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| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 20:10:38 -0700 |
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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 20:10:38 -0700 |
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Y. Sellar + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Roman Poets of the Republic + +Author: W. Y. Sellar + +Release Date: January 13, 2012 [EBook #38566] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ROMAN POETS OF THE REPUBLIC *** + + + + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Lesley Halamek and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<a name="top" id="top"></a> +<table class="tn1" summary="tn" align="center" style="margin-bottom: 3em;"> +<tr> + <td class="note"> +<p class="center">The <a href="#transcriber_note">Transcriber's Note</a> is at the end of the book.</p> +</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<h1 style="margin-top: 1.5em;">THE ROMAN POETS OF</h1> +<h1 style="margin-top: 1.5em;">THE REPUBLIC</h1> + +<h4 style="margin-top: 4em;">BY</h4> + + <h1 style="margin-top: 1.5em;">W. Y. SELLAR, M.A., LL.D.</h1> + +<h4 style="margin-top: 2em;">PROFESSOR OF HUMANITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH<br /> +AND FORMERLY FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD</h4> + +<h3 style="margin-top: 4em;">RE-ISSUE OF THE THIRD EDITION</h3> + +<h4 style="margin-top: 4em;">OXFORD</h4> +<h4>AT THE CLARENDON PRESS</h4> +<h5 style="margin-bottom: 3em;">M DCCCC V</h5> + +<hr /> + +<h5 style="margin-top: 1.5em;">HENRY FROWDE, M.A.</h5> +<h6>PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD</h6> +<h6>LONDON, EDINBURGH</h6> +<h6>NEW YORK AND TORONTO</h6> + +<hr /> + +<h4 style="margin-top: 5em;">[<i>Dedication of the Edition of 1881.</i>]</h4> + +<p class="center">TO</p> + +<h3>J. C. SHAIRP, M.A., LL.D.,</h3> + +<p class="center">PRINCIPAL OF THE UNITED COLLEGE, ST. ANDREWS,</p> +<p class="center">PROFESSOR OF POETRY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD,</p> + +<p class="center1">IN ACKNOWLEDGMENT</p> +<p class="center1">OF MUCH ACTIVE AND GENEROUS KINDNESS,</p> +<p class="center1">AND OF</p> +<p class="center1">A LONG AND STEADY FRIENDSHIP,</p> +<p class="center1">THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED.</p> + +<hr class="full" /> + +<h2>PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.</h2> + +<p>In preparing a second edition of this volume, which +has been for some years out of print, I have, with the +exception of a few pages added to Chapter IV, retained +the first five chapters substantially unchanged. Chapters +VI and VII, on Roman Comedy, are entirely new. I +have enlarged the account formerly given of Lucilius +in Chapter VIII, and modified the Review of the First +Period, contained in Chapter IX. The short introductory +chapter to the Second Period is new. The four chapters +on Lucretius have been carefully revised, and, in part, +re-written. The chapter on Catullus has been re-written +and enlarged, and the views formerly expressed in it have +been modified.</p> + +<p>In the preface to the first edition I acknowledged the +assistance I had derived from the editions of the Fragments +of the early writers by Klussman, Vahlen, Ribbeck, +and Gerlach; from the Histories of Roman Literature +by Bernhardy, Bähr, and Munk, and from the chapters +on Roman Literature in Mommsen's Roman History; +from a treatise on the origin of Roman Poetry, by Corssen; +from Sir G. C. Lewis's work on 'The Credibility of Early +Roman History'; from the Articles on the Roman Poets +by the late Professor Ramsay, contained in Smith's 'Dictionary +of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology'; +and from Articles by Mr. Munro in the 'Journal of Classical +and Sacred Philology.' In addition to these I have, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pagev" id="pagev"></a>[page v]</span> +in the present edition, to acknowledge my indebtedness +to the History of Roman Literature by W. S. Teuffel, +to Ribbeck's 'Römische Tragödie,' to Ritschl's 'Opuscula,' +to the editions of some of the Plays of Plautus by Brix +and Lorenz, to that of the Fragments of Lucilius by +L. Müller, to the Thesis of M. G. Boissier, entitled 'Quomodo +Graecos Poetas Plautus Transtulerit,' to Articles on +Lucilius by Mr. Munro in the 'Journal of Philology,' and +to the edition of Lucretius, and the 'Criticisms and Elucidations +of Catullus' by the same writer, to Schwabe's +'Quaestiones Catullianae,' to Mr. Ellis's 'Commentary on +Catullus,' to R. Westphal's 'Catull's Gedichte,' and to +M. A. Couat's 'Étude sur Catulle.' I have more especially +to express my sense of obligation to Mr. Munro's writings +on Lucretius and Catullus. In so far as the chapters +on these poets in this edition may be improved, this +will, in a great measure, be due to the new knowledge +of the subject I have gained from the study of his +works.</p> + +<p>I have retained, with some corrections, the translations +of the longer quotations, contained in the first edition, and +have added a literal prose version of some passages quoted +from Plautus and Terence. Instead of offering a prose +version of the longer passages quoted from Catullus, I +have again availed myself of the kind permission formerly +given me by Sir Theodore Martin to make use of +his translation.</p> + +<p class="ind"><span class="sc">Edinburgh</span>, <i>Dec. 1880</i>.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pagevi" id="pagevi"></a>[page vi]</span> + +<h2>PREFATORY NOTE TO THE THIRD EDITION.</h2> + +<p>In revising this work for a new edition the most +important change I have made is in the account of +Terence, contained in Chapter VII. I have to acknowledge +the kind permission of Messrs. A. & C. Black +to make use of the article on Terence which I wrote for +the Encyclopaedia Britannica, in which I first expressed +the modification of my views on that author. I have +added some notes to the Chapter on Catullus, suggested +by the opinions expressed in the Prolegomena to the +Edition of B. Schmidt. In the Chapter on Naevius +I have availed myself of a suggestion contained in a +paper by Prof. A. F. West, 'On a Patriotic Passage in +the Miles Gloriosus of Plautus,' which appeared in the +American Journal of Philology, for my knowledge of +which I am indebted to his courtesy in sending the +article to me. I have introduced various verbal changes +in different parts of the book, implying some slight +modification of the opinions originally expressed. +Several of these were suggested by critics who noticed +the earlier editions of the book, to whom I beg to +express my thanks.</p> + +<p class="author">W. Y. S.</p> +<p class="ind"><i>January, 1889.</i></p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pagevii" id="pagevii"></a>[page vii]</span> +<hr class="full" /> + +<h1>CONTENTS</h1> + +<h2><a class="toc" href="#page1">CHAPTER I.</a></h2> + +<h3>GENERAL CHARACTER OF ROMAN POETRY.</h3> + +<table align="center" border="0" summary="contents" style="margin-bottom: 2em;"> + +<tr> + <td> </td> + <td class="right">PAGE</td> +</tr> + <tr> + <td>Recent change in the estimate of Roman Poetry</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page1">1</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Want of originality</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page2">2</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>As compared with Greek Poetry</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page2">2</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " " with Roman Oratory and History</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page3">3</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The most complete literary monument of Rome</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page5">5</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Partly imitative, partly original</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page6">6</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Imitative in forms</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page7">7</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " in metres</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page8">8</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Imitative element in diction</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page9">9</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " " in matter</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page11">11</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Original character, partly Roman, partly Italian</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page13">13</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>National spirit</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page14">14</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Imaginative sentiment</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page15">15</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Moral feeling</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page16">16</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Italian element in Roman Poetry</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page17">17</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Love of Nature</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page17">17</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Passion of Love</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page19">19</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Personal element in Roman Poetry</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page20">20</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Four Periods of Roman Poetry</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page23">23</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Character of each</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page24">24</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Conclusion</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page26">26</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page28">CHAPTER II.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>VESTIGES OF INDIGENOUS POETRY IN ROME AND ANCIENT ITALY.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Niebuhr's theory of a Ballad-Poetry</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page28">28</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The Saturnian metre</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page29">29</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Ritual Hymns</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page31">31</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Prophetic verses</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page33">33</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Fescennine verses</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page34">34</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Saturae<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageviii" id="pageviii"></a>[page viii]</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page36">36</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Gnomic verses</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page37">37</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Commemorative verses</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page37">37</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Inferences as to their character</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page38">38</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " from early state of the language</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page39">39</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>No public recognition of Poetry</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page40">40</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Roman story result of tradition and reflection</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page41">41</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Inferences from the nature of Roman religion</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page43">43</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " from the character and pursuits of the people</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page44">44</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Roman Poetry of Italian rather than Roman origin</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page45">45</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h1>FIRST PERIOD.</h1></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>FROM LIVIUS ANDRONICUS TO LUCILIUS.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page47">CHAPTER III.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>BEGINNING OF ROMAN LITERATURE. LIVIUS ANDRONICUS,<br /> +<span style="line-height: 180%;">CN. NAEVIUS, 240-202 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></span></h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Contact with Greece after capture of Tarentum</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page47">47</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>First period of Roman literature</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page49">49</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Forms of Poetry during this period</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page50">50</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Livius Andronicus</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page51">51</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Cn. Naevius, his life</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page52">52</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Dramas</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page55">55</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Epic poem</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page57">57</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Style</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page59">59</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Conclusion</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page60">60</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page62">CHAPTER IV.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>Q. ENNIUS, 239-170 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, LIFE, TIMES, AND PERSONAL TRAITS.<br /> +<span style="line-height: 180%;">VARIOUS WORKS. GENIUS AND INTELLECT.</span></h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Importance of Ennius</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page62">62</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Notices of his life</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page63">63</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Influences affecting his career</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page64">64</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Italian birth-place</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page64">64</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Greek education</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page65">65</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Service in Roman army<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageix" id="pageix"></a>[page ix]</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page66">66</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Historical importance of his age</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page68">68</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Intellectual character of his age</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page69">69</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Personal traits</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page71">71</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Description of himself in the Annals</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page72">72</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Intimacy with Scipio</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page74">74</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His enthusiastic temperament</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page75">75</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Religious spirit and convictions</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page77">77</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Miscellaneous works</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page79">79</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Saturae</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page81">81</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Dramas</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page83">83</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Annals</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page88">88</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Outline of the Poem</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page89">89</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Idea by which it is animated</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page92">92</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Artistic defects</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page93">93</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Roman character of the work</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page94">94</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Contrast with the Greek Epic</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page96">96</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Contrast in its personages</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page96">96</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Contrast in supernatural element</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page97">97</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Oratory in the Annals</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page98">98</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Description and imagery</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page100">100</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Rhythm and diction</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page102">102</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Chief literary characteristics of Ennius</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page106">106</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Energy of conception</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page107">107</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Patriotic and imaginative sentiment</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page110">110</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Moral emotion</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page112">112</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Practical understanding</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page113">113</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Estimate in ancient times</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page116">116</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Disparaging criticism of Niebuhr</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page118">118</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page120">CHAPTER V</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>EARLY ROMAN TRAGEDY. M. PACUVIUS, 219-129 <span class="sc">b.c.</span><br /> +<span style="line-height: 180%;">L. ACCIUS, 170-ABOUT 90 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></span></h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Popularity of early Roman Tragedy</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page120">120</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Partial adaptation of Athenian drama</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page121">121</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Inability to reproduce its pure Hellenic character</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page123">123</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Nearer approach to the spirit of Euripides than of Sophocles</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page125">125</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Grounds of popularity of Roman Tragedy</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page126">126</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Moral tone and oratorical spirit</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page129">129</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Causes of its decline</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page131">131</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>M. Pacuvius, notices of his life<span class="pagenum"><a name="pagex" id="pagex"></a>[page x]</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page133">133</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Ancient testimonies</td + ><td class="right"><a href="#page135">135</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His dramas</td + ><td class="right"><a href="#page136">136</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Passages illustrative of his thought</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page137">137</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " +" of his moral and oratorical spirit</td><td class="right"><a href="#page139">139</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Descriptive passages</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page141">141</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Drama on a Roman subject</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page142">142</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Character</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page142">142</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>L. Accius, notices of his life</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page143">143</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His various works</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page145">145</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Fragments illustrative of his oratorical spirit</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page147">147</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " +" of his moral fervour</td> +<td class="right"><a href="#page148">148</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " +" of his sense of natural beauty</td> +<td class="right"><a href="#page149">149</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Conclusion as to character of Roman Tragedy</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page150">150</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page153">CHAPTER VI.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>ROMAN COMEDY. T. MACCIUS PLAUTUS, ABOUT 254 TO 184 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Flourishing era of Roman Comedy</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page153">153</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>How far any claim to originality?</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page154">154</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Disparaging judgment of later Roman critics</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page155">155</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Connection with earlier Saturae</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page156">156</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Naevius and Plautus popular poets</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page157">157</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Facts in the life of Plautus</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page158">158</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Attempt to fill up the outline from his works</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page160">160</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Familiarity with town-life</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page161">161</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Traces of maritime adventure</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page162">162</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Life of the lower and middle classes represented in his plays</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page163">163</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Love of good living</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page164">164</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Love of money</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page166">166</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Artistic indifference</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page166">166</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Knowledge of Greek</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page167">167</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Influence of the spirit of his age</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page167">167</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Dramas adaptations of outward conditions of Athenian New Comedy</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page169">169</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Manner and spirit, Roman and original</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page172">172</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Indications of originality in his language</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page173">173</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> " +" " in his Roman allusions and national characteristics</td> +<td class="right"><a href="#page174">174</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Favourite plots of his plays</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page178">178</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Pseudolus, Bacchides, Miles Gloriosus, Mostellaria</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page179">179</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Aulularia, Trinummus, Menaechmi, Rudens, Captivi, Amphitryo<span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexi" id="pagexi"></a>[page xi]</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page182">182</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Mode of dealing with his characters</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page191">191</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Moral and political indifference of his plays</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page192">192</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Value as a poetic artist</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page195">195</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Power of expression by action, rhythm, diction</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page200">200</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr><th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page204">CHAPTER VII.</a></h2></th></tr> + +<tr><th><h3>TERENCE AND THE COMIC POETS SUBSEQUENT TO PLAUTUS.</h3></th></tr> + +<tr> + <td>Comedy between the time of Plautus and Terence</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page204">204</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Caecilius Statius</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page204">204</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Scipionic Circle</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page206">206</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Complete Hellenising of Roman Comedy</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page207">207</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Conflicting accounts of life of Terence</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page207">207</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Order in which his Plays were produced</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page209">209</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His 'prologues' as indicative of his individuality</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page210">210</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>'Dimidiatus Menander'</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page212">212</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Epicurean 'humanity' chief characteristic</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page213">213</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Sentimental motive of his pieces</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page214">214</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Minute delineations of character</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page215">215</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Diction and rhythm</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page217">217</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Influence on the style and sentiment of Horace</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page218">218</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Modern estimates of Terence</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page220">220</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Comoedia Togata, Atellanae, Mimus</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page220">220</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page222">CHAPTER VIII.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>EARLY ROMAN SATIRE. C. LUCILIUS, DIED 102 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Independent origin of Roman satire</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page222">222</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Essentially Roman in form and spirit</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page224">224</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " + " in its political and censorial function</td> +<td class="right"><a href="#page225">225</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Personal and miscellaneous character of early satire</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page227">227</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Critical epoch at which Lucilius appeared</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page229">229</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Question as to the date of his birth</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page229">229</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Fragments chiefly preserved by grammarians</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page232">232</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Miscellaneous character and desultory treatment of subjects</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page233">233</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Traces of subjects treated in different books</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page234">234</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Impression of the author's personality</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page236">236</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Political character of Lucilian satire</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page238">238</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Social vices satirised in it<span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexii" id="pagexii"></a>[page xii]</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page239">239</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Intellectual peculiarities</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page243">243</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Literary criticism</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page245">245</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His style</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page246">246</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Grounds of his popularity</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page249">249</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page253">CHAPTER IX.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>REVIEW OF THE FIRST PERIOD.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Common aspects in the lives of poets in the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page253">253</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Popular and national character of their works</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page256">256</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Political condition of the time reflected in its literature</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page257">257</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Defects of the poetic literature in form and style</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page259">259</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Other forms of literature cultivated in that age</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page260">260</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Oratory and history</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page260">260</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Familiar letters</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page262">262</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Critical and grammatical studies</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page263">263</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Summary of character of the first period</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page264">264</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h1><a class="toc" href="#page267">SECOND PERIOD.</a></h1></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>THE CLOSE OF THE REPUBLIC.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page269">CHAPTER X.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>TRANSITION FROM LUCILIUS TO LUCRETIUS.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Dearth of poetical works during the next half century</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page269">269</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Literary taste confined to the upper classes </td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page271">271</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Great advance in Latin prose writing</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page272">272</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Influence of this on the style of Lucretius and Catullus</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page273">273</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Closer contact with the mind and art of Greece</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page273">273</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Effects of the political unsettlement on the contemplative life and thought</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page275">275</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " on the life of pleasure, and the art founded on it</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page277">277</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The two representatives of the thought and art of the time<span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexiii" id="pagexiii"></a>[page xiii]</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page278">278</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page280">CHAPTER XI.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>LUCRETIUS. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Little known of him from external sources</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page280">280</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Examination of Jerome's statement</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page284">284</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Inferences as to his national and social position</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page287">287</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Relation to Memmius</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page288">288</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Impression of the author to be traced in his poem </td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page290">290</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Influence produced by the action of his age</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page290">290</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Minute familiarity with Nature and country life</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page292">292</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Spirit in which he wrote his work</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page294">294</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His consciousness of power and delight in his task</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page295">295</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His polemical spirit</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page298">298</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Reverence for Epicurus</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page299">299</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Affinity to Empedocles</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page300">300</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Influence of other Greek writers</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page302">302</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " of Ennius</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page303">303</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His interests speculative, not national</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page304">304</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His Roman temperament</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page305">305</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page307">CHAPTER XII.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>THE PHILOSOPHY OF LUCRETIUS.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Three aspects of the poem</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page307">307</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>General scope of the argument</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page308">308</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Analysis of the poem</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page308">308</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Question as to its unfinished condition</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page321">321</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>What is the value of the argument?</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page324">324</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Weakness of his science</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page329">329</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Interest of the work as an exposition of ancient physical enquiry</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page331">331</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " + " " from its bearing on modern questions</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page332">332</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Power of scientific reasoning, observation, and expression</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page335">335</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Connecting links between his philosophy and poetry</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page340">340</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Idea of law</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page341">341</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " of change</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page344">344</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " of the infinite</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page347">347</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " of the individual</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page348">348</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " of the subtlety of Nature</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page349">349</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " of Nature as a living power<span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexiv" id="pagexiv"></a>[page xiv]</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page350">350</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page356">CHAPTER XIII.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>THE RELIGIOUS ATTITUDE AND MORAL TEACHING OF LUCRETIUS.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>General character of Greek epicureanism</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page356">356</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Prevalence at Rome in the last age of the Republic</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page358">358</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>New type of epicureanism in Lucretius</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page360">360</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Forms of evil against which his teaching was directed</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page363">363</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Superstition</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page364">364</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Fear of death</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page369">369</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Ambition</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page374">374</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Luxury</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page375">375</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Passion of love</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page376">376</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Limitation of his ethical views</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page378">378</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His literary power as a moralist</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page381">381</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page384">CHAPTER XIV.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>THE LITERARY ART AND GENIUS OF LUCRETIUS.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Artistic defects of the work</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page384">384</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " +" arising from the nature of the subject</td> +<td class="right"><a href="#page385">385</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " +" from inequality in its execution</td> +<td class="right"><a href="#page387">387</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Intensity of feeling pervading the argument</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page388">388</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Cumulative force in his rhythm</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page389">389</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Qualities of his style</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page390">390</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Freshness and sincerity of expression</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page392">392</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Imaginative suggestiveness and creativeness</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page394">394</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Use of analogies</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page395">395</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Pictorial power</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page397">397</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Poetical interpretation of Nature</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page398">398</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Energy of movement in his descriptions</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page400">400</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Poetic aspect of Nature influenced by his philosophy</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page402">402</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Poetical interpretation of life</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page403">403</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Modern interest of his poem</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page406">406</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h2><a class="toc" href="#page408">CHAPTER XV.</a></h2></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><h3>CATULLUS.</h3></th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Contrast to the poetry of Lucretius</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page408">408</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The poetry of youth</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page409">409</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Accidental preservation of the poems<span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexv" id="pagexv"></a>[page xv]</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page410">410</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Principle of their arrangement</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page412">412</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Vivid personal revelation afforded by them</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page413">413</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Uncertainty as to the date of his birth</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page414">414</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Birth-place and social standing</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page417">417</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Influences of his native district</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page419">419</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Identity of Lesbia and Clodia</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page422">422</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Poems written between 61 and 57 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page425">425</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Poems connected with his Bithynian journey</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page429">429</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Poems written between 56 and 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page433">433</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Character of his poems, founded on the passion of love</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page436">436</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " + " " +" on friendship and affection</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page439">439</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His short satirical pieces</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page444">444</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Other poems expressive of personal feeling</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page450">450</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Qualities of style in these poems</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page452">452</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " of rhythm</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page453">453</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td> " of form</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page454">454</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The Hymn to Diana</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page455">455</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His longer and more purely artistic pieces</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page456">456</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His Epithalamia</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page457">457</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>His Attis</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page461">461</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The Peleus and Thetis</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page462">462</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The longer elegiac poems</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page469">469</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Rank of Catullus among the poets of the world</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#page472">472</a></td> +</tr> +</table> + +<hr class="full" /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page1" id="page1"></a>[page 1]</span> + +<h1>THE ROMAN POETS OF THE REPUBLIC.</h1> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<h3>GENERAL CHARACTER OF ROMAN POETRY.