306</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Stephen, Saint, 192</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Storage and deposit, 500 (laws 120 ff.)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Storm at the coming of the Flood, description of the, 104, 105</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Streets of Babylonian cities, 188, 189</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šu-anna (Su-ana), a part of Babylon, foreign gods taken thither, 414, 420;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Cyrus enters and receives tribute there, 420, 422;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 433</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šu-ardatum, 299</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Suba'/> +<l>Ṣuba' or Ṣuma', city of the land of, tablet dated at, 457</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Subarte, 318</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šubbiluliuma, Hittite king, 537</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sūḫu and Maër, states, 319, 556</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šulmanu-ašarid (Shalmaneser), 239</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ṣuma', land of. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Suba'>Ṣuba'</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šum-Addu (Šamu-Addu) of Šam-ḫuna, 279</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Suma-îlu, king, 162, 163</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šumer (= Kengi), Sumerian, 119, 134;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>texts (incantations), 39 ff., 55, 86, 120, 121</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šumer and Akkad, 541;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>mentioned by Cyrus, 420;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in titles, 347, 421</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sumero-Akkadian, its nature, 120, 121;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>early period, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sumu, apparently a deity, 142;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>names compounded with his, 142</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sumu-âbi, king, 153, 154</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sumu-Dagan, name, 142</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sumu-la-îli (king), his name, 142, 153, 154;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablet dated in his reign, 173, 174;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(Sumulel), 181</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sumulel (= Sumu-la-îli), 181</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šumu-libšî, a witness, 167</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sun, a title of the kings of Egypt, 284, 286, 287, 289, 295</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sun, the city of the, 446</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sun the indicator of the seasons, 115</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sun-devotees, Babylonian, 161, 168</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sun-god, the, 58, 77, 92, 103, 115;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(<hi rend='italic'>see</hi> <ref target='Index-Samas'>Šamaš</ref>), worshipped at Sippar and Larsa, 160;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the centre of his worship in Egypt, 258</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sûqâain, tablet dated at, 457</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Surgeons' fees and penalties, 510</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Surippak, where the gods decided to make a flood, 101;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the native place of Pir-napištim, 102</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Suri or North Syria, the king of, 347</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sur-Šanabi (Ur-Šanabi), 540</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Suru, land of, 206, 207</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Susa, city of, 422</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Susanchites, the, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šûta, royal commissioner, 296</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šutadna of Akka (Accho), 281</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Sutekh, the god of the Hyksos, 254</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='593'/><anchor id='Pg593'/> + +<lg> +<l>Sutî (Sutite, Sutites), 123, 158, 170, 291, 292, 368;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>brigands, 283</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Šûzubu (Nergal-usêzib), 380</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Swallow, the, sent forth, 106</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Swearing by the gods and the king, 162, 163, 174 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Syncellus, 393</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Syria, Egyptian successes in, 270, 271;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(Rameses II.), 304;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Syria in the time of Amenophis III., 274;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>on the stele of Meneptah, 306;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Shalmaneser II. there, 336 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Adad-nirari, 341;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Shalmaneser III., 344;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Tiglath-pileser, 347, 351;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Sargon, 367;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Sennacherib, 373 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Syrian campaigns, Thothmes I., 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tabal (Tubal), 367</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tablet of Good Wishes, the, 81</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tablets of Fate given to Kingu, 19;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>taken by Merodach, who presses his seal upon them, 25</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tablets referring to Chedorlaomer, Tidal, and Arioch, 223 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tâdu-hêpa, princess of Mitanni, asked in marriage (? for Amenophis IV.), 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Takhsi, near Aleppo, 273</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Takrēta<foreign rend='italic'>in</foreign> (?), tablet dated at, 439</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Talents, parable of the, 525</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Talmud, the, 195 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi>, 203</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tamessus, 387</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tamar, the case of, 525</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Tammuz'/> +<l>Tammuz, in Akk. Dumu-zi or Du-mu-zida, 72, 82;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his names, 539;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>possible parallel to the story of Cain and Abel, 83;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his wife, Ištar, causes him grief, 96;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his temple-tower at Agadé (Akkad), 136;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>worshipped also at Eridu, 160;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>in the west, 279;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>early date of his worship, 555;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 547</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tammuz of the Abyss, 43, 63, 65</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tâmtu, the coast-land, 122, 123</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tanis (Zoan), 264.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-San'>Sân</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Taribu, queen, 173</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tarpelites, the, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tašmêtum, spouse of Nebo, 213</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tauthé (= Tiamtu), 16, 67</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Taylor Cylinder, 373</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Teie (Teyi), the first wife of Amenophis III., 275, 276</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tel-Aššur (Til-Ašurri), 388</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tel-Basta (Bubastis), 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tel-el-Amarna tablets, 249, 275-302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tel-Sifr ruin-mound, 176, 211, 214</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Temâ, Babylonian city, 412</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Temeni, land of, 343</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Temple, gift of a, 162</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Temple (Jewish) at Elephantine, 539 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>destroyed, 540</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Temple of Belus, the, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Temple of the Sun-god, declaration made in the, 184</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Temples restored by the early kings, 161, 162;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>benefited by Ḫammurabi, 489-491</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Temple-towers, Babylonian, 136 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tenneb (Tunep, Dunip), 277;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its government, 280</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Terah, traditions concerning, 146;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>stated to have been an idolater, 147, 195;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his journey from Ur to Haran, 192, 195, 196;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his name compared, 544</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Teraphim, the, 246, 524</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tešupa or Tešub, Hadad of Mitanni, 277</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Teuwatti of Lapana, 289</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thargal, for Thadgal = Tidal, 232.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Tudhula'>Tudḫula</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thebais, kings of, 252</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thebes and the Thebans, their aid in expelling the Hyksos, 269, 270;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the birthplace of Thothmes III., 271;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>stronghold of Tirhakah, 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Theft (death-penalty for), 491, 492;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>by an <foreign rend='italic'>employé</foreign>, 513;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>of things deposited, 501, 521;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 520, 561</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thompson, Prof. Campbell, 559</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thoth, 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thothmes I., 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thothmes II., 271</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thothmes III., 271, 316</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thothmes IV., 274, 316</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='594'/><anchor id='Pg594'/> + +<lg> +<l><q>Throne-bearers</q> of the gods, 82</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Thureau-Daugin, Morsiem F., 218</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tiamat, 67. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Tiamtu'>Tiamtu</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Tiamtu'/> +<l>Tiamtu or Tiawthu (= Tauthé), 16, 17, 33;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>being joined by certain gods, prepares to fight, 18 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>her husband Kingu, 19, 20;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>terrifies the gods Anu and Nudimmud, 21;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>caught by Merodach, 24, 131;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>conquered, 25;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>cut asunder, 26;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>her head pierced, 31;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>meaning of her name, 33, 67;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>why applied, 68;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>her desire to be the creator or producer, 34, 35;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>how typified in the O. T., 68</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tiamtu, the sea-coast, 230</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tidal, 222.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Tudhula'>Tudḫula</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tidalum = Tidnu = Amurrū, 312</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tidnu, the Akkadian name of Amurrū (the land of the Amorites), 206, 208, 312;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>ideograph for, 312</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tiglath-pileser I., 129;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>kills elephants in Mesopotamia and Lebanon, 200, 201;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>attacks the Hittites, 318</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tiglath-pileser III., 346;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><q>king of Sumer and Akkad,</q> 347;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>captures Arpad, 347;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Kullanû, etc., 348;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tribute from Syria, 350;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>marches to Madâa, Nal, and Ararat, 351;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>takes Gaza, 352;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>marches to Damascus, helps Ahaz, 353;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>describes the flight of the Syrian king, 354;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his conquests, 355, 356;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>submission of Chaldean tribes, entry into Babylon, death, 357;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>= Pul, 357, 358</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tigris and Euphrates, creation of, 40;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>mentioned in Gen. i., 69;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>rivers of the district of Sippar, 158;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>and of Babylon, 471</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tigris, the, flows close to Nineveh, 393;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Cyrus and the districts of, 422;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Elamite incursions thither, 483.