</h3> + +<p>A great fluctuation of opinion has taken place, among +scholars and critics, in regard to the worth of Latin Poetry. +From the revival of learning till the end of last century, the +poets of ancient Rome, and especially those of the Augustan +age, were esteemed the purest models of literary art, and were +the most familiar exponents of the life and spirit of antiquity. +Their works were the chief instruments of the higher education. +They were studied, imitated, and translated by some of the +greatest poets of modern Europe; and they supplied their +favourite texts and illustrations to moralists and humourists, +from Montaigne to the famous English essayists who flourished +during the last century. Up to a still later period, their words +were habitually used in political debate to add weight to argument +and point to invective. Perhaps no other writers, during +so long a period, exercised so powerful an influence, not on +literary style and taste only, but on the character and understanding, +of educated men in the leading nations of the modern +world.</p> + +<p>It was natural that this excessive deference to their authority +should be impaired both by the ampler recognition of the +claims of modern poetry, and by a more intimate familiarity +with Greek literature. They have suffered, in the estimation +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2" id="page2"></a>[page 2]</span> +of literary critics, from the change in poetical taste which commenced +about the beginning of the present century, and, in +that of scholars, from the superior attractions of the great epic, +dramatic, and lyrical poets of Greece. They were thus, for +some time, the objects of undue disparagement rather than of +undue admiration. The perception of the large debt which +they owed to their Greek masters, led to some forgetfulness of +their original merits. Their Roman character and Italian +feeling were insufficiently recognised under the foreign forms +and metres in which these qualities were expressed. It used to +be said, with some appearance of plausibility, that Roman poetry +is not only much inferior in interest to the poetry of Greece, but +that it is a work of cultivated imitation, not of creative art; that +other forms of literature were the true expression of the genius +of the Roman people; that their poets brought nothing new +into the world; that they enriched the life of after times with +no pure vein of native feeling, nor any impressive record of +national experience.</p> + +<p>It is, indeed, impossible to claim for Roman poetry the unborrowed +glory or the varied inspiration of the earlier art of +Greece. To the genius of Greece alone can the words of the +bard in the Odyssey be applied,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: autodidaktos d' eimi, theos de moi en phresin oimas"> +αὐτοδίδακτος δ' εἰμί, +θεὸς δέ μοι ἐν φρεσὶν οἴμας</ins></p> +<p><ins title="Greek: pantoias enephysen.">παντοίας ἐνέφυσεν</ins> <a id="footnotetagi1" name="footnotetagi1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotei1"><sup>1</sup></a>.</p> +</div></div> + +<p>Besides possessing the charm of poetical feeling and artistic +form in unequalled measure, Greek poetry is to modern readers +the immediate revelation of a new world of thought and action, +in all its lights and shadows and moving life. Like their +politics, the poetry of the Greeks sprang from many independent +centres, and renewed itself in every epoch of the national +civilisation. Roman poetry, on the other hand, has neither the +same novelty nor variety of matter; nor did it, like the epic, +lyric, dramatic, and idyllic poetry of Greece, adapt itself to the +changing phases of human life in different generations and +different States. But the poets of Rome have another kind of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page3" id="page3"></a>[page 3]</span> +value. There is a charm in their language and sentiment +distinct from that which is found in any other literature of +the world. Certain deep and abiding impressions are stamped +upon their works, which have penetrated into the cultivated +sentiment of modern times. If, as we read them, the imagination +is not so powerfully stimulated by the revelation of a +new world, yet, in the elevated tones of Roman poetry, +there is felt to be a permanent affinity with the strength +and dignity of man's moral nature; and, in the finer and softer +tones, a power to move the heart to sympathy with the beauty, +the enjoyment, and the natural sorrows of a bygone life. If +we are no longer moved by the eager hopes and buoyant +fancies of the youthful prime of the ancient world, we seem to +gather up, with a more sober sympathy, the fruits of its mature +experience and mellowed reflexion.</p> + +<p>While the literature and civilisation of Greece were still +unknown to them, the Romans had produced certain rude +kinds of metrical composition; they preserved some knowledge +of their history in various kinds of chronicles or annals: +they must have been trained to some skill in oratory by the +contests of public life, and by the practice of delivering commemorative +speeches at the funerals of famous men. But +they cannot be said to have produced spontaneously any works +of literary art. Their oratory, history, poetry, and philosophy +owed their first impulse to their intellectual contact with +Greece. And while the form and expression of all Roman +literature were moulded by the teaching of Greek masters and +the study of Greek writings, the debt incurred by the poetry +and philosophy of Rome was greater than that incurred by her +oratory and history. The two latter assumed a more distinct +type, and adapted themselves more naturally to the genius of the +people and the circumstances of the State. They were the work +of men for the most part eminent in the State; and they bore +directly on the practical wants of the times in which they were +cultivated. Even the structure of the Latin language testifies +to the oratorical force and ardour by which it was moulded +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page4" id="page4"></a>[page 4]</span> +into symmetry; as the language of Greece betrays the plastic +and harmonising power of her early poetry. There is no improbability +in the supposition that, if Greek literature had +never existed, or had remained unknown to the Romans, the +political passions and necessities of the Republic would have +called forth a series of powerful orators; and that the national +instinct, which clung with such strong tenacity to the past, +would, with the advance of power and civilisation, have produced +a type of history, capable of giving adequate expression +to the traditions and continuous annals of the commonwealth.</p> + +<p>But their poetry, on the other hand, came to the Romans +after their habits were fully formed<a id="footnotetagi2" name="footnotetagi2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotei2"><sup>2</sup></a>, as an ornamental addition +to their power,—<ins title="Greek: kêpion kai enkallôpisma ploutou"> +κηπίον καὶ ἐγκαλλώπισμα +πλούτου</ins>. Unlike +the poetry of Greece, it was not addressed to the popular ear, +nor was it an immediate emanation from the popular heart. +The poets who commemorated the greatness of Rome, or who +sang of the passions and pleasures of private life, in the ages +immediately before and after the establishment of the Empire, +were, for the most part, men born in the provinces of Italy, +neither trained in the formal discipline of Rome, nor taking +any active part in practical affairs. Their tastes and feelings +are, in some ways, rather Italian than purely Roman; their +thoughts and convictions are rather of a cosmopolitan type +than moulded on the national traditions. They drew the +materials of their art as much from the stores of Greek poetry +as from the life and action of their own times. Their art +is thus a composite structure, in which old forms are combined +with altered conditions; in which the fancies of earlier +times reappear in a new language, and the spirit of Greece is +seen interpenetrating the grave temperament of Rome, and the +genial nature of Italy.</p> + +<p>But, although oratory and history may have been more +essential to the national life of the Romans, and more adapted +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page5" id="page5"></a>[page 5]</span> +to their genius, their poetry still remains their most complete +literary expression. Of the many famous orators of the +Republic one only has left his speeches to modern times. +The works of the two greatest Roman historians have reached +us in a mutilated shape; and the most important periods in +the later history of the Republic are not represented in what +remains of the works of any Latin writer. Tacitus records +only the sombre and monotonous annals of the early Empire; +and the extant books of Livy contain the account of times and +events from which he himself was separated by many generations. +Roman poetry, on the other hand, is the contemporary +witness of several important eras in the history of the +Republic and the Empire. It includes many authentic and +characteristic fragments from the great times of the Scipios,—the +complete works of the two poets of finest genius, who +flourished in the last days of the Republic,—the masterpieces +of the brilliant Augustan era;—and, of the works of the +Empire, more than are needed to exemplify the decay of +natural feeling and of poetical inspiration under the deadening +pressure of Imperialism. And, besides illustrating different +eras, the Roman poets throw light on the most various +aspects of Roman life and character. They are the most +authentic witnesses both of the national sentiment and ideas, +and of the feelings and interests of private life. They stamp +on the imagination the ideal of Roman majesty; and they +bring home to modern sympathies the charm and the pathos +of the old Italian life, and the activities and humours of society +in the great capital of pleasure and business.</p> + +<p>Roman poetry was the living heir, not the lifeless reproduction +of the genius of Greece. If it seems to have been +a highly-trained accomplishment rather than the irrepressible +outpouring of a natural faculty, still this accomplishment was +based upon original gifts of feeling and character, and was +marked by its own peculiar features. The creative energy of +the Greeks died out with Theocritus; but their learning and +taste, surviving the decay of their political existence, passed +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page6" id="page6"></a>[page 6]</span> +into the education of a kindred race, endowed, above all other +races of antiquity, with the capacity of receiving and assimilating +alien influences, and of producing, alike in action +and in literature, great results through persistent purpose and +concentrated industry. It was owing to their gifts of appreciation +and their capacity for labour, that the Roman poets, in +the era of the transition from the freedom and vigour of the +Republic to the pomp and order of the Empire, succeeded in +producing works which, in point of execution, are not much +inferior to the masterpieces of Greece. It was due to the +spirit of a new race,—speaking a new language, living among +different scenes, acting their own part in the history of the +world,—that the ancient inspiration survived the extinction of +Greek liberty, and reappeared, under altered conditions, in a +fresh succession of powerful works, which owe their long +existence as much to the vivid feeling as to the artistic +perfection by which they are characterised.</p> + +<p>From one point of view, therefore, Roman poetry may +be regarded as an imitative reproduction, from another, as +a new revelation of the human spirit. For the form, and +for some part of the substance, of their works, the Roman +poets were indebted to Greece: the spirit and character, and +much also of the substance of their poetry, are native in their +origin. They betray their want of inventiveness chiefly in the +forms of composition and the metres which they employed; +occasionally also in the cast of their poetic diction, and in +their conventional treatment of foreign materials. But, in +even the least original aspects of their art, they still bear the +impress of their nationality. Although, with the exception of +Satire and the poetic Epistle, they struck out no new forms of +poetic composition, yet those adopted by them assumed something +of a new type, owing to the weight of their contents, the +massive structure of the Roman language, the fervour and +gravity of the Roman temperament, the practical bent and +logical mould of the Roman understanding, the strong vitality +and the emotional susceptibility of the Italian race.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page7" id="page7"></a>[page 7]</span> + +<p>They were not equally successful in all the forms which +they attempted to reproduce. They were especially inferior +to their masters in tragedy. They betray the inferiority of +their dramatic genius also in other fields of literature, +especially in epic and idyllic poetry, and in philosophical +dialogues. They express passion and feeling either directly +from their own hearts and experience, or in great rhetorical +passages, attributed to the imaginary personages of their +story—to Ariadne or Dido, to Turnus or Mezentius. But +this occasional utterance of passion and sentiment is not +united in them with a vivid delineation of the complex +characters of men; and it is only in their comic poetry that +they are quite successful in reproducing the natural and lively +interchange of speech. There is thus, as compared with +Homer and Theocritus, some want of personal interest in +the epic, descriptive, and idyllic poetry of Virgil. The natural +play of characters, acting and reacting upon one another, +enlivens the divinely-appointed action of the Aeneid, only in +such exceptional passages as the episode of Dido; nor does it +add the charm of human associations to the poet's deep and +quiet pictures of rural beauty, and to his graceful expression of +pensive and tender feeling.</p> + +<p>The Romans, as a race, were wanting in speculative +capacity; and thus their poetry does not rise, or rises only +in Lucretius, to those imaginative heights from which the +great lyrical and dramatic poets of Greece contemplated +the spectacle of human life in all its wonder and solemnity. +Yet both the epic and the lyrical poetry of Rome have a +character and perfection of their own. The Aeneid, with +many resemblances in points of detail to the poems of +Homer, is yet, in design and execution, a true national +monument. The lyrical poetry of Rome, if inferior to the +choral poetry of Greece in range of thought and in ethereal +grace of expression, and, apparently, to the early Iambic and +Melic poetry of Greece in the range of the emotions to which +it appeals, is yet an instrument of varied power, capable of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page8" id="page8"></a>[page 8]</span> +investing the more serious or more transient joys and sorrows +of life with an unfading charm, and rising into fuller and more +commanding tones to express the national sentiment and +moral dignity of Rome. Didactic poetry obtained in Lucretius +and Virgil ampler volume and profounder meaning than +in their Greek models, Empedocles and Hesiod. It was +by the skill of the two great Latin poets that poetic art was +made to embrace within its province the treatment of a great +philosophical argument, and of a great and ancient form of +human industry. The Satires and Epistles of Horace showed, +for the first time, how the didactic spirit could deal in poetry +with the whole conduct and familiar experience of life. The +elegiac poets of the Augustan age, while borrowing the +metre of their compositions from the early poets of Ionia +and the later writers at the court of Alexandria, have taken the +substance of their poetry to a great extent from their own lives +and interests; and have treated their materials with a fluent +and varied brilliancy of style, and often with a graceful tenderness +and sincerity of feeling, unborrowed from any foreign +source. It may thus be generally affirmed that the Roman +poets, although adding little to the great discoveries or inventions +in literature, and although not equally successful in +all their adaptations of the inventions of their predecessors, +have yet left the stamp of their own genius and character on +some of the great forms which poetry has assumed.</p> + +<p>The metres of Roman poetry are also adaptations to the +Latin language of the metres previously employed in the epic, +lyrical, dramatic and elegiac poetry of Greece. The Italian +race had, in earlier times, struck out a native measure, called +the Saturnian,—of a rapid and irregular movement,—in which +their religious emotions, their festive and satiric raillery, and +their commemorative instincts found a rude expression. But +after this measure had been rejected by Ennius, as unsuited +to the gravity of his greatest work, the Roman poets continued +to imitate the metres of their Greek predecessors. But, in +their hands, these became characterised by a slower, more +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page9" id="page9"></a>[page 9]</span> +stately, and regular movement, not only differing widely from +the ring of the native Saturnian rhythm, but also, with every +improvement in poetic accomplishment, receding further and +further from the freedom and variety of the Greek measures. +The comic and tragic measures, in which alone the Roman +writers observed a less strict rule than their models, never +attained among them to any high metrical excellence. The +rhythm of the Greek poets, owing in a great measure to the +frequency of vowel sounds in their language, is more flowing, +more varied, and more richly musical than that of Roman +poetry. Thus, although their verse is constructed on the same +metrical laws, there is the most marked contrast between the +rapidity and buoyancy of the Iliad or the Odyssey, and the +stately and weighty march of the Aeneid. Notwithstanding +their outward conformity to the canons of a foreign language, +the most powerful and characteristic measures of Roman +poetry,—such as the Lucretian and the Virgilian hexameter, +and the Horatian alcaic,—are distinguished by a grave, orderly, +and commanding tone, symbolical of the genius and +the majesty of Rome. In such cases, as the Horatian sapphic +and the Ovidian elegiac, where the structure of the verse is too +slight to produce this impressive effect, there is still a remarkable +divergence from the freedom and manifold harmony +of the early Greek poets to a more uniform and monotonous +cadence.</p> + +<p>The diction also of Roman poetry betrays many traces of +imitation. Some of the early Latin tragedies were literal +translations from the works of the Athenian dramatists; and +fragments of the rude Roman copy may still be compared +with the polished expression of the original. Some familiar +passages of the Iliad may be traced among the rough-hewn +fragments of the Annals of Ennius. Even Lucretius, whose +diction, more than that of most poets, produces the impression +of being the immediate creation of his own mind, has described +outward objects, and clothed his thoughts, in language borrowed +from Homer, Empedocles, and Euripides. The short +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page10" id="page10"></a>[page 10]</span> +volume of Catullus contains translations from Sappho and +Callimachus, and frequent imitations of other Greek poets; +and, from the extant fragments of Alcaeus, Anacreon, and +others of the Greek lyric poets, it may be seen how frequently +Horace availed himself of some turn of their expression to +invest his own experience with old poetic associations. +Virgil, whose great success is, in no slight measure, due to +the skill and taste with which he used the materials of earlier +Greek and native writers, has reproduced the heroic tones of +Homer in his epic, and the mellow cadences of Theocritus +in his pastoral poems; and has blended something of the +antique quaintness and oracular sanctity of Hesiod with the +golden perfection of his Georgics.</p> + +<p>But besides the direct debt which each Roman poet owed +to the Greek author or authors whom he imitated, it is +difficult to estimate the extent to which the taste of the later +Romans was formed by the familiar study of Greek literature. +The habitual study of any foreign language has an influence +not on style only, but even on the structure of thought and +the development of emotion. The Roman poets first learned, +from the study of Greek poetry, to feel the graceful combinations +and the musical power of expression, and were +thus stimulated and trained to elicit similar effects from their +native language. It is for this gift, or power over language, +that Lucretius prays in his invocation to the creative power of +Nature,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quo magis aeternum da dictis, diva, leporem;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and those who came after him devoted still greater study to +attain perfection in the diction and rhythm of poetry. But +their success was gained with some loss of direct force and +freshness in the expression of feeling. In Virgil and in +Horace words are combined in a less natural order than in +Homer and the Attic dramatists. Their language does not +strike the mind with the spontaneous force of Greek poetry, +nor does it seem equally capable of gaining and retaining the +ear of a popular audience. Catullus alone among the great +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page11" id="page11"></a>[page 11]</span> +Roman poets combines in those short poems, which are the +direct expression of his feeling, perfect grace with the happiest +freedom and simplicity. Yet the studied and compact diction +of Latin poetry, if wanting in fluency, ease, and directness, +lays a strong hold upon the mind, by its power of marking +with emphasis what is most essential and prominent in the +ideas and objects presented to the imagination. The thought +and sentiment of Rome have thus been engraved on her +poetical literature, in deep and enduring characters. And, +notwithstanding all manifest traces of imitation, the diction +of the greatest Roman poets attests the presence of genuine +creative power. A strong vital force is recognised in the direct +and vigorous diction of Ennius and Lucretius; and, though +more latent, it is felt no less really to pervade the stateliness +and chastened splendour of Virgil, and the subtle moderation +of Horace.</p> + +<p>Roman poetry owes also a considerable part of its substance +to Greek thought, art, and traditions. This is the chief +explanation of that conventional character which detracts from +the originality of some of the masterpieces of Roman genius. +The old religious belief of Rome and Italy became merged in +the poetical restoration of the Olympian Gods; the story of the +origin of Rome was inseparably connected with the personages +of Greek poetry; the familiar manners of a late civilisation +appear in unnatural association with the idealised features of +the heroic age. Even the expression of personal feeling, +experience, and convictions is often coloured by light reflected +from earlier representations. Hence a good deal of Latin +poetry appears to fit less closely to the facts of human life, +than the best poetry of Greece and of modern nations. This +imitative and composite workmanship is more apparent in the +later than in the earlier poets. The substance and thought +of Ennius, Lucretius, and Catullus, even when they reproduce +Greek materials, appear to be more vivified by their own +feeling than the substance and thought of the Augustan poets. +The beautiful and stately forms of Greek legend, which lived +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page12" id="page12"></a>[page 12]</span> +a second life in the young imagination of Catullus, were becoming +trite and conventional to Virgil:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Cetera, quae vacuas tenuissent carmine mentes,</p> +<p>Omnia jam vulgata.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The ideal aspect of the golden morning of the world has been +seized with a truer feeling in the Epithalamium of Peleus and +Thetis than in the episode of the 'Pastor Aristaeus' in the +Georgics. Not only are the main features in the story of the +Aeneid of foreign origin, but the treatment of the story betrays +some want of vital sympathy with the heterogeneous elements +out of which it is composed. The poem is a religious as well +as a great national work; but the religious creed which is +expressed in it is a composite result of Greek mythology, of +Roman sentiment, and of ideas derived from an eclectic +philosophy. The manners represented in the poem are a +medley of the Augustan and of the Homeric age, as seen in +vague proportions, through the mists of antiquarian learning. +It must, indeed, be remembered that Greek traditions had +penetrated into the life of the whole civilised world, and that +the belief in the connexion of Rome with Troy had rooted +itself in the Roman mind for two centuries before the time of +Virgil. Still, the tale of the settlement of Aeneas in Latium, +as told in the great Roman epics, bears the mark of the +artificial construction of a late and prosaic era, not of the +spontaneous growth of imaginative legend, in a lively and +creative age. So, also, in another sphere of poetry, while +there are genuine touches of nature in all the odes of Horace, +yet the reproduction of Greek mythology which plays so large +a part in many of them is a result of his artistic sympathy, +and has not any vital root in his own belief or the beliefs of +his age.</p> + +<p>Roman poetry, from this point of view, appears to be the +old Greek art reappearing under new conditions: or rather the +new art of the civilised world, after it had been leavened by +Greek thought, taste, and education. The poetry of Rome +was, however, a living power, after the creative energy of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page13" id="page13"></a>[page 13]</span> +Greece had disappeared, so that, were it nothing more, that +literature would still be valuable as the fruit of the later +summer of antiquity. As in Homer, the earliest poet of the +ancient world, there is a kind of promise of the great life that +was to be; so, in the Augustan poets, there is a retrospective +contemplation of the life, the religion, and the art of the past,—a +gathering up of 'the long results of time.' But the Roman +poets had also a strong vein of original character and feeling, +and many phases of national and personal experience to reveal. +They had to give a permanent expression to the idea of Rome, +and to perpetuate the charm of the land and life of Italy. +In their highest tones, they give utterance to the patriotic +spirit, the dignified and commanding attributes, and the moral +strength of the Imperial Republic. But other elements in +their art proclaim their large inheritance of the receptive and +emotional nature which, in ancient as in modern times, +has characterised the Southern nations. As the patrician and +plebeian orders were united in the imperial greatness of the +commonwealth, as the energy of Rome and of the other +Italian communities was welded together to form a mighty +national life, so these apparently antagonistic elements combined +to create the majesty and beauty of Roman poetry. +Either of these elements would by itself have been unproductive +and incomplete. The pure Roman temperament was +too austere, too unsympathetic, too restrained and formal, to +create and foster a luxuriant growth of poetry: the genial +nature of the south, when dissociated from the control of +manlier instincts and the elevation of higher ideals, tended to +degenerate into licentious effeminacy, both in life and literature. +The fragments of the earlier tragic and epic poets +indicate the predominance of the gravity and the masculine +strength inherent in the Roman temper, almost to the +exclusion of the other element. Roman comedy, on the other +hand, gave full play to Italian vivacity and sensuousness with +only slight restraint from the higher instincts inherited from +ancient discipline. In Lucretius, Virgil, and Horace, moral +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page14" id="page14"></a>[page 14]</span> +energy and dignity of character are most happily combined +with susceptibility to the charm and the power of Nature. +Catullus and the elegiac poets of the Augustan age abandoned +themselves to the passionate enjoyment of their lives, under +little restraint either from the pride or the virtue of their +forefathers. Their faults and weaknesses are of a type apparently +most opposed to the tendencies of the higher Roman +character. Yet even these may be looked upon as a kind +of indirect testimony to the ancient vigour of the race. +Catullus, in his very coarseness, betrays the grain of that +strong nature, out of which the freedom and energy of the +Republic had been developed. Ovid, in his libertinism, +displays his vigorous and ardent vitality. The indifference +of Tibullus and Propertius to the graver duties and interests of +life, looks like a reaction from a standard of manliness too high +to be permanently upheld.</p> + +<p>Among the most truly Roman characteristics of Latin +poetry, national and patriotic sentiment is conspicuous. +Among the poets of the Republic, Naevius and Lucilius were +animated by political as well as national feeling. The chief +work of Ennius was devoted to the commemoration of the +ancient traditions, the august institutions, the advancing power, +and the great character of the Roman State. In the works of +the Augustan age, the fine episodes of the Georgics, the +whole plan and many of the details of the Aeneid, show the +spell exercised over the mind of Virgil by the ancient memories +and the great destiny of his country, and bear witness to his +deep love of Italy, and his pride in her natural beauty and her +strong breed of men. Horace rises above his irony and +epicureanism, to celebrate the imperial majesty of Rome, +and to bear witness to the purity of the Sabine households, +and to the virtues exhibited in the best types of Roman +character. The Fasti of Ovid, also, is a national poem, +owing its existence to the renewed interest imparted to the +mythical and early story of Rome by the establishment of the +Empire. The other elegiac poets, though they devote much less +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page15" id="page15"></a>[page 15]</span> +of their writings to the subject, yet betray a graver and deeper +feeling in the rare passages in which they appeal to patriotic +memories.</p> + +<p>The poets of the latest age of the Republic alone express +little sympathy with national or public interests. The time +in which they flourished was not favourable to the pride of +patriotism or to political enthusiasm. The contemplative genius +of Lucretius separated him from the pursuits of active life; +and his philosophy taught the lesson that to acquiesce in any +government was better than to engage in the strife of personal +ambition:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ut satius multo jam sit parere quietum</p> +<p>Quam regere imperio res velle et regna tenere.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Catullus, while eagerly enjoying his life, seems, in regard to +the political turmoil of his time, to 'daff the world aside, and +bid it pass': yet there is, as has been well said<a id="footnotetagi3" name="footnotetagi3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotei3"><sup>3</sup></a>, a rough +republican flavour in his careless satire; and he retained to +the last, and boldly asserted, what was the earliest, as well +as the latest, instinct of ancient liberty—the spirit of resistance +to the arbitrary rule of any single man.</p> + +<p>Roman poetry is pervaded also by a peculiar vein of imaginative +emotion. There is no feeling so characteristic of the +higher works of Roman genius as the sense of majesty. This +feeling is called forth by the idea or outward manifestation of +strength, stability, vastness, and order; by whatever impresses +the imagination as the symbol of power and authority, whether +in the aspect of Nature, or in the works, actions, and institutions +of man. It is in their most serious and elevated writings, +and chiefly in their epic and didactic poetry, that the Romans +show their peculiar susceptibility to this grave and dignified +emotion. Even the plain and rude diction of Ennius rises +into rugged grandeur when he is moved by the vastness or +massive strength of outward things, by 'the pomp and circumstance' +of war, or by the august forms and symbols of government. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page16" id="page16"></a>[page 16]</span> +The majestic tones of Lucretius seem to give a voice to +the deep feeling of the order and immensity of the universe +which possessed him. The sustained dignity of the Aeneid, and +the splendour of some of its finest passages—such for instance +as that which brings before us the solemn and magnificent +spectacle of the fall of Troy—attest how the imagination +of Virgil was moved to sympathy with the attributes of ancient +and powerful sovereignty.</p> + +<p>Further, in the fervour and dignity of their moral feeling, +the Roman poets are true exponents of the genius of Rome. +Their spirit is more authoritative, and less speculative than +that of Greek poetry. They speak rather from the will and +conscience than from the wisdom that has searched and understood +the ways of life. Greek poetry strengthens the will +or purifies the heart indirectly, by its truthful representation of +the tragic situations in human life; Roman poetry appeals +directly to the manlier instincts and more magnanimous +impulses of our nature. This glow of moral emotion pervades +not the poetry only, but the oratory, history, and philosophy of +Rome. It has cast a kind of religious solemnity around the +fragments of the early epic, tragic, and satiric poetry: it has +given an intenser fervour to the stern consistency and desperate +fortitude of Lucretius: it has added the element of strength to +the pathos and fine humanity in the Aeneid. It is by his +moral, as well as his national enthusiasm, that Horace reveals +the Roman gravity that tempered his genial nature. The +language of Lucan, Persius, and Juvenal still breathed the +same spirit in the deadening atmosphere of the Empire. Of +the greater poets of Rome, Catullus alone shows little trace of +this grave ardour of feeling, the more usual accompaniment of +the firm temper of manhood than of the prodigal genius of +youth.</p> + +<p>There are, however, as was said above, other feelings +expressed in Roman poetry, more akin to modern sympathies. +In no other branch of ancient literature is so much prominence +given to the enjoyment of Nature, the passion of love, and the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page17" id="page17"></a>[page 17]</span> +joys, sorrows, tastes, and pursuits of the individual. The +gravity and austerity of the old Roman life, and the predominance +of public over private interest in the best days of +the Republic, tended to repress, rather than to foster, the birth +of these new modes of emotion. They are like the flower of +that more luxuriant but less stately Italian life which spread +itself abroad under the shadow of Roman institutions, and +came to a rapid maturity after her conquests had brought to +Rome the accumulated treasures of the world, and left to her +more fortunate sons ample leisure to enjoy them.</p> + +<p>The love of natural scenery and of country life is certainly +more prominently expressed in Roman than in Greek +poetry. Homer, indeed, among all the poets of antiquity, +presents the most vivid and true description of the outward +world; and the imagination of Pindar and the Attic +dramatists appears to have been strongly, though indirectly, +affected both by the immediate aspect and by the invisible +power of Nature. Thucydides and Aristophanes testify to the +enjoyment which the Athenians found in the ease and +abundance of their country life, and to the affection with +which they clung to the old religious customs and associations +connected with it. The conscious enjoyment of Nature as a +prominent motive of poetry first appears in the Alexandrian +era. The great poets of earlier times were too deeply penetrated +by the thought of the mystery and the grandeur in +human life, to dwell much on the spectacle of the outward +world. Though their delicate sense of beauty was unconsciously +cherished and refined by the air which they breathed, +and the scenes by which they were surrounded, yet they do not, +like the Roman poets, yield to the passive pleasures derived +from contemplating the aspect of the natural world; nor do +they express the happiness of passing out of the tumult of the +city into the peaceful security of the country. The difference +between the two nations in social temper and customs is +connected with this difference in their aesthetic susceptibility. +The spirit in which a Greek enjoyed his leisure, was one phase +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page18" id="page18"></a>[page 18]</span> +of his sociability, his communicativeness, his constant passion +for hearing and telling something new,—a disposition which +made the <ins title="Greek: leschê">λέσχη</ins> a favourite resort so early as the time of Homer, +and which is seen still characterising the most typical representatives +of the race in the days of St. Paul. The Roman statesman, +on the other hand, prized his <i>otium</i> as the healthy repose +after strenuous exertion. The chief relaxation to his proud and +self-dependent temper consisted in being alone, or at ease with +his household and his intimate friends. This desire for rest +and retirement was one great element in the Roman taste for +country life;—a taste which was manifested among the foremost +public men, such as the Scipios and Laelius, long before +any trace of it is betrayed in Roman poetry. But, as the +practice of spending the unhealthy months of autumn away +from Rome became general among the wealthier classes, and +as new modes of sentiment were fostered by greater leisure and +finer cultivation, a genuine love of Nature,—taking the form +either of attachment to particular places, or of enjoyment in +the life and beautiful spectacle of the outward world,—was +gradually awakened in the more refined spirits of the Italian +race.</p> + +<p>The poetry of the Augustan age and of that immediately +preceding it is deeply pervaded by this new sentiment. Each +of the great poets manifests the feeling in his own way. +Lucretius, while contemplating the majesty of Nature's laws, +and the immensity of her range, is at the same time powerfully +moved to sympathy with her ever-varying life. He feels the +charm of simply living in fine weather, and looking on the +common aspects of the world,—such as the sea-shore, fresh +pastures and full-flowing rivers, or the new loveliness of the +early morning. He represents the punishment of the Danaides +as a symbol of the incapacity of the human spirit to enjoy the +natural charm of the recurring seasons of the year. Catullus, +too, although his active social temper did not respond to the +spell which Nature exercised over the contemplative and +pensive spirits of Lucretius and Virgil, has many fine images +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page19" id="page19"></a>[page 19]</span> +from the outward world in his poems. He delights in +comparing the grace and the passion of youth with the +bloom of flowers and the stateliness of trees; he associates +the beauty of Sirmio with his bright picture of the happiness +of home; he feels the return of the genial breezes of spring +as enhancing his delight in leaving the dull plains of Phrygia, +and in hastening to visit the famous cities of Asia. Virgil's +early art was characterised by his friend and brother poet in +the lines,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18"> Molle atque facetum</p> +<p>Vergilio annuerunt gaudentes rure camenae<a id="footnotetagi4" name="footnotetagi4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotei4"><sup>4</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The love of natural, and especially of Italian, beauty blends +with all his patriotic memories, and with the charm which he +has cast around the common operations of rustic industry. +The freedom and peace of his country life, among the Sabine +hills, kept the heart of Horace fresh and simple, in spite of all +the pleasures and flatteries to which he was exposed; and +enabled him, till the end of his course, to mingle the clear +fountain of native poetry,—'ingeni benigna vena,'—with the +stiller current of his meditative wisdom.</p> + +<p>The passion of love was a favourite theme both of the early +lyrical poets of Greece, and of the courtly writers of Alexandria; +but the works of the former have reached us only in +inconsiderable fragments; and the latter, with the exception of +Theocritus, are much inferior to the Roman poets who made +them their models. It is in Latin literature that we are +brought most near to the power of this passion in the ancient +world. Few among the poets who have recorded their own +experience of love, in any age, have expressed a feeling so +true or so intense as Catullus. He has all the ardent, self-forgetful +devotion, if he wants the chivalry and purity, of +modern sentiment. He has painted the love of others also +with grateful fidelity. He has shown the finest sense in +discerning, and the finest power in delineating the charm of +youthful passion, when first awakening into life, or first +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page20" id="page20"></a>[page 20]</span> +unfolding into true affection. It is by his delineation of the +agony of Dido that Virgil has imparted the chief personal +interest to the story of the Aeneid; and the love which finds a +voice in his pastoral poems is as ideal as that which has found +its truest voice in some of our great modern poets. Horace +is the poet of the lighter and gayer moods of the passion. +Without ever becoming a slave to it, he experienced enough of +its pains and pleasures to enable him to paint the fascination +or the waywardness of a mistress with the equable feeling of an +epicurean, but, at the same time, with the refined observation +of a poet. The elegiac poets of the Augustan age, making +pleasure the chief pursuit of their lives, have made the more +sensuous phases of this passion the predominant motive of +their poetry. Yet the tenderness of Tibullus is as genuine as +that of Virgil; there is ardent emotion expressed by Propertius +for his living mistress, and deep feeling in the lines in which +he recalls her memory after death; the license of Ovid is, if +not redeemed, at least relieved, by his buoyant wit and his +brilliant fancy.</p> + +<p>Roman poetry is also interesting as the revelation of personal +experience and character. The biographies of ancient +authors are, for the most part, meagre and untrustworthy; and +thus it is chiefly through the conscious or unconscious self-portraiture +in their writings that the actual men of antiquity +are brought into close contact with the modern world. Few +men of any age or country are so well known to us as Horace; +and it is from his own writings, exclusively, that this intimate +knowledge has been obtained. The lines in which he describes +Lucilius are more applicable to himself than to any +extant writer of Greece or Rome,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ille velut fidis arcana sodalibus olim</p> +<p>Credebat libris: neque si male cesserat, unquam</p> +<p>Decurrens alio, neque si bene: quo fit, ut omnis</p> +<p>Votiva pateat veluti descripta tabella</p> +<p>Vita senis<a id="footnotetagi5" name="footnotetagi5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotei5"><sup>5</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page21" id="page21"></a>[page 21]</span> +<p>He has described himself, his tastes and pursuits, his thoughts +and convictions, with perfect frankness and candour, and +without any of the triviality or affectation of literary egotism. +Catullus, although sometimes wanting in proper reticence, and +altogether devoid of that meditative art with which Horace +transmutes his own experience into the common experience of +human nature, is known also as a familiar friend, from the +force of feeling with which he realised, and the transparent +sincerity with which he recorded, all the pain and the pleasure +of his life. The elegiac poets of the Augustan age have +written, neither from so strong a heart as that of Catullus, nor +with the self-restraint and self-respect of Horace; but yet one +of the chief sources of interest in their poetry, as of that of +Martial in a later age, arises from their strong realisation of +life, their unreserved communicativeness, and the light they +thus throw on one phase of personal and social manners in +ancient times.</p> + +<p>Nor are these indications of individual character confined +to the poets who profess to communicate their own +feelings, and to record their own fortunes. All the works of +Roman poetry bear emphatically the impress of their authors. +While the finest Greek poetry seems like an almost impersonal +emanation of genius, Roman poetry is, to a much greater +extent, the impression of character. The great Roman writers +manifest that kind of self-consciousness which accompanies +resolute and successful effort; while the Greeks enjoy that +happy self-forgetfulness which attends the unimpeded exercise +of a natural gift. The epitaphs composed for themselves by +Naevius, Plautus, Ennius, and Pacuvius, and the assertion of +their own originality and of their hopes of fame which occurs +in the poetry of Lucretius, Virgil, and Horace, were dictated +by a strong sense of their own personality, and of the importance +of the task on which they were engaged. Catullus, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page22" id="page22"></a>[page 22]</span> +although he is much preoccupied with, and most frank in +communicating his feelings and pursuits, has much less +of the consciousness of genius, is much more humble in +his aspirations, and more modest in his estimate of himself. +In this, as in other respects, he approaches nearer to the type +of Greek art than any of his brother-poets of Rome.</p> + +<p>It is a common remark that the very greatest poets are +those about whose personal characteristics least is known. +It is impossible in their case to determine how far they have +expressed their real sympathies or convictions. They rise +above the prejudices of their country and the accidents of their +time, and can see the good and evil inseparably mixed in all +human action. No criticism can throw any trustworthy light +on the personal position, the pursuits and aims, the outward +and inward experience of Homer. It cannot even be determined +with certainty how much of the poetry which bears his +name is the creation of one, seemingly, inexhaustible genius; +and how much is the 'divine voice' of earlier singers still +'floating around him.' Such inquiries are ever attracting and +ever baffling a high curiosity. They leave the mind perplexed +with the doubt whether it is discerning, in the far distance, the +outline of solid mountain-land, or only the transient shapes of +the clouds. Hesiod, on the other hand, a poet of perhaps +equal antiquity, but of an infinitely lower order of genius, has +left his own likeness graphically delineated on his remains. +There is much to interest a reader in the old didactic poem, +'The Works and Days,' but it is not the interest of studying a +work of art or of creative genius. The charm of the book +consists partly in its power of calling up the ideas of a remote +antiquity and of human life in its most elemental conditions; +partly in the distinct impression which it bears of a character +of an antique and primitive and yet not unfamiliar type;—a +character of deep natural piety and righteousness, but with a +quaint intermixture of other qualities;—homespun sagacity and +worldly wisdom; genuine thrift, and horror of idleness, of war, of +seafaring enterprise;—sardonic dislike of the airs and vices of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page23" id="page23"></a>[page 23]</span> +women, and a grim discontent with his own condition, and +with the poor soil which it was his lot to till<a id="footnotetagi6" name="footnotetagi6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotei6"><sup>6</sup></a>. It is through +his want of those gifts of genius which have made Homer immortal +as a poet, and a mere name as a man, that Hesiod has +left so distinct a picture of himself to the latest times. In like +manner Roman poetry, while never rising to the heights of purely +creative and impersonal genius, from this very defect, is a truer +revelation of the poets themselves. The Aeneid supplies +ample materials for understanding the affections and convictions +of Virgil. Lucretius makes his personal presence felt +through the whole march of his argument, and supports every +position of his system not with his logic only, but with the +whole force of his nature. The fragments of Ennius and of +Lucilius afford ample evidence by which we may judge what +kind of men they were.</p> + +<p>It thus appears that, over and above their higher and finer +excellences, the Roman poets have this additional source of +interest, that, more than any other authors in the vigorous +times of antiquity, they satisfy the modern curiosity in regard +to personal character and experience. These poets have +themselves left the most trustworthy record of their happiest +hours and most real interests; of their standard of conduct, +their personal worth, and their strength of affection; of the +studies and the occupations in which they passed their lives, +and of the spirit in which they awaited the certainty of their +end.</p> + +<p>It remains to say a few words in regard to the historical +progress of this branch of literature. The history of Roman +poetry may be divided into four great periods:—</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>I. The age of Naevius, Ennius, Lucilius, etc., extending +from about <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 240 till about <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 100:</p> + +<p>II. The age of Lucretius and Catullus, whose active poetical +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page24" id="page24"></a>[page 24]</span> +career belongs to the last age of the Republic, the decennium +before the outbreak of the Civil War between Caesar and +Pompey:</p> + +<p>III. The Augustan age:</p> + +<p>IV. The whole period of the Empire after the time of Augustus.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The poetry of each of these periods is distinctly marked in +form, style, and character. There is evidently a great advance +in artistic accomplishment and in poetical feeling, from the +rude cyclopean remains of the annals of Ennius to the stately +proportions and elaborate workmanship of the Aeneid. Yet +this advance was attended with some loss as well as gain. +With infinitely less accomplishment and less variety, the older +writers show signs of a robuster life and a more vigorous +understanding than some at least of those who adorn the +Augustan era. They endeavoured to work in the spirit of +the great masters, who had made the most heroic passions +and most serious interests of men the subject of their art. +They were men also of the same fibre as the chief actors +on the stage of public affairs, living with them in familiar +friendship, while at the same time maintaining a close sympathy +with popular feeling and the national life. Their +fragments are thus, apart from their intrinsic merits, especially +valuable as the contemporary language of that great +time, and as giving some expression to the strength, the +dignity, and the freedom which were stamped upon the old +Republic.</p> + +<p>For more than a generation after the death of Accius and +Lucilius, no new poet of any eminence appeared at Rome. +The vivid enjoyment of life and the sense of security which +usually accompany and foster the successful cultivation of art +had been rudely interrupted by the convulsions of the State. +A new birth of Roman poetry took place during the brief lull +between the storms of the first and second civil wars. The +new poets arose independently of the old literature. They +appealed not to popular favour, but to the tastes of the few and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page25" id="page25"></a>[page 25]</span> +the educated; they gave expression not to any public or +national sentiment, but to their individual thought and feeling. +Their works reflect the restless agitation of a time of revolution; +but they show also all the vigour and sincerity of +republican freedom. While greatly superior to the fragments +of the older poetry in refinement of style, and in depth and +variety of poetical feeling, they want the simple strength of +moral conviction, and the interest in great practical affairs, +which characterised their predecessors. They are inferior +to the poets of the Augustan age in artistic skill; but they +show more force of thought, or more intensity of passion, +a stronger and livelier inspiration, a bolder and more independent +character.</p> + +<p>The short interval between the death of Catullus and the +appearance of the Bucolics of Virgil marks the beginning of +a new era in literature and in history:</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Catullus, dying only a few years before the extinction of +popular freedom, is, in every nerve and fibre, the poet of a +republic. Virgil, even before the final success of Augustus, +proclaimed the advent of the new Empire; and he became the +sincere admirer and interpreter of its order and magnificence. +Most of the other poets of that age, though born before the +overthrow of the Republic, show the influence of their time, +not only by sympathy with or acquiescence in the new order of +things, but by a perceptible lowering in the higher energies of +life. Still, the poetry of the Augustan age, if inferior in natural +force to that of the Republic, is the culmination of all the +previous efforts of Roman art; and presents at the same time +the most complete and elaborate picture of Roman and +Italian life.</p> + +<p>The chief interest of Roman poetry, considered as the work +of men of natural genius and cultivated taste, and as the +expression of great national ideas or of individual thought and +impulse, ceases with the end of the Augustan age. Under the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page26" id="page26"></a>[page 26]</span> +continued pressure of the Empire, true poetical inspiration and +pure feeling for art were lost. One certain test of this decay is +the absence of musical power and sweetness from the verse of +the later poets. Yet some of the poets of the Empire have +their own peculiar value. Lucan and Juvenal recall in their +vigorous rhetoric the masculine tone and fervid feeling of the +old Roman character, liberalised by the progress of thought +and education. In the Satires of Persius, there is an atmosphere +of purer morality than in any earlier Roman writer, with +the exception of Cicero. There is much vigour, sense, wit, and +a keen appreciation of life, intermingled with the coarseness of +Martial. Yet it is owing rather to their rhetorical or their +intellectual ability and to their historical interest, than to their +poetical genius, that these writers are still read and admired. +If good taste, culture, and devotion to the Muses could make +a man a poet in an unpoetical age, Statius would be counted +among the great poets of Rome. The artificial epics of Silius +Italicus and Valerius Flaccus may be occasionally read in the +interests of learning: but it is hardly probable that they will, +or desirable that they should, ever be permanently restored +from the neglect and oblivion into which they have long +been sinking.</p> + +<p>This review of Roman poetry will bring before us the origin +and progressive growth of a branch of literature, moulded, +indeed, on the forms of a foreign art, but executed with native +energy, and expressive of native character. In this poetry not +the genius only, but the whole nature and sympathies of some +of the more interesting men of antiquity are displayed. It +throws light on the impulses of thought and feeling which +influenced the action of different epochs in Roman history. +The great qualities of Rome are seen to mould and animate +her poetry. These qualities are found in harmonious union +with the spirit of enjoyment and the sense of exuberant life, +fostered by the genial air of Italy; and with a refinement of +taste drawn from the purest source of human culture which the +world has ever enjoyed. After all deductions have been made +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page27" id="page27"></a>[page 27]</span> +for their want of inventiveness, it still remains true, that the +Roman poets of the last days of the Republic and of the +Augustan age have added to the masterpieces of literature +some great works of native feeling as well as of finished +execution.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotei1" name="footnotei1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagi1"><sup>1</sup></a> Hom. Od. xxii. 347.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotei2" name="footnotei2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagi2"><sup>2</sup></a> Cf. +Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 2, 3. Sero igitur a nostris poetae vel cogniti vel +recepti. At contra oratorem celeriter complexi sumus: nec cum primo eruditum, aptum tamen ad dicendum.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotei3" name="footnotei3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagi3"><sup>3</sup></a> Smith's Dict. +of Greek and Roman Biography, art. Catullus.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotei4" name="footnotei4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagi4"><sup>4</sup></a> Horace, Sat. i. 10. 45.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotei5" name="footnotei5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagi5"><sup>5</sup></a> 'He used from time to time +to intrust all his secret thoughts to his books, +as to trusty friends; it was to them only he turned in evil fortune or in good; +and thus it is, that the whole life of the old poet lies before our eyes, as if it +were portrayed on a votive picture.'—Sat. ii. 1. 30.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnotei6" name="footnotei6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagi6"><sup>6</sup></a> The parallel which +Mr. Ruskin draws (Modern Painters, vol. iii. p. 194) +between an ancient Greek and 'a good, conscientious, but illiterate Scotch +Presbyterian Border farmer of a century or two back,' becomes intelligible if +we regard Hesiod as a normal type of the Greek mind.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page28" id="page28"></a>[page 28]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">Vestiges of Early Indigenous Poetry in Rome and Ancient Italy.</span></h3> + +<p>The Romans themselves traced the origin of their poetry, as +of all their literary culture, to their contact with the mind of +Greece.</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes</p> +<p>Intulit agresti Latio.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The first productive literary impulse was communicated to +the Roman mind by the Greek slave, Livius Andronicus, who, +in the year <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 240—one year after the end of the First Punic +War—brought out, before a Roman audience, a drama translated +or imitated from the Greek. From this time Roman +poetry advanced along the various channels which the creative +energy of Greek genius had formed.</p> + +<p>But it has been maintained, in recent times, that this was +but the second birth of Roman poetry, and that a golden age +of native minstrelsy had preceded this historical development +of literature. The most distinguished supporters of this theory +were Niebuhr and Macaulay. In the preface to his <i>Lays of +Rome</i>, Macaulay says that 'this early literature abounded with +metrical romances, such as are found in every country where +there is much curiosity and intelligence, but little reading and +writing.' <ins title="Transcriber's Note: original reads 'Neibuhr'">Niebuhr</ins> went so far as to assert that the Romans in +early times possessed epic poems, 'which in power and +brilliance of imagination leave everything produced by the +Romans in later times far behind them.' He held that the +flourishing period of this native poetry was the fifth century +after the foundation of the city. He supposed that the early +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page29" id="page29"></a>[page 29]</span> +lays were of plebeian origin, strongly animated by plebeian +sentiment, and familiarly known among the mass of the people; +that they disappeared after the ascendency of the new literature, +chiefly through the influence of Ennius; and that his immediate +predecessor, Naevius, was the last of the genuine +native minstrels. He professed to find clear traces of these +ballads and epic poems in the fine legends of early Roman +history. His theory was supported by arguments founded on +the testimony of ancient writers, on indications of the early +recognition of poetry by the Roman State (as, for instance, the +worship of the Camenae), on the poetical character of early +Roman story, and on the analogy of other nations.</p> + +<p>Although there may be no more ground for believing +in a golden age of early Roman poetry than in a golden +age of innocence and happiness, yet the question raised +by Niebuhr deserves attention, not only on account of the +celebrity which it obtained, but also as opening up an +inquiry into the nature and value of the rude germs of +literature which the Latin soil spontaneously produced. +Though there is no substantial evidence of the existence +among the Romans of anything corresponding to the modern +ballad or the early epic of Greece, yet certain kinds of metrical +composition did spring up and flourish among the Italians, +previous to and independent of their knowledge of Greek +literature. It is worth while to ascertain what these kinds of +composition were, as they throw light on some natural +tendencies of the race, which ultimately obtained their adequate +expression, and helped to impart a native and original character +to Latin literature.</p> + +<p>It was observed in the former chapter that while the metres +of all the great Roman poets were founded on the earlier +metres of Greece, there was a native Italian metre, called the +Saturnian, which was employed apparently in various kinds of +composition, and was quite different in character from the +heroic and lyric measures adopted by the cultivated poets of +a later age. This metre was used not only in rude extemporaneous +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page30" id="page30"></a>[page 30]</span> +effusions, but also in the long poem of Naevius, on +the First Punic War. Horace indicates his sense of the +roughness and barbarism of the metre, in the lines,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18"> Sic horridus ille</p> +<p>Defluxit numerus Saturnius, et grave virus</p> +<p>Munditiae pepulere<a id="footnotetagii1" name="footnotetagii1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii1"><sup>1</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Ennius speaks contemptuously of the verse of Naevius, as +that employed by the old prophetic bards, before any of +the gifts of poetry had been received or cultivated—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quum neque musarum scopulos quisquam superarat</p> +<p>Nec dicti studiosus erat.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The irregularity of the metre may be inferred from a saying +of an ancient grammarian, that, in the long epic of Naevius he +could find no single line to serve as a normal specimen of its +structure. From the few Saturnian lines remaining, it may be +inferred that the verse had an irregular trochaic movement; +and it seems first to have come into use as an accompaniment +to the beating of the foot in a primitive rustic dance. The +name, connected with Saturnus, the old Land-God of Italy, +points to the rustic origin of the metre. It was known also by +the name Faunian, derived from another of the Divinities +worshipped in the rural districts of Italy. It seems first to +have been employed in ritual prayers and thanksgiving for +the fruits of the earth, and in the grotesque raillery accompanying +the merriment and license of the harvest-home. It is +of the Saturnian verse that Virgil speaks in the lines of the +second Georgic—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nec non Ausonii, Troja gens missa, coloni</p> +<p>Versibus incomptis ludunt risuque soluto<a id="footnotetagii2" name="footnotetagii2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii2"><sup>2</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>As the long roll of the hexameter and the stately march of the +alcaic were expressive of the gravity and majesty of the Roman +State, so the ring and flow of the Saturnian verse may be +regarded as indicative of the freedom and genial enjoyment of +life, characterising the old Italian peasantry.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page31" id="page31"></a>[page 31]</span> + +<p>The most important kinds of compositions produced in this +metre, under purely native influences, may be classed as,</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>1. Hymns or ritual verses.</p> + +<p>2. Prophetic verses.</p> + +<p>3. Festive and satiric verses, uttered in dialogue or in rude +mimetic drama.</p> + +<p>4. Short gnomic or didactic verses.</p> + +<p>5. Commemorative odes sung or recited at banquets and +funerals.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="ind1b">1. The earliest extant</span> specimen of the Latin language is +a fragment of the hymn of the Fratres Arvales, a priestly +brotherhood, who offered, on every 15th of May, public +sacrifices for the fertility of the fields. This fragment is +variously written and interpreted, but there can be no doubt +that it is the expression of a prayer for protection against +pestilence, addressed to the Lares and the god Mars, and +that it was uttered with the accompaniment of dancing. +The following is the reading of the fragment, as given by +Mommsen:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Enos, Lases, juvate.</p> +<p>Ne veluerve, Marmar, sins incurrere in pleores.</p> +<p>Satur fu, fere Mars.</p> +<p>Limen sali.</p> +<p>Sta berber.</p> +<p>Semunis alternis advocapit conctos.</p> +<p>Enos, Marmar, juvato.</p> +<p>Triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, triumpe<a id="footnotetagii3" name="footnotetagii3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii3"><sup>3</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The address to Mars 'Satur fu,' or, according to another +reading, 'Satur furere,' 'be satisfied or done with raging,' +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page32" id="page32"></a>[page 32]</span> +probably refers to the severity of the winter and early spring<a id="footnotetagii4" name="footnotetagii4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii4"><sup>4</sup></a>. +The words have reference to the attributes of the God in the +old Italian religion, in which the powers of Nature were +deified and worshipped long before Mars was identified +with the Greek Ares. The other expressions in the prayer +appear to be, either directions given to the dancers, or the +sounds uttered as the dance proceeded.</p> + +<p>Another short fragment has been preserved from the hymn +of the Salii, also an ancient priesthood, supposed to date from +the times of the early kings. The hymn is characterised by +Horace, among other specimens of ancient literature, as +equally unintelligible to himself and to its affected admirers<a id="footnotetagii5" name="footnotetagii5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii5"><sup>5</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>From the extreme antiquity of these ceremonial chants it +may be inferred that metrical expression among the Romans, +as among the Greeks and other ancient nations, owed its origin +to a primitive religious worship. But while the early Greek +hymns or chants in honour of the Gods soon assumed the +forms of pleasant tales of human adventure, or tragic tales of +human suffering, the Roman hymns retained their formal and +ritual character unchanged among all the changes of creed and +language. In the lines just quoted there is no trace of creative +fancy, nor any germ of devotional feeling, which might have +matured into lyrical or contemplative poetry. They sound like +the words of a rude incantation. They are the obscure +memorial of a primitive, agricultural people, living in a blind +sense of dependence on their gods, and restrained by a +superstitious formalism from all activity of thought or fancy. +Such compositions cannot be attributed to the inspiration or +skill of any early poet, but seem to have been copied from the +uncouth and spontaneous shouts of a simple, unsophisticated +priesthood, engaged in a rude ceremonial dance. If these +hymns stand in any relation to Latin literature, they may +perhaps be regarded as springing from the same vein of public +sentiment, as called forth the hymn composed by Livius +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page33" id="page33"></a>[page 33]</span> +Andronicus during the Second Punic War, and as rude +precursors of those composed by Catullus and Horace, and +chanted by a chorus of youths and maidens in honour of +the protecting Deities of Rome.</p> + +<p><span class="ind1b">2. The verses of the Fauns</span> and Vates spoken of by Ennius, +with allusion to the poem of Naevius, in the lines,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14"> Scripsere alii rem,</p> +<p>Versibu' quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>were probably as far removed from poetry as the ritual chants +of the Salii and the Fratres Arvales. The Fauni were the +woodland gods of Italy, and were, besides their other functions, +supposed to be endowed with prophetic power<a id="footnotetagii6" name="footnotetagii6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii6"><sup>6</sup></a>. The word +<i>Vates</i>, till the Augustan age, meant not a poet but a soothsayer. +The Camenae or Casmenae (another form of which word +appears in Carmenta, the prophetic mother of Evander) were +worshipped, not as the inspirers of poetry, but as the foretellers +of future events<a id="footnotetagii7" name="footnotetagii7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii7"><sup>7</sup></a>. Both Greeks and Romans sought to obtain +a knowledge of the future, either through the interpretation of +omens, or through the voice of persons supposed to be divinely +endowed with foresight. But the Greeks, even in the regard +which they paid to auguries and oracles, were influenced, for +the most part, by their lively imagination; while the Romans, +from the earliest to the latest eras of their history, in all their +relations to the supernatural world, adhered to a scrupulous +and unimaginative ceremonialism. The notices in Latin +literature of the functions of these early Vates—as, for instance, +the counsel of the Etrurian seer to drain the Alban Lake +during the war with Veii, and the prophecy of Marcius uttered +during the Second Punic War,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Amnem Trojugena Cannam Romane fuge, etc.<a id="footnotetagii8" name="footnotetagii8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii8"><sup>8</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>suggest no more idea of poetical inspiration than the occasional +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page34" id="page34"></a>[page 34]</span> +notices, in Latin authors, of the oracles of the Sibylline books. +The language of prophecy naturally assumes a metrical or +rhythmical form, partly as an aid to the memory, partly, +perhaps, as a means of giving to the words uttered the effect of +a more solemn intonation. In Greece, the oracles of the +Delphian priestess, and the predictions of soothsayers, collected +in books or circulating orally among the people, were expressed +in hexameter verse and in the traditional diction of epic poetry; +but they were never ranked under any form of poetic art. The +verses of the Vates, so far as any inference can be formed as +to their nature, appear to have been products and proofs of +unimaginative superstition or imposture, rather than of any +imaginative inspiration among the early inhabitants of Latium.</p> + +<p><span class="ind1b">3. Another class</span> of metrical compositions, of native origin, +but of a totally opposite character, was known by the name of +the 'Fescennine verses.' These arose out of a very different +class of feelings and circumstances. Horace attributes their +origin to the festive meetings and exuberant mirth of the +harvest-home among a primitive, strong, and cheerful race +of husbandmen. He points out how this rustic raillery +gradually assumed the character of fierce lampoons, and had to +be restrained by law:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Fescennina per hunc inventa licentia morem</p> +<p>Versibus alternis opprobria rustica fudit;</p> +<p>Libertasque recurrentes accepta per annos</p> +<p>Lusit amabiliter, donec jam saevus apertam</p> +<p>In rabiem coepit verti jocus et per honestas</p> +<p>Ire domos impune minax. Doluere cruento</p> +<p>Dente lacessiti; fuit intactis quoque cura</p> +<p>Conditione super communi; quin etiam lex</p> +<p>Poenaque lata, malo quae nollet carmine quemquam</p> +<p>Describi; vertere modum, formidine fustis</p> +<p>Ad bene dicendum delectandumque redacti<a id="footnotetagii9" name="footnotetagii9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii9"><sup>9</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page35" id="page35"></a>[page 35]</span> + +<p>The change in character, here described, from coarse and +good-humoured bantering to libellous scurrility, may be conjectured +to have taken place when the Fescennine freedom +passed from villages and country districts to the active social +and political life within the city. That this change had taken +place in Rome at an early period, is proved by the fact that +libellous verses were forbidden by the laws of the Twelve +Tables<a id="footnotetagii10" name="footnotetagii10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii10"><sup>10</sup></a>. The original Fescennine verse appears, from the +testimony of Horace, to have been in metrical dialogue. +This rude amusement, in which a coarse kind of banter was +interchanged during their festive gatherings, was in early times +characteristic of the rural populations of Greece and Sicily, as +well as Italy, and was one of the original elements out of +which Greek comedy and Greek pastoral poetry were developed. +These verses had a kindred origin with that of the Phallic +Odes among the Greeks. They both appear to have sprung +out of the rudest rites and the grossest symbolism of rustic +paganism. The Fescennine raillery long retained traces of +this original character. Catullus mentions the 'procax Fescennina +locutio,' among the accompaniments of marriage festivals; +and the songs of the soldiers, in the extravagant license of the +triumphal procession, betrayed unmistakably this primitive +coarseness.</p> + +<p>These rude and inartistic verses, which took their name +either from the town of Fescennia in Etruria or from the word +fascinum<a id="footnotetagii11" name="footnotetagii11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii11"><sup>11</sup></a>, were the first expression of that aggressive and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page36" id="page36"></a>[page 36]</span> +censorious spirit which ultimately animated Roman satire. +But the original satura, which also was familiar to the Romans +before they became acquainted with Greek literature, was +somewhat different both from the Fescennine verses, and from +the lampoons which arose out of them. The more probable +etymology<a id="footnotetagii12" name="footnotetagii12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii12"><sup>12</sup></a> of the word <i>satura</i> connects it in origin with the +<i>satura lanx</i>, a plate filled with various kinds of fruit offered to +the gods. If this etymology be the true one, the word meant +originally a medley of various contents, like the Italian <i>farsa</i><a id="footnotetagii13" name="footnotetagii13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii13"><sup>13</sup></a>, +and it evidently had not lost this meaning when first employed +in regular literature by Ennius and Lucilius. The original +satura was a kind of dramatic entertainment, accompanied with +music and dancing, differing from the Fescennine verses in +being regularly composed and not extemporaneous, and from +the drama, in being without a connected plot. The origin of +this composition is traced by Livy<a id="footnotetagii14" name="footnotetagii14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii14"><sup>14</sup></a> to the representation of +Etrurian dancers, who were brought to Rome during a +pestilence. The Roman youth, according to his account, +being moved to imitation of these representations, in which +there was neither acting nor speaking, added to them the +accompaniment of verses of a humorous character; and continued +to represent these jocular medleys, combined with +music (<i>saturas impletas modis</i>), even after the introduction +of the regular drama.</p> + +<p>These scenic saturae, which, from Livy's notice, appear to +have been accompanied with good-humoured hilarity rather +than with scurrilous raillery, prepared the way for the reception +of the regular drama among the Romans, and will, to some +extent, account for its early popularity among them. The +later Roman satire long retained traces of a connexion with +this primitive and indigenous satura, evinced both by the +miscellaneous character of its topics, and by its frequent +employment of dramatic dialogue.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page37" id="page37"></a>[page 37]</span> + +<p><span class="ind1b">4. The didactic tendency</span> which is so conspicuous in the +cultivated literature of Rome manifested itself also in the +indigenous compositions of Italy. The popular maxims and +precepts preserved by the old agricultural writers and afterwards +embodied by Virgil in his Georgics, were handed down +from generation to generation in the Saturnian rhythm. But, +apparently, the first metrical composition committed to writing +was a poem of an ethical or didactic character, written two +generations before the first dramatic representation of Livius +Andronicus, by Appius Claudius Caecus, who is also the +earliest known to us in the long line of Roman orators<a id="footnotetagii15" name="footnotetagii15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii15"><sup>15</sup></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="ind1b">5. But it was not</span> from any of these sources that Niebuhr +supposed the poetical character of early Roman history to +be derived. Nor is there any analogy between the religious +hymns, or the Fescennine verses of Italy, and the modern +ballad. But there is evidence of the existence, at one time, +of other metrical compositions of which scarcely anything +is definitely ascertained, except that they were sung at +banquets, to the accompaniment of the flute, in celebration +of the praises of great men. There is no direct evidence +of the time when these compositions, some of which were +believed by Niebuhr to have attained the dimensions of +Epic poems, existed, or when they fell into disuse. Cato, +as quoted by Cicero in the Tusculan Disputations, and in +the Brutus<a id="footnotetagii16" name="footnotetagii16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii16"><sup>16</sup></a>, is our earliest authority on the subject. His +testimony is to the effect that many generations before his +time, the guests at banquets were in the habit of singing, +in succession, the praises of great men, to the music of the +flute. Cicero, in the Brutus, expresses a wish that these +songs still existed in his own day; 'utinam exstarent illa +carmina, quae multis saeculis ante suam aetatem in epulis +esse cantitata a singulis convivis de clarorum virorum laudibus +in Originibus scriptum reliquit Cato.' Varro again is quoted, +to the effect that boys used to be present at banquets, for the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page38" id="page38"></a>[page 38]</span> +purpose of singing 'ancient poems,' celebrating the praises +of their ancestors. Valerius Maximus mentions 'that the +older men used at banquets to celebrate in song the illustrious +deeds of their ancestors, in order to stimulate the youth to +imitate them.' Passages are quoted also from Horace, from +Dionysius, and from Tacitus, implying a belief in the ancient +existence of these compositions.</p> + +<p>Besides the odes sung or recited at banquets, there were +certain funeral poems, called <i>Naeniae</i>, originally chanted by +the female relatives of the deceased, but afterwards by hired +women. As the practice of public speaking advanced, these +gradually passed into a mere form, and were superseded by +funeral orations.</p> + +<p>The facts ascertained about these commemorative poems +amount to no more than this,—that they were sung at +banquets and the funerals of great men—that they were +of such length as to admit of several being sung in succession,—and +that they fell into disuse some generations before the +age of Cato. The inferences that may fairly be drawn from +these statements are opposed to some of the conclusions of +Niebuhr. The evidence is all in favour of their having been +short lyrical pieces, and not long narrative poems. As they +were sung at great banquets and funerals, it seems probable +that, like the custom of exhibiting the ancestral images on +the same occasions, they owed their origin to the patrician +pride of family, and were not likely to have been animated by +strong plebeian sentiment. If they had been preserved at all, +they were thus more likely to have been preserved by members +of the great houses living within the city walls, than by the +peasantry living among the outlying hills and country districts. +If ever there were any golden age of early Roman poetry, +it had passed away long before the time of Ennius and +Cato.</p> + +<p>The fact, however, remains, that the Romans did possess, +in early times, some kind of native minstrelsy, in which they +honoured the memory and the exploits of their great men. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page39" id="page39"></a>[page 39]</span> +And this impulse of hero-worship became in later times an +important factor in their epic poetry. But is there any reason +to suppose that these compositions were of the nature and +importance assigned to them by Niebuhr, and had any value in +respect of invention and execution? It is difficult to believe +that such a native force of feeling and imagination, pouring +itself forth in stirring ballads and continuous epic poems, +could have been frozen so near its source; or that a rich, +popular poetry, not scattered through thinly-peopled districts, +but the possession of a great commonwealth—one most +tenacious of every national memorial—could have entirely +disappeared, under any foreign influence, in the course of one +or two generations. But even on the supposition that a great +national poetry might have passed from the memory of men—as, +possibly, the poems existing before the time of Homer may +have been lost or merged in the greater glories of the Iliad +and the Odyssey—this early poetry could not have perished +without leaving permanent influence on the Roman language. +The growth of poetical language necessarily accompanies +the growth of poetical feeling and inspiration. The sensuous, +passionate, and musical force by which a language is first +moulded into poetry is transmitted from one generation of +poets to another. The language of Homer, by its natural +and musical flow, by its accumulated wealth of meaning, +by the use of traditional epithets and modes of expression, +that penetrate far back into the belief, the feelings, and the +life of an earlier time, implies the existence of a long line +of poets who preceded him. On the other hand, the diction +of the fragments of Ennius, in its strength and in its rudeness, +is evidently, in great measure, the creation of his own +time and his own mind. He has no true discernment of +the characteristic difference between the language of prose +and of poetry. The materials of his art had not been +smoothed and polished by any long, continuous stream of +national melody, but were rough-hewn and adapted by his +own energy to the rugged structure of his poem.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page40" id="page40"></a>[page 40]</span> + +<p>While, therefore, it appears that the actual notices of the +early commemorative poems do not imply that they were +the products of imagination or poetical feeling, or that they +excited much popular enthusiasm, and were an important +element in the early State, their entire disappearance among +a people so tenacious of all their gains, and, still more, the +unformed and prosaic condition of the language and rhythm +used by Naevius, Ennius, and the other early poets, lead +to the presumption, that they were not much valued by the +Romans at any time, and that they were not the creations +of poetic genius and art. This presumption is further +strengthened by such indications as there are of the recognition, +or rather the non-recognition, of poets or of the poetic character +at Rome in early times.</p> + +<p>The worship of the Camenae was indeed an old and genuine +part of the Roman or Italian religion; but, as was said before, +their original function was to predict future events, and to +communicate the knowledge of divination; not like that of the +Greek Muses, to imagine bright stories of divine and human +adventure,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: lêsmosynên te kakôn ampauma te mermêraôn."> +λησμοσύνην τε κακῶν +ἄμπαυμά τε μερμηράων</ins>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Even the names by which two of the Camenae were +known—Postvorta and Antevorta—suggest the prosaic and +practical functions which they were supposed to fulfil. The +Romans had no native word equivalent to the Greek word +<ins title="Greek: aoidos">ἀοιδός</ins>, denoting the primary and most essential of all poetical +gifts, the power to awaken the music of language. The word +<i>vates</i>, as was seen, denoted a prophet. The title of <i>scriba</i> was +applied to Livius Andronicus; and Naevius, who has by some +been regarded as the last of the old race of Roman bards, +applies to himself the Greek name of <i>poeta</i>,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Flerent divae Camenae Naevium poetam.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The commemorative odes appear to have been recited +or sung at banquets, not by poets or rhapsodists, but by +boys or guests. There is one notice, indeed, of a class of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page41" id="page41"></a>[page 41]</span> +men who practised the profession of minstrelsy. This passage, +which is quoted by Aulus Gellius from the writings of Cato, +implies the very lowest estimation of the position and character +of the poet, and points more naturally to the composers of the +libellous verses forbidden by the laws of the Twelve Tables, +than to the authors of heroic and national lays:—'Poetry was +not held in honour; if anyone devoted himself to it, or went +about to banquets, he was called a vagabond<a id="footnotetagii17" name="footnotetagii17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii17"><sup>17</sup></a>.'</p> + +<p>It appears that, on this ground also, there is no reason for +believing in the existence of any golden age of Roman poetry +before the time of Ennius, or in the theory that the legendary +tales of Roman history were created and shaped by native +minstrels. To what cause, then, can we attribute their origin? +These tales have a strong human interest, and represent +marked and original types of antique heroism. They have the +elements of true tragic pathos and moral grandeur. They +could neither have arisen nor been preserved except among +a people endowed with strong capacities of feeling and action. +But the strength of the Roman mind consisted more in +retentive capacity than in creative energy. Their art and their +religion, their family and national customs, aimed at preserving +the actual memory of men and of their actions: not like the +arts, ceremonies, and customs of the Greeks, which aimed at +lifting the mind out of reality into an ideal world. As one of +the chief difficulties of the Homeric controversy arises from +our ignorance of the power of the memory during an age when +poetry and song were in the fullest life, but the use of letters +was either unknown, or extremely limited; so there is a +parallel difficulty in all attempts to explain the origin of early +Roman history, from our ignorance of the power of oral tradition +in a time of long established order, but yet unacquainted +with any of the forms of literature. The indifference of +barbarous tribes to their past history can prove little or nothing +as to the tenacity of the national memory among a people far +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page42" id="page42"></a>[page 42]</span> +advanced towards civilisation like the Romans after the establishment +of their Republican form of government. Nor can +the analogy of early Greek traditions be fairly applied to those +of Rome, owing to the great difference in the circumstances +and the genius of the two nations. Many real impressions of +the past might fix themselves indelibly in the grave and solid +temperament of the Romans, which would have been lost amid +the inexhaustible wealth of fancy that had been lavished upon +the Greeks. The strict family life and discipline of the +Romans, the continuity of their religious colleges, the unity of +a single state as the common centre of all their interests, the +slow and steady growth of their institutions, their strong regard +for precedent, were all conditions more favourable to the +preservation of tradition than the lively social life, the numerous +centres of political organisation, and the rapid growth and +vicissitudes of the Greek Republics.</p> + +<p>It cannot, indeed, be disputed that although the legendary +tales of Roman history may have drawn more of their colour +from life than from imagination, yet there is no criterion by +which the amount of fact contained in them can be separated +from the other elements of which they were composed. Oral +tradition among the Romans, as among other nations, was +founded on impressions originally received without any careful +sifting of evidence; and these first impressions would naturally +be modified in accordance with the feelings and opinions of +each generation, through which they were transmitted. Aetiological +myths, or the attempt to explain some institution or +memorial by some concrete fact, and the systematic reconstruction +of forgotten events, have also entered largely into the +composition of Roman history. But these admissions do not +lead to the conclusion that the art or fancy of any class of early +poets was added to the unconscious operation of popular +feeling in moulding the impressive tales of early heroism, +partly out of the memory of real events and personages, partly +out of the ideal of character, latent in the national mind. It +has been remarked by Sir G. C. Lewis that many even of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page43" id="page43"></a>[page 43]</span> +Greek myths, abounding 'in striking, pathetic, and interesting +events,' existed as prose legends, and were handed down in the +common speech of the people. In like manner, such tales as +those of Lucretia and Virginia, of Horatius and the Fabii, of +Cincinnatus, Coriolanus, and Camillus, which stand out prominently +in the twilight of Roman history, may have been +preserved in <i>fama vulgaris</i>, or among the family traditions +of the great houses, till they were gathered into the poem of +Ennius and the prose narratives of the early annalists<a id="footnotetagii18" name="footnotetagii18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii18"><sup>18</sup></a>. In so +far as they are shaped or coloured by imagination, they do not +bear traces of the conscious art of a poet, but rather of an +unconscious conformity to the national ideal of character. +The most impressive of these legendary stories illustrate the +primitive virtues of the Roman character, such as chastity, +frugality, fortitude, and self-devotion; or the national characteristics +of patrician pride and a stern exercise of parental +authority. There is certainly no internal evidence that any of +them originated in a pure poetic impulse, or gave birth to any +work of poetic art deserving a permanent existence in literature.</p> + +<p>The analogy of other nations might suggest the inference +that a race which in its maturity produced a genuine poetic +literature must, in the early stages of its history, have given +some proof of poetic inspiration. It is natural to associate the +idea of poetry with youth both in nations and individuals. +Yet the evidence of their language, of their religion, and of +their customs, leads to the conclusion that the Romans, while +prematurely great in action and government, were, in the +earlier stages of their national life, little moved by any kind of +poetical imagination. The state of religious feeling or belief +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page44" id="page44"></a>[page 44]</span> +which gives birth to or co-exists with primitive poetry has left +no trace of itself upon the early Roman annals. It is generally +found that a fanciful mythology, of a bright, gloomy, or grotesque +character, in accordance with the outward circumstances and +latent spirit or humour of the particular race among whom +it originates, precedes and for a time accompanies the poetry +of romantic action. The creative faculty produces strange +forms and conditions of supernatural life out of its own +mysterious sympathy with Nature, before it learns to invent +tales of heroic action and of tragic calamity out of its sympathy +with human energy and passion, and its interest in marking +the course of destiny, and the vicissitudes of life. The development +of the Roman religion betrays the absence, or at least the +weaker influence of that imaginative power which shaped the +great mythologies of different races out of the primeval worship +of nature. The later element introduced into Roman religion +was due not to imagination but to reflection. The worship of +Fides, Concordia, Pudicitia, and the like, marks a great progress +from the early adoration of the sun, the earth, the vault +of heaven, and the productive power of nature; but it is a +progress in understanding and moral consciousness, not in +poetical feeling nor imaginative power. It shows that Roman +civilisation advanced without this vivifying influence,—that +the mind of the race early reached the maturity of manhood, +without passing through the dreams of childhood or the +buoyant fancies of youth.</p> + +<p>The circumstances of the Romans, in early times, were also +different from those by which the growth of a romantic poetry +has usually been accompanied. Though, like all races born to +a great destiny, they had much latent imaginative ardour of +feeling, this was employed by them, unconsciously, in elevating +and purifying the ideal of the State and the family, as actually +realised in experience. Their orderly organisation,—the early +establishment of their civic forms,—the strict discipline of +family life among them,—the formal and ceremonial character +of their national religion,—and their strong interest in practical +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page45" id="page45"></a>[page 45]</span> +affairs,—were not calculated either to kindle the glow of individual +genius, or to dispose the mass of the people to listen to +the charm of musical verse. The wars of the young Republic, +carried on by a well-trained militia, for the acquisition of new +territory, formed the character to solid strength and steady +discipline, but could not act upon the fancy in the same way +as the distant enterprise, the long struggles for national independence, +or the daring forays, which have thrown the light of +romance around the warlike youth of other races. The tillage +of the soil, in which the brief intervals between their wars were +passed, was a tame and monotonous pursuit compared with +the maritime adventure which awoke the energies of Greece, +or with the wild and lonely, half-pastoral, half-marauding life, +out of which a true ballad poetry arose in modern times. +Some traces of a wilder life, or some faint memories of their +Sabine forefathers, may be dimly discerned in the earliest +traditions of the Roman people; but their youth was essentially +practical,—great and strong in the virtues of temperance, +gravity, fortitude, reverence for law and the majesty of the +State, combined with a strong love of liberty and sturdy +resistance to wrong. These qualities are the foundations of +a powerful and orderly State, not the root or the sap by which +a great national poetry is nourished<a id="footnotetagii19" name="footnotetagii19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnoteii19"><sup>19</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>If the pure Roman intellect and discipline had spontaneously +produced any kind of literature, it would have been +more likely to have taken the form of history or oratory than +of national song or ballad. It was from men of the Italian +provinces, and not from her own sons, that Rome received her +poetry. The men of the most genuinely Roman type and +character long resisted all literary progress. The patrons and +friends of the early poets were the more liberal members of the +aristocracy, in whom the austerity of the national character +and narrowness of the national mind had yielded to new ideas +and a wider experience. The art of Greece was communicated +to 'rude Latium,' through the medium of those kindred races +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page46" id="page46"></a>[page 46]</span> +who had come into earlier contact with the Greek language +and civilisation. With less native strength, but with greater +flexibility, these races were more readily moulded by foreign +influences; and, leading a life of greater ease and freedom, +they were more susceptible to all the impulses of Nature. +While they were thus more readily prepared to catch the spirit +of Greek culture, they had learned, through long years of war +and subsequent dependence, to understand and respect the +imperial State in which their own nationality had been merged. +It is important to remember that the time in which Roman +literature arose was not only that of the first active intercourse +between Greeks and Romans, but also that in which a great +war, against the most powerful State outside of Italy, had +awakened the sense of an Italian nationality, of which Rome +was the centre. The great Republic derived her education +and literature from the accumulated stores of Greek thought +and feeling; but these were made available to her through the +willing service of poets who, though born in other parts of +Italy, looked to Rome as the head and representative of their +common country.