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Seleucia'>Seleucia</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ti'imūṭusu, son of Aspāsinē, 483</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Til-barsip, 328</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Til-garimme (Togarmah), 271, 368</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tilla (= Ararat), 122, 208</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Timašgi (regarded as Dimaški = Damascus), 290</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Timnah (Tamnâ), 375</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tindir (Babylon), 420, 421</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>el-Tireh, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tirhakah, 383, 388, 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tithes, payments of, 434</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Title of the Gilgameš legend, 91</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Togarmah (Tilgarimme), 271, 368</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Tooth for tooth,</q> 509</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Topography of Babylon, 552</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tower of Babel, the Mohammedan legend of the, 551</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Transcription of lines referring to Antiochus's rule in Babylonia, 553</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tree-felling, 497 (law 59)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Towns in the ancient East, 188</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Trade between Canaan and Babylonia, 281</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Translation of the hero of the Flood, 108, 116</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Translation, Semitic, inserted in the divided Akkadian lines, 38</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Tree of the drink of life</q> = the vine, 75</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Tree of knowledge,</q> 73;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the Babylonian parallel of the, 77</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Tree of life,</q> 73;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a Babylonian parallel of the, 75</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Trees, sacred, of the Babylonians and Assyrians, 74-77, pl. III.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tribes classed as Amorites, 311</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tribute of Carchemish of the Hittites, 321</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tubal, 367, 390</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tuckwell, the Rev. J., 551</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Tudhula'/> +<l>Tudḫula, the probable Babylonian form of Tidal, 222, 223, 224, 227, 231, 232, 537, 554</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tukulti-Ninip I. annexes Babylonia, 327, 371</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tum or Tmu, 264</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tunep, Syrian town, 272;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its resistance, 305</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(Dunip, Tenneb)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ṭpašu, canal, 468</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Turbazu killed, 296</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tušamilki of Muṣur, 390</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tutamû, king of Unqu, 348</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='595'/><anchor id='Pg595'/> + +<lg> +<l>Tutu, a name of Merodach, 30;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the explanation given, 45</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tûya, a captive, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Two wives, marriage-contracts for, 174, 175</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ty, Ay's queen, 303</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tyre (Ṣurru), 277, 338, 339, 360, 373, 386, 400;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>blockaded by Nebuchadnezzar, 490;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Ṣûru =? Tyre, 401;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>contract dated at, 401</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tyre, the land of, conquered by Adad-nirari, 341</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tyre, Old (Palaetyrus), 360</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Tyrians, the land of the, pays tribute, 328, 337, 350;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>resists Shalmaneser IV., 360</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ube, Syria of Damascus, 290</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Udumu, 310;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>(Edom), 322, 341, 370, 374, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ugga, the god of Death, 36</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ukabu'šama, daughter of Nabonidus, 451</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ukîn-zēr (Chinzeros), 356, 357</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ukka, 127</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ukus, patesi, 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ul-Šamaš, city, 213</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Umbara-Tutu, father of Pir-napištim, 102</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ummanaldas of Elam, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Umman-manda, the, 230, 392</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ummu Ḫubur, a designation of Tiamtu, 18</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Unknown tongue, an, 140</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Unlawful pasturing, 496, 521</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Unqu, 348</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Unskilful surgical treatment, penalties for, 510, 511</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Unug, Akkadian form of the name of Erech, 84</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Upaḫḫir-bêlu, eponymy of, 372</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Upê, Upia (Opis), 439, 458, 459</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Upê-rabi, <q>Opis