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnoteii1" name="footnoteii1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii1"><sup>1</sup></a> Epist. ii. 1. 157.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii2" name="footnoteii2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii2"><sup>2</sup></a> Georg. ii. 385.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii3" name="footnoteii3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii3"><sup>3</sup></a> It is thus +interpreted by the same author:—Nos, lares, juvate. Ne +malam luem, Mamers, sinas incurrere in plures. Satur esto, fere Mars. In +limen insili. Desiste verberare (limen)! Semones alterni advocate cunctos. +Nos, Mamers, juvato. Tripudia.</p> + +<p class="footnote">'Help us, Lares. Suffer not, Mamers, pestilence to fall on the people. Be +satisfied, fierce Mars. Leap on the threshold. Cease beating it. Call, in +turn, on all the demigods. Help us, Mamers.'—Mommsen, Röm. Geschichte, +vol. i. ch. xv.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii4" name="footnoteii4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii4"><sup>4</sup></a> Such is the interpretation of Corssen, +Origines Poesis Romanae.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii5" name="footnoteii5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii5"><sup>5</sup></a> Epist. ii. 1. 86.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii6" name="footnoteii6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii6"><sup>6</sup></a> Cf. Virg. Aen. vii. 81, 82:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">At rex sollicitus monstris oracula Fauni,</p> +<p class="i6">Fatidici genitoris, adit.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii7" name="footnoteii7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii7"><sup>7</sup></a> Cf. Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. i. 24, note 1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii8" name="footnoteii8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii8"><sup>8</sup></a> Livy xxv. 12.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii9" name="footnoteii9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii9"><sup>9</sup></a> 'Through this +fashion the Fescennine raillery arose and poured forth +rustic banter in responsive verse; the spirit of freedom, made welcome, as +the season came round, first played its part genially; but soon the jests grew +cruel, then changed into sheer fury, and began, with impunity, to threaten +and assail honourable households. Men smarted under the sharp edge of its +cruel tooth: even those who were unassailed felt concern for the common weal. +A law was passed, and a penalty enforced, forbidding any one to be +lampooned in scurrilous verses. Thus they changed their style, and were +brought back to a kindly and pleasant tone, under fear of a beating.'—Epist. ii. 1. 144-55.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii10" name="footnoteii10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii10"><sup>10</sup></a> Sei quis ocentasit, casmenue condisit, +quod infamiam faxsit flacitiomque alterei, fuste feritor.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii11" name="footnoteii11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii11"><sup>11</sup></a> Teuffel quotes from Festus: +Fescennini versus qui canebantur in nuptiis, ex urbe Fescennina dicuntur allati, sive ideo dicti quia fascinum putabantur +arcere. It seems more natural to connect the name of these verses, which +were especially characteristic of the Latin peasantry, with fascinum (the +phallic symbol) than with any particular town of Etruria, though the name +of that town may perhaps have the same origin.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii12" name="footnoteii12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii12"><sup>12</sup></a> Mommsen's explanation, +'the masque of the full men' ('saturi'), does not seem to meet with general acceptance.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii13" name="footnoteii13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii13"><sup>13</sup></a> Cf. Teuffel, vi. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii14" name="footnoteii14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii14"><sup>14</sup></a> vii. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii15" name="footnoteii15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii15"><sup>15</sup></a> Cf. Teuffel, Wagner's Translation, p. 102.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii16" name="footnoteii16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii16"><sup>16</sup></a> Tusc. Disp. iv. 2; Brutus, 19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii17" name="footnoteii17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii17"><sup>17</sup></a> Noct. Att. xi. 2. A similar character +at one time attached to minstrels in Scotland.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteii18" name="footnoteii18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii18"><sup>18</sup></a> Some of these tales may have been +originally aetiological, but the human interest even in these was probably drawn originally from actual +incidents and personages of the Early Republic. Some of the aetiological +myths, such as that of Attus Navius the augur, have no human interest, +though they have an historical interest in connexion with early Roman +religion or institutions.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnoteii19" name="footnoteii19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagii19"><sup>19</sup></a> Cf. Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. i. 1. 24.></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page47" id="page47"></a>[page 47]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">The Beginning of Roman Literature—Livius Andronicus—Cn. Naevius, b.c. +240-202.</span></h3> + +<p>The historical event which first brought the Romans into +familiar contact with the Greeks, was the war with Pyrrhus +and with Tarentum, the most powerful and flourishing among +the famous Greek colonies in lower Italy. In earlier times, +indeed, through their occasional communication with the +Greeks of Cumae, and the other colonies in Italy, they had +obtained a vague knowledge of some of the legends of Greek +poetry. The worship of Aesculapius was introduced at Rome +from Epidaurus in <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 293, and the oracle of Delphi had +been consulted by the Romans in still earlier times. As the +Sibylline verses appear to have been composed in Greek, +their interpreters must have been either Greeks or men +acquainted with that language<a id="footnotetagiii1" name="footnotetagiii1"></a><a href="#footnoteiii1"><sup>1</sup></a>. The identification of the +Greek with the Roman mythology had probably commenced +before Greek literature was known to the Romans, although +the works of Naevius and Ennius must have had an influence +in completing this process. Greek civilisation had come, +however, at an earlier period into close relation with the +south of Italy; and the natives of that district, such as +Ennius and Pacuvius, who first settled at Rome, were spoken +of by the Romans as 'Semi-Graeci.' But, until after the fall +of Tarentum, there appears to have been no familiar intercourse +between the two great representatives of ancient +civilisation. Till the war with Pyrrhus, the knowledge that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page48" id="page48"></a>[page 48]</span> +the two nations had of one another was slight and vague. +But, immediately after that time, the affairs of Rome began to +attract the attention of Greek historians<a id="footnotetagiii2" name="footnotetagiii2"></a><a href="#footnoteiii2"><sup>2</sup></a>, and the Romans, +though very slowly, began to obtain some acquaintance with +the language and literature of Greece.</p> + +<p>Tarentum was taken in <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 272, but more than thirty years +elapsed before Livius Andronicus represented his first drama +before a Roman audience. Twenty years of this intervening +period, from <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 261 to <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 241, were occupied with the +First +Punic War; and it was not till the successful close of that war, +and the commencement of the following years of peace, that +this new kind of recreation and instruction was made familiar +to the Romans.</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Serus enim Graecis admovit acumina chartis;</p> +<p>Et post Punica bella quietus quaerere coepit,</p> +<p>Quid Sophocles et Thespis et Aeschylus utile ferrent<a id="footnotetagiii3" name="footnotetagiii3"></a><a href="#footnoteiii3"><sup>3</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Two circumstances, however, must in the meantime have +prepared the minds of the Romans for the reception of the +new literature. Sicily had been the chief battle-field of the +contending powers. In their intercourse with the Sicilian +Greeks, the Romans had great facilities for becoming acquainted +with the Greek language, and frequent opportunities +of being present at dramatic representations. There was +a theatre in every important town of Sicily, as may be +seen in the ruins still remaining on the sites of Segesta, +Syracuse, Tauromenium, and Catana; and the enjoyment +of the drama entered largely into the life of the Sicilian, as it +had into that of the Italian Greeks. Many Greeks also had +been brought to Rome as slaves after the capture of Tarentum, +and were employed in educating the young among the higher +classes. Thus many Roman citizens were prepared, by their +circumstances and education, to take interest in the legends +and in the dramatic form of literature introduced from Greece; +while the previous existence of the saturae, and other scenic +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page49" id="page49"></a>[page 49]</span> +exhibitions at Rome, tended to make the new comic drama at +least acceptable to the mass of the population.</p> + +<p>The earliest period of Roman poetry extends from the +close of the First Punic War till the beginning of the first +century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> During this period of about a century and a +half, in which Roman oratory, history, and comedy, were +also actively cultivated, we hear only of five or six names +as eminent in different kinds of serious poetry. The whole +labour of introducing and of keeping alive, among an unlettered +people, some taste for the graver forms of literature +thus devolved upon a few men of ardent temperament, +vigorous understanding, and great productive energy, but with +little sense of art, and endowed with faculties seemingly more +adapted to the practical business of life than to the idealising +efforts of genius. They had to struggle against the difficulties +incidental to the first beginnings of art and to the rudeness of +the Latin language. They were exposed, also, to other disadvantages, +arising from the natural indifference of the mass +of the people to all works of imagination, and from the +preference of the educated class for the more finished works +already existing in Greek literature.</p> + +<p>Yet this long period, in which poetry, with so much +difficulty and such scanty resources, struggled into existence at +Rome, is connected with the age of Cicero by an unbroken +line of literary continuity. Naevius, the younger contemporary +of Livius, and the first native poet, was actively engaged in the +composition of his poems till the time of his death; about +which period his greater successor first appeared at Rome. +For about thirty years, Ennius shone alone in epic and tragic +poetry. The poetic successor of Ennius was his nephew, +Pacuvius. He, in the later years of his life, lived in friendly +intercourse with his younger rival Accius, who, again, in his old +age, had frequently conversed with Cicero<a id="footnotetagiii4" name="footnotetagiii4"></a><a href="#footnoteiii4"><sup>4</sup></a>. The torch, which +was first lighted by Livius Andronicus from the decaying fires +of Greece, was thus handed down by these few men, through +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page50" id="page50"></a>[page 50]</span> +this long period, until it was extinguished during the stormy +times which fell in the youth of the great orator and prose +writer of the Republic.</p> + +<p>The forms of serious poetry, prevailing during this period, +were the tragic drama, the annalistic epic, and satire. Tragedy +was earliest introduced, was received with most favour, and was +cultivated by all the poets of the period, with the exception of +Lucilius and the comic writers. The epic poetry of the age +was the work of Naevius and Ennius. It has greater claims to +originality and national spirit, both in form and substance, and +it exercised a more powerful influence on the later poetry +of Rome, than either the tragedy or comedy of the time. The +invention of satire, the most purely original of the three, is +generally attributed to Lucilius; but the satiric spirit was +shown earlier in some of the dramas of Naevius; and the first +modification of the primitive satura to a literary shape was the +work of Ennius, who was followed in the same style by his +nephew Pacuvius.</p> + +<p>No complete work of any of these poets has been preserved +to modern times. Our knowledge of the epic, tragic, and +satiric poetry of this long period is derived partly from ancient +testimony, but chiefly from the examination of numerous +fragments. Most of these have been preserved, not by critics +on account of their beauty and worth, but by grammarians on +account of the obsolete words and forms of speech contained +in them,—a fact, which probably leads us to attribute to +the earlier literature a more abnormal and ruder style than that +which really belonged to it. A few of the longest and most +interesting fragments have come down in the works of the +admirers of those ancient poets, especially of Cicero and Aulus +Gellius. The notion that can be formed of the early Roman +literature must thus, of necessity, be incomplete. Yet these +fragments are sufficient to produce a consistent impression +of certain prevailing characteristics of thought and sentiment. +Many of them are valuable from their own intrinsic worth; +others again from the grave associations connected with their +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page51" id="page51"></a>[page 51]</span> +antiquity, and from the authentic evidence they afford of +the moral and intellectual qualities, the prevailing ideas +and sympathies of the strongest race of the ancient world, +about, or shortly after, the time when they attained the acme +of their moral and political greatness.</p> + +<p>The two earliest authors who fill a period of forty years +in the literary history of Rome, extending from the end of the +First to the end of the Second Punic War, are Livius +Andronicus and Cn. Naevius. Of the first very little is known. +The fragments of his works are scanty and unimportant, +and have been preserved by grammarians merely as illustrative +of old forms of the language. The admirers of Naevius and +Ennius, in ancient times, awarded only scanty honours to the +older dramatist. Cicero, for instance, says of his plays 'that +they are not worth reading a second time<a id="footnotetagiii5" name="footnotetagiii5"></a><a href="#footnoteiii5"><sup>5</sup></a>.' The importance +which attaches to Livius consists in his being the accidental +medium through which literary art was first introduced to the +Romans. He was a Greek, and, as is generally supposed, +a native of Tarentum. He educated the sons of his master, +M. Livius Salinator, from whom he afterwards received his +freedom. The last thirty years of his life were devoted to +literature, and chiefly to the reproduction of the Greek drama +in a Latin dress. His tragedies appear all to have been +founded on Greek subjects; most of them, probably, were +translations. Among the titles, we hear of the <i>Aegisthus</i>, <i>Ajax</i>, +<i>Equus Trojanus</i>, <i>Tereus</i>, <i>Hermione</i>, etc.—all of them +subjects +which continued to be popular with the later tragedians of +Rome. No fragment is preserved sufficient to give any idea of +his treatment of the subjects, or of his general mode of thought +and feeling. Little can be gathered from the scanty remains +of his works, except some idea of the harshness and inelegance +of his diction.</p> + +<p>In addition to his dramas, he translated the Odyssey into +Saturnian verse. This work long retained its place as a +school-book, and is spoken of by Horace as forming part of his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page52" id="page52"></a>[page 52]</span> +own early lessons under the rod of Orbilius<a id="footnotetagiii6" name="footnotetagiii6"></a><a href="#footnoteiii6"><sup>6</sup></a>. One or two +lines of the translation still remain, and exemplify its rough and +prosaic diction, and the extreme irregularity of the Saturnian +metre. The lines of the Odyssey<a id="footnotetagiii7" name="footnotetagiii7"></a><a href="#footnoteiii7"><sup>7</sup></a>,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: ou gar egôge ti phêmi kakôteron allo thalassês"> +οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγέ τί φημι +κακώτερον ἄλλο θαλάσσης</ins></p> +<p><ins title="Greek: andra ge syncheuai, ei kai mala karteros eiê"> +ἄνδρα γε συγχεῦαι, +εἰ καὶ μάλα καρτερὸς εἴη</ins>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>are thus rendered:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i26">Namque nilum pejus</p> +<p>Macerat hemonem, quamde mare saevom, viris quoi</p> +<p>Sunt magnae, topper confringent importunae undae.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He was appointed also, on one occasion, near the end of the +Second Punic War, to compose a hymn to be sung by 'virgines +ter novenae,' which is described by Livy, the historian, as +rugged and unpolished<a id="footnotetagiii8" name="footnotetagiii8"></a><a href="#footnoteiii8"><sup>8</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>Livius was the schoolmaster of the Roman people rather +than the father of their literature. To accomplish what he +did required no original genius, but only the industry, knowledge, +and tastes of an educated man. In spite of the +disadvantage of writing in a foreign language, and of addressing +an unlettered people, he was able to give the direction which +Roman poetry long followed, and to awaken a new interest +in the legends and heroes of his race. It was necessary that +the Romans should be educated before they could either produce +or appreciate an original poet. Livius performed a useful, +if not a brilliant service, by directing those who followed him +to the study and imitation of the great masters who combined, +with an unattainable grace and art, a masculine strength and +heroism of sentiment congenial to the better side of Roman +character.</p> + +<p>Cn. Naevius is really the first in the line of Roman +poets, and the first writer in the Latin language whose fragments +give indication of original power. It has been supposed +that he was a Campanian by birth, on the authority of Aulus +Gellius, who characterised his famous epitaph as 'plenum +superbiae Campanae.' But the phrase 'Campanian arrogance' +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page53" id="page53"></a>[page 53]</span> +seems to have been used proverbially for 'gasconade'; and as +there was a plebeian <i>Gens Naevia</i> in Rome, it is quite as +probable that he was by birth a Roman citizen. The strong +political partisanship displayed in his plays seems favourable +to this supposition, as is also the active interference of the +tribunes on his behalf. Weight must however be given +to the remark of Mommsen, 'the hypothesis that he was +not a Roman citizen, but possibly a citizen of Cales or of some +other Latin town in Campania, renders the fact that the +Roman police treated him so unscrupulously the more easy +of explanation.' On the other hand it has been observed that +had he been an alien the tribunes could not have interfered on +his behalf. He served either in the Roman army or among +the <i>Socii</i> in the First Punic War, and thus must have reached +manhood before the year 241 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Cicero mentions that he +lived to a good old age, and that he died in exile about the end +of the third century <span class="sc">b.c.</span><a id="footnotetagiii9" name="footnotetagiii9"></a><a href="#footnoteiii9"><sup>9</sup></a>. The date of his birth may thus be +fixed with approximate probability about the year 265 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> +No particulars of his military service are recorded, but it is +most probable that the scene of his service was the west of +Sicily, on which the struggle was concentrated during the later +years of the war. If we connect the newly developed taste for +the drama with the intercourse of Romans with Sicilian Greeks +during the war, we may connect another important influence +on Roman literature and Roman belief which first appeared in +the epic poem of Naevius with the Phoenician settlements in +the west of Sicily. The origin of the belief in the mythical +connexion of <ins title="Transcriber's Note: original reads 'Æneas'">Aeneas</ins> and his Trojans with the foundation of +Rome may probably be attributed to the Sicilian historian +Timaeus; but the contact of the Romans and the Carthaginians +in the neighbourhood of Mount Eryx, may have suggested +that part of the legend which plays so large a part +in the Aeneid, which brings Aeneas from Sicily to Carthage +and back again to the neighbourhood of Mount Eryx. The +actual collision of Roman and Phoenician on the western +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page54" id="page54"></a>[page 54]</span> +shores of Sicily, of which Naevius may well have been a witness, +if it did not originate, gave a living interest to the mythical +origin of that antagonism in the relations of Aeneas and Dido.</p> + +<p>The earliest drama of Naevius was brought out in <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 235, +five years after the first representation of Livius Andronicus. +The number of dramas which he is known to have composed +affords proof of great industry and activity, from that time till +the time of his banishment from Rome. He was more +successful in comedy than in tragedy, and he used the stage, +as it had been used by the writers of the old Attic comedy, +as an arena of popular invective and political warfare. A keen +partisan of the commonalty, he attacked with vehemence some +of the chiefs of the great senatorian party. A line, which had +passed into a proverb in the time of Cicero, is attributed to +him,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Fato Metelli Romae fiunt consules;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>to which the Metelli are said to have replied in the pithy +Saturnian,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Dabunt malum Metelli Naevio poetae.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In the year 206 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Q. Caecilius Metellus was Consul, his +brother M. Metellus Praetor Urbanus, an office that held out +an almost certain prospect of the Consulship; and it has been +suggested<a id="footnotetagiii10" name="footnotetagiii10"></a><a href="#footnoteiii10"><sup>10</sup></a>, with much probability, that it was against them that +this sneer was directed. The Metelli carried out their threat, as +Naevius was imprisoned, a circumstance to which Plautus<a id="footnotetagiii11" name="footnotetagiii11"></a><a href="#footnoteiii11"><sup>11</sup></a> alludes +in one of the few passages in which Latin comedy deviates from +the conventional life of Athenian manners to notice the actual +circumstances of the time. While in prison, he composed two +plays (the <i>Hariolus</i> and <i>Leon</i>), which contained some retractation +of his former attacks, and he was liberated through the +interference of the Tribunes of the Commons. But he was +soon after banished, and took up his residence at Utica, where he +is said by Cicero, on the authority of ancient records, to have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page55" id="page55"></a>[page 55]</span> +died, in <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 204<a id="footnotetagiii12" name="footnotetagiii12"></a><a href="#footnoteiii12"><sup>12</sup></a>, though the same author adds that Varro, +'diligentissimus investigator antiquitatis,' believed that he was +still alive for some time after that date<a id="footnotetagiii13" name="footnotetagiii13"></a><a href="#footnoteiii13"><sup>13</sup></a>. It is inferred, from a +passage in Cicero<a id="footnotetagiii14" name="footnotetagiii14"></a><a href="#footnoteiii14"><sup>14</sup></a>, that his poem on the First Punic War was +composed in his old age. Probably it was written in his exile, +when removed from the sphere of his active literary efforts. As +he served in that war, some time between <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 261 and <span class="sc">b.c.</span> +241, +he must have been well advanced in years at the time of +his death.</p> + +<p>The best known of all the fragments of Naevius, and the +most favourable specimen of his style, is his epitaph:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Mortales immortales flere si foret fas,</p> +<p>Flerent divae Camenae Naevium poetam,</p> +<p>Itaque postquam est Orcino traditus thesauro,</p> +<p>Obliti sunt Romae loquier Latina lingua.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It has been supposed that this epitaph was written as a dying +protest against the Hellenising influence of Ennius; but as +Ennius came to Rome for the first time about <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 204, it is not +likely, even if the life of Naevius was prolonged somewhat +beyond that date, that the fame and influence of his younger +rival could have spread so rapidly as to disturb the peace of the +old poet in his exile. It might as fairly be regarded as proceeding +from a jealousy of the merits of Plautus, as from +hostility to the innovating tendency of Ennius. The words of +the epitaph are simply expressive of the strong self-assertion and +independence which Naevius maintained till the end of his +active and somewhat turbulent career.</p> + +<p>He wrote a few tragedies, of which scarcely anything is +known except the titles,—such as the <i>Andromache</i>, <i>Equus +Trojanus</i>, <i>Hector Proficiscens</i>, <i>Lycurgus,</i>—the last founded on +the same subject as the Bacchae of Euripides. The titles of +nearly all these plays, as well as of the plays of Livius, imply the +prevailing interest taken in the Homeric poems, and in all the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page56" id="page56"></a>[page 56]</span> +events connected with the Trojan War. The following passage +from the Lycurgus has some value as containing the germs of +poetical diction:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Vos, qui regalis corporis custodias</p> +<p>Agitatis, ite actutum in frundiferos locos,</p> +<p>Ingenio arbusta ubi nata sunt, non obsita<a id="footnotetagiii15" name="footnotetagiii15"></a><a href="#footnoteiii15"><sup>15</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He composed a number of comedies, and also some original +plays, founded on events in Roman history,—one of them +called <i>Romulus</i>, or <i>Alimonia Romuli et Remi</i>. The longest of +the fragments attributed to him is a passage from a comedy, +which has been, with less probability, attributed to Ennius. It +is a description of a coquette, and shows considerable power of +close satiric observation:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i24">Quasi pila</p> +<p>In choro ludens datatim dat se, et communem facit:</p> +<p>Alii adnutat, alii adnictat, alium amat, alium tenet;</p> +<p>Alibi manus est occupata, alii percellit pedem;</p> +<p>Alii spectandum dat annulum; a labris alium invocat;</p> +<p>Cum alio cantat, attamen dat alii digito literas<a id="footnotetagiii16" name="footnotetagiii16"></a><a href="#footnoteiii16"><sup>16</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The chief characteristic illustrated by the scanty fragments of +his dramas is the political spirit by which they were animated. +Thus Cicero<a id="footnotetagiii17" name="footnotetagiii17"></a><a href="#footnoteiii17"><sup>17</sup></a> refers to a passage in one of his plays (<i>ut est in +Naevii ludo</i>) where, to the question, 'Who had, within so short +a time, destroyed your great commonwealth?' the pregnant +answer is given,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Proveniebant oratores novi, stulti adolescentuli<a id="footnotetagiii18" name="footnotetagiii18"></a><a href="#footnoteiii18"><sup>18</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The nobles, whose enmity he provoked, were probably +attacked by him in his comedies. One passage is quoted by +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page57" id="page57"></a>[page 57]</span> +Aulus Gellius, in which a failing of the great Scipio is exposed<a id="footnotetagiii19" name="footnotetagiii19"></a><a href="#footnoteiii19"><sup>19</sup></a>. +Other fragments are found indicative of his freedom of speech +and bold independence of character:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quae ego in theatro hic meis probavi plausibus,</p> +<p>Ea nunc audere quemquam regem rumpere?</p> +<p>Quanto libertatem hanc hic superat servitus<a id="footnotetagiii20" name="footnotetagiii20"></a><a href="#footnoteiii20"><sup>20</sup></a>?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this also<a id="footnotetagiii21" name="footnotetagiii21"></a><a href="#footnoteiii21"><sup>21</sup></a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6"> Semper pluris feci potioremque ego</p> +<p>Libertatem habui multo quam pecuniam.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He is placed in the canon of Volcatius Sedigitus immediately +after Plautus in the rank of comic poets. He has more +of the stamp of Lucilius than of his immediate successor +Ennius. By his censorious and aggressive vehemence, by +boldness and freedom of speech, and by his strong political +feeling, Naevius in his dramas represents the spirit of Roman +satire rather than of Roman tragedy. He holds the same place +in Roman literature as the Tribune of the Commons in Roman +politics. He expressed the vigorous independence of spirit +that supported the Commons in their long struggle with the +patricians, while Ennius may be regarded as expressing the +majesty and authority with which the Roman Senate ruled the +world.</p> + +<p>But the work on which his fame as a national and original +poet chiefly rested was his epic or historical poem on the First +Punic War. The poem was originally one continuous work, +written in the Saturnian metre; though, at a later time, it was +divided into seven books. The earlier part of the work dealt +with the mythical origin of Rome and of Carthage, the flight of +Aeneas from Troy, his sojourn at the court of Dido, and his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page58" id="page58"></a>[page 58]</span> +settlement in Latium. The mythical background of the poem +afforded scope for imaginative treatment and invention. Its +main substance, however, appears to have been composed in +the spirit and tone of a contemporary chronicle. The few +fragments that remain from the longer and later portion of the +work, evidently express a bare and literal adherence to fact, +without any poetical colouring or romantic representation.</p> + +<p>Ennius and Virgil are both known to have borrowed much +from this poem of Naevius. There are many passages +in the Aeneid in which Virgil followed, with slight deviations, +the track of the older poet. Naevius (as quoted by Servius) +introduced the wives of Aeneas and of Anchises, leaving Troy +in the night-time,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i24"> Amborum</p> +<p>Uxores noctu Troiade exibant capitibus</p> +<p>Opertis, flentes abeuntes lacrimis cum multis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He represents Aeneas as having only one ship, built by +Mercury,—a limitation which did not suit Virgil's account +of the scale on which the war was carried on, after the landing +in Italy. The account of the storm in the first Aeneid, of +Aeneas consoling his followers, of Venus complaining to +Jupiter, and of his comforting her with the promise of the +future greatness of Rome (one of the cardinal passages in +Virgil's epic), were all taken from the old Saturnian poem of +Naevius. He speaks also of Anna and Dido, as daughters of +Agenor, though there is no direct evidence that he anticipated +Virgil in telling the tale of Dido's unhappy love. He mentioned +also the Italian Sibyl and the worship of the Penates—materials +which Virgil fused into his great national and +religious poem. Ennius followed Naevius in representing +Romulus as the grandson of Aeneas. The exigencies of his +chronology compelled Virgil to fill a blank space of three +hundred years with the shadowy forms of a line of Alban kings.</p> + +<p>Whatever may have been the origin of the belief in the +connexion of Rome with Troy, it certainly prevailed before +the poem of Naevius was composed, as at the beginning of +the First Punic War the inhabitants of Egesta opened their +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page59" id="page59"></a>[page 59]</span> +gates to Rome, in acknowledgment of their common descent +from Troy. But the story of the old connexion of Aeneas +and Dido, symbolising the former league and the later enmity +between Romans and Carthaginians, most probably first assumed +shape in the time of the Punic Wars. The belief, as +shadowed forth in Naevius, that the triumph of Rome had +been decreed from of old by Jupiter, and promised to the +mythical ancestress of Aeneas, proves that the Romans were +possessed already with the idea of their national destiny. +How much of the tale of Aeneas and Dido is due to the +imagination of Naevius it is impossible to say; but his treatment +of the mythical part of his story,—his introduction of +the storm, the complaint of Venus, etc.,—merits the praise of +happy and suggestive invention, and of a real adaptation to his +main subject.</p> + +<p>The mythical part of the poem was a prelude to the main +subject, the events of the First Punic War. Naevius and +Ennius, like others among the Roman poets of a later date, +allowed the provinces of poetry and of history to run into one +another. They composed poetical chronicles without any +attempt to adhere to the principles and practice of the Greek +epic. The work of Naevius differed from that of Ennius in +this respect, that it treated of one particular portion of Roman +history, and did not profess to unfold the whole annals of the +State. The slight and scanty fragments that remain from the +latter part of the poem, are expressed with all the bareness, +and, apparently, with the fidelity of a chronicle. They have +the merit of being direct and vigorous, but are entirely without +poetic grace and ornament. Rapid and graphic condensation +is their chief merit. There is a dash of impetuosity in +some of them, suggestive of the bold, impatient, and energetic +temperament of the poet; as for instance in the lines,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Transit Melitam Romanus exercitus, insulam integram</p> +<p>Urit, populatur, vastat, rem hostium concinnat<a id="footnotetagiii22" name="footnotetagiii22"></a><a href="#footnoteiii22"><sup>22</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page60" id="page60"></a>[page 60]</span> + +<p>But the fragments of the poem are really too unimportant to +afford ground for a true estimate of its general merit. They +supply some evidence in regard to the irregularity of the metre +in which it was written. The uncertainty which prevails as to +its structure may be inferred from the fact that different +conjectural readings of every fragment are proposed by different +commentators. A saying of an old grammarian, Atilius +Fortunatianus, is quoted to the effect that he could not adduce +from the whole poem of Naevius any single line, as a normal +specimen of the pure Saturnian verse. Cicero bears strong +testimony to the merits of the poem in point of style. He +says in one place, 'the Punic War delights us like a work +of Myron<a id="footnotetagiii23" name="footnotetagiii23"></a><a href="#footnoteiii23"><sup>23</sup></a>.' In the dialogue 'De Oratore,' he represents +Crassus as comparing the idiomatic purity which distinguished +the conversation of his mother-in-law, Laelia, and other ladies +of rank, with the style of Plautus and Naevius. 'Equidem +quum audio socrum meam Laeliam (facilius enim mulieres +incorruptam antiquitatem conservant, quod, multorum sermonis +expertes, ea tenent semper, quae prima didicerunt); sed +eam sic audio, ut Plautum mihi aut Naevium videar audire. +Sono ipso vocis ita recto et simplici est, ut nihil ostentationis +aut imitationis afferre videatur; ex quo sic locutum ejus patrem +judico, sic majores<a id="footnotetagiii24" name="footnotetagiii24"></a><a href="#footnoteiii24"><sup>24</sup></a>.' Expressions from his plays were, from +their weight and compact brevity, quoted familiarly in the days +of Cicero, such as 'sero sapiunt Phryges' and 'laudari a +laudato viro,' which, like so many other pithy Latin sayings, is +still in use to express a distinction that could not be characterised +in happier or shorter terms. It is to be remarked also +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page61" id="page61"></a>[page 61]</span> +that the merit, which he assumes to himself in his epitaph, +is the purity with which he wrote the Latin language.</p> + +<p>Our knowledge of Naevius is thus, of necessity, very limited +and fragmentary. From the testimony of later authors it may, +however, be gathered that he was a remarkable and original +man. He represented the boldness, freedom, and energy, +which formed one side of the Roman character. Like some +of our own early dramatists, he had served as a soldier before +becoming an author. He was ardent in his national feeling; +and, both in his life and in his writings, he manifested a strong +spirit of political partisanship. As an author, he showed great +productive energy, which continued unabated through a long +and vigorous lifetime. His high self-confident spirit and impetuous +temper have left their impress on the few fragments +of his dramas and of his epic poem. Probably his most +important service to Roman literature consisted in the vigour +and purity with which he used the Latin language. But the +conception of his epic poem seems to imply some share of the +higher gift of poetical invention. He stands at the head of +the line of Roman poets, distinguished by that force of speech +and vehemence of temper, which appeared again in Lucilius, +Catullus, and Juvenal; distinguished also by that national +spirit which moved Ennius and, after him, Virgil, to employ +their poetical faculty in raising a monument to commemorate +the power and glory of Rome.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnoteiii1" name="footnoteiii1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii1"><sup>1</sup></a> Cf. Lewis, Credibility of Early +Roman History, vol. i. chap. ii. 14.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii2" name="footnoteiii2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii2"><sup>2</sup></a> Cf. Lewis, +Credibility of Early Roman History, vol. i. chap. ii. 14, 15.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii3" name="footnoteiii3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii3"><sup>3</sup></a> Horace, Epist. ii. 1. 161-3.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii4" name="footnoteiii4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii4"><sup>4</sup></a> Cic. Brutus, ch. 28.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii5" name="footnoteiii5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii5"><sup>5</sup></a> Brutus, 18.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii6" name="footnoteiii6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii6"><sup>6</sup></a> Epist. ii. 1. 71.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii7" name="footnoteiii7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii7"><sup>7</sup></a> viii. 138.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii8" name="footnoteiii8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii8"><sup>8</sup></a> xxvii. 17.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii9" name="footnoteiii9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii9"><sup>9</sup></a> Brutus 15.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii10" name="footnoteiii10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii10"><sup>10</sup></a> By Prof. A. F. West of Princeton College, +U.S. 'On a patriotic passage of the Miles Gloriosus of Plautus.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii11" name="footnoteiii11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii11"><sup>11</sup></a> Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, ii. 2. 27.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii12" name="footnoteiii12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii12"><sup>12</sup></a> Brutus, 15.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii13" name="footnoteiii13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii13"><sup>13</sup></a> Mommsen remarks that he could +not have retired to Utica till after it fell into the possession of the Romans.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii14" name="footnoteiii14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii14"><sup>14</sup></a> De Senectute, 14.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii15" name="footnoteiii15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii15"><sup>15</sup></a> 'Ye who keep watch over the person of +the king, hasten straightway to the leafy places, where the copsewood is of nature's growth, not planted by man.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii16" name="footnoteiii16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii16"><sup>16</sup></a> 'Like one playing at ball in a ring, +she tosses about from one to another, +and is at home with all. To one she nods, to another winks; she makes love to one, clasps another. Her hand is busy here, her foot there. To +one she gives a ring to look at, to another blows a kiss; with one she sings, with another corresponds by signs.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii17" name="footnoteiii17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii17"><sup>17</sup></a> The reading of the passage +here adopted is that given by Munk.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii18" name="footnoteiii18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii18"><sup>18</sup></a> De Senectute, 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii19" name="footnoteiii19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii19"><sup>19</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Etiam qui res magnas manu saepe gessit gloriose,</p> +<p class="i6">Cujus facta viva nunc vigent, qui apud gentes solus praestat,</p> +<p class="i6">Eum suus pater cum pallio ab amica abduxit uno.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii20" name="footnoteiii20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii20"><sup>20</sup></a> 'What I in the theatre here have made good +by the applause given to me, to think that any of these great people should now dare to interfere +with! How much better thing is the slavery <i>here</i>' (<i>i.e.</i> represented in this +play), 'than the liberty we actually enjoy?'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii21" name="footnoteiii21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii21"><sup>21</sup></a> 'I have always held liberty +to be of more value and a better thing than money.' The reading is that given by Munk.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii22" name="footnoteiii22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii22"><sup>22</sup></a> Mommsen remarks that, +in the fragments of this poem, the action is generally represented in the <i>present tense</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiii23" name="footnoteiii23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii23"><sup>23</sup></a> Brutus, 19.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnoteiii24" name="footnoteiii24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiii24"><sup>24</sup></a> 'I, for my part, +as I listen to my mother-in-law, Laelia (for women more easily preserve the pure idiom of antiquity, because, from their limited +intercourse with the world, they retain always their earlier impressions), in +listening, I say to her, I fancy that I am listening to Plautus or Naevius. +The very tones of her voice are so natural and simple, that she seems +absolutely free from affectation or imitation; from this I gather that her +father spoke, and her ancestors all spoke, in the very same way.'—Cicero, +De Oratore iii. 12.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page62" id="page62"></a>[page 62]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">Ennius.</span></h3> + +<p>The impulse given to Latin literature by Naevius was mainly +in two directions, that of comedy and of a rude epic poetry, +drawing its subjects from Roman traditions and contemporary +history. In comedy the work begun by him was carried on +with great vigour and success by his younger contemporary +Plautus; and, in a strictly chronological history of Roman +literature, his plays would have to be examined next in order. +But it will be more convenient to defer the consideration of +Roman comedy, as a whole, till a later chapter, and for the +present to direct attention to the results produced by the +immediate successor of Naevius in epic poetry, Q. Ennius.</p> + +<p>The fragments of Ennius will repay a more minute examination +than those of any author belonging to the first period +of Roman literature. They are of more intrinsic value, and +they throw more light on the spirit of the age in which +they were written. It was to him, not to Naevius or to Plautus, +that the Romans looked as the father of their literature. He +did more than any other man to make the Roman language a +vehicle of elevated feeling, by forcing it to conform to the +metrical conditions of Greek poetry; and he was the first fully +to elicit the deeper veins of sentiment latent in the national +imagination. The versatility of his powers, his large acquaintance +with Greek literature, his sympathy with the +practical interests of his time, the serious purpose and the +intellectual vigour with which he carried out his work, enabled +him to be in letters, what Scipio was in action, the most vital +representative of his epoch. It has happened too that the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page63" id="page63"></a>[page 63]</span> +fragments from his writings and the testimonies concerning +him are more expressive and characteristic than in the case of +any other among the early writers. There are none of his +contemporaries, playing their part in war or politics, and not +many among the writers of later times, of whom we can form +so distinct an image.</p> + +<h4 style="margin-top: 2em;">I. <span class="sc">Life, Times, and Personal Traits.</span></h4> + +<p><span class="ind1b"><b>I.</b> He was born at Rudiae</span>, a town of Calabria, in <span class="sc">b.c.</span> +239, the year after the first representation of a drama on the +Roman stage. He first entered Rome in <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 204, in the train +of Cato, who, when acting as quaestor in Sardinia, found the +poet in that island serving, with the rank of centurion, +in the Roman army. In the poem of Silius Italicus, he is +fancifully represented as distinguishing himself in personal +combat like one of the heroes of the Iliad. After this time +he resided at Rome, 'living,' according to the statement of +Jerome, 'very plainly, on the Aventine' (the Plebeian quarter +of the city), 'attended only by a single maid-servant<a id="footnotetagiv1" name="footnotetagiv1"></a><a href="#footnoteiv1"><sup>1</sup></a>,' and +supporting himself by teaching Greek and by his writings. +He accompanied M. Fulvius Nobilior in his Aetolian campaign. +Through the influence of his son, he obtained the honour +of Roman citizenship, probably at the time when the colony +of Pisaurum was planted in <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 184. This distinction Ennius +has himself recorded in a line of the Annals which indicates +the high value which the Roman allies attached to this +privilege:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nos sumu' Romani qui fuvimus ante Rudini.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He lived on terms of intimacy with influential members of +the noblest families in Rome, and became the familiar friend +of the great Scipio. When he died at the age of seventy, his +bust was believed to be placed in the tomb of the Scipios, +between those of the conqueror of Hannibal and of the +conqueror of Antiochus. He died in the year <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 169. The +most famous of his works were his Tragedies and the Annals, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page64" id="page64"></a>[page 64]</span> +a long historical poem written in eighteen books. But, in +addition to these, he composed several miscellaneous works, +of which only very scanty fragments have been preserved.