is great,</q> name, 182</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Upšukenaku, the place of assembly of the gods, 21</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Ur'/> +<l>Ur (of the Chaldees), 124;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>its temple-tower, 136, 193-195;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>= Urie or Camarina, 146, 147, 196, 197;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>identified with Mugheir, 193;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>possibly really Uri or Ura (Akkad), 197;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>rebels against Assyria, 386;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Nabonidus's inscriptions at, 414, 415;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>name of its wall or fortification, 220</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ura, god of pestilence, 107;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>legend of Ura, 122;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><q>Ura the unsparing,</q> 228;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>invoked by Evil-Merodach, 409</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ura-gala and the ship (ark), 104</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Urarṭu (Ararat), 127.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Urtu'>Urtū</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uraš, god of Dailem, 279;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>the great gate of, 468</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Urbi, the, 376, 557</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Urdamanê, son of Sabaco, 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Urfa (Orfa), the traditional Ur of the Chaldees, 192, 193</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uri or Ura = Akkad, 122, 134</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Urie (Ur of the Chaldees), 146;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>a centre of lunar worship, 147</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Urikku of the Kûites, 350</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uriwa, the Akkadian form of Ur (Mugheir), 193 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ur-kasdim (Ur of the Chaldees), 193.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Ur'>Ur of the Chaldees</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Urraḫinaš, Hittite city, 320</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ursalimmu (Jerusalem), 375, 376</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ur-Šanabi, the pilot or boatman, accompanies Gilgameš to see Pir-napištim, 99;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>takes the hero to be cleansed, 109;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>returns with him to Erech, 109, 110;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Sur-Šanabi, 548</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Urtu'/> +<l>Urṭū (apparently short for Urarṭu), Ararat, 122, 208</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uru (in Uru-salim), probably from the Akkadian, 241</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uru-gala, the image of, 480, 561</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Uruk supuri</foreign>, <q>Erech the walled,</q> 91</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uru-ku, the dynasty of, 154</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Urumaians (Hittites), 318</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uru-milki of Gebal, 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uru-salim (Jerusalem), 234, 239</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uruwuš (king), 124</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Usertesen I., 261</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Uštan(n)u (Ostanes), 543 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ut-napištim, 548</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='596'/><anchor id='Pg596'/> + +<lg> +<l>Van, 127, 367</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Vannites, 391</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Venus, 203.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Istar'>Istar</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Veterinary surgeons' fees and penalties, 511</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Vicious cattle, laws concerning, 512, 523</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Village settlements, growth of, 171</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Vine, the, 75</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Vine of the Babylonian Paradise, 71</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Violation, penalty for, 501, 521</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Virgins, priestesses, and hierodules, 508</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Vowel-changes in the Akkadian dialects, 241</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Waidrang, governor of Elephantine, 539</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Wall built at Ur (Uriwa) by Eri-Aku, 220</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ward, Dr. W. Hayes, conductor of the Wolfe expedition, 70</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Warehouse of the king's gifts,</q> the, 445</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Water, concerning the king's, etc., 446</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><q>Waters of death,</q> the, 99</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Way, the Rev. Dr. J. P., 155</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Weissbach, Dr., 556, 558</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Wedding-gift, the bridegroom's, 553</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>West called Amurrū (Amoria, the land of the Amorites), 205</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>West-land, no record of an expedition to, in the reign of Ḫammurabi, 214, 215;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>his claim to this tract, 215</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>West-Semitic deities, 156;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>names, 157</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Whitehouse, Mr. F. Cope, 263</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Wiedemann, Prof., 253</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Wife of Pir-napištim prepares the magic food, 108, 109</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Wife-seeking, Abraham's, for his son, parallels to, 524</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Wild animals damage by, 512, 523</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Winckler, Dr. Hugo, 235, 297, 537, 538</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Wine-women, 499 (laws 108 ff.)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Wišyari, a captive, 302</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Witnesses necessary, 500, 501;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>names of, 162, 237, 238, etc.