</p> + +<p>Among the circumstances which prepared him to be the +principal creator of the national literature, his birthplace and +origin, the kind of education available to him in his early +years, and the experience which awaited him when first entering +on life, had a strong determining influence. His birthplace, +Rudiae, is called by Strabo 'a Greek city'; but it was not +a Greek colony, like Tarentum and the other cities of +Magna Graecia, but an old Italian town, (the epithet <i>vetustae</i> is +applied to it by Silius) which had been partially Hellenised, +but still retained its native traditions and the use of the Oscan +language. Ennius is thus spoken of as 'Semi-Graecus.' He +laid claim to be descended from the old Messapian kings, +a claim which Virgil is supposed to acknowledge in the introduction +of Messapus leading his followers in the gathering +of the Italian races,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ibant aequati numero regemque canebant.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>This claim to royal descent indicates that the poet was a +member of the better class of families in his native district; +and the consciousness of old lineage, which prompted the +claim, probably strengthened the high self-confidence by +which he was animated, and helped to determine the strong +aristocratic bias of his sympathies. He bore witness to his +nationality in the saying quoted by Gellius<a id="footnotetagiv2" name="footnotetagiv2"></a><a href="#footnoteiv2"><sup>2</sup></a> that 'in the +possession of the Greek, Oscan, and Latin speech, he possessed +three hearts.' Of these three languages the Oscan, +as the one of least value to acquire for the purposes of literature +or of social intercourse, was most likely to have been +his inherited tongue. Rudiae, from its Italian nationality, +from its neighbourhood to the cities of Magna Graecia, +and from its relation of dependence on Rome, must have +been in the time of the boyhood of Ennius a meeting-place, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page65" id="page65"></a>[page 65]</span> +not only of three different languages,—that of common +life, that of culture and education, that of military service—but +of the three different spirits or tendencies which were +operative in the creation of the new literature. To his +home among the hills overlooking the Grecian seas<a id="footnotetagiv3" name="footnotetagiv3"></a><a href="#footnoteiv3"><sup>3</sup></a>—referred +to in the expression of Ovid,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Calabris in montibus ortus—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and in the phrase of Silius,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18"> Hispida tellus</p> +<p>Miserunt Calabri; Rudiae genuere vetustae,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the poet owed the 'Italian heart,' the virtue of a race +still uncorrupted and unsophisticated, the buoyant energy +and freshness of feeling which enabled him to apprehend +all the novelty and the greatness of the momentous age +through which he lived. The South of Italy afforded, at +this time, means of education, which were denied to Rome +or Latium; and the peace enjoyed by his native district for +the first twenty years of his life granted to Ennius leisure +to avail himself of these means, which he could not have +enjoyed had he been born a few years later. In the short +account of his life in Jerome's continuation of the Eusebian +Chronicle, it is stated that he was born at Tarentum. +Though this is clearly an error, it seems probable that the +poet may have spent the years of his education there. +Though Tarentum, since its capture by the Romans, had lost +its political importance, it still continued to be a centre +of Greek culture and of social pleasure. Dramatic representations +had been especially popular among a people who +had drifted far away 'ex Spartana dura illa et horrida +disciplina<a id="footnotetagiv4" name="footnotetagiv4"></a><a href="#footnoteiv4"><sup>4</sup></a>' of their ancestors. From the knowledge of the +Attic tragedians displayed by Ennius in his later career it +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page66" id="page66"></a>[page 66]</span> +is likely that he had witnessed representations of their works +on a Greek stage, before he began, in middle life, to direct his +own genius to dramatic composition. The knowledge and +admiration of Homer which stimulated him to the composition +of his greatest work, might have been acquired in any centre of +Greek culture. But the intellectual interests indicated in some +of his miscellaneous writings have a kind of local character, +distinguishing them alike from the older philosophies of +Athens and from the more recent science of Alexandria. His +acceptance of the doctrine of the transmigration of souls and +the physical fancies expressed in some of the fragments of the +Epicharmus probably came to him from the teaching of the +Neo-Pythagoreans, who were widely spread among the Greeks +of Southern Italy. The rationalistic speculations of Euhemerus, +which appear in strange union with the 'somnia +Pythagorea' of the Annals, were of Sicilian origin. The +gastronomic treatise, which Ennius afterwards translated +into Latin, was the work of Archestratus of Gela. The +class of persons for whom such a work would originally be +written was likely to be found among the luxurious livers +of Sicily and Magna Graecia. Thus while the serious poetry +of Ennius was inspired by the older and nobler works of +Greek genius, the influence of a more vulgar and prosaic class +of teachers, transmitted by him to Roman thought and +literature, was probably derived from the place of his early +education.</p> + +<p>His Italian spirit, and the Greek culture acquired by him in +early youth, were two of the conditions out of which the new +literature was destined to arise. The third condition was +his steadfast and ardent Roman patriotism. Born more than +a generation after his native district had ceased to be at war +with Rome, he grew up to manhood during the years of peace +between the first and second Carthaginian wars, when the +supremacy of Rome was loyally accepted. Between early +manhood and middle life he was a witness of and an actor in +the protracted and long doubtful struggle between the two +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page67" id="page67"></a>[page 67]</span> +great Imperial States, on the issue of which hung the future +destinies of the world:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Omnia cum belli trepido concussa tumultu</p> +<p>Horrida contremuere sub altis aetheris oris;</p> +<p>In dubioque fuere utrorum ad regna cadendum</p> +<p>Omnibus humanis esset terraque marique<a id="footnotetagiv5" name="footnotetagiv5"></a><a href="#footnoteiv5"><sup>5</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Though during that struggle the loyalty of some of the Italian +communities was shaken, yet the aristocratic party in every +city, and the Greek States generally, were true to the Roman +alliance<a id="footnotetagiv6" name="footnotetagiv6"></a><a href="#footnoteiv6"><sup>6</sup></a>. Thus his political sympathies, as well as his Greek +education, would incline Ennius to identify himself with the +cause of Rome, and his ardent imagination apprehended the +grandeur and majesty with which she played her part in the +contest. It was in the Second Punic War that the ideal +of what was greatest in the character and institutions of Rome +was most fully realised. Her good fortune supplied from +among the contingent furnished to the war by her Messapian +allies a man of a nature so sympathetic with her own and an +imagination so vivid as to gain for the ideal thus created a +permanent realisation.</p> + +<p>Of the share which Ennius had in the war we know only that +he served in Sardinia with the rank of centurion. That he +had become a man of some note in that capacity is suggested +by the fact that he attracted the attention of the Roman +quaestor Cato, and accompanied him to Rome. A certain +dramatic interest attaches to this first meeting of the typical +representative of Roman manners and traditions and great +enemy of foreign innovations, with the man by whom, more +than by any one else, the mind of Rome was enlarged and +liberalised, and many of her most cherished convictions were +most seriously undermined. This actual service in a great war +left its impress on the work done by Ennius. Fragments both +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page68" id="page68"></a>[page 68]</span> +of his tragedies and his Annals prove how thoroughly he +understood and appreciated the best qualities of the soldierly +character. This fellowship in hardship and danger fitted him +to become the national poet of a race of soldiers. He has +drawn from his own observation an image of the fortitude and +discipline of the Roman armies, and of the patriotic devotion +and resolution of the men by whom these armies were led. +There is a strong realism in the expression of martial sentiment +in Ennius, marking him out as a man familiar with the life of +the camp and the battle-field, and quite distinct from the idealising +enthusiasm of Livy and Virgil<a id="footnotetagiv7" name="footnotetagiv7"></a><a href="#footnoteiv7"><sup>7</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>Ennius entered on his career as a writer at a time when the +long strain of a great struggle was giving place to the confidence +and security of a great triumph. He lived for thirty-five years +longer, witnessing the rapid advance of Roman conquest in +Greece and Asia, and over the barbarous tribes of the West. +He died one year before the crowning victory of Pydna. +During all his later life his sanguine spirit and patriotic enthusiasm +were buoyed up by the success of the Roman and Italian +arms abroad; while his political sympathies were in thorough +accord with the dominant influences in the government of the +State. At no other period of Roman history was the ascendency +of the Senate and of the great houses more undisputed, +or, on the whole, more wisely and ably exercised. In the lists +of those who successively fill the great curule magistracies, we +find almost exclusively the names of members of the old +patrician or of the more recent plebeian nobility. At no other +period does the tribunician opposition to the senatorian +direction of affairs and to the authority of the magistrate +appear weaker or more intermittent. It was not till a generation +after the death of Ennius that the moral corruption and +political and social disorganisation—the ultimate results of the +great military successes gained under the absolute ascendency +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page69" id="page69"></a>[page 69]</span> +of the Senate,—became fully manifest. It is difficult to say +how far the aristocratic and antipopular bias of all Roman +literature may have been determined by the political conditions +of the time in which that literature received the most powerful +impulse, and by the personal relations and peculiar stamp of +character of the man by whom that impulse was given.</p> + +<p>Along with the military and political activity of the time, +during which Ennius lived in Rome, the stirring of a new +intellectual life was apparent. Even during the war dramatic +representations continued to take place, and the most active +part of the career of Naevius, and a considerable part of that +of Plautus, belong to the years during which Hannibal was +still in Italy. After the cessation of the war, we note in the +pages of Livy that much greater prominence is given to the +celebration of public games, of which at this time dramatic +representations formed the chief part. The regular holidays +for which the Aediles provided these entertainments became +more numerous; and the art of the dramatist was employed to +enhance the pomp of the spectacle on the occasion of a great +triumph, or of the funeral of an illustrious man. The death of +Livius Andronicus and the banishment of Naevius, which must +have happened about the time that Ennius arrived at Rome, +had deprived the Roman stage of the only writers of any name, +who had attempted to introduce upon it the works of the +Greek tragedians. Ennius had, indeed, rather to create than to +revive the taste for tragedy. The prologue to the Amphitryo<a id="footnotetagiv8" name="footnotetagiv8"></a><a href="#footnoteiv8"><sup>8</sup></a> +shows how much more congenial the reproduction of the ordinary +life of the Greeks was to the uneducated audiences of Rome +than the higher effort to familiarise them with the personages +and adventures of the heroic age. The great era of Roman +comedy was coincident with the literary career of Ennius. It +was then that the best extant plays of Plautus were produced, +and that Caecilius Statius, whom ancient critics ranked as his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page70" id="page70"></a>[page 70]</span> +superior, flourished. The quality attributed to the latter in the +line of Horace,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Vincere Caecilius gravitate, Terentius arte,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>indicates a closer affinity with the spirit of Ennius, than the +moral and political indifference of the older dramatist. The +aim of Ennius was to raise literature from being a mere popular +recreation, and to bring it into accord with the higher mood of +the nation; to use it as a medium both of elevation and +enlightenment. In carrying out this aim he appealed to the +temper and to the newly awakened interests of members of +the aristocratic class, who were coming into close contact with +educated Greeks, and were beginning to appreciate the +treasures of art and literature now opened up to them. The +career of Q. Fabius Pictor, the first historian of Rome, and the +first who made a name for himself in painting, who lived at this +time, attests this twofold attraction. The friendly relations +which Roman generals, such as T. Quintius Flamininus, established +with the famous Greek cities, in which they appeared as +liberators rather than conquerors, were the result of intellectual +enthusiasm as much as of a definite policy. With the wars of +Pyrrhus and the capture of Tarentum, the first stage of the +process described in the lines of Horace began<a id="footnotetagiv9" name="footnotetagiv9"></a><a href="#footnoteiv9"><sup>9</sup></a>: the end of +the Second Punic War was the second stage in the process. +It is to this period, rather than to the progress of the war, that +the words of the Grammarian, Porcius Licinus, most truly +apply,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Poenico bello secundo Musa pinnato gradu</p> +<p>Intulit se bellicosam in Romuli gentem feram.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The more frequent and closer contact with the mind of Greece +not only refined the taste and enlarged the intelligence of +those capable of feeling its influence, but produced at the same +time a change in men's deepest convictions. Though the +definite tenets of Stoicism and Epicureanism did not acquire +ascendency till a later time, the dissolving force of Greek +speculative thought and Greek views of life forced its way into +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page71" id="page71"></a>[page 71]</span> +Rome through various channels,—especially through the adaptations +of the tragedies of Euripides and of the comedy of +Menander. All these tendencies of the time acted on Ennius, +stimulating his mental activity in various directions. His natural +temperament and his acquired culture brought him into harmony +with the spirit of his age without raising him too much +above it. A poet of more delicacy of taste and perfection of +execution would have been unintelligible to his contemporaries. +A more systematic thinker would have been out of harmony with +the conditions of life by which he was surrounded. Breadth, +vigour, a spirit clinging to what was most vital in the old +state of things, and yet readily adapting itself to what was new, +were the qualities needed to establish a literature true to the +genius of Rome in the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and containing the +promise of the more perfect accomplishment of a later age. +And these qualities belonged to Ennius by natural gifts and +the experience and culture of his earlier years.</p> + +<p>There is no reason to believe that he had obtained any +eminence in literature before he settled in middle age at Rome. +His genius was of that robust order which grows richer +and livelier with advancing years. The Annals was the work +of his old age,—the ripe fruit of a strong and energetic +manhood, prolonged to the last in hopeful activity. Cicero +speaks of 'the cheerfulness with which he bore the two evils +of old age and poverty<a id="footnotetagiv10" name="footnotetagiv10"></a><a href="#footnoteiv10"><sup>10</sup></a>.' Wherever the poet speaks of +himself, his words reveal a sanguine and contented spirit; as, +in that fine simile, where he compares himself, at the close of +his active and successful career, to a brave horse which has +often won the prize at the Olympian games, and in old age +obtains his well-deserved repose:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sicut fortis equus, spatio qui saepe supremo</p> +<p>Vicit Olimpia, nunc senio confectu' quiescit.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In none of his fragments is there any trace of that melancholy +after-thought which pervades the poetry of his greatest successors, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page72" id="page72"></a>[page 72]</span> +Lucretius and Virgil. From the humorous exaggeration +of Horace,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ennius ipse pater nunquam, nisi potus, ad arma</p> +<p>Prosiluit dicenda;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and from the poet's own confession,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nunquam poetor, nisi si podager,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>it may be inferred that he belonged to the class of poets of a +lusty and social nature, of which Dryden is a type in modern +times, who enjoyed the pleasures of wine and good fellowship. +The well-known anecdote, told by Cicero, of the interchange +of visits between Scipio Nasica and Ennius<a id="footnotetagiv11" name="footnotetagiv11"></a><a href="#footnoteiv11"><sup>11</sup></a>, though not a +brilliant specimen of Roman wit, is interesting from the light +which it throws on the easy terms of intimacy in which the poet +lived with the members of the most eminent Roman families. +Such testimonies and traits of personal character make us +think of Ennius as a man of genial and social temper, as well +as of 'an intense and glowing mind.'</p> + +<p>It was probably through his position as a teacher of Greek +that Ennius first became known to the leading men of Rome. +If this position was at first one of dependence, similar to that in +which in earlier times the client stood to his patron, it soon +changed into one of mutual esteem and admiration. We can +best understand the relation in which he stood to men eminent +in the state and in the camp, from a passage from the seventh +book of the Annals quoted by Aulus Gellius. In that passage +the poet is stated, on the authority of L. Aelius Stilo<a id="footnotetagiv12" name="footnotetagiv12"></a><a href="#footnoteiv12"><sup>12</sup></a> (an +early grammarian, a friend of Lucilius, and one of Cicero's +teachers), to have drawn his own portrait, under an imaginary +description of a confidential friend of the Roman general, +Servilius Geminus. The portrait has the air of being drawn +from the life, with a rapid and forcible hand, and with a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page73" id="page73"></a>[page 73]</span> +minuteness of detail significant of close personal observation:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Haece locutu' vocat quocum bene saepe libenter</p> +<p>Mensam sermonesque suos rerumque suarum</p> +<p>Congeriem partit, magnam cum lassu' diei</p> +<p>Partem fuisset de summis rebu' regendis</p> +<p>Consilio, indu foro lato sanctoque senatu:</p> +<p>Cui res audacter magnas parvasque jocumque</p> +<p>Eloqueretur, cuncta simul malaque et bona dictu</p> +<p>Evomeret, si qui vellet, tutoque locaret.</p> +<p>Quocum multa volup ac gaudia clamque palamque!</p> +<p>Ingenium cui nulla malum sententia suadet</p> +<p>Ut faceret facinus levis aut malu', doctu', fidelis,</p> +<p>Suavis homo, facundu', suo contentu', beatus,</p> +<p>Scitu', secunda loquens in tempore, commodu', verbum</p> +<p>Paucum, multa tenens antiqua sepulta, vetustas</p> +<p>Quem fecit mores veteresque novosque tenentem,</p> +<p>Multorum veterum leges divumque hominumque;</p> +<p>Prudenter qui dicta loquive tacereve possit.</p> +<p>Hunc inter pugnas Servilius sic compellat<a id="footnotetagiv13" name="footnotetagiv13"></a><a href="#footnoteiv13"><sup>13</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There are many touches in this picture, which suggest the kind +of intimacy in which Ennius may have lived with Fulvius +Nobilior when accompanying him in his Aetolian campaign, or +his bearing when taking part in the light or serious talk of the +Scipios. The learning and power of speech, the knowledge of +antiquity and of the manners of the day, attributed to this +friend of Servilius, were gifts which we may attribute to the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page74" id="page74"></a>[page 74]</span> +poet both on ancient testimony and on the evidence afforded +by the fragments of his writings. The good sense, tact, and +knowledge of the world, the cheerfulness in life and conversation, +the honour and integrity of character represented in the +same passage, are among the personal qualities which, in all +ages, form a bond of union between men eminent in great +practical affairs and men eminent in literature. Such were the +qualities which, according to his own account, recommended +Horace to the intimate friendship of Maecenas. Many expressive +fragments from the lost poetry of Ennius give assurance +that he was a man in whom learning and the ardent temperament +of genius were happily united with the worth and sense +described in this nameless portrait.</p> + +<p>By his personal merit he broke through the strongest +barriers ever raised by national and family pride, and made the +name of poet, instead of a reproach, a name of honour with +the ruling class at Rome. The favourable impression which +he produced on the 'primitive virtue' of Cato, by whom he +was first brought to Rome, was more probably due to his force +of character and social qualities than to his genius and literary +accomplishment,—qualities seemingly little valued by his +earliest patron, who, in one of his speeches, reproached +Fulvius Nobilior with allowing himself to be accompanied by a +poet in his campaign. But the strongest proof of the worth +and the wisdom of Ennius is his intimate friendship with the +greatest Roman of the age, and the conqueror of the greatest +soldier of antiquity. It is honourable to the friendship of +generous natures, that the poet neither sought nor gained +wealth from this intimacy, but continued to live plainly and +contentedly on the Aventine. Yet after death it was believed +that the two friends were not divided; and the bust of the +provincial poet found a place among the remains of that time-honoured +family, the record of whose grandeur has been +preserved, even to the present day, in the august simplicity of +their monumental inscriptions.</p> + +<p>The elder Africanus may have been attracted to Ennius not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page75" id="page75"></a>[page 75]</span> +only by his passion for Greek culture, but by a certain +community of nature. The mystical enthusiasm, the high self-confidence, +the direct simplicity combined with majesty of +character, impressed on the language of the poet were equally +impressed on the action and bearing of the soldier. The +feeling which Ennius in his turn entertained for Scipio was one +of enthusiastic admiration. While paying due honour to the +merits and services of other famous men, even of such as Cato +and Fabius, who were most opposed to his idol, of Scipio +he said that Homer alone could worthily have uttered his +praises<a id="footnotetagiv14" name="footnotetagiv14"></a><a href="#footnoteiv14"><sup>14</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>In addition to the part which he assigned to him in the +Ninth Book of the Annals, he devoted a separate poem to +commemorate his achievements. He has left also two short +inscriptions, written in elegiac verse, in which he proclaims +in words of burning enthusiasm the momentous services +and transcendent superiority of the 'great world's victor's +victor'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hic est ille situs cui nemo civi' neque hostis</p> +<p class="i2">Quivit pro factis reddere opis pretium<a id="footnotetagiv15" name="footnotetagiv15"></a><a href="#footnoteiv15"><sup>15</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this also,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>A sole exoriente supra Maeoti' paludes</p> +<p class="i2">Nemo est qui factis me aequiperare queat.</p> +<p>Si fas endo plagas caelestium ascendere cuiquam est,</p> +<p class="i2">Mi soli caeli maxima porta patet<a id="footnotetagiv16" name="footnotetagiv16"></a><a href="#footnoteiv16"><sup>16</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>With many marked differences, which distinguish a man +of active, social, and national sympathies from a student of +Nature and a thinker on human life, there is a certain affinity +of character and genius between Ennius and Lucretius. +Enthusiastic admiration of personal greatness is one prominent +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page76" id="page76"></a>[page 76]</span> +feature in which they resemble one another. But while Lucretius +is the ardent admirer of contemplative and imaginative +greatness, it is greatness in action and character which moves +the admiration of Ennius. They resemble each other also in +their strong consciousness of genius and their high estimate of +its function and value. Cicero mentions that Ennius applied +the epithet <i>sanctus</i> to poets. Lucretius applies the same +epithet to the old philosophic poets, as in the lines of strong +affection and reverence which he dedicates to Empedocles,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nil tamen hoc habuisse viro praeclarius in se,</p> +<p>Nec <i>sanctum</i> magis, et mirum carumque videtur<a id="footnotetagiv17" name="footnotetagiv17"></a><a href="#footnoteiv17"><sup>17</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The inscription which Ennius composed for his own bust +directly expresses his sense of the greatness of his work, and +his confident assurance of fame, and of the lasting sympathy +of his countrymen—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Aspicite, O cives, senis Enni imagini' formam,</p> +<p class="i2">Hic vestrum panxit maxima facta patrum.</p> +<p>Nemo me lacrimis decoret nec funera fletu</p> +<p class="i2">Faxit. Cur? Volito vivu' per ora virum<a id="footnotetagiv18" name="footnotetagiv18"></a><a href="#footnoteiv18"><sup>18</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Two lines from one of his satires—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Enni poeta salve qui mortalibus</p> +<p>Versus propinas flammeos medullitus<a id="footnotetagiv19" name="footnotetagiv19"></a><a href="#footnoteiv19"><sup>19</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>indicate in still stronger terms his burning consciousness of +power.</p> + +<p>Some of the greatest of modern poets, such as Dante, +Milton, and Wordsworth, have manifested a feeling similar +to that expressed by Ennius and Lucretius. Although appearing +in strange contrast with the self-suppression of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page77" id="page77"></a>[page 77]</span> +highest creative art (as seen in Homer, in Sophocles, and in +Shakspeare), this proud self-confidence, 'disdainful of help or +hindrance,' is the usual accompaniment of an intense nature +and of a genius exercised with some serious moral, religious, +or political purpose. The least pleasing side of the feeling, +even in men of generous nature, is the scorn,—not of envy, +but of imperfect sympathy,—which they are apt to entertain +towards rival genius or antagonistic convictions. Something +of this spirit appears in the disparaging allusion of Ennius to +his predecessor Naevius:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18"> Scripsere alii rem</p> +<p>Versibu', quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant,</p> +<p>Quum neque Musarum scopulos quisquam superarat</p> +<p>Nec dicti studiosus erat<a id="footnotetagiv20" name="footnotetagiv20"></a><a href="#footnoteiv20"><sup>20</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The contempt here expressed for the metre employed by the +older poet seems to be the counterpart of his own exultation +in being the first to introduce what he called 'the long verses' +into Latin literature.</p> + +<p>Another point in which there is some affinity between +Ennius and Lucretius is their religious temper and convictions. +There is indeed no trace in Ennius of the rigid +intellectual consistency of Lucretius, nor in Lucretius any +sympathy with those mystic speculations which Ennius derived +from the lore attributed to Pythagoras. But in both +deep feelings of awe and reverence are combined with a +scornful disbelief of the superstition of their time. They +both apply the principles of Euhemerism to resolve the bright +creations of the old mythology into their original elements. +Ennius, like Lucretius, seems to deny the providence of the +gods. He makes one of the personages of his dramas give +expression to the thought which perplexed the minds of +Thucydides and Tacitus—the thought, namely, of the apparent +disconnexion between prosperity and goodness, as +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page78" id="page78"></a>[page 78]</span> +affording proof of the divine indifference to human well-being—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam caelitum,</p> +<p>Sed eos non curare opinor, quid agat humanum genus;</p> +<p>Nam si curent, bene bonis sit, male malis, quod nunc abest<a id="footnotetagiv21" name="footnotetagiv21"></a><a href="#footnoteiv21"><sup>21</sup></a>:</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and he exposed, with caustic sense, the false pretences of +augurs, prophets, and astrologers. His translation of the +Sacred Chronicle of Euhemerus exercised a permanent influence +on the religious convictions of his countrymen. But +while led to these conclusions by the spirit of his age, and +by the study of the later speculations of Greece, he believed +in the soul's independence of the body, and of its continued +existence, under other conditions, after death. He declared +that the spirit of Homer, after many changes,—at one time +having animated a peacock<a id="footnotetagiv22" name="footnotetagiv22"></a><a href="#footnoteiv22"><sup>22</sup></a>, again, having been incarnate in +the sage of Crotona,—had finally passed into his own body: +and he told how the shade—which he regards as distinct from +the soul or spirit—of his great prototype had appeared to him +from the invisible world,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quo neque permaneant animae neque corpora nostra</p> +<p>Sed quaedam simulacra modis pallentia miris,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and explained to him the whole plan of nature. These +dreams of the imagination may not have been without effect +in enabling Ennius to escape from the gloom which 'eclipsed +the brightness of the world' to Lucretius. The light in which +the world appeared to the older poet was that of common +sense strangely blended with imaginative mysticism. He thus +seems to stand midway between the spiritual aspirations of +Empedocles and the negation of Lucretius. Born in the +vigorous prime of Italian civilisation he came into the inheritance +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page79" id="page79"></a>[page 79]</span> +of the bold fancies of the earlier Greeks and of the +dull rationalism of their later speculation. His ideas on what +transcends experience appear thus to have been without the +unity arising from an unreflecting acceptance of tradition, or +from the basis of philosophical consistency.</p> + +<h4 style="margin-top: 2em;">II. <span class="sc">His Works.—(1) Miscellaneous Works.</span></h4> + +<p><span class="ind1b"><b>II. (1)</b> In laying the foundations</span> of Roman literature, +Ennius displayed not only the fervent sympathies and active +faculty of genius, but also great energy and industry, and +a many-sided learning. The composition of his tragedies +and of the Annals, while making most demand on his original +gifts, implied also a diligent study of Homer and of the Greek +tragedians, and a large acquaintance with the traditions and +antiquities of Rome. But besides the works on which his +highest poetical faculty was employed, other writings, of a +philosophical, didactic, and miscellaneous character, gave +evidence of the versatility of his powers and interests. It +does not appear that he was the author of any prose writing. +His version of the Sacred Chronicle of Euhemerus was more +probably a poetical adaptation than a literal prose translation +of that work. The work of Euhemerus was conceived in that +spirit of vulgar rationalism, which is condemned by Plato in +the Phaedrus. He explained away the fables of mythology, +by representing them as a supernatural account of historical +events. Several extracts of the work quoted by Lactantius, as +from the translation of Ennius, look as if they had been +reduced from a form originally metrical into the prose of a +later era<a id="footnotetagiv23" name="footnotetagiv23"></a><a href="#footnoteiv23"><sup>23</sup></a>. There is thus no evidence, direct or indirect, to +prove that Ennius had any share in forming the style of Latin +prose. But if verse was the sole instrument which he used, +this was certainly not due to the poetical character of all the +topics which he treated, but, more likely, to the fact that his +acquired aptitude, and the state of the Latin language in his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page80" id="page80"></a>[page 80]</span> +time, made metrical writing more natural and easy than prose +composition.</p> + +<p>One of his works in verse was a treatise on good living, +called Hedyphagetica, founded on the gastronomic researches +of Archestratus of Gela,—a sage who is said to have devoted +his life to the study of everything that contributed to the +pleasures of the table, and to have recorded his varied experience +and research with the grave dignity of epic verse. A +few lines from this translation or adaptation of Ennius, giving +an account of the coasts on which the best fish are to be found, +have been preserved by Apuleius. The lines are curious as +exemplifying that tone of half-serious enthusiasm, which all +who treat, either in prose or verse, of the pleasures of eating +seem naturally to adopt, as for instance the Catius of Horace +in his discourse on gastronomy<a id="footnotetagiv24" name="footnotetagiv24"></a><a href="#footnoteiv24"><sup>24</sup></a>. The language in which the +<i>scarus</i>, a fish unhappily lost to the modern epicure, is described +as 'the brain almost of almighty Jove,' fits all the requirements +of gastronomic rapture:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quid turdum, merulam, melanurum umbramque marinam</p> +<p>Praeterii, atque scarum, cerebrum Jovi' paene supremi?</p> +<p>Nestoris ad patriam hic capitur magnusque bonusque.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He wrote also a philosophical poem in trochaic septenarian +verse, called Epicharmus, founded on writings attributed to +the old Sicilian poet, which appear to have resolved the gods +of the Greek mythology into natural substances<a id="footnotetagiv25" name="footnotetagiv25"></a><a href="#footnoteiv25"><sup>25</sup></a>. A few +slight fragments have been preserved from this poem. They +speak of the four elements or principles of the universe as +'water, earth, air, the sun'; of 'the blending of heat with +cold, dryness with moisture'; of 'the earth bearing and +supporting all nations and receiving them again back into +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page81" id="page81"></a>[page 81]</span> +herself.' The following is the longest fragment from the +poem:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Istic est is Jupiter quem dico, quem Graeci vocant</p> +<p>Aërem: qui ventus est et nubes; imber postea</p> +<p>Atque ex imbre frigus: ventus post fit, aër denuo,</p> +<p>Haece propter Jupiter sunt ista quae dico tibi,</p> +<p>Quoniam mortalis atque urbes beluasque omnis juvat<a id="footnotetagiv26" name="footnotetagiv26"></a><a href="#footnoteiv26"><sup>26</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>These fragments and a passage from the opening lines +of the Annals, where the shade of Homer was introduced as +discoursing to Ennius (like the shade of Anchises to Aeneas), +on 'the nature of things,' are specimens of that vague curiosity +about the facts and laws of Nature, which, in ancient times, +supplied the absence of scientific knowledge. Such physical +speculations possessed a great attraction for the Roman poets. +The spirit of the Epicharmus, as well as of the Sacred +Chronicle of Euhemerus, reappears in the poem of Lucretius. +Ennius was the first among his countrymen who expressed +that curiosity as to the ultimate facts of Nature and that sense +of the mysterious life of the universe, which acted as the most +powerful intellectual impulse on the mind of Lucretius, and +which fascinated the imagination of Virgil.</p> + +<p>Another of his miscellaneous works, probably of a moral +and didactic character, was known by the name of Protreptica. +It is possible that all of these works<a id="footnotetagiv27" name="footnotetagiv27"></a><a href="#footnoteiv27"><sup>27</sup></a>, as well as the Scipio, +formed part of the Saturae, or Miscellanies, under which title +Ennius composed four, or, according to another authority, six +books. The Romans looked upon Lucilius as the inventor of +satire in the later sense of that word<a id="footnotetagiv28" name="footnotetagiv28"></a><a href="#footnoteiv28"><sup>28</sup></a>;—he having been the +first to impress upon the satura the character of censorious +criticism, which it has borne since his time. But there was +another kind of satura, of which Ennius and Pacuvius in early +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page82" id="page82"></a>[page 82]</span> +times, and Varro at a somewhat later time, were regarded as +the principal authors. This was really a miscellany treating of +various subjects, in various metres, and, as employed by Varro, +was written partly in prose, partly in verse. This kind of composition, +as well as the Lucilian satire, arose out of the old +indigenous satura or dramatic medley, familiar to the Romans +before the introduction of Greek literature. When the scenic +element in the original satura was superseded by the new +comedy introduced from Greece, the old name was first applied +to a miscellaneous kind of composition, in which ordinary +topics were treated in a serious but apparently desultory way; +and even as employed by Lucilius and Horace the satura +retained much of its original character. The satires of Ennius +were written in various metres, iambic, trochaic, and hexameter, +and treated of various topics of personal and public +interest. The few passages which ancient authorities quote as +fragments from them are not of much value in themselves, but +when taken in connexion with the testimonies as to their +character, they are of some interest as showing that this kind +of composition was a form intermediate between the old +dramatic satura and the satire of Lucilius and Horace. It is +recorded that in one of these pieces, Ennius introduced a +dialogue between Life and Death;—thus transmitting in the +use of dialogue (which appears very frequently in Horace and +Persius) some vestige of the original scenic medley. Ennius +also appears, like Lucilius and Horace, to have communicated +in his satires his own personal feelings and experience, as in +the fragment already quoted:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nunquam poetor, nisi si podager.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Further satire, in the hands of its chief masters, aimed at +practical moral teaching, not only by precept, ridicule, and +invective, and by portraiture of individuals and of types, but +also by the use of anecdotes and fables. This last mode of +inculcating homely lessons on the conduct of life is common +in Horace. It appears, however, to have been first used by +Ennius. Aulus Gellius mentions that Aesop's fable of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page83" id="page83"></a>[page 83]</span> +field-lark and the husbandman 'is very skilfully and gracefully +told by Ennius in his satires'; and he quotes the advice +appended to the fable, 'Never to expect your friends to do for +you what you can do for yourself':</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hoc erit tibi argumentum semper in promptu situm:</p> +<p>Nequid expectes amicos, quod tute agere possies<a id="footnotetagiv29" name="footnotetagiv29"></a><a href="#footnoteiv29"><sup>29</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>These miscellaneous works of Ennius were the fruits of +his learning and literary industry, rather than of his genius. +Such works might have been written in prose, if the art of +prose composition had been as familiar as that of verse. It +is in the fragments of his dramas, and still more of the +Annals, that his poetic power is most apparent, and that the +influence which he exercised over the Roman mind and +literature is discerned.</p> + +<h4 style="margin-top: 2em;">(2) <span class="sc">Dramas.</span></h4> + +<p><span class="ind1b"><b>(2)</b> Before the time of Ennius</span>, the Roman drama, both +tragic and comic, had established itself at Rome, in close +imitation of the tragedy and the new comedy of Athens. The +latter had been most successfully cultivated by Naevius and +his younger contemporary, Plautus. The advancement of +tragedy to an equal share of popular favour was due to the +severer genius of Ennius. He appears however to have tried, +though without much success, to adapt himself to the popular +taste in favour of comedy. The names of two of his comedies, +viz. <i>Cupuncula</i> and <i>Pancratiastae</i>, have come down to us; but +their fragments are too insignificant to justify the formation of +any opinion on their merits. His admirers in ancient times +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page84" id="page84"></a>[page 84]</span> +nowhere advance in his favour any claim to comic genius. +Volcatius Sedigitus, an early critic, who wrote a work <i>De +Poetis</i>, and who has already been referred to as assigning the +third rank in the list of comic poets to Naevius, mentions +Ennius as tenth and last, solely 'antiquitatis causa.' Any +inference that might be drawn from the character exhibited in +the other fragments of Ennius, would accord both with the +negative and positive evidence of antiquity, as to his deficiency +in comic power. He has nothing in common with that +versatile and dramatic genius, in which occasionally the highest +imagination has been united with the most abundant humour. +The real bent of his mind, as revealed in his higher poetry, is +grave and intense, like that of Lucretius or Milton. Many of +the conceits, strained effects, and play on words, found in his +fragments, imply want of humour as well as an imperfect +poetic taste. Thus, in the following fragment from one of his +satires, the meaning of the passage is more obscured than +pointed by the forced iteration and play upon the word +<i>frustra</i>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam qui lepide postulat alterum frustrari,</p> +<p>Quom frustrast, frustra illum dicit frustra esse.</p> +<p>Nam qui se frustrari quem frustra sentit,</p> +<p>Qui frustratur frustrast, si ille non est frustra<a id="footnotetagiv30" name="footnotetagiv30"></a><a href="#footnoteiv30"><sup>30</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The love of alliteration and assonance, which is conspicuous +also in Plautus and in the fragments of Pacuvius and Accius, +and which seems to have been the natural accompaniment of +the new formative energy imparted to the Latin language by +the earliest poets and orators, appears in its most exaggerated +form in such lines as the</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>O Tite tute Tati tibi tanta tiranne tulisti,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>quoted from the Annals. Many of his fragments show indeed +that he possessed the caustic spirit of a satirist; but it was in +the light of common sense, not of humour, that he regarded +the follies of the world.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page85" id="page85"></a>[page 85]</span> + +<p>The general character of Roman tragedy, so far as it can be +ascertained from ancient testimony and the extant fragments +of the early tragedians, will be examined in the following +chapter. It is not possible to determine what dramatic power +Ennius may have displayed in the evolution of his plots or the +delineation of his characters. His peculiar genius is more distinctly +stamped on his epic than on his dramatic fragments. +Still many of the latter, in their boldness of conception and expression, +and in their strong and fervid morality, are expressive +of the original force of the poet, and of the Roman temper of +his mind. Some of them will be brought forward in the +sequel, along with passages from the Annals, as important +contributions to our estimate of the poet's genius and intellect.</p> + +<p>It was certainly due to Ennius that Roman tragedy was first +raised to that pitch of popular favour which it enjoyed till the +age of Cicero. While actively employed in many other fields +of literature, he carried on the composition of his tragedies till +the latest period of his life. Cicero records that the <i>Thyestes</i> +was represented at the celebration of the Ludi Apollinares, +shortly before the poet's death<a id="footnotetagiv31" name="footnotetagiv31"></a><a href="#footnoteiv31"><sup>31</sup></a>. The titles of about twenty-five +of his tragedies are known, and a few fragments remain +from all of them. About one half of these bear the titles of +the heroes and heroines connected with the Trojan cycle of +events, such as the <i>Achilles</i>, <i>Achilles Aristarchi</i>, <i>Ajax</i>, +<i>Alexander</i>, +<i>Andromache Aechmalotis</i>, <i>Hectoris Lutra</i>, <i>Hecuba</i>, +<i>Iphigenia</i>, +<i>Phoenix</i>, <i>Telamo</i>. One at least of his tragedies, the +<i>Medea</i>, was literally translated from the Greek of Euripides, +whom he seems to have made his model, in preference to the +older Attic dramatists. Cicero<a id="footnotetagiv32" name="footnotetagiv32"></a><a href="#footnoteiv32"><sup>32</sup></a> speaks of it, along with the +Antiope of Pacuvius, as being translated word for word from +the Greek; and a comparison of the fragments of the Latin +with the passages in the Medea of Euripides shows how closely +Ennius followed his original. In one place he has mistranslated +his author,—the passage (Eur. Med. 215),</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page86" id="page86"></a>[page 86]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> + +<p class="i18"><ins title="Greek: oida gar pollous brotôn"> +οἶδα γὰρ πολλοὺς βροτῶν</ins></p> +<p><ins title="Greek: semnous gegôtas, tous men ommatôn apo"> +σεμνοὺς γεγῶτας, +τοὺς μὲν ὀμμάτων ἄπο</ins></p> +<p><ins title="Greek: tous d' en thyraiois"> +τοὺς δ' ἐν θυραίοις,</ins>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>being thus rendered in Latin,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Multi suam rem bene gessere et publicam patria procul.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The opening lines of the Medea of Ennius may be quoted as +probably a fair specimen of the degree of faithfulness with +which the early Roman tragedians translated from their originals. +There is some nervous force, but little either of +poetical grace or musical flow in the language:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Utinam ne in nemore Pelio securibus</p> +<p>Caesa cecidisset abiegna ad terram trabes,</p> +<p>Neve inde navis inchoandae exordium</p> +<p>Coepisset, quae nunc nominatur nomine</p> +<p>Argo, quia Argivi in ea dilecti viri</p> +<p>Vecti petebant pellem inauratam arietis</p> +<p>Colchis, imperio regis Peliae, per dolum;</p> +<p>Nam nunquam era errans mea domo ecferret pedem</p> +<p>Medea, animo aegra, amore saevo saucia<a id="footnotetagiv33" name="footnotetagiv33"></a><a href="#footnoteiv33"><sup>33</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In his Hecuba, also, and probably in his Iphigenia, Ennius +made free use of the dramas founded on the same subjects by +Euripides. But in many of his dramatic fragments the sentiment +expressed is clearly that of a Roman, not of a Greek +mind<a id="footnotetagiv34" name="footnotetagiv34"></a><a href="#footnoteiv34"><sup>34</sup></a>. The subjects of many of his dramas, such as the +Achilles, the Ajax, the Hectoris Lutra, the Telamon, the +Iphigenia, afforded scope for the exhibition of the soldierly +character. Cicero<a id="footnotetagiv35" name="footnotetagiv35"></a><a href="#footnoteiv35"><sup>35</sup></a> adduces the wounded Eurypylus as an +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page87" id="page87"></a>[page 87]</span> +example of the kind of fortitude and superiority to pain +produced by the discipline of the Roman armies. The same +author quotes with great admiration scenes from the Alexander +and from the Andromache Aechmalotis, in which pathos is +the predominant sentiment. He adds to his quotations the +comments 'O poema tenerum, et moratum, et molle'; and +again, 'O poetam egregium, quamquam ab his cantoribus +Euphorionis contemnitur! Sentit omnia repentina et necopinata +esse graviora ... praeclarum carmen est enim et rebus +et verbis et modis lugubre<a id="footnotetagiv36" name="footnotetagiv36"></a><a href="#footnoteiv36"><sup>36</sup></a>.' In the former of these scenes +Cassandra, under the influence of Apollo, reluctant and +<i>ashamed</i> (perhaps in this feeling the hand of a Roman rather +than of a Greek poet may be recognised), yet mastered +by prophetic fury, bursts forth in these wild, agitated tones:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Adest, adest fax obvoluta sanguine atque incendio:</p> +<p>Multos annos latuit: cives ferte opem et restinguite.</p> +<p>Iamque mari magno classis cita</p> +<p>Texitur: exitium examen rapit.</p> +<p>Advenit, et fera velivolantibus</p> +<p>Navibus complevit manus litora<a id="footnotetagiv37" name="footnotetagiv37"></a><a href="#footnoteiv37"><sup>37</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>We see in this passage how the passionate character of the +situation is enhanced by the mysterious power attributed +to Cassandra. A similar excitement of feeling, produced +by supernatural terror, appears in a fragment of the Alcmaeon, +quoted also by Cicero, and of another the motive is the +awe associated with the dim and pale realms of the dead<a id="footnotetagiv38" name="footnotetagiv38"></a><a href="#footnoteiv38"><sup>38</sup></a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page88" id="page88"></a>[page 88]</span> +In these and similar passages we note the power of expressing +the varying moods of passion by varied effects of metre. +Horace characterises his ordinary verse in the line,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>In scaenam missos cum magno pondere versus;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this slow and weighty movement seems to have been +the general character of his metre in the calmer parts of +his dramas. But in a large number of the fragments of the +dialogue, where there is any excitement of feeling or intensity +of thought, we find him using the more rapid trochaic septenarian, +with quick transitions to the anapaestic dimeter, +or tetrameter, as the passion passes beyond the control of the +speaker.</p> + +<p>In two of his dramas, the Sabinae and Ambracia, he +made use of materials supplied by the early legendary history +of Rome, and by a great contemporary event. The first +of these, like the Romulus of Naevius, belonged to the class +of 'fabulae Praetextatae,' and was founded on the intervention +of the Sabine women in the war between Romulus and Tatius. +The second, representing the capture of the town of Ambracia, +in the Aetolian war, may, like the Clastidium of the older +poet (written in celebration of the victory of Marcellus over +the Gauls), have had more of the character of a military +pageant and, in all probability, was composed for representation +at the games celebrated on the triumphal return of M. Fulvius +Nobilior from that war.</p> + +<h4 style="margin-top: 2em;"> <span class="sc">(3) The Annals.</span></h4> + +<p><span class="ind1b"><b>(3)</b> But the poem</span> which was the chief result of his life, +and made an epoch in Latin literature, was the Annals. +On the composition of this work he rested his hopes of +popular and permanent fame—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hic vestrum panxit maxima facta patrum:</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and again, apparently at the opening of the poem, he +wrote,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Latos per populos terrasque poemata nostra</p> +<p>Clara cluebunt.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page89" id="page89"></a>[page 89]</span> + +<p>At its conclusion, he claimed for his old age the repose due to +a brave and triumphant career. He composed the eighteenth +book, the last, in his sixty-seventh year, three years before his +death<a id="footnotetagiv39" name="footnotetagiv39"></a><a href="#footnoteiv39"><sup>39</sup></a>. The great length to which the poem extended, and +the vast amount of materials which it embraced, imply a +long and steady concentration of his powers on the task. +It was one requiring much learning as well as original conception. +The fragments of the poem afford proofs of a +familiarity with Homer, and of acquaintance with the Cyclic +poets<a id="footnotetagiv40" name="footnotetagiv40"></a><a href="#footnoteiv40"><sup>40</sup></a>. It is impossible to say how much of the early Roman +history, as it has come down to modern times, is due to the +diligence of Ennius in collecting, and to his genius in giving +life to the traditions and ancient records of Rome. He +was certainly the earliest writer who gathered them up, +and united them in a continuous narrative. The work +accomplished by him required not only the antiquarian lore of +a man</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Multa tenens, antiqua, sepulta,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and the power of imagination to give a new shape to the past, +but an intimate knowledge of the great events and the great +men of his own time, and a strong sympathy with the best +spirit of his age.</p> + +<p>The poem was written in eighteen books. Of these books +about six hundred lines have been preserved in fragments, +varying from about twenty lines to half a line in length. +From the minuteness with which comparatively unimportant +matters are described, it is inferred that the separate +books extended to a much greater length than those either of +the Iliad or of the Aeneid. Of the first book there remain +about 120 lines, including the dream of Ilia in seventeen lines, +and the auspices of Romulus in twenty lines. In it were +narrated the mythical events from the time</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quum veter occubuit Príamus sub marte Pelasgo,</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page90" id="page90"></a>[page 90]</span> +<p>to the death and deification of Romulus;</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Romulus in caelo cum dis genitalibus aevum</p> +<p>Degit.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is no allusion in these fragments to the Carthaginian +adventures of Aeneas, which Naevius had introduced into his +poem on the First Punic War. Aeneas seems at once to have +been brought to Hesperia, a land,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quam prisci casci populi tenuere Latini.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Ilia is represented as the daughter of Aeneas. The birth and +infancy of Romulus and Remus appear to have been described +at great length. In commenting on Virgil's lines at Aeneid +viii. 630—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Fecerat et viridi fetam Mavortis in antro</p> +<p>Procubuisse lupam: geminos huic ubera circum</p> +<p>Ludere pendentes pueros, et lambere matrem</p> +<p>Impavidos; illam tereti cervice reflexam</p> +<p>Mulcere alternos, et corpora fingere lingua,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Servius says 'Sane totus hic locus Ennianus est.' The second +and third books contained the history of the remaining Roman +kings. Virgil imitated the description given in these books of +the destruction of Alba (the story of which is told by Livy +also with much poetic power, perhaps reproduced from the +pages of Ennius), in his account of the capture of Troy, at +Aeneid ii. 486—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>At domus interior gemitu miseroque tumultu, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>One short fragment of the third book contains a picturesque +notice of the founding of Ostia—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ostia munita est; idem loca navibu' pulchris</p> +<p>Munda facit; nautisque mari quaesentibu' vitam.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>This line also</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Postquam lumina sis oculis bonus Ancu' reliquit</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>is familiar from its reappearance in one of the most impressive +passages of Lucretius.</p> + +<p>The fourth and fifth books contained the history of the +State from the establishment of the Republic till just before +the beginning of the war with Pyrrhus. One short fragment is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page91" id="page91"></a>[page 91]</span> +taken from the night attack of the Gauls upon the Capitol. +The sixth book was devoted to the war with Pyrrhus; the +seventh, eighth, and ninth, to the First and Second Punic +Wars. In the fragments of the sixth are found a few lines of +the speeches of Pyrrhus, and of Appius Claudius Caecus. In +the account of the First Punic War, the disparaging allusion to +Naevius occurs—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Scripsêre alii rem, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It is mentioned by Cicero that Ennius borrowed much from +the work of Naevius; and also that he passed over (<i>reliquisse</i>) +the First Punic War, as it had been treated by his predecessor. +Several fragments however must certainly refer to this war; +but it is probable that that part of the subject was treated more +cursorily than either the war with Pyrrhus, or the later wars. +The passage in which the poet is supposed to have painted his +own character, under the form of a friend of Servilius Geminus, +occurred in the seventh book. Two well-known passages have +been preserved from the ninth book—viz. that characterising +the 'sweet-speaking' orator, M. Cornelius Cethegus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Flos delibatus populi suadaeque medulla,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and the lines in honour of Q. Fabius Maximus,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The tenth and eleventh books, beginning with a new invocation +to the muse—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Insece Musa manu Romanorum induperator</p> +<p>Quod quisque in bello gessit cum rege Philippo,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>treated of the Macedonian war, and of the deeds of T. +Quintius Flamininus. In the later books, Ennius told the +history of the war with Antiochus, of the Aetolian War carried +on by his friend, M. Fulvius Nobilior, of the exploits of L. +Caecilius Denter and his brother (of whom scarcely anything +is known except that the sixteenth book of the Annals was +written in consequence of the poet's especial admiration for +them), and lastly, of the Istrian War, which took place within +a few years of the author's death.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page92" id="page92"></a>[page 92]</span> + +<p>Neither in general design nor in detail could the Annals +be regarded as a pure epic poem. Like the Aeneid, which +connects the mythical story of Aeneas with the glories of the +Julian line and the great destiny of Rome, the poem of +Ennius treated of fabulous tradition, of historical fact, and +of great contemporary events; but it did not, like the Aeneid, +unite these varied materials in the representation of the +fortunes of one individual hero. The action of the poem, +instead of being limited to a few days or months, extended +over many generations. Nor could the poem terminate with +any critical catastrophe, as its object was to unfold the +continuous, still advancing progress of the State. From the +name it might be inferred that the Annals must have been +more like a metrical chronicle than like an epic poem; yet, as +being inspired and pervaded by a grand and vital idea, the +work was elevated above the level of matter of fact into the +region of poetry. The idea of a high destiny, unfolding itself +under the old kingly dynasty and the long line of consuls,—through +the successive wars with the Italian races, with +Pyrrhus and the Carthaginians,—rapidly advancing, though +not fully accomplished in the age when the poem was written,—gave +unity of plan and consistency of form to its rude and +colossal structure. The word Annales, as applied to Roman +story, suggests something more than the mere record of events +in regular annual sequence. It involves also the idea of +unbroken continuity. In the Roman Republic, the unity and +vital action of the State were maintained and manifested by +the delegation of the functions of government on magistrates +appointed from year to year, just as the life of a monarchical +state is maintained and manifested in its line of kings. In the +spirit animating the work,—in the conception of a past history, +stretching back in unbroken grandeur until it is lost in fable, +but yet vitally linked to the interests of the present time,—the +Annals of Ennius may be compared with the dramas in which +Shakspeare has represented the national life of England—in +all its greatness and vicissitudes—with the glory and splendour +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page93" id="page93"></a>[page 93]</span> +as well as the dark and tragic colours with which that story is +inwoven.</p> + +<p>The poem, although laying no claim to the perfection of +epic form, had thus something of the genuine epic inspiration. +While treating both of a mythical past and of real historical +events, it was pervaded by a living and popular idea,—faith in +the destiny of Rome. It was through the power and presence of +that same idea in his own age, that Virgil was able to impart a +vital and enduring meaning to a fabulous tradition, and to +create, out of the imaginary fortunes of a Trojan hero, a poem +most truly representative of his age and country. It is the +absence of any such living idea which renders the artificial +epics of refined and civilised eras,—such poems, for instance, +as the <i>Thebais</i> of Statius, or the <i>Argonautics</i> of Valerius +Flaccus,—in general so flat and unprofitable. Regarded, on +the other hand, as a historical poem, the Annals was written +under more favourable conditions than the <i>Pharsalia</i> of Lucan, +or the <i>Punic Wars</i> of Silius Italicus—in being the work of an +age to which the past had come down as popular tradition, not +as recorded history. The imagination of the poet employs +itself more happily and legitimately in filling up or modifying a +story that has been shaped by the fancies and feelings of +successive generations, than in venturing to recast the facts +that stand out prominently in the actual march of human +affairs. By treating of contemporary events, the poem must +have receded still further from the pure type of epic poetry; +yet the later fragments of the work, while written with something +of the minute and literal fidelity of a chronicle, may yet +lay claim to poetic inspiration. They prove that the author +was no unconcerned spectator and reporter of the events going +on around him, but that his imagination was fired and his +sympathies keenly interested by whatever, in speech or action, +was worthy to live in the memory of the world.</p> + +<p>There must have been many drawbacks to the popularity of +the poem in a more critical time, when strong enthusiasm and +forcible conception fail to interest, unless they are combined +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page94" id="page94"></a>[page 94]</span> +with the harmonious execution of a work of art. Even from +the extant fragments the rude proportions and the unwieldy +mass of the original work may be inferred. It is still possible +to note the bare, annalistic style of many passages which sink +below the level of dignified prose, the barbarisms of taste +shown by a fondness for alliterative lines and plays upon words, +the more common faults of careless haste and redundance of +expression, and of a rugged and irregular cadence. There must +have been some peculiar excellences or adaptation to the Roman +taste, through which, in spite of these defects, the popularity of +the poem was sustained far into the times of the Empire. This +late popularity may have been due in part to antiquarian zeal +or affectation, but some degree of it, as well as the favour of +the age in which the poem was written, must have been +founded on more substantial grounds. Apart from other +literary interest, this poem first drew forth and established, for +the contemplation of after times, the ideal latent in the +national mind. The patriotic tones of Virgil have the same +kind of ring as these in the older poet—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Audire est operae pretium procedere recte</p> +<p>Qui rem Romanam Latiumque augescere vultis,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this other line which Cicero compared to the utterance of +an oracle—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Moribus antiquis stat res Romana virisque.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>While in his other works Ennius was the teacher of an alien +culture to his countrymen, in his Annals he represented them. +He set before them an image of what was most real in themselves;—an +image combining the strength and commanding +features of his own time, with the proud memories and +traditional traits of the past. As it is by sympathy with what +is most vital and of deepest meaning in actual experience that +a great poet forms his ideal of what transcends experience, so +it is by a vivid apprehension of the present that he is able to +re-animate the past. Dante and Milton gained their vision of +other worlds through their intense feeling of the spiritual +meaning of this life; and, in another sphere of art, Scott was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page95" id="page95"></a>[page 95]</span> +enabled to immortalise the romance and humour of past ages, +partly through the chivalrous and adventurous spirit which he +inherited from them, partly through the strong interest and +enjoyment with which he entered into the actual life and +pursuits of his contemporaries. It is in ages of transition, such +as were the ages of Sophocles, of Shakspeare, and of Scott, in +which the traditions of the past seem to blend with and colour +the activity and enjoyment of a new time of great issues, that +representative works of genius are produced. Living in such +an era, deeply moved by all the memories, the hopes, and the +impulses which acted upon his contemporaries, living his own +life happily and vigorously in the chief centre of the world's +activity, Ennius was enabled to gather the life of centuries +into one representation, and to tell the story of Rome, if +without the accomplished art, yet with something of the native +force and spirit of early Greece; to fix in language the +patriotic traditions which had hitherto been kept alive by the +statues, monuments, and commemorative ceremonies of +earlier times; to uphold the standard of national character +with a fervent enthusiasm; and to address the understanding +of his contemporaries with a practical wisdom like their own, +and a large knowledge both of 'books and men':—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i26"> Vetustas</p> +<p>Quem fecit mores veteresque novosque tenentem.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The manifest defects, as well as the peculiar power of the +poem, show how widely it departed from the standard of the +Greek epic which it professed to imitate. Its vast dimensions +and solid structure are proofs of that capacity of long labour +and concentrated interest on one great object, which was the +secret of Roman success in other spheres of action. So large +a mass of materials held in union only by a pervading national +enthusiasm would have been utterly repugnant to Greek taste, +intolerant above all things of monotony, and most exacting in +its demands of artistic unity and completeness. The fragments +of the poem give no idea of careful finish; they produce the +impression of massiveness and energy, strength and uniformity +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page96" id="page96"></a>[page 96]</span> +of structure, unaccompanied by beauty, grace, or symmetry. +The creation of an untutored age may be recognised in the rudeness +of design,—of a Roman mind in the national spirit, the +colossal proportions, and the strong workmanship of the poem.</p> + +<p>The originality of the Roman epic will be still more +apparent if we compare the fragments of the Annals, in +some points of detail, with the complete works of the poet, +whom Ennius regarded as his prototype. There was, in +the first place, a marked difference between Homer and the +Roman poet in their modes of representing human life and +character. The personages of the Iliad and of the Odyssey +are living and forcible types of individual character. In +Achilles, in Hector, and in Odysseus,—in Helen, Andromache, +and Nausicaa, we recognise embodiments the most +real, yet the most transcendent, of the grandeur, the heroism, +the courage, and strong affection of manhood, and of the +grace, the gentleness, and the sweet vivacity of woman. The +work of Ennius, on the other hand, instead of presenting +varied types of human nature, appears to have unfolded a +long gallery of national portraits. The fragments of the +poem still afford glimpses of the 'good Ancus'; 'of the man +of the great heart, the wise Aelius Sextus'; 'of the sweet +speaking orator,' Cethegus, 'the marrow of persuasion.' The +stamp of magnanimous fortitude is impressed on the fragmentary +words of Appius Claudius Caecus; and sagacity and +resolution are depicted in the lines which have handed down +the fame of Fabius Maximus. This idea of the poem, as +unfolding the heroes of Roman story in regular series, may +be gathered also from the language of Cicero: 'Cato, the +ancestor of our present Cato, is extolled by him to the skies; +the honour of the Roman people is thereby enhanced: finally +all those Maximi, Fulvii, Marcelli, are celebrated with a glory +in which we all participate<a id="footnotetagiv41" name="footnotetagiv41"></a><a href="#footnoteiv41"><sup>41</sup></a>.' This portraiture of the kings +and heroes of the early time, of the orators, soldiers, and +statesmen of the Republic, could not have exhibited the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page97" id="page97"></a>[page 97]</span> +variety, the energy, the passion, and all the complex human +attributes of Homer's personages. The men who stand +prominently out in the annals of Rome were of a more +uniform type. They were men of one common aim,—the +advancement of Rome; animated with one sentiment,—devotion +to the State. All that was purely personal in them +seems merged in the traditional pictures which express only +the fortitude, dignity, and sagacity of the Republic.</p> + +<p>Ennius also followed Homer in introducing the element +of supernatural agency into his poem. The action of the +Annals, as well as of the Iliad, was made partially dependent +on a divine interference with human affairs, though exercised +less directly, and, as it were, from a greater distance. Yet +how great is the difference between the life-like representation +of the eager, capricious, and passionate deities of Homer's +Olympus and that outline which may still be traced in Ennius, +and which is seen filled up in Virgil and Horace, of the gods +assembled, like a grave council of state, to deliberate on +the destiny of Rome. In one fragment, containing the familiar +line,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Unus erit quem tu tolles in caerula caeli</p> +<p>Templa,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>they are introduced as debating, 'tectis bipatentibus,' on the +admission of Romulus into heaven. Again, in the account +of the Second Punic War, Jupiter is introduced as promising +to the Romans the destruction of Carthage; and Juno +abandons her resentment against the descendants of the +Trojans,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Romanis coepit Juno placata favere.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It may be remarked, as a strong proof of the hold which +their mythology had on the minds of the ancients, that +men so sincere as Ennius and Lucretius, while openly expressing +opposition to that system of religious belief, cannot +separate themselves from its influence and associations in +their poetry. But it is not to be supposed that Ennius, in +the passages just referred to, was merely using an artificial +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page98" id="page98"></a>[page 98]</span> +machinery to which he attached no meaning. In this representation +of the councils of the gods, he embodies that faith +in the Roman destiny, which was at the root of the most +serious convictions of the Romans, in the most sceptical as +well as the most believing ages of their history. This, too, +is the real belief, which gives meaning to the supernatural +agency in the Aeneid. Aeneas is an instrument in the hands +of Fate; Jupiter merely foreknows and pronounces its decrees; +the parts assigned to Juno and Venus, in thwarting and advancing +these decrees, seem to be an artistic addition to +this original conception, suggested perhaps as much by the +experience of female influence and intrigue in the poet's own +age as by the memories of the Iliad.</p> + +<p>Homer makes his personages known to us in speech as +well as in action. Among epic poets he alone possessed the +finest dramatic genius. But over and above the natural +dialogue or soliloquy, in which every feeling of his various +personages is revealed, he has invested his heroes with the +charm of fluent and powerful oratory, in the council of chiefs +and before the assembled people. The words of his speakers +pour on, as he says of the words of Odysseus,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: niphadessin eoikota cheimeriêsi"> +νιφάδεσσιν ἐοικότα +χειμερίῃσι</ins>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>in the rapid vehemence of passion or the subtle fluency of +persuasion. The fragments of Ennius, on the other hand, +scarcely afford sufficient ground for attributing to him a +genuine dramatic faculty. But, as the citizen of a republic +in which action was first matured in council, and living in +the age when public speech first became a recognised power +in the State, it was incumbent on him to embody in 'his +abstract and chronicle of the time' the speech of the orator +no less than the achievement of the soldier. In his estimate +of character this power of speech is honoured as the fitting +accompaniment of the wisdom of the statesman. In the +following lines, for instance, he laments the substitution of +military for civil preponderance in public affairs.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page99" id="page99"></a>[page 99]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Pellitur e medio sapientia, vi geritur res:</p> +<p>Spernitur orator bonus, horridu' miles amatur:</p> +<p>Haut doctis dictis certantes, sed maledictis</p> +<p>Miscent inter sese inimicitiam agitantes;</p> +<p>Non ex jure manu consertum, sed magi' ferro</p> +<p>Rem repetunt, regnumque petunt, vadunt solida vi<a id="footnotetagiv42" name="footnotetagiv42"></a><a href="#footnoteiv42"><sup>42</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Many lines of the Annals are evidently fragments of +speeches. The most remarkable of these passages is one +from a speech of Pyrrhus, and is characterised by Cicero as +expressing 'sentiments truly regal and worthy of the race +of the Aeacidae<a id="footnotetagiv43" name="footnotetagiv43"></a><a href="#footnoteiv43"><sup>43</sup></a>.' This fragment, although evincing nothing +of the fluency, the passion, or the argumentative subtlety +of debate, yet suggests the power of a great orator by +its grave authoritative appeal to the moral dignity of man:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nec mi aurum posco, nec mi pretium dederitis:</p> +<p>Non cauponantes bellum, sed belligerantes,</p> +<p>Ferro non auro vitam cernamus utrique.</p> +<p>Vosne velit an me regnare era quidve ferat Fors,</p> +<p>Virtute experiamur. Et hoc simul accipe dictum:</p> +<p>Quorum virtutei belli fortuna pepercit,</p> +<p>Eorundem libertati me parcere certum est.</p> +<p>Dono ducite, doque volentibu' cum magnis dis<a id="footnotetagiv44" name="footnotetagiv44"></a><a href="#footnoteiv44"><sup>44</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Of the same severe and lofty tone is that appeal of Appius +Claudius, blind and in extreme old age, to the Senate, +when wavering in its resolution, and inclined to make peace +with Pyrrhus:—</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page100" id="page100"></a>[page 100]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quo vobis mentes rectae quae stare solebant</p> +<p>Antehac, dementes sese flexere viai<a id="footnotetagiv45" name="footnotetagiv45"></a><a href="#footnoteiv45"><sup>45</sup></a>?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>As Milton, in his representation of the great debate in +Pandemonium, idealised and glorified the stately and serious +speech of his own time, so Ennius, in his graphic delineation +of the age in which he lived, gave expression to that high +magnanimous mood in accordance with which the acts of +Roman statesmen were assailed or vindicated, and the policy +of the State was shaped before Senate and people—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>indu foro lato sanctoque senatu.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The great poets of human action and passion are for +the most part to be ranked among the great poets of the +outward world. If they do not seem to have penetrated +with so much personal sympathy into the inner secret of the +life of Nature, as the great contemplative poets of ancient +and modern times, yet they show, in different ways, that their +sense and imagination were powerfully affected both by her +outward beauty and by her manifold energy. Homer, not +so much by direct description of the scenes in which the +action of his poems is laid, as by many indirect touches, by +vivid imagery and picturesque epithets, reveals the openness +of his mind to every impression from the outward world, and +the fresh delight with which his imagination reproduced the +impressions immediately received from the 'world of eye +and ear.' If he has left any personal characteristic stamped +upon his poetry, it is the trace of adventure and keen +enjoyment in the open air, among the most stirring sights +and sounds and forces of Nature. The imagery of Virgil is +of a more peaceful cast. It seems rather to be 'the harvest +of a quiet eye,' gathered in the conscious contemplation of +rural beauty, and stored up for after use along with the +products of his study and meditation. The fragments of +Ennius, on the other hand, afford few indications either of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page101" id="page101"></a>[page 101]</span> +active toil and unconscious enjoyment among the solitudes +of Nature, or of the luxurious and pensive susceptibility +to beauty by which the poetry of Virgil is pervaded. He +was the poet, not of the woods and rivers, but, essentially, +of the city and the camp. No sentiment could appear less +appropriate to him than that of Virgil's modest prayer,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Flumina amem silvasque inglorius.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Yet both in his illustrative imagery and in his narrative, he +occasionally reproduces with lively force, if not with much +poetical ornament, some aspects of the outward world, as well +as many real scenes from the world of action.</p> + +<p>His imagery is sometimes borrowed from that of Homer; +as, for instance, the following simile, which is also imitated by +Virgil:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Et tum sic ut equus, qui de praesepibu' fartus,</p> +<p>Vincla suis magnis animis abrupit, et inde</p> +<p>Fert sese campi per caerula laetaque prata</p> +<p>Celso pectore, saepe jubam quassat simul altam,</p> +<p>Spiritus ex anima calida spumas agit albas<a id="footnotetagiv46" name="footnotetagiv46"></a><a href="#footnoteiv46"><sup>46</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Other illustrations are taken from circumstances likely to +have been familiar to the men of his own time, but without +any apparent intention of adding poetical beauty to the +object he is representing. Thus the silent expectation with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page102" id="page102"></a>[page 102]</span> +which the assembled people watch the rival auspices of +Romulus and Remus is brought before the mind by an +illustration suggested by, and suggestive of, the passionate +eagerness with which the public games were witnessed by the +Romans of his own age:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Expectant vel uti consul cum mittere signum</p> +<p>Volt, omnes avidi spectant ad carceris oras,</p> +<p>Quam mox emittat pictis e faucibu' currus<a id="footnotetagiv47" name="footnotetagiv47"></a><a href="#footnoteiv47"><sup>47</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There may be noticed also, in fragments of the narrative, +occasional expressions and descriptive touches implying some +sense of what is sublime or picturesque in the familiar aspects +of the outward world. The sky, with its starry host, is +poetically presented in that expression, which has been +adopted by Virgil, 'stellis ingentibus aptum'; and in the +following line,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Vertitur interea caelum cum ingentibu' signis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In the description of the auspices of Romulus, the scene is +enlivened by this vivid flash, 'simul aureus exoritur Sol,' +following instantaneously upon the appearance of the first +bird of omen. A lively sense of natural scenery is implied +in these lines from the dream of Ilia—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam me visus homo pulcher per amoena salicta</p> +<p>Et ripas raptare locosque novos;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>in this description of a river, afterwards imitated both by +Lucretius and Virgil—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quod per amoenam urbem leni fluit agmine flumen;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and in these lines which recall a familiar passage in the +Aeneid:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Jupiter hic risit tempestatesque serenae</p> +<p>Riserunt omnes risu Jovis omnipotentis.<a id="footnotetagiv48" name="footnotetagiv48"></a><a href="#footnoteiv48"><sup>48</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The rhythm and the diction of these fragments suggest +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page103" id="page103"></a>[page 103]</span> +another point of contrast between the father of Greek and +the father of Roman literature. For the old Saturnian +verse of the Fauns and Bards, which had been employed +by Livius Andronicus and Naevius, Ennius substituted the +heroic hexameter, which he moulded to the use of Roman +poetry, with little art and grace, but with much energy and +weight. As he imitated the metre of Homer, he has in +several places (as in a simile already quoted, and again +in describing the conduct of a brave tribune in the Istrian +war), attempted to reproduce his language. Nothing, however, +can show more clearly the vast original difference +between the genius of Greece and of Rome than the contrast +presented between the rhythm and style of their earliest +epic poets. In regard for law and civil order, in military and +political organisation, in practical power of understanding, and +in the command which that power gave them over the world, +the Romans of the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> had made a great and +permanent advance beyond the Greeks of the time of Homer. +But the Greeks, when they first become known to us, appear +in possession of a gift to which all later generations have been +unable to attain. The genius of poetry has never, since the +time of Homer, appeared in union with a faculty of expression +so true and spontaneous, so faultless in purity, so inexhaustible +in resources. It is difficult to imagine a greater contrast than +that between the varied and harmonious power of the earliest +Greek epic, and the rugged rhythm and diction of the Annals. +Yet the very rudeness of that work is significant of the energy +of a man who had to accomplish a gigantic task by his own +unaided efforts. His ear had not been passively trained by +the musical echoes transmitted by earlier minstrels; nor did +he inherit the fluency and richness of expression which a long +line of poets hands on to their successors. While professing +to imitate the structure of the Homeric verse, he was unable +to seize its finer cadences. Nor had he learned the stricter +conditions under which that metre could be adapted to the +powerful and weighty movement of the Latin language. If +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page104" id="page104"></a>[page 104]</span> +he did much to establish Latin prosody on principles deviating +considerably from those observed by the contemporary +comic poets, yet many points which were regulated unalterably +for Virgil were left quite unsettled by Ennius. There are +found occasionally in these fragments lines without any <i>caesura</i> +before the fifth foot, as the following, in one of the longest and +least imperfect of his remains—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Corde capessere: semita nulla pedem stabilibat.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this in a passage in which the sound seems intended to +imitate the sense—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Poste recumbite vestraque pectora pellite tonsis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>And though such marked violations of harmony are rare, yet +there is a large proportion of lines in which the laws for the +caesura observed by later poets are violated. Again, while the +final 's' is in most cases not sounded before a word beginning +with a consonant (a usage which finally disappears only in the +Augustan poets) the final 'm,' on the other hand, is sometimes +left without elision before a vowel, as in the following line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Miscent inter sese inimicitiam agitantes.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The quantity of syllables and the inflexions of words were so +far unsettled, that such lines as the following are read,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Partem fuisset de summis rebu' regendis;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Noenum rumores ponebat ante salutem;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Volturus in spinis miserum mandebat homonem.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Among the ruder characteristics of his diction, his use of +prosaic and technical terms is especially to be noticed. The +following lines, for instance, read more like the bare statement +of a chronicle, or of a legal document, than an extract from +a poetical narrative:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Cives Romani tunc facti sunt Campani;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Appius indixit Karthaginiensibu' bellum;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and these lines enumerating the various priesthoods established +by Numa,—</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page105" id="page105"></a>[page 105]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Volturnalem Palatualem Furrinalem</p> +<p>Floralemque Falacrem et Pomonalem fecit</p> +<p>Hic idem.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Yet, in spite of these imperfections, both his rhythm and +language produce the impression of power and originality. +With all the roughness and irregularity of his measure, and +notwithstanding the inharmonious structure of continuous +passages, his lines often have a weighty and impressive effect, +like that produced by some of the great passages in Lucretius +and Virgil. It is said of the rhetorician Aelian that he +excessively admired in Ennius both 'the greatness of his mind +and the grandeur of his metre<a id="footnotetagiv49" name="footnotetagiv49"></a><a href="#footnoteiv49"><sup>49</sup></a>.' Something of this sonorous +grandeur may be recognised in a fragment descriptive of the +havoc made by woodcutters in a great forest,—a passage in +which the language of Ennius again appears as a connecting +link between that of Homer and of Virgil:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Incedunt arbusta per alta, securibu' caedunt,</p> +<p>Percellunt magnas quercus, exciditur ilex,</p> +<p>Fraxinu' frangitur, atque abies consternitur alta.</p> +<p>Pinus proceras pervortunt: omne sonabat</p> +<p>Arbustum fremitu siluai frondosai<a id="footnotetagiv50" name="footnotetagiv50"></a><a href="#footnoteiv50"><sup>50</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In the longest consecutive passages,—the dream of Ilia, the +auspices of Romulus, and that from book seventh, already +quoted as illustrative of the poet's character,—there is, notwithstanding +the roughness of the lines, something also of +Homeric rapidity;—a quality which the Latin hexameter +never afterwards attained in elevated poetry.</p> + +<p>The diction also of the Annals is generally fresh and forcible, +sometimes vividly imaginative. But perhaps the most admirable +quality of its style is a grave simplicity and sincerity of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page106" id="page106"></a>[page 106]</span> +tone. Especially is this the case in passages expressing +appreciation of strength and grandeur of character, as in those +fragments from the speeches of Pyrrhus and of Appius Claudius +Caecus, already quoted, and in the famous lines commemorative +of the resolute character and momentous services of Fabius +Maximus:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem:</p> +<p>Noenum rumores ponebat ante salutem:</p> +<p>Ergo plusque magisque viri nunc gloria claret<a id="footnotetagiv51" name="footnotetagiv51"></a><a href="#footnoteiv51"><sup>51</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>These lines leave on the mind the same impression of antique +majesty, as is produced by the unadorned record of character +and work accomplished inscribed on the tombs of the Scipios.</p> + +<p>This truly Roman quality of style, depending on a strong +imaginative sense of reality, is one of the great elements of +power in the language of Lucretius.</p> + +<h4 style="margin-top: 2em;">III. <span class="sc">Chief Characteristics of his Genius and Intellect.</span></h4> + +<p><span class="ind1b"><b>III.—</b>From a review</span> of the extant fragments both of the +Tragedies and the Annals of Ennius, it appears that his prominent +place in Roman literature, and influence over his countrymen, +were due much more to a great productiveness and activity, +and to an original force of mind and character, than to any +artistic skill displayed in the conception or execution of his +works. A consideration of the spirit and purpose of his +greatest works has led to the conclusion that they were, in +a considerable measure, inspired by the genius of Rome, and +were thus rather the starting-point of a new literature than the +mechanical reproduction of the literature of the Greeks. It +remains to consider what inference may be formed from these +fragments as to the character of his genius, of his imaginative +sentiment and moral sympathies, and of his intellectual power.</p> + +<p>The force of many single expressions in these fragments, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page107" id="page107"></a>[page 107]</span> +and the power with which various incidents, situations, and +characters, are brought before the mind indicate an active +imagination. A sense of energy and life-like movement is +the prevailing impression produced by a study of the language +and the longer passages in these remains. Many single lines +and expressions that have been gathered accidentally, as mere +isolated phrases, disjoined from the context in which they +originally occurred, bear traces of the ardour with which they +were cast into shape. In longer passages, the whole heart, +sense, and understanding of the writer seem to be thrown into +his narrative. He has not the eye of a poetic artist who observes, +as it were, from a distance, and fixes as in a picture, +some phase of passionate feeling or some beautiful aspect of +repose. He suggests rather the idea of a man of practical +energy, who has been present and taken part in the action +described, who enters with living interest into every detail, and +watches it at the same time with a sagacious discernment and +a strong enthusiasm. His power as a narrative poet is the +power of forcibly reproducing the outward movement and the +inward meaning of an action, and of identifying himself with +the hearts and minds of the actors on the scene. Several +passages, wanting altogether in poetical beauty, yet arrest the +attention by this energy and realism of conception; as, for +example, this short and rugged fragment, descriptive of a +commander in the crisis of a battle (probably that of Cynoscephalae),—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Aspectabat virtutem legioni' suai,</p> +<p>Expectans, si mussaret, quae denique pausa</p> +<p>Pugnandi fieret, aut duri fini' laboris<a id="footnotetagiv52" name="footnotetagiv52"></a><a href="#footnoteiv52"><sup>52</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Even in the abrupt dislocation from their context these lines +leave on the mind an impression of the calm vigilance of +a general, and of his confidence, not unmixed with anxiety, +in 'the long-enduring hearts' of his men. The same truth +and energy of conception, with more poetical accompaniment, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page108" id="page108"></a>[page 108]</span> +may be recognised in the longer passages, from Book vii. and +Book i., already quoted or referred to.</p> + +<p>But the imaginative power which gives poetical meaning to +familiar objects and ideas is revealed by the force of many +single expressions and by the delineation of more passionate +situations. Such expressions as the following, most of which +reappear with an antique lustre in the gold of Virgil's diction, +are indicative of this higher power:—</p> + +<div class="poem" style="line-height: 180%;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Musae quae pedibus magnum pulsatis Olympum.</p> +<p>Transnavit cita per teneras caliginis auras.</p> +<p class="i10"> Postquam discordia taetra</p> +<p>Belli ferratos postes portasque refregit.</p> +<p class="i10"> Quem super ingens</p> +<p>Porta tonat caeli.</p> +<p>Spiritus austri imbricitor. Naves velivolae, etc. etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>These and similar phrases, some of which have already been +quoted, imply poetical creativeness. They tend to justify the +estimate of the genius of Ennius, indicated in the language of +high admiration applied to him by Lucretius,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ennius ut noster cecinit, qui primus amoeno</p> +<p>Detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam,</p> +<p>Per gentes Italas hominum quae clara clueret<a id="footnotetagiv53" name="footnotetagiv53"></a><a href="#footnoteiv53"><sup>53</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and in the signs of the careful study of the Annals which may +be traced in the elaborate workmanship of the Aeneid.</p> + +<p>The longest specimen of narrative vivified by poetical +feeling, from the hand of Ennius, is the passage in which the +vestal Ilia relates to her sister the dream that portended her +great and strange destiny:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Excita cum tremulis anus attulit artubu' lumen,</p> +<p>Talia commemorat lacrimans, exterrita somno.</p> +<p>Eurudica prognata, pater quam noster amavit,</p> +<p>Vires vitaque corpu' meum nunc deserit omne.</p> +<p>Nam me visus homo pulcher per amoena salicta</p> +<p>Et ripas raptare locosque novos; ita sola</p> +<p>Postilla, germana soror, errare videbar</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page109" id="page109"></a>[page 109]</span> +<p>Tardaque vestigare et quaerere te neque posse</p> +<p>Corde capessere: semita nulla pedem stabilibat.</p> +<p>Exin compellare pater me voce videtur</p> +<p>His verbis: 'O gnata, tibi sunt ante ferendae</p> +<p>Aerumnae, post ex fluvio fortuna resistet.'</p> +<p>Haec ecfatu' pater, germana, repente recessit</p> +<p>Nec sese dedit in conspectum, corde cupitus,</p> +<p>Quanquam multa manus ad caeli caerula templa</p> +<p>Tendebam lacrimans et blanda voce vocabam:</p> +<p>Vix aegro cum corde meo me somnu' reliquit<a id="footnotetagiv54" name="footnotetagiv54"></a><a href="#footnoteiv54"><sup>54</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Though these lines are rough and inharmonious as compared +with the rhythm of Catullus or Virgil, yet they flow more +smoothly and rapidly than any of the other fragments preserved +from Ennius. The impression of gentleness and tender +affection produced by the speech of Ilia, implies some dramatic +skill in the conception of character. And there is real imaginative +power shown in the sense of hurry and surprise, of vague +awe and helplessness conveyed in the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam me visus homo pulcher per amoena salicta, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>From this passage Virgil has borrowed one of the finest +touches in his delineation of the passion of Dido, the sense of +horror and desolation haunting the Carthaginian queen in her +dreams—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14"> Agit ipse furentem</p> +<p>In somnis ferus Aeneas: semperque relinqui</p> +<p>Sola sibi, semper longam incomitata videtur<span class="pagenum"><a name="page110" id="page110"></a>[page 110]</span></p> +<p>Ire viam, et Tyrios deserta quaerere terra.