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Working an ox unlawfully, 512, 523</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Working-off debt, 500 (law 117)</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Workmen, hire of, 188, 514</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Worship, lines upon, 49</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Xenophon, 422</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Xerxes, forms of his name, 428</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yaana or Yawani, a Hittite, 369, 370</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yaanana. <hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Yatnana'>Yatnana</ref>.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yâ, Ya'u, Au, Aa, names containing, 59</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yâ-abî-ni, name, 60</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yabitiri, governor of Gaza and Jaffa, 279;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>to the king of Egypt, 284</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yabušu, name, 324</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ya-Dagunu, name, 59</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ya'enḫamu (Yanḫamu), 298</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yahu (Jah, Jehovah), temple of, at Elephantine, 539 ff., 544</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yahwah, 342.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Yawa'>-yāwa</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yakinlû of Arvad, 389;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>sends his sons to Assur-banî-âpli, 390</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Yakubu</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Yakubi</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Yakub-îlu</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Ya'kubi-îlu</foreign> (Jacob, Jacob-el), and other similarly-formed names, 157, 183, 243-245, 554</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yamutbālu, Emutbālu, conquered by Ḫammurabi, 211, 212, 214, 216</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yanḫamu, an Egyptian official, 285, 295, 298</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yanzû, king of Na'iri or Mesopotamia, 367</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yapa-Addu, 293</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yapti'-Addu killed, 296</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Yapu'/> +<l>Yapu, Yappu (Jaffa), 285, 375</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yaraqu traversed by Shalmaneser, 334, 349</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yasubigalleans, 373</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Yašupum</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>Yašup-îlu</foreign> (Joseph, Joseph-el), and other similarly-formed names, 157, 243</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Yatnana'/> +<l>Yatnana (Yaanana), Cyprus, 387</l> +</lg> + +<pb n='597'/><anchor id='Pg597'/> + +<lg> +<l>Ya'u, Yaum, etc., 535, 536;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>suggested etymology of, 113;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>supposed to have been identified with Aa or Ea, 18</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yaua (Jehu), 337, 339</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yau-bi'idi (= Ilu-bi'idi) of Hamath, 322, 363, 366</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yaudu, Yaudi (Judah), 370, 386, 389</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yaum-îlu, name, meaning <q>Jah is God</q> (Joel), 199 <hi rend='italic'>n.</hi></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<anchor id='Index-Yawa'/> +<l>Ya'wa, Yâwa, 535</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>-yāwa, names ending in, 458, 465, 470, 471</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ya(')we-îlu, name, 535</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yeb (Elephantine), 539 ff.;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>meaning of the name, 544</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yedoniah of Elephantine, 539 ff.</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yehohanan (Johanan or John), 540, 542</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yidia of Askelon to the king of Egypt, 286, 287</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Yoke of Assyria thrown off by Nabopolassar, 550</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Young, plant to make the old, 109</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zabibé, queen of Arabia, 350</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zabû, Zabium (king), 153;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>tablets dated in his reign, 174, 183, 237</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zagaga, god of battle, identified with Merodach, 58;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>temple of, at Kiš, 213, 214, 415, 489</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zahi (Phœnicia), 270</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zaphnath-paaneah, Steindorff's translation of, 257</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zarephath (Sareptu), 374</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zedekiah, captured, 400.</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>See</hi> <ref target='Index-Mattaniah'>Mattaniah</ref></l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zelah, 297</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zēru-kênu-lîsir, son of Merodach-baladan, 386</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zēr-panitum, consort of Merodach, 160, 212;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>swearing by, 433;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>invocation of, 466;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'><hi rend='italic'>see also</hi> 472, 479</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zērû-Bâbîli (Zerubbabel, better Zeru-Babel), a frequent name, 425, 441, 559</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zeus (Belos), 137</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l><foreign rend='italic'>Zikurat Babili</foreign>, 139</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zilû city, 296</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zimmern, Prof. H., 68, 536, 546</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zimrêda of Sidon, hostile to Egypt, 293;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>Zimrêda of Lachish, threatened, 296;</l> +<l rend='margin-left: 2'>another Z., 556</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Ziri-Bašani (field of Bashan), 277</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zoan, supposed place where Joseph met Pharaoh, 253</l> +</lg> + +<lg> +<l>Zubuduru, messenger of Nebuchadnezzar's son, 434</l> +</lg> + +</div> + +</body> +<back rend="page-break-before: right"> + <div id="footnotes"> + <index index="toc" /> + <index index="pdf" /> + <head>Footnotes</head> + <divGen type="footnotes"/> + </div> + <div rend="page-break-before: right"> + <divGen type="pgfooter" /> + </div> +</back> +</text> +</TEI.2> diff --git a/38732-tei/images/frontispiece.png b/38732-tei/images/frontispiece.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..eb0b3c4 --- /dev/null +++ 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