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Another of the most impressive passages in the early books of +the Aeneid—the dream in which Hector appears to Aeneas<a id="footnotetagiv55" name="footnotetagiv55"></a><a href="#footnoteiv55"><sup>55</sup></a>—was +evidently suggested by the description which Ennius gave +of the appearance of the shade of Homer to himself. Some of +his dramatic fragments, also, as for instance the scene between +Hecuba and Cassandra already referred to, show a real power +of conceiving and representing passionate situations.</p> + +<p>Among the modes of imaginative sentiment by which the +poetry of Ennius is pervaded, those kindled by patriotic +enthusiasm are most conspicuous. In the manifestation of +his enthusiasm, he shows an affinity to Virgil in ancient, and +to Scott in modern times. He resembles them in their mingled +feelings of veneration and affection which they entertain towards +the national heroes of old times, and the great natural +features of their country, associated with historic memories and +legendary renown. Such feelings are shown by Ennius in the +lines of tender regret and true hero-worship, which express the +sorrow of Senate and people at the death of Romulus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Pectora ... tenet desiderium, simul inter</p> +<p>Sese sic memorant, O Romule, Romule die</p> +<p>Qualem te patriae custodem di genuerunt!</p> +<p>O pater, O genitor, O sanguen dis oriundum!</p> +<p>Tu produxisti nos intra luminis oras<a id="footnotetagiv56" name="footnotetagiv56"></a><a href="#footnoteiv56"><sup>56</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>They appear also in the language applied by him to the sacred +river of Rome, which had preserved the founder of the city +from his untimely fate, and which was thus inseparably +identified with the national destiny—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Teque pater Tiberine tuo cum flumine sancto.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and also in this fragment—</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page111" id="page111"></a>[page 111]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Postquam consistit fluvius qui est omnibu' princeps</p> +<p>Qui sub caeruleo.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The enumeration of the great warlike races in the line</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Marsa manus, Peligna cohors, Vestina virum vis,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>may recall the pride and enthusiasm which are kindled in the +heart of Virgil by the names of the various tribes of Italy, and +of places renowned for their fame in story, or their picturesque +environment<a id="footnotetagiv57" name="footnotetagiv57"></a><a href="#footnoteiv57"><sup>57</sup></a>. This fond use of proper names recalling old +associations or the charm of natural scenery is also among the +most familiar characteristics of the poetry of Scott.</p> + +<p>It was seen in the introductory chapter that the Roman +mind was peculiarly susceptible of that kind of feeling, which +perhaps may best be described as the sense of majesty. This +vein of poetical emotion is also conspicuous in the fragments +of Ennius. His language shows a deep sense of greatness and +order, both in the material world and in human affairs. Thus +his style appears animated not only by vital force, but by an +impressive solemnity, befitting the grave and dignified emotion +which responds to such ideas. This susceptibility of his genius +appears in such expressions as these—</p> + +<div class="poem" style="line-height: 180%;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Magnum pulsatis Olympum. Indu mari magno.</p> +<p>Litora lata sonant.</p> +<p>Latos per populos terrasque.</p> +<p>Magnae gentes opulentae.</p> +<p>Quis potis ingentis oras evolvere belli?</p> +<p>Vertitur interea caelum cum ingentibu' signis;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and again in the following—</p> + +<div class="poem" style="line-height: 180%;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Indu foro lato sanctoque senatu.</p> +<p>Augusto augurio postquam incluta condita Roma est.</p> +<p>Omnibu' cura viris uter esset induperator,</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page112" id="page112"></a>[page 112]</span> +<p>and in the epithet which Cicero quotes as applied to cities—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Urbes magnas atque <i>imperiosas</i>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His imagination appears also to have been impressed by that +sense of outward pomp and magnificence which exercised a +strong spell on the Roman mind in all ages, and obtained its +most complete and permanent realisation in the architecture +of the Empire. A short passage from one of his tragedies, the +Andromache, may be quoted as illustrative of this influence, +even in the writings of Ennius, though naturally it is much +more apparent in the style of those poets who witnessed +the grandeur of Rome in her later era:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>O pater, O patria, O Priami domus,</p> +<p>Saeptum altisono cardine templum!</p> +<p>Vidi ego te, astante ope barbarica,</p> +<p>Tectis caelatis, lacuatis,</p> +<p>Auro ebore instructum regifice!<a id="footnotetagiv58" name="footnotetagiv58"></a><a href="#footnoteiv58"><sup>58</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>While his peculiar poetical feeling is present chiefly in the +fragments of the Annals, the moral elements of his poetry +may be gathered both from his epic and dramatic remains. +Strength and dignity of character are the qualities with which +his own nature was most in sympathy. Yet in delineating the +agitation of Ilia, the shame of Cassandra, and the sorrow +of Andromache, he reveals also much tenderness of feeling,—the +not unusual accompaniment of the manly genius of Rome. +A similar tenderness is found in union with the grave tones of +Pacuvius and Accius, and in still greater measure with the +fortitude of Lucretius and the majesty of Virgil. The masculine +qualities which most stir his enthusiasm are the Roman +virtues of resolution (constantia), sincerity, magnanimity, +capacity for affairs. Thus a latent glow of feeling may be +discerned in the lines which record the brave resolution +of the Roman people during the first hardships of the war +with Pyrrhus—</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page113" id="page113"></a>[page 113]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i10">Ast animo superant atque aspera prima</p> +<p>Volnera belli dispernunt<a id="footnotetagiv59" name="footnotetagiv59"></a><a href="#footnoteiv59"><sup>59</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and in this strong and scornful triumph over natural sorrow, +from the Telamon:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ego cum genui tum morituros scivi, et ei rei sustuli:</p> +<p>Praeterea ad Trojam cum misi ob defendendam Graeciam,</p> +<p>Scibam me in mortiferum bellum, non in epulas mittere<a id="footnotetagiv60" name="footnotetagiv60"></a><a href="#footnoteiv60"><sup>60</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The generosity and courage of a magnanimous nature are +stamped upon the kingly speech which he puts into the mouth +of Pyrrhus. A frank sincerity of character reveals itself in +such passages as the following:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i22">Eo ego ingenio natus sum,</p> +<p>Aeque inimicitiam atque amicitiam in frontem promptam gero<a id="footnotetagiv61" name="footnotetagiv61"></a><a href="#footnoteiv61"><sup>61</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is no subtlety nor rhetorical point in the expression of +his serious convictions. The very style of the tragedies, which, +as Cicero says<a id="footnotetagiv62" name="footnotetagiv62"></a><a href="#footnoteiv62"><sup>62</sup></a>, 'does not depart from the natural order of the +words,' is a symbol of frankness and straightforwardness.</p> + +<p>He shows also, in his delineations of character, high appreciation +of practical wisdom, and of its most powerful instrument +in a free State, the persuasive power of oratory. This appreciation +is expressed in the lines so much admired by Cicero and +Aulus Gellius<a id="footnotetagiv63" name="footnotetagiv63"></a><a href="#footnoteiv63"><sup>63</sup></a>, though ridiculed by the purism of Seneca:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14">Is dictus 'st ollis popularibus olim</p> +<p>Qui tum vivebant homines, atque aevum agitabant,</p> +<p>Flos delibatus populi suadaeque medulla<a id="footnotetagiv64" name="footnotetagiv64"></a><a href="#footnoteiv64"><sup>64</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He seems to admire the sterling qualities of character and +intellect rather than the brilliant manifestations of impulse +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page114" id="page114"></a>[page 114]</span> +and genius. He celebrates the heroism of brave endurance +rather than of chivalrous daring<a id="footnotetagiv65" name="footnotetagiv65"></a><a href="#footnoteiv65"><sup>65</sup></a>: the fortitude that, in the +long run, wins success, and saves the State<a id="footnotetagiv66" name="footnotetagiv66"></a><a href="#footnoteiv66"><sup>66</sup></a>, rather than the +impetuous valour which achieves a barren glory; the sincerity +and simplicity which are stronger than art, yet that know +when to speak and when to be silent<a id="footnotetagiv67" name="footnotetagiv67"></a><a href="#footnoteiv67"><sup>67</sup></a>; the sagacity which +enables men to understand their circumstances, and to turn +them to the best account<a id="footnotetagiv68" name="footnotetagiv68"></a><a href="#footnoteiv68"><sup>68</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>Many of his fragments, again, show traces of that just and +vigorous understanding of human life, and that shrewdness of +observation, which constitute a great satirist. The didactic +tone of satire appears, for instance, in the following lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Otioso in otio animus nescit quid velit;</p> +<p>Hic itidem est: enim neque domi nunc nos neque militiae sumus,</p> +<p>Imus huc, illuc hinc, cum illuc ventum est, ire illinc lubet;</p> +<p>Incerte errat animus: praeter propter vitam vivitur<a id="footnotetagiv69" name="footnotetagiv69"></a><a href="#footnoteiv69"><sup>69</sup></a>,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>a fragment which might be compared with certain passages +in the Epistles of Horace, which give expression to the <i>ennui</i> +experienced as a result of the inaction and luxurious living of +the Augustan age. But a closer parallel will be found in a +passage where Lucretius has assumed something of the caustic +tone of Roman satire—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Exit saepe foras magnis ex aedibus ille</p> +<p>Esse domi quem pertaesum 'st subitoque revertit,</p> +<p>Quippe domi nihilo melius qui sentiat esse, etc.<a id="footnotetagiv70" name="footnotetagiv70"></a><a href="#footnoteiv70"><sup>70</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page115" id="page115"></a>[page 115]</span> +<p>While Ennius, like Lucretius, gives little indication of +humour, yet the folly and superstition of his times provoke +him into tones of contemptuous irony, especially where he +has to expose the arts of false prophets and fortune-tellers. +The men of the manliest temper and the strongest understanding +in ancient times were most intolerant of this mischievous +form of imposture and credulity. Thus Thucydides, +in general so reserved in his expression of personal feeling, +treats, with a manifest irony, all supernatural pretences to +foresee or control the future. The tone in which Ennius +writes of such professions reminds us of Milton's grim contempt +for</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18">Eremites and friars</p> +<p>White, black, and grey, with all their trumpery.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Thus, in a fragment of Book xi. of the Annals, the fears excited +by the prophets and diviners at the commencement of +the war with Antiochus are encountered with the pertinent +question—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Satin' vates verant aetate in agenda?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Thus too the pretensions and the ignorance of astrologers are +exposed in a line of one of the dramas—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quod est ante pedes nemo spectat: caeli scrutantur plagas.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>And the following passage may be quoted as applicable to +charlatans of every kind, in every age and country—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed superstitiosi vates, impudentesque arioli,</p> +<p>Aut inertes aut insani, aut quibus egestas imperat,</p> +<p>Qui sibi semitam non sapiunt, alteri monstrant viam,</p> +<p>Quibus divitias pollicentur, ab eis drachmam ipsi petunt<a id="footnotetagiv71" name="footnotetagiv71"></a><a href="#footnoteiv71"><sup>71</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There are passages of the same spirit to be found among the +fragments of Pacuvius and Accius.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page116" id="page116"></a>[page 116]</span> + +<p>There is not much indication of speculative thought in any +of these fragments. The blunt sentiment which Ennius puts +into the mouth of Neoptolemus probably expressed his own +mental attitude towards the schools of philosophy—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Philosophari est mihi necesse, at paucis: nam omnino haut placet.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His observations on life are neither of an imaginative, of a +deeply reflective, nor of a purely satiric character. Unlike +the thoughts of the Greek dramatists, they make no attempt to +solve the painful riddle of the world; they want the universality +and systematic basis of philosophical truths; they are expressed +neither with the pointed wit nor with the ironical humour +of satire. They are the maxims of a strong common sense +and the dictates of a grave rectitude of will. They are +practical, not speculative. They have their origin in a sense of +duty rather than of consequences. They are in conformity +with the ideal realised in the best types of Roman character; +and they bear witness to the sterling worth combined with the +ardent enthusiasm, and the practical sense united to the strong +imagination of the poet.</p> + +<p>Such appear to be the chief attributes of genius and imaginative +sentiment, and the chief moral and intellectual features +indicated in the fragments of Ennius. It is not indeed possible, +from the tenor of single passages, to judge of the composition +of a whole drama or of a continuous book of the Annals. No +single scene or speech can afford sufficient grounds for inferring +the amount of creative power with which his characters were +conceived and sustained in all their complex relations. Yet +enough has appeared in these fragments, which, from the +accidental mode of their preservation, must be regarded as the +ordinary samples and not chosen specimens of his style, to +confirm the ancient belief in his pre-eminence and to determine +the prevailing characteristics of his genius. There is ample +evidence of the great popularity which he enjoyed among his +countrymen, and of the high estimate which many of the best +Roman writers formed of his power. It is recorded that great +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page117" id="page117"></a>[page 117]</span> +crowds ('magna frequentia') attended the public reading of +the Annals. Virgil was said to have introduced many lines +into the Aeneid, with the view of pleasing a public devoted to +Ennius ('populus Ennianus'). The title of Ennianista was +assumed by a public reader of the Annals in the time of +Hadrian, when there was a strong revival of admiration for the +older literature of Rome<a id="footnotetagiv72" name="footnotetagiv72"></a><a href="#footnoteiv72"><sup>72</sup></a>. Cicero often speaks of the poet as +'noster Ennius,' and quotes him with all the signs of hearty +admiration and affection. The numerous references in his +works to the Annals and the Tragedies imply also a thorough +familiarity with these poems on the part of the readers for +whom his philosophical and rhetorical treatises were written. +The criticism of Quintilian, 'Ennium sicut sacros vetustate +lucos adoremus, in quibus grandia et antiqua robora jam non +tantam habent speciem quantam religionem<a id="footnotetagiv73" name="footnotetagiv73"></a><a href="#footnoteiv73"><sup>73</sup></a>,' expresses a +sentiment of traditional reverence as well as of personal +appreciation. Aulus Gellius, a writer of the time of Hadrian, +often quotes and comments upon him with hearty and genial +sympathy. The greatest among the Roman poets also, directly +and indirectly, acknowledge their admiration. The strong +testimony of Lucretius is alone sufficient to establish the fame +of Ennius as a man of remarkable force and genius. The +spirit of the Annals still lives in the antique charm and national +feeling which make the epic poem of Virgil the truest representation +of Roman sentiment which has come down to modern +times. By Ovid he is characterised as—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ennius, ingenio maximus, arte rudis.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page118" id="page118"></a>[page 118]</span> +<p>Horace, although more reluctant and grudging in his admiration, +yet allows the 'Calabrian Muse' to be the best preserver +of the fame of the great Scipio. Even the disparaging +lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ennius et sapiens et fortis et alter Homerus,</p> +<p>Ut critici dicunt, leviter curare videtur</p> +<p>Quo promissa cadant et somnia Pythagorea<a id="footnotetagiv74" name="footnotetagiv74"></a><a href="#footnoteiv74"><sup>74</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>are a strong testimony in favour of the esteem in which the +vigour and sagacity of Ennius were held by those who had all +his works in their hands. As one of the founders of Roman +literature, it was impossible that he could have rivalled the +careful and finished style of the Augustan poets; but, by +his rude and energetic labours, he laid the strong groundwork +on which later poets built their fame.</p> + +<p>He has been exposed to more serious detraction in modern +times, as the corrupter of the pure stream of early Roman +poetry. It is alleged against him by Niebuhr, that through +jealousy he suppressed the ballad and epic poetry of the early +bards. The answer to this charge has already been given. +There is no evidence to prove that any such poems were +in existence in the time of Ennius. By other modern scholars +he is disadvantageously compared with Naevius, who is held up +to admiration as the last of the genuine Roman minstrels. +Naevius appears indeed to have been a remarkable and +original man, yet his very scanty fragments do not afford +sufficient evidence to justify the reversal of the verdict of +antiquity on the relative greatness and importance of the +two poets. The old Roman party, in opposition to whom +Ennius and his friends are supposed to have introduced +the new taste and suppressed the old, never showed any zeal +in favour of poetry of any kind. Cato, their only literary +representative, wrote prose treatises on antiquities and agriculture, +and in one of his speeches reproached Fulvius +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page119" id="page119"></a>[page 119]</span> +Nobilior for the consideration which he showed to Ennius. +The evidence of these epic and dramatic fragments which have +just been considered, is all in favour of the high verdict of +antiquity on the importance and pre-eminence of the author of +the Annals. Whatever in the later poets is most truly Roman +in sentiment and morality appears to be conceived in the spirit +of Ennius.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnoteiv1" name="footnoteiv1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv1"><sup>1</sup></a> Parco admodum sumptu contentus et unius ancillae ministerio.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv2" name="footnoteiv2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv2"><sup>2</sup></a> xvii. 17.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv3" name="footnoteiv3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv3"><sup>3</sup></a> The line—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Ad patrios montes et ad incunabula nostra,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote">which is quoted by Cicero in a letter to Atticus, and which Vahlen +attributed to Ennius, is now generally assigned to Cicero himself.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv4" name="footnoteiv4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv4"><sup>4</sup></a> Livy xxxviii. 17.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv5" name="footnoteiv5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv5"><sup>5</sup></a> 'When the Carthaginians were +coming from all sides to the conflict, and +all things, beneath high heaven, confounded by the hurry and tumult of war, +shook with alarm: and men were in doubt to which of the two the empire +of the whole world, by land and sea, should fall.'—Lucret. iii. 834-7.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv6" name="footnoteiv6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv6"><sup>6</sup></a> Mommsen, book iii. ch. 5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv7" name="footnoteiv7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv7"><sup>7</sup></a> The author of Caesar's Spanish War +quotes Ennius in his account of the +critical moment in the Battle of Munda:—'Hic, ut ait Ennius, "pes pede +premitur, armis teruntur arma."'—Bell. Hisp. xxxi.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv8" name="footnoteiv8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv8"><sup>8</sup></a> Amphit. 52-3—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quid contraxistis frontem, quia tragoediam</p> +<p class="i6">Dixi futuram hanc?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv9" name="footnoteiv9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv9"><sup>9</sup></a> Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv10" name="footnoteiv10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv10"><sup>10</sup></a> De Senectute, 5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv11" name="footnoteiv11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv11"><sup>11</sup></a> De Oratore, ii. 68.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv12" name="footnoteiv12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv12"><sup>12</sup></a> 'L. Aelium Stilonem dicere +solitum ferunt Q. Ennium de semet ipso +haec scripsisse, picturamque istam morum et ingenii ipsius Q. Ennii factam +esse.'—Gell. xii. 4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv13" name="footnoteiv13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv13"><sup>13</sup></a> 'He finished: and summons +to him one with whom often, and right +gladly, he shared his table, his talk, and the whole weight of his business, +when weary with debate, throughout the day, on high affairs of state, within +the wide Forum and the august Senate,—one to whom he could frankly +speak out serious matters, trifles, and jest; to whom he could pour forth +and safely confide, if he wanted to confide in any one, all that he cared to +utter, good or bad; with whom, in private and in public, he had much +entertainment and enjoyment,—a man of that nature which no thought +ever prompts to baseness through levity or malice: a learned, honest, +pleasant man, eloquent, contented, and cheerful, of much tact, speaking +well in season; courteous and of few words; with much old buried +lore; whom length of years had made versed in old and recent ways; +in the laws of many ancients, divine and human; one who knew when +to speak and when to be silent. Him, during the battle, Servilius thus +addresses.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv14" name="footnoteiv14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv14"><sup>14</sup></a> +<ins title="Greek: Skipiôna gar adôn kai epi mega ton andra exarai boulomenos phêsi monon an Homêron epaxious epainous eipein Skipiônos"> +Σκιπίωνα γὰρ ᾄδων καὶ ἐπὶ +μέγα τὸν ἄνδρα ἐχᾶραι +βουλόμενος φησὶ μόνον +ἂν Ὅμηρον ἐπαξίους ἐπαίνους +εἰπεῖν Σκιπίωνος</ins>.—Aelian, as quoted by Suidas, +vol. i. p. 1258. Ed. Gaisford. Cf. Vahlen.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv15" name="footnoteiv15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv15"><sup>15</sup></a> 'Here is he laid, +to whom no one, either countryman or enemy, has +been able to pay a due meed for his services.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv16" name="footnoteiv16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv16"><sup>16</sup></a> 'From the utmost east, +beyond the Maeotian marsh, there is no one who +in actions can vie with me. If it is lawful for any one to ascend to the +realms of the gods, to me alone the vast gate of heaven is opened!'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv17" name="footnoteiv17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv17"><sup>17</sup></a> 'Yet nothing more glorious +than this man doth it (the island of Sicily) +seem to have contained, nor aught more holy, nor more wonderful and beloved.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv18" name="footnoteiv18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv18"><sup>18</sup></a> 'Behold, my countrymen, +the bust of the old man, Ennius. He penned +the record of your fathers' mighty deeds. Let no one pay to me the meed +of tears, nor weep at my funeral. And why? because I still live, as I speed +to and fro, through the mouths of men.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv19" name="footnoteiv19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv19"><sup>19</sup></a> 'Hail, poet Ennius, +who pledgest to mortals thy fiery verse from thy inmost marrow.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv20" name="footnoteiv20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv20"><sup>20</sup></a> 'Others have treated the +subject in the verses, which in days of old the +Fauns and bards used to sing, before any one had climbed the cliffs of the +Muses, or gave any care to style.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv21" name="footnoteiv21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv21"><sup>21</sup></a> 'I have always said and +will say that the gods of heaven exist, but I +think that they heed not the conduct of mankind; for, if they did, it would +be well with the good and ill with the bad; and it is not so now.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv22" name="footnoteiv22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv22"><sup>22</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Cor jubet hoc Enni, postquam destertuit esse</p> +<p class="i6">Maeonides, Quintus pavone ex Pythagoreo.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i28">Persius, vi. 10 (ed. Jahn).</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv23" name="footnoteiv23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv23"><sup>23</sup></a> Vahlen.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv24" name="footnoteiv24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv24"><sup>24</sup></a> Horace, Sat. ii. 4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv25" name="footnoteiv25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv25"><sup>25</sup></a> 'The poetical philosophy, +which the later Pythagoreans had extracted +from the writings of the old Sicilian comedian, Epicharmus of Megara, +or rather had, at least for the most part, circulated under cover of +his name, regarded the Greek gods as natural substances, Zeus as +the atmosphere, the soul as a particle of Sun-dust, and so forth.'—Mommsen's +Hist. of Rome, Book iii. ch. 15. (Dickson's Translation.)</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv26" name="footnoteiv26"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv26"><sup>26</sup></a> 'This is that Jupiter +which I speak of, which the Greeks call the air; +it is first wind and clouds; afterwards rain, and after rain, cold; next +it becomes wind, then air again. All those things which I mention +to you are Jupiter, because it is he who supports mortals and cities and all animals.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv27" name="footnoteiv27"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv27"><sup>27</sup></a> Mommsen.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv28" name="footnoteiv28"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv28"><sup>28</sup></a> 'Inventore minor.'—Horace.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv29" name="footnoteiv29"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv29"><sup>29</sup></a> Another passage, ascribed to Ennius, +descriptive of the greed of a +parasite, occupies the ground common to Roman comedy and to Roman +satire:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quippe sine cura laetus lautus cum advenis</p> +<p class="i6">Insertis malis, expedito bracchio</p> +<p class="i6">Alacer, celsus, lupino expectans impetu,</p> +<p class="i6">Mox cum alterius obligurias bona,</p> +<p class="i6">Quid censes domino esse animi? pro divum fidem!</p> +<p class="i6">Ille tristis cibum dum servat, tu ridens voras.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv30" name="footnoteiv30"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv30"><sup>30</sup></a> The meaning of the passage amounts to +no more than this, that the man who tries to 'sell' another, and fails, is himself 'sold.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv31" name="footnoteiv31"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv31"><sup>31</sup></a> Brutus, 20.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv32" name="footnoteiv32"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv32"><sup>32</sup></a> De Fin. i. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv33" name="footnoteiv33"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv33"><sup>33</sup></a> Cf. Eur. Med. 1-8:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: Eith' ôphel' Argous mê diaptasthai skaphos"> +Εἴθ' ὤφελ' Ἀργοῦς +μὴ διαπτάσθαι σκάφος</ins></p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: Kolchôn es aian kyaneas Symplêgadas"> +Κόλχων ἐς αἶαν κυανέας +Συμπληγάδας</ins>,</p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: mêd' en napaisi Pêliou pesein pote"> +μηδ' ἐν νάπαισι Πηλίου +πεσεῖν ποτε</ins></p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: tmêtheisa peukê, mêd' eretmôsai cheras"> +τμηθεῖσα πεύκη, +μηδ' ἐρετμῶσαι χέρας</ins></p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: andrôn aristeôn, hoi to panchryson deros"> +ἀνδρῶν ἀριστέων, οἳ τὸ +πάγχρυσον δέρος</ins></p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: Pelia metêlthon: ou gar an despoin' emê"> +Πελίᾳ μετῆλθον· οὐ +γὰρ ἂν δέσποιν' ἐμὴ</ins></p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: Mêdeia pyrgous gês epleus' Iôlkias"> +Μήδεια πύργους γῆς +ἔπλευσ' Ἰωλκίας</ins></p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: erôti thymon ekplageis' Iasonos."> +ἔρωτι θυμὸν ἐκπλαγεῖσ' +Ἰάσονος</ins>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv34" name="footnoteiv34"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv34"><sup>34</sup></a> Several of these fragments will be +examined later.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv35" name="footnoteiv35"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv35"><sup>35</sup></a> Tusc. Disp. ii. 16.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv36" name="footnoteiv36"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv36"><sup>36</sup></a> 'How tender, +how true to character, how affecting!'—De Div. i. 31. +'What a great poet, though he is despised by those admirers of Euphorion. +He understands that sudden and unlooked-for calamities are more grievous. +A noble poem,—pathetic in its matter, language, and music.'—Tusc. +Disp. iii. 19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv37" name="footnoteiv37"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv37"><sup>37</sup></a> 'Here it is; here, the torch, +wrapped in fire and blood. Many years it +hath lain hid; help, citizens, and extinguish it. For now, on the great sea, +a swift fleet is gathering. It hurries along a host of calamities. They +come: a fierce host lines the shores with sail-winged ships.' Exitium = exitiorum; +cf. Cic. Orator. 46, Itaque idem poeta, qui inusitatius +contraxerat 'Patris mei meum factum pudet' pro 'meorum factorum' et +'Texitur: exitium examen rapit' pro 'exitiorum.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv38" name="footnoteiv38"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv38"><sup>38</sup></a> Acad. ii. 28.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv39" name="footnoteiv39"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv39"><sup>39</sup></a> Gellius, xvii. 21.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv40" name="footnoteiv40"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv40"><sup>40</sup></a> He speaks of Eurydice as the wife of Aeneas. +This statement he is supposed to have derived from the <i>Cypria</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv41" name="footnoteiv41"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv41"><sup>41</sup></a> Cicero, Arch. 9.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv42" name="footnoteiv42"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv42"><sup>42</sup></a> 'Wisdom is banished from amongst us, +violence rules the day: the good +orator is despised, the rough soldier loved; striving, not with words of +learning, but with words of hate, they get embroiled in feuds, and stir up +enmity one with another. They challenge not their adversaries to contend +by forms of law, but claim their rights by the sword, and aim at sovereign +power, and make their way by sheer force.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv43" name="footnoteiv43"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv43"><sup>43</sup></a> Cic. De Off. i. 12.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv44" name="footnoteiv44"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv44"><sup>44</sup></a> 'Neither do I ask gold for myself, +nor offer ye to me a ransom. Let us +wage the war, not like hucksters, but like soldiers—with the sword, not +with gold, putting our lives to the issue. Whether our mistress Fortune +wills that you or I should reign, or what her purpose be, let us prove by +valour. And hearken too to this saying,—The brave men, whom the +fortune of battle spares, their liberty I have resolved to spare. Take my +offer, as I grant it, under favour of the great gods.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv45" name="footnoteiv45"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv45"><sup>45</sup></a> 'Whither have your minds, +which heretofore were wont to stand firm, +madly swerved from the straight course?'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv46" name="footnoteiv46"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv46"><sup>46</sup></a> A comparison with the original passage +(Iliad vi. 506) will show that +Ennius, while reproducing much, though not all, of the force and life +of Homer's image, has added also some touches of his own:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: hôs d' hote tis statos hippos, akostêsas epi phatnê"> +ὡς δ' ὅτε τις στατὸς ἵππος, +ἀκοστήσας ἐπὶ φάτνῃ</ins>,</p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: desmon aporrhêxas theiê pedioio kroainôn"> +δεσμὸν ἀπορρήξας θείῃ +πεδίοιο κροαίνων</ins>,</p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: eiôthôs louesthai eürreios potamoio"> +εἰωθὼς λούεσθαι +ἐϋρρεῖος ποταμοῖο</ins>,</p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: kydioôn; hypsou de karê echei, amphi de chaitai"> +κυδιόων· ὑψοῦ δὲ κάρη ἔχει, +ἀμφὶ δὲ χαῖται</ins></p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: ômois aïssontai; ho d' aglaïêphi pepoithôs"> +ὤμοις ἀΐσσονται· ὁ δ' +ἀγλαΐηφι πεποιθώς</ins>,</p> +<p class="i6"><ins title="Greek: rhimpha he gouna pherei meta t' êthea kai nomon hippôn"> +ῥίμφα ἑ γοῦνα φέρει μετά τ' +ἤθεα καὶ νομὸν ἵππων</ins>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote">Cf. Virgil, Aen. xi. 492:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Qualis ubi abruptis fugit praesepia vinclis</p> +<p class="i6">Tandem liber equus, campoque potitus aperto</p> +<p class="i6">Aut ille in pastus armentaque tendit equarum,</p> +<p class="i6">Aut adsuetus aquae perfundi flumine noto</p> +<p class="i6">Emicat, arrectisque fremit cervicibus alte</p> +<p class="i6">Luxurians, luduntque jubae per colla, per armos.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv47" name="footnoteiv47"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv47"><sup>47</sup></a> 'They watch, +as when the consul is going to give the signal, all look +eagerly to the barrier, to see how soon he may start the chariots from the +painted entrance.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv48" name="footnoteiv48"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv48"><sup>48</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Olli subridens hominum sator atque deorum</p> +<p class="i6">Voltu, quo caelum tempestatesque serenat.—Aen. i. 254.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv49" name="footnoteiv49"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv49"><sup>49</sup></a> +<ins title="Greek: Ennios Rhômaios poiêtês; hon Ailianos epainein axion phêsi .."> +Ἔννιος Ῥωμαῖος ποιητής· +ὃν Αἰλιανὸς ἐπαινεῖν ἄξιόν +φησι</ins>.... <ins title="Greek:.. dêlon de hôs etethêpei tou poiêtou tên megalonoian kai tôn metrôn to megaleion kai axiagaston"> +δῆλον δὲ ὡς ἐτεθήπει τοῦ +ποιητοῦ τὴν μεγαλόνοιαν +καὶ τῶν μέτρων τὸ μεγαλεῖον +καὶ ἀξιάγαστον</ins>. Suidas, vol i. p. 1258, ed. Gaisford.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv50" name="footnoteiv50"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv50"><sup>50</sup></a> Cf. Iliad xxiii. 114-120; +and also Virgil, Aen. vi. 179:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Itur in antiquam silvam, stabula alta ferarum,</p> +<p class="i6">Procumbunt piceae, sonat icta securibus ilex,</p> +<p class="i6">Fraxineaeque trabes cuneis et fissile robur</p> +<p class="i6">Scinditur, advolvunt ingentis montibus ornos.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv51" name="footnoteiv51"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv51"><sup>51</sup></a> 'One man, +by biding his time, restored the commonwealth. He cared +not for what men said of him, as compared with our safety: therefore now +his fame waxeth brighter day by day.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv52" name="footnoteiv52"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv52"><sup>52</sup></a> 'He watched the courage of his army, +to see if any murmur should arise +for some pause to the long battle, some rest from their weary toil.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv53" name="footnoteiv53"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv53"><sup>53</sup></a> 'As sang our Ennius, +the first who brought down from beautiful Helicon +a chaplet of unfading leaf, the fame of which should be bruited loud through +the nations of Italian men.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv54" name="footnoteiv54"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv54"><sup>54</sup></a> 'When the old dame had risen, +and with trembling limbs had brought +the light, thus she (Ilia), roused in terror from her sleep, with tears tells her +tale: "Daughter of Eurydice, whom our father loved, my strength and life +now fail me through all my frame. For methought that a goodly man was +bearing me off through the pleasant willow-groves, by the river-banks, and +places strange to me. Thereafter, O my sister, I seemed to be wandering all +alone, and with slow steps to track my way, to be seeking thee, and to be +unable to find thee near; no footpath steadied my step. Afterwards methought +I heard my father address me in these words—'Daughter, trouble +must first be borne by thee; afterwards thy fortune shall rise up again from +the river.' With these words, O sister, he suddenly departed, nor gave +himself to my sight, though my heart yearned to him, though I kept eagerly +stretching my hands to the blue vault of heaven, weeping, and calling +on him with loving tones. With pain and weary heart at last sleep left +me."'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv55" name="footnoteiv55"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv55"><sup>55</sup></a> Aen. ii. 270.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv56" name="footnoteiv56"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv56"><sup>56</sup></a> 'Regret and sorrow fill their hearts, +while thus they say to one another, +O Romulus, God-like Romulus, how great a guardian of our country did the +gods create in thee! O father, author of our being, O blood sprung from the +gods! it is thou that hast brought us forth within the realms of light.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv57" name="footnoteiv57"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv57"><sup>57</sup></a> E.g. passages such as the +following:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quique altum Praeneste viri, quique arva Gabinae</p> +<p class="i6">Junonis gelidumque Anienem et roscida rivis</p> +<p class="i6">Hernica saxa colunt, quos dives Anagnia pascit,</p> +<p class="i6">Quos, Amasene pater.—Aen. vii. 682-5.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv58" name="footnoteiv58"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv58"><sup>58</sup></a> 'O father! O fatherland! +O house of Priam, palace, closing on high-sounding +hinge, I have seen thee, guarded by a barbaric host, with carved +and deep-fretted roof, with ivory and gold royally adorned.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv59" name="footnoteiv59"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv59"><sup>59</sup></a> 'But they rise superior in spirit, +and spurn the first sharp wounds of war.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv60" name="footnoteiv60"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv60"><sup>60</sup></a> 'When I begat them, +I knew that they must die, and to that end I bred +them. Besides, when I sent them to Troy to fight for Greece, I was well +aware that I was sending them, not to a feast, but to a deadly war.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv61" name="footnoteiv61"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv61"><sup>61</sup></a> 'Such is my nature. + Enmity and friendship equally I bear stamped on my forehead.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv62" name="footnoteiv62"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv62"><sup>62</sup></a> 'Ennio delector, ait quispiam, +quod non discedit a communi ordine verborum.'—Orator, 11.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv63" name="footnoteiv63"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv63"><sup>63</sup></a> Cicero, Brutus, 15; +Aulus Gellius, xii. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv64" name="footnoteiv64"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv64"><sup>64</sup></a> 'He was called by those, +his fellow-countrymen, who flourished then and +enjoyed their day, the chosen flower of the people, and the marrow of persuasion.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv65" name="footnoteiv65"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv65"><sup>65</sup></a> Compare his account of the Tribune +in the Istrian war:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Undique conveniunt velut imber, tela tribuno,' etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv66" name="footnoteiv66"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv66"><sup>66</sup></a> Cf. 'Unus homo nobis +cunctando restituit rem,' etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv67" name="footnoteiv67"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv67"><sup>67</sup></a> Cf.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Ita sapere opino esse optimum, ut pro viribus</p> +<p class="i6">Tacere ac fabulare tute noveris;'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote">also</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Ea libertas est quae pectus purum et firmum gestitat.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv68" name="footnoteiv68"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv68"><sup>68</sup></a> 'Egregie cordatus + homo catus Aeliu' Sextus.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv69" name="footnoteiv69"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv69"><sup>69</sup></a> 'In idleness the mind +knows not what it wants. This is now our case. +We are neither now at home nor abroad. We go hither, back again to the +place from which we came,—when we have reached it we desire to leave it +again. Our mind is all astray—existence goes on outside of real life.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv70" name="footnoteiv70"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv70"><sup>70</sup></a> iii. 1059-67.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv71" name="footnoteiv71"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv71"><sup>71</sup></a> 'But your superstitious +prophets and impudent fortune-tellers, idle fellows, +or madmen, or the victims of want, who cannot discern the path for themselves, +yet point the way out to others, and ask a drachma from the very +persons to whom they promise a fortune.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv72" name="footnoteiv72"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv72"><sup>72</sup></a> 'And there it is announced +to Julianus that a certain public reader, an +accomplished man, with a very well-trained and musical voice, read the +Annals of Ennius publicly in the theatre. Let us go, says he, to hear this +"Ennianista," whoever he is,—for by that name he chose to be called.'—Aulus +Gellius, xviii. 5.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The following line of Martial (v. 10. 7) implies also his popularity under +the Empire—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Ennius est lectus, salvo tibi, Roma, Marone.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteiv73" name="footnoteiv73"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv73"><sup>73</sup></a> 'Let us venerate Ennius +like the groves, sacred from their antiquity, in +which the great and ancient oak-trees are invested not so much with beauty +as with sacred associations.'—Inst. Or. x. i. 88.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnoteiv74" name="footnoteiv74"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagiv74"><sup>74</sup></a> 'Ennius, the wise and strong, +and the second Homer, as his critics will + +have it, seems to care little for the issue of all his promises and Pythagorean +dreams.'—Epist. II. i. 50-2.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page120" id="page120"></a>[page 120]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">Early Roman Tragedy—M. Pacuvius, <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 219-129;<br /> +L. Accius, <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 170-about <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 90.</span></h3> + +<p>The powerful impulse given to Roman tragedy by Ennius +was sustained till about the beginning of the first century <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, +first by his nephew M. Pacuvius and after him by L. Accius. +The popularity of the drama during this period may be estimated +from the fact that, of the early writers of poetry, Lucilius alone +contributed nothing to the Roman stage. The plays of the +three tragedians who have just been mentioned were not only +performed during the lifetime of their authors, but, as appears +from many notices of them in Cicero, they held their place on +the stage with much popular applause, and were read and +admired as literary works till the last days of the Republic. +This popularity implies either some adaptation of Roman +tragedy to the time in which it was produced, or some special +capacity for awakening new interests and ideas in a people +hitherto unacquainted with literature. Yet, on the other hand, +the want of permanence, and the want of any power of +development in the Roman drama, would indicate that it was +less adapted to the genius of the nation than either the epic or +the satiric poetry of this era. If the dramatic art of Pacuvius +and Accius had been as true an expression of the national +mind as either the epic poem of Ennius or the satire of Lucilius, +it might have been expected that it would have flourished +in greater perfection in the eras of finer literary accomplishment. +The efforts of Naevius and Ennius were crowned with +the fulfilment of Virgil, and the spirit and manner of Lucilius +still live in the satires of Horace and Juvenal; but Roman +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page121" id="page121"></a>[page 121]</span> +tragedy, notwithstanding the attempt to give it a new and +higher artistic development in the Augustan age, dwindled +away till it became a mere literary exercise of educated +men, and remains only in the artificial and rhetorical compositions +attributed to the philosopher Seneca.</p> + +<p>From the fact that early Roman tragedy left no literary heir, +it is more difficult to discern its original features and character +than those of the epic or satiric poetry of the period. A further +difficulty arises out of the very nature of dramatic fragments. +Isolated passages in a drama afford scanty grounds for judging +of the conduct of the action, or the force and consistency with +which the leading characters are conceived. There is, moreover, +very slight direct evidence bearing on the dramatic genius +of the early tragic poets. Roman critics seem to have paid +little attention to, or had little perception of this kind of +excellence. They quote with admiration the fervid sentiment +and morality—'the rugged maxims hewn from life'—expressed +on the Roman stage; but they have not preserved the memory +of any great typical character, or of any dramatic plot creatively +conceived or powerfully sustained.</p> + +<p>The Roman drama was confessedly a reproduction or +adaptation of the drama of Athens. The titles of the great +majority of Roman tragedies indicate that they were translated +or copied from Greek originals, or were at least founded on the +legends of Greek poetry and mythology. The <i>Medea</i> of +Ennius and the <i>Antiope</i> of Pacuvius are known, on the +authority of Cicero, to have been directly translated from +Euripides. Other dramas were more or less close adaptations +from his works, or from those of the other Attic tragedians. +All of the Roman tragic poets indeed produced one or more +plays founded on Roman history or legend: but, with the exception +of the Brutus of Accius, none of these seem to have +been permanently popular. This failure to establish a national +drama seems to imply a want of dramatic invention in the +conduct of a plot and the exhibition of character on the part +of the poets. As their own history was of supreme interest to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page122" id="page122"></a>[page 122]</span> +the Romans at all times, it is difficult on any other supposition +to explain the failure of the 'fabula praetextata' in gaining the +public ear. There is, however, distinct evidence that in their +adaptations from the Greek the Roman poets in some cases +departed considerably from their originals. Something of a +Roman stamp was perhaps unconsciously impressed on the +Greek personages who were represented. Many of the extant +fragments seem to breathe the spirit of Rome more than of +Athens. They are expressed not with the subtlety and +reflective genius of Greece, but in the plain and straightforward +tones of the Roman Republic. The long-continued popularity +of Roman tragedy implies also that it was something +more than an inartistic copy of the masterpieces of Athenian +genius. Mere imitations of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and +Euripides might possibly have obtained some favour with a few +men of literary education, but could never have been listened +to with applause, for more than a century and a half, by +miscellaneous audiences.</p> + +<p>The following questions suggest themselves as of most +interest in connexion with the general character of early Roman +tragedy:—How far may it have reproduced not the materials +and form only, but the spirit and ideas of the Greek drama? +What was its bearing on the actual circumstances of Roman +life, and what were the grounds of the favour with which it +was received? What cause can be assigned for the cessation +of this favour with the fall of the Republic?</p> + +<p>The materials or substance of Roman tragedy were almost +entirely Greek. The stories and characters represented were, +save in the few exceptional cases referred to above, directly +derived from the Greek tragedians or from Homer and the +cyclic poets. In point of form also and some of the metres +employed, Roman tragedy endeavoured to imitate the models +on which it was founded, with probably as little perception of +the requirements of dramatic art as of refinement in expression +and harmony in rhythm. But while generally conforming to +their models, the early Roman poets departed in some important +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page123" id="page123"></a>[page 123]</span> +respects from their practice. Thus they banished the +Chorus from the orchestra, assigning to it merely a subsidiary +part in the dialogue. Although some simple lyrical metre, +accompanied with music, continued to be employed in the +more rapid and impassioned parts of the dialogue, there was +no scope, on the Roman stage, for the great lyrical poetry of +the Greek drama, and for the nobler functions of the chorus. +On the other hand, there seems to have been more opportunity +both for action and for oratorical declamation. The acting of +a Roman play must have been more like that on a modern +stage than the stately movement and the statuesque repose of +the Greek theatre. Again, in imitating the iambic and trochaic +metres of the Greek drama, the Roman poets were quite +indifferent to the laws by which their finer harmony is produced. +Any of the feet admissible in an iambic line might occupy any +place in the line, with the exception of the last. There is thus +little metrical harmony in the fragments of Roman tragedy; +but, on the other hand, it may be remarked that the order of +the words in these fragments appears more natural and direct +than in the more elaborate metres of the later Roman poets.</p> + +<p>But it was as impossible for the Roman drama to reproduce +the inner spirit of the noblest type of Greek tragedy as to rival +its artistic excellence. Greek tragedy, in its mature glory, was +not only a purely Greek creation, but was the artistic expression of +a remarkable phase through which the human mind has once +passed;—a phase in which the vivid fancies and emotions of a +primitive age met and combined with the thought, the art, the +social and political life of the greatest era of ancient civilisation. +The Athenian dramatists, like the great dramatists of other +times, imparted a new and living interest to ancient legends; +but this was but one part, perhaps not the most important part, +of their functions. They represented before the people the +destiny and sufferings of national heroes and demigods, +sanctified by long association in the feelings of many generations, +still honoured by a vital worship, and appealed to as a +present help in danger. Thus a highly idealised and profoundly +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page124" id="page124"></a>[page 124]</span> +religious character was imparted to the tragic representation +of human passion and destiny on the Athenian +stage. This view of life, represented and contemplated with +solemnity of feeling in the age of Pericles, would have been +altogether unmeaning to a Roman of the age of Ennius. Such +a one would understand the natural heroism of a strong will, +but not the new force and elevation imparted to the will by +reliance on the hidden powers and laws overruling human +affairs. He might be moved to sympathy with the sufferers or +actors on the scene; but he would be altogether insensible to +the higher consolation which overcomes the natural sorrow for +the mere earthly catastrophe in a great dramatic action. The +inward strength and dignity of a Roman senator might enable +him to appreciate the magnanimity and kingly nature of +Oedipus; but the deeper interest of the great dramas founded +on the fortunes of the Theban king, especially the interest +arising from his trust in final righteousness, his sense of +communion with higher powers, from the thought of his +elevation out of the lowest earthly state into perpetual sanctity +and honour, was widely remote from the tangible objects of a +Roman's desire, and the direct motives of his conduct. Or +perhaps a Roman would have a fellow-feeling with the proud +and soldierly bearing of Ajax; but he would be blind to the +inward lesson of self-knowledge and self-mastery, which +Sophocles represents as forced upon the spirit of the Greek +hero through the stern visitation of Athene. Equally remote +from the ordinary experience and emotions of a Roman would +be the feeling of awe, gloom, and mystery, diffused through +the great thoughts and imaginations of Aeschylus. Both in +Aeschylus and in Sophocles the light and the gloom cast over +the human story are not of this world. But in the fragments +of the Roman tragedians, though there is often found the +expression of magnanimous and independent sentiment, and of +a very dignified and manly morality, there is little trace of any +sense of the relation of the individual to a Divine power; and +there are some indications not only of a scorn for common +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page125" id="page125"></a>[page 125]</span> +superstition, but also of disbelief in the foundations of personal +religion. The thought of the insecurity of life, of the vicissitudes +of human affairs, and of the impotence of man to control his +fate, which forced the Greek poets and historians of the fifth +century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> into deeper speculations on the question of +Divine Providence, was utterly alien to the natural temperament +of Rome, and to the confidence inspired by uniform success +during the long period succeeding the Second Punic War.</p> + +<p>The contemplative and religious thought of Greek tragedy +was thus as remote from the practical spirit of the Romans as +the political license and the personal humours of the old +Athenian comedy were from the earnestness of public life and +the dignity of government in the great aristocratic Republic. +And thus it happened that, as the comic poets of Rome +reproduced the new comedy of Athens, which portrayed the +passions of private not of political life, and the manners rather +of a cosmopolitan than of a purely Greek civilisation, so the +tragic poets found the art of Euripides and of his less illustrious +successors more easy to imitate than that of Aeschylus and +Sophocles. The interest of tragedy, as treated by Euripides, +turns upon the catastrophes produced by human passion: the +religious meaning has, in a great measure, passed out of it; the +characters have dwindled from their heroic stature to the +proportions of ordinary life; his thought is the result of the +analysis of motives, and the study of familiar experience. He +has more affinity with the ordinary thoughts and moods of men +than either of the older poets. The older and the later Greek +writers have a nearer relation to the spirit of other eras of the +world's history than those who represent Athenian civilisation +in its maturity. It requires a longer familiarity with the mind +and heart of antiquity to realise and enjoy the full meaning of +Sophocles, Thucydides, or Aristophanes, than of Homer, +Euripides, or Theocritus. Homer is indeed one of the truest, +if not the truest, representative of the genius of Greece,—the +representative also of the ancient world in the same sense as +Shakspeare is of the modern world,—but he is, at the same +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page126" id="page126"></a>[page 126]</span> +time, directly intelligible and interesting to all countries and +times from his being the most natural and powerful exponent +of the elementary feelings and forces of human nature. The +later poets, on the other hand, such as Euripides and the +writers of the new comedy, were not indeed more truly human, +but were less distinctively Greek than their immediate predecessors. +They had advanced beyond them in the analytic +knowledge of human nature; but, with the decay of religious +belief and political feeling, they had lost much of the genius +and sentiment by which the old Athenian life was characterised. +Both their gain and their loss bring them more into harmony +with later modes of thought and feeling. Thus it happened +that, while the influence of Aeschylus and Sophocles, of +Thucydides and Aristophanes, is scarcely perceptible in Roman +literature, Homer and the early lyrical poets who flourished +before Greek civilisation exhibited its most special type, and +Euripides who, though a contemporary of Sophocles and +Aristophanes, yet belonged in spirit and tone to a younger +generation, the writers of the new comedy, and the Alexandrine +poets who flourished when the purely Greek ideas and +character were being merged in a cosmopolitan civilisation, +exercised a direct influence on Roman taste and opinion in +every age of their literature. The early tragic poets of Rome +could not rival or imitate the dramatic art, the pathetic power, +the clear and fluent style, the active and subtle analysis of +Euripides; but they could approach nearer to him than to any +of his predecessors, by treating the myths and personages of +the heroic time apart from the sacred associations and ideal +majesty of earlier art, and as a vehicle for inculcating the +lessons and the experience of familiar life.</p> + +<p>The primary attraction, by means of which the tragic drama +established itself at Rome, must have been the power of scenic +representations to convey a story, and to produce novel +impressions on a people to whom reading was quite unfamiliar. +In Homer, the cyclic poets, and the Attic dramatists, there +existed for the Romans of the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> a new +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page127" id="page127"></a>[page 127]</span> +world of incident and human interest quite different from the +grave story of their own annals. This new world, which was +becoming gradually familiar to their eyes through the works of +plastic and pictorial art, was made more living and intelligible +to them in the representations of their tragic poets. It cannot +be supposed that these poets attempted to reproduce the +antique Hellenic character of the legends on which they +founded their dramas. In this early stage of literary culture, +the harmonious cadences of rhythm, the fine and delicate +shades of expression, the main requirements of dramatic art,—such +as the skilful construction of a plot, the consistent +keeping of a character, the evolution of a tragic catastrophe +through the meeting of passion and outward accident,—would +have been lost upon the unexacting audiences who thronged +the temporary theatres on occasional holidays. The fragments +of the lost dramas indicate that the matter was presented in a +straightforward style, little differing in sound and meaning +from the tone of serious conversation. Although little can be +known or conjectured as to the general conduct of the action +in a Roman drama, yet there are indications that in some +cases a series of adventures, instead of one complete action, +were represented<a id="footnotetagv1" name="footnotetagv1"></a><a href="#footnotev1"><sup>1</sup></a>. But while failing, or not attempting to +reproduce the Greek spirit and art of their originals, the +Roman poets seem to have animated the outlines of their +foreign story and of their legendary characters with something +of the spirit of their own time and country. They imparted to +their dramas a didactic purpose and rhetorical character which +directly appealed to Roman tastes. The fragments quoted +from their works, the testimonies of later Roman writers, and +the natural inference to be drawn from the moral and intellectual +characteristics of the people, all point to the conclusion +that the long-sustained popularity of tragedy rested +mainly on the satisfaction which it afforded to the ethical +sympathies, and to the oratorical tastes of the audience.</p> + +<p>The evidence for this popularity is chiefly to be found in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page128" id="page128"></a>[page 128]</span> +Cicero; and it is mainly, though not solely, to the popularity +which the tragic drama enjoyed in his own age that he testifies. +The loss of the earlier writings renders it impossible to adduce +contemporary evidence of the immediate success of this form +of literature. But the activity with which tragedy was cultivated +for about a century, and the favour with which Ennius, +Pacuvius, and Accius, were regarded by the leading men in +the State, suggest the inference that the popularity of the +drama in the age of Cicero, after the writers themselves had +passed away, and when more exciting spectacles occupied +public attention, was only a continuation of the general favour +which these poets enjoyed in their lifetime. Cicero in many +places mentions the great applause with which the expression +of feeling in different dramas was received, and speaks of the +great crowds ('maximus consessus' or 'magna frequentia'), +including women and children, attending the representation. +Varro states that, in his time, 'the heads of families had +gradually gathered within the walls of the city, having quitted +their ploughs and pruning-hooks, and that they liked to use +their hands in the theatres and circus better than on their +crops and vineyards<a id="footnotetagv2" name="footnotetagv2"></a><a href="#footnotev2"><sup>2</sup></a>.' The large fortunes amassed and the +high consideration enjoyed by the actors Aesopus and Roscius +afford further evidence of the favour with which the representation +of tragedy and comedy was received in the age of +Cicero.</p> + +<p>According to his testimony, these lively demonstrations of +popular approbation were chiefly called out by the moral +significance or the political meaning attached to the words, +and by the oratorical fervour and passion with which the actor +enforced them. Thus Laelius is represented, in the treatise <i>De +Amicitia</i>, as testifying to the applause with which the mutual +devotion of Pylades and Orestes, as represented in a play of +Pacuvius, was received by the audience<a id="footnotetagv3" name="footnotetagv3"></a><a href="#footnotev3"><sup>3</sup></a>: 'What shouts of +applause were heard lately through the whole body of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page129" id="page129"></a>[page 129]</span> +house, on the representation of a new play of my familiar +friend, M. Pacuvius, when, the king being ignorant which of +the two was Orestes, Pylades maintained that it was he, while +Orestes persisted, as was indeed the case, that he was the man! +They stood up and applauded at this imaginary situation.' +Again, in his speech in defence of Sestius<a id="footnotetagv4" name="footnotetagv4"></a><a href="#footnotev4"><sup>4</sup></a>, the same author +says, 'amid a great variety of opinions uttered, there never was +any passage in which anything said by the poet might seem to +bear on our time, which either escaped the notice of the +people, or to which the actor did not give point.' In a letter +to Atticus (ii. 19) he states that the actor Diphilus had applied +to Pompey the phrase 'Miseria nostra tu es magnus,' and that +he was compelled to repeat it a thousand times amid the shouts +of the whole theatre. He mentions further, in the speech in +defence of Sestius<a id="footnotetagv5" name="footnotetagv5"></a><a href="#footnotev5"><sup>5</sup></a> that the actor Aesopus had applied to +Cicero himself a passage from a play of Accius (the Eurysaces), +in which the Greeks are reproached for allowing one who +had done them great public service to be driven into +exile; and that the same actor, in the Brutus, had referred to +him by name in the words, 'Tullius qui libertatem civibus +stabiliverat'; he adds that these words 'were <i>encored</i> over and +over again,' 'millies revocatum est.' These and similar passages +testify primarily to the intense political excitement of +the time at which they were written, but also to the meaning +which was looked for by the audience in the words addressed +to them on the stage, and which was enforced by the emphasis +given to them by the actor.</p> + +<p>Besides these and other passages in Cicero, the fragments +themselves of Roman tragedy testify to its moral and didactic +tone, and its occasional appeal to national and political +feeling.</p> + +<p>In so far as it served any political end we may infer from +the personal relations of the poets, from the approving testimony +of Cicero, and from the personages and the nature of +the situations represented, that, unlike the older comedy +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page130" id="page130"></a>[page 130]</span> +of Naevius and Plautus, it was in sympathy with the spirit +of the dominant aristocracy. The 'boni' or 'optimates' +regarded themselves as the true guardians of law and liberty, +and it would be to their partisans that the resistance to, and +denunciations of tyrannical rule, expressed in such plays as the +Atreus, the Tereus, and the Brutus of Accius, must have been +most acceptable. Members of the aristocracy, eminent in +public life and accomplished as orators, became themselves +authors of tragedies. Of these two are mentioned by Cicero, +C. Julius Caesar, a contemporary and friend of the orator +Crassus, and C. Titius, a Roman Eques, also distinguished as +an orator<a id="footnotetagv6" name="footnotetagv6"></a><a href="#footnotev6"><sup>6</sup></a>. These instances, and the comments Cicero makes +upon them, indicate the close affinity of Roman tragedy to the +training and accomplishments which fitted men for public life +at Rome.</p> + +<p>Passages already referred to, and others which will be +brought forward later, imply also that the audience were easily +moved by the dramatic art and the elocution of the actor. +We hear of the pains which the best actors took to perfect +themselves in their art, and of the success which they attained +in it. Cicero specifies among the accomplishments of an +orator, the 'voice of a tragedian, the gestures and bearing of a +consummate actor.' The stage may be said to have been to +the Romans partly a school of practical life, partly a school of +oratory. Spirited declamation, the expression, by voice and +gesture, of vehement passion, of moral and political feeling, +and of practical wisdom, would gratify the same tastes that were +fostered by the discussions and harangues of the Forum<a id="footnotetagv7" name="footnotetagv7"></a><a href="#footnotev7"><sup>7</sup></a>.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page131" id="page131"></a>[page 131]</span> + +<p>The testimony of later writers points to the conclusion that +the early Roman tragedy, like Roman oratory, was characterised +both by great moral weight and dignity, and also by +fervid and impassioned feeling. The latter quality is suggested +by the line of Horace,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam spirat tragicum satis et feliciter audet;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and also by the epithets 'altus' and 'animosus' applied by +him and Ovid to the poet Accius. Quintilian describes the +ancient tragedies as superior to those of his own time in the +management of their plots ('oeconomia'), and adds that +'manliness and solemnity of style' ('virilitas et sanctitas')<a id="footnotetagv8" name="footnotetagv8"></a><a href="#footnotev8"><sup>8</sup></a>, +were to be studied in them. He states also that Accius and +Pacuvius were distinguished by 'the earnestness of their +thought, the weight of their language, the commanding bearing +of their personages<a id="footnotetagv9" name="footnotetagv9"></a><a href="#footnotev9"><sup>9</sup></a>.' The fragments of all the tragic poets +bear further evidence to the union of these qualities in their +thought and style.</p> + +<p>These considerations may afford some explanation of the +fact, that the early Roman tragedy, although having less claim +to originality, and less capacity of development than any other +branch of Roman literature, yet exercised a more immediate +and more general influence than either the epic, lyrical, or +satiric poetry of the Republic. For more than a century new +tragedies were written and represented at the various public +games, and afforded the sole kind of serious intellectual +stimulus and education to the mass of the people. During the +lifetime of the old dramatists, there was no regular theatre, but +merely structures of wood raised for each occasion. A magnificent +stone theatre was at last built by Pompey from the spoils +of the Mithridatic War; but this, instead of giving a new +impulse to dramatic art, was fatal to its existence. The +attraction of a gorgeous spectacle superseded that afforded by +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page132" id="page132"></a>[page 132]</span> +the works of the older dramatists; and dancers like Bathyllus +soon obtained the place in popular favour which had been +enjoyed by the 'grave Aesopus and the accomplished Roscius.' +The composition of tragedy passed from the hands of popular +poets, and became a kind of literary and rhetorical exercise of +accomplished men. We hear that Quintus Cicero composed +four tragedies in sixteen days, and in the Augustan age Virgil +and Horace eulogise the dramatic talent of their friend and +patron Asinius Pollio. The 'Ars Poetica' implies that the composition +of tragedy was the most fashionable form of literary +pursuit among the young aspirants to poetic honour at that +time, and the Thyestes of Varius and the Medea of Ovid +enjoyed a great literary reputation. These were, however, +futile attempts to impart artificial life to a withered branch. +Though praised by literary critics, they obtained no general +favour. Of all forms of poetry the drama is most dependent +on popular sympathy and intelligence. With the loss +of contact with public feeling the Roman drama lost its vital +power. One cause of the change in public taste was the +passion for more frivolous and coarser excitement, such as was +afforded by the mimes and by gladiatorial combats and shows +of wild beasts to a soldiery brutalised by constant wars, and to +the civic masses degraded by idleness and by intermixture +from all quarters of the world. Other causes may have acted +on the poets themselves, such as the exhaustion of the mine of +ancient stories fit for dramatic purposes, and the truer sense, +acquired through culture, of the bent of Roman genius. But +another cause was the loss of mutual sympathy between the +poet and the people, arising from the decay and final extinction +of political life. In ancient, as occasionally also in +modern times, the contests and interests of politics were the +means of affording the highest intellectual stimulus of which +they were capable to the large classes on whom literary +influences act only indirectly. So long as the old republican +sense of citizenship remained, there was a bond of common +feelings, ideas, and sympathies between the body of the people +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page133" id="page133"></a>[page 133]</span> +and some of the foremost and most highly educated men in +Rome. There was an immediate sympathy between the +political orator and his audiences within the Senate or in the +public assemblies; there was a sympathy, more remote, but +still active, between the poet of the Republic, who had the +strong feelings of a Roman citizen, and the great body of his +countrymen. With the overthrow of free government, this +bond of union between the educated and the uneducated +classes was destroyed. The former became more refined and +fastidious, but lost something in breadth and genuine strength +by the want of any popular contact. The latter became more +debased, coarser, and more servile. Poetic works were more +and more addressed to a small circle of men of rank and education, +sharing the same opinions, tastes, and pleasures. They +thus became more finished as works of art, but had less direct +bearing on the passions and great public interests of their +time.</p> + +<p>The origin and the earliest stage of the Roman drama have +been examined in a previous chapter. For about a century +after the close of the Second Punic War new tragedies continued +to be represented at Rome with little interruption, first +by Ennius, afterwards by his nephew Pacuvius and by Accius. +They devoted themselves more exclusively than any of their +predecessors to the composition of tragedy. While the fame +of Ennius chiefly rested on his epic poem<a id="footnotetagv10" name="footnotetagv10"></a><a href="#footnotev10"><sup>10</sup></a>, Pacuvius and +Accius are classed together as representatives of the tragic +poetry of the Republic. Though in point of age there was +a difference of fifty years between them, yet Cicero mentions, +on the authority of Accius himself, that they had brought out +plays under the same Aediles, when the one was eighty years +of age and the other thirty.</p> + +<p>M. Pacuvius, nephew, by the mother's side, of Ennius, was +born at Brundusium, in the south of Italy, about 219 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page134" id="page134"></a>[page 134]</span> +died at Tarentum about 129 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, at the age of ninety. He +obtained some distinction as a painter<a id="footnotetagv11" name="footnotetagv11"></a><a href="#footnotev11"><sup>11</sup></a>, and he is supposed to +have written his tragedies late in life. Jerome records of him, +'picturam exercuit et fabulas vendidit.' Cicero represents +Laelius as speaking of him as a friend, 'amici et hospitis mei.' +A pleasing anecdote is told by Aulus Gellius<a id="footnotetagv12" name="footnotetagv12"></a><a href="#footnotev12"><sup>12</sup></a> of his intercourse +with his younger rival, L. Accius. 'When Pacuvius, at +a great age, and suffering from disease of long standing, had +retired from Rome to Tarentum, Accius, at that time a considerably +younger man, on his journey to Asia, arrived at that +town, and stayed with Pacuvius. And being kindly entertained, +and constrained to stay for several days, he read to him, at his +request, his tragedy of Atreus. Then, as the story goes, Pacuvius +said, that what he had written appeared to him sonorous +and elevated but somewhat harsh and crude. "It is just as +you say," replied Accius; "and in truth I am not sorry for it, +for I hope that I shall write better in future. For, as they say, +the same law holds good in genius as in fruit. Fruits which +are originally harsh and sour afterwards become mellow and +pleasant; but those which have a soft and withered look, and +are very juicy at first, become soon rotten without ever becoming +ripe. It appears, accordingly, that there should be +left something in genius also for the mellowing influence of +years and time."' This anecdote, while giving a pleasing +impression of the friendly relation subsisting between the +older and younger poets, seems to add some corroboration +to the opinion that the Romans valued more the oratorical +style than the dramatic art of their tragedies. It affords +support also to the testimony of Horace and Quintilian in +regard to the distinction which the admirers of the old poetry +drew between the excellence of Pacuvius and Accius:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ambigitur quoties uter utro sit prior, aufert</p> +<p>Pacuvius docti famam senis, Accius alti.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Aulus Gellius quotes the epitaph of Pacuvius, written by himself +to be inscribed on his tombstone, with a tribute of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page135" id="page135"></a>[page 135]</span> +admiration to 'its modesty, simplicity, and fine serious +spirit'—'Epigramma Pacuvii verecundissimum et purissimum +dignumque ejus elegantissima gravitate.'</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Adolescens, tametsi properas, te hoc saxum rogat,</p> +<p>Ut se aspicias, deinde quod scriptum est, legas,</p> +<p>Hic sunt poetae Pacuvi Marci sita</p> +<p>Ossa. Hoc volebam nescius ne esses. Vale<a id="footnotetagv13" name="footnotetagv13"></a><a href="#footnotev13"><sup>13</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>With its quiet and modest simplicity of tone this inscription +is still significant of that dignified self-consciousness which +characterised all the early Roman poets, though the feeling +may have been displayed with more prominence by Naevius +and Plautus, by Ennius, Accius, and Lucilius, than by Pacuvius.</p> + +<p>Among the testimonies to his literary qualities the best +known is that of Horace, quoted above. Cicero, in speaking +of the age of Laelius as that of the purest Latinity, does not +allow this merit to Pacuvius and to the comic poet Caecilius. +He says of them, 'male locutos esse<a id="footnotetagv14" name="footnotetagv14"></a><a href="#footnotev14"><sup>14</sup></a>.' Pacuvius seems to +have attempted to introduce new forms of words, such as +'temeritudo,' 'geminitudo,' 'vanitudo,' 'concorditas,' 'unose'; +and also to have carried to a greater length than any of the +older poets the tendency to form such poetical compounds as +'tardigradus,' 'flexanimus,' 'flexidicus,' 'cornifrontis'—a tendency +which the Latin language continued more and more to +repudiate in the hands of its most perfect masters. One line +is quoted in which the tendency probably reached the extremest +limits it ever did in any Latin author,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nerei repandirostrum incurvicervicum pecus.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>We find also such inflexions as 'tetinerim,' for 'tenuerim,' +'pegi' for 'pepigi,' 'cluentur' for 'cluent.' These peculiarities +are ridiculed in the fragments of Lucilius, and also in a passage +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page136" id="page136"></a>[page 136]</span> +of Persius. Another author<a id="footnotetagv15" name="footnotetagv15"></a><a href="#footnotev15"><sup>15</sup></a> contrasts the <i>sententiae</i> of Ennius +with the <i>periodi</i> of Pacuvius,—a distinction probably connected +with the progress of oratory in the interval between the poets. +Persius applies the term 'verrucosa' (an epithet not inapplicable +to his own style) to the Antiope of Pacuvius, which, on the +other hand, was much admired by Cicero<a id="footnotetagv16" name="footnotetagv16"></a><a href="#footnotev16"><sup>16</sup></a>. Lucilius refers to +this harshness of style in the line,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Verum tristis contorto aliquo ex Pacuviano exordio.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Pacuvius is known to have been the author of about twelve +tragedies, founded on Greek subjects; and of one, <i>Paulus</i>, +founded on Roman history. Among these, the <i>Antiope</i> was +perhaps the most famous and most admired. It was, like the +Medea of Ennius, a translation from Euripides. The principal +characters in it were the brothers Zethus and Amphion, the +one devoted to hunting, the other to music. Their dispute as +to the respective advantages of music and philosophy is referred +to by Cicero and Horace, and by other authors. The +Zethus of Pacuvius is described by Cicero<a id="footnotetagv17" name="footnotetagv17"></a><a href="#footnotev17"><sup>17</sup></a> as one who made +war on all philosophy; and the author of the treatise addressed +to Herennius describes their controversy as beginning about +music, and ending about philosophy and the use of virtue. +Two dramas, the <i>Dulorestes</i> and the <i>Chryses</i>, the latter being +a continuation of the first, represented the adventures of +Orestes in his wanderings with his friend Pylades, after the +murder of his mother. The former play, in which Orestes +was represented as on the point of being sacrificed by his +sister Iphigenia, contained the passage already referred to, +in which Pylades and Orestes contend as to which should +suffer for the other. The Chryses was founded on their +subsequent adventures, and the title of the play was apparently +taken from the old Homeric priest of Apollo, Chryses, who +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page137" id="page137"></a>[page 137]</span> +bore a prominent part in it. Another of the plays of Pacuvius, +the <i>Niptra</i>, was founded on, though not translated from, one +of Sophocles<a id="footnotetagv18" name="footnotetagv18"></a><a href="#footnotev18"><sup>18</sup></a>; and the title seems to have been suggested by +the story of the recognition of Ulysses by his nurse, Eurycleia, +told at Odyssey xix. 386, etc. The subjects of his other dramas +may be inferred from their titles:—<i>Armorum Judicium</i>, <i>Atalanta</i>, +<i>Hermione</i>, <i>Ilione</i>, <i>Io</i>, <i>Medus</i> (son of Medea), +<i>Pentheus</i>, +<i>Periboea</i>, <i>Teucer</i>.</p> + +<p>The fragments of Pacuvius amount to about four hundred +lines. Many of these are single lines, preserved by grammarians +in illustration of old forms and usages of words, and +thus are of little value in the way of illustrating his poetical or +dramatic power. Several of them, however, are interesting, +from the light which they throw on his mode of thought, his +moral spirit, and his artistic faculty.</p> + +<p>A remarkable passage is quoted from the Chryses, showing +the growth of that interest in physical philosophy, which was +first expressed in the Epicharmus of Ennius, and which continued +to have a powerful attraction for many of the Roman +poets:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hoc vide, circum supraque quod complexu continet</p> +<p>Terram</p> +<p>Solisque exortu capessit candorem, occasu nigret,</p> +<p>Id quod nostri caelum memorant, Graii perhibent aethera:</p> +<p>Quidquid est hoc, omnia animat, format, alit, auget, creat,</p> +<p>Sepelit recipitque in sese omnia, omniumque idem est pater,</p> +<p>Indidemque eadem quae oriuntur, de integro aeque eodem incidunt<a id="footnotetagv19" name="footnotetagv19"></a><a href="#footnotev19"><sup>19</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page138" id="page138"></a>[page 138]</span> + +<p>The following fragment illustrates the dawning interest in +ethical speculation, which became much more active in the +age of Cicero, under the influence of Greek studies:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Fortunam insanam esse et caecam et brutam perhibent philosophi</p> +<p>Saxoque instare in globoso praedicant volubili:</p> +<p>Insanam autem esse aiunt, quia atrox, incerta, instabilisque sit:</p> +<p>Caecam ob eam rem esse iterant, quia nil cernat quo sese adplicet:</p> +<p>Brutam quia dignum atque indignum nequeat internoscere.</p> +<p>Sunt autem alii philosophi, qui contra fortunam negant</p> +<p>Esse ullam, sed temeritate res regi omnis autumant.</p> +<p>Id magis veri simile esse usus reapse experiundo edocet:</p> +<p>Velut Orestes modo fuit rex, factu'st mendicus modo<a id="footnotetagv20" name="footnotetagv20"></a><a href="#footnotev20"><sup>20</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>These lines again from the Chryses show that Pacuvius, like +Ennius, exposed and ridiculed the superstition of his time—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i10">Nam isti qui linguam avium intelligunt</p> +<p class="i2">Plusque ex alieno jecore sapiunt quam ex suo,</p> +<p class="i2">Magis audiendum quam auscultandum censeo<a id="footnotetagv21" name="footnotetagv21"></a><a href="#footnotev21"><sup>21</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this is to the same effect—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam si qui, quae eventura sunt, provideant, aequiparent Jovi.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>This tendency to physical and ethical speculation may be the +reason for which Horace applies to Pacuvius the epithet +'doctus.'</p> + +<p>The fragments of Pacuvius show not only the cast of understanding, +but also the grave and dignified tone of morality, +which was found to be one of the most Roman characteristics +of Ennius. They indicate also a similar humanity of feeling. +The moral nobleness of the situation, in which Pylades and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page139" id="page139"></a>[page 139]</span> +Orestes contend which should sacrifice himself for the other, +has already been noticed: 'stantes plaudebant in re ficta.' +Again, in the Tusculan Disputations (ii. 21), Cicero commends +Pacuvius for deviating from Sophocles, who had represented +Ulysses, in the Niptra, as utterly overcome by the power of his +wound; while, in Pacuvius, those who are supporting him, +'personae gravitatem intuentes,' address this reproof to him, +'leviter gementi':—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tu quoque Ulysses, quanquam graviter</p> +<p>Cernimus ictum, nimis paene animo es</p> +<p>Molli, qui consuetu's in armis</p> +<p>Aevom agere<a id="footnotetagv22" name="footnotetagv22"></a><a href="#footnotev22"><sup>22</sup></a>!</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The strong tones of Roman fortitude are heard in +this grave rebuke; and the lines in which Ulysses, at +the point of death, reproves the lamentations of those +around him, have the unstudied directness that may be +supposed to have characterised the serious speech of the +time:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Conqueri fortunam adversam, non lamentari decet:</p> +<p>Id viri est officium, fletus muliebri ingenio additus<a id="footnotetagv23" name="footnotetagv23"></a><a href="#footnotev23"><sup>23</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The following maxim is quoted by Aulus Gellius with +the remark 'that a Macedonian philosopher, a friend of +his, an excellent man, thought it deserving of being written in +front of every temple':—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ego odi homines ignava opera et philosopha sententia.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There are other fragments the significance of which is +political rather than ethical, as for instance the following:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Omnes qui tam quam nos severo serviunt</p> +<p>Imperio callent dominum imperia metuere.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>A passage from his writings was sung at games in honour +of Caesar, in order to rouse a feeling of indignation against +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page140" id="page140"></a>[page 140]</span> +the conspirators. The prominent words of the passage +were,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Men' servasse ut essent qui me perderent?<a id="footnotetagv24" name="footnotetagv24"></a><a href="#footnotev24"><sup>24</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Other passages again appear to be fragments of spirited +dialogue, and well adapted to show the art and the elocution +of the actor. Cicero<a id="footnotetagv25" name="footnotetagv25"></a><a href="#footnotev25"><sup>25</sup></a> quotes from the Teucer of Pacuvius +the reproach of Telamon, couched in much the same terms +as those which Teucer himself anticipates in the Ajax of +Sophocles:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Segregare abs te ausu's aut sine illo Salamina ingredi,</p> +<p>Neque paternum aspectum es veritus, quom aetate exacta indigem</p> +<p>Liberum lacerasti orbasti extinxti, neque fratris necis</p> +<p>Neque ejus gnati parvi, qui tibi in tutelam est traditus—<a id="footnotetagv26" name="footnotetagv26"></a><a href="#footnotev26"><sup>26</sup></a>?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In commenting on these lines, Cicero speaks of the passion +displayed by the actor ('so that even out of his mask the eyes +of the actor appeared to me to burn'), and of the sudden +change to pathos in his voice as he proceeded. He adds the +further comment, 'Do we suppose that Pacuvius, in writing +this passage, was in a calm and passionless mood?'—one +of many proofs that the 'gravity' of the old tragedians +was that of strong and ardent, not of phlegmatic natures, +and that their strength was tempered by a pathos and +humanity of feeling which were gradually gaining ascendency +over the old Roman austerity. The language in such +passages has not only the straightforward directness which +is the general characteristic of the early literature, but a force +and impetuosity added to its gravity, recalling the style of +some fragments of the older orators<a id="footnotetagv27" name="footnotetagv27"></a><a href="#footnotev27"><sup>27</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>The fragments of Accius afford the first hint of that +enjoyment of natural beauty which enters largely into the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page141" id="page141"></a>[page 141]</span> +poetry of a later age; but one or two fragments of Pacuvius, +like several passages in Ennius, show the power of observing +and describing the sublime and terrible aspects of Nature. +The description of the storm which overtook the Greek +army after sailing from Troy is perhaps the best specimen in +this style:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Profectione laeti piscium lasciviam</p> +<p>Intuentur, nec tuendi capere satietas potest.</p> +<p>Interea prope jam occidente sole inhorrescit mare,</p> +<p>Tenebrae conduplicantur, noctisque et nimbum occaecat nigror,</p> +<p>Flamma inter nubes coruscat, caelum tonitru contremit,</p> +<p>Grando mista imbri largifico subita praecipitans cadit,</p> +<p>Undique omnes venti erumpunt, saevi existunt turbines,</p> +<p>Fervit aestu pelagus<a id="footnotetagv28" name="footnotetagv28"></a><a href="#footnotev28"><sup>28</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There are also, in the same style, these rough and graphic +lines, exemplifying the impetuous force which the older Roman +poets impart to their descriptions by the figure of speech +called 'asyndeton,'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i12">Armamentum stridor, flictus navium,</p> +<p class="i2">Strepitus fremitus clamor tonitruum et rudentum sibilus<a id="footnotetagv29" name="footnotetagv29"></a><a href="#footnotev29"><sup>29</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Virgil must have had this passage in his mind when he wrote +the line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Insequitur clamorque virum, stridorque rudentum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The effect of alliteration and assonance may be illustrated +by a passage from the 'Niptra,' in which Eurycleia addresses +the disguised Ulysses:—</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page142" id="page142"></a>[page 142]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Cedo tamen pedem tuum lymphis flavis flavum ut pulverem</p> +<p>Manibus isdem quibus Ulixi saepe permulsi abluam,</p> +<p>Lassitudinemque minuam manuum mollitudine<a id="footnotetagv30" name="footnotetagv30"></a><a href="#footnotev30"><sup>30</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Pacuvius composed one drama on a Roman subject, the +title of which was 'Paulus.' Although the name does not +indicate whether the principal character of the drama was the +Aemilius Paulus who fell at Cannae, whom Horace commemorates +as one of the national heroes in the words—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14">Animaeque magnae</p> +<p class="i2">Prodigum Paulum, superante Poeno,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>or his more fortunate son who conquered the Macedonians +at Pydna, yet it would seem much more probable that the +poet should celebrate a great triumph of his own time, +achieved by one in whom, from his connexion with Scipio, the +nephew of Ennius would feel a special interest, than that +he should recall a great calamity of a past generation, neither +near enough to excite immediate attention, nor sufficiently +remote to justify an imaginative treatment. The Fabulae +Praetextatae, of which this was one, were, as Niebuhr<a id="footnotetagv31" name="footnotetagv31"></a><a href="#footnotev31"><sup>31</sup></a> +has pointed out, historical plays rather than tragedies. Such +a drama would not naturally or necessarily require a tragic +catastrophe, but would represent the traditions of the +earlier annals, or the great events of current history, in +accordance with the dictates of national feeling. No important +fragment of this drama has been preserved, but +the fact of its having been written by Pacuvius is interesting, +as affording a parallel to the celebration of the victory of +Marcellus in the Clastidium of Naevius, and of the success of +M. Fulvius Nobilior in the Ambracia of Ennius.</p> + +<p>Neither the fragments nor the ancient notices of Pacuvius +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page143" id="page143"></a>[page 143]</span> +produce on a modern reader so distinct an impression of +his peculiar genius and character as may be formed of +Naevius, Ennius, and Lucilius. His remains are chiefly +important as throwing light on the general features of the +Roman tragic drama; and few critics would attempt to +determine from internal evidence alone whether any particular +passage came from the lost works of Pacuvius or of Accius. +The main points that are known in his life are his provincial +origin, and his relationship to Ennius; the fact of his supporting +himself, first by painting, afterwards by the payment +he received from the Aediles for his plays; his friendship with +Laelius, the centre of the literary circle in Rome during +the latter part of the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span>; his intimacy with +his younger rival Accius; the facts also that, like Sophocles, +he preserved his poetical power unabated till a great age, +and that, like Shakspeare, he retired to spend his last years in +his native district. The language of his epitaph is suggestive +of a kindly and modest temper, and of the calm and serious +spirit of age; while that of many of his dramatic fragments +bears evidence of his moral strength and worth, and to +the manly fervour as well as the gentle humanity of his +temperament.</p> + +<p>L. Accius (or Attius) was born in the year 170 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, of +parentage similar to that of Horace—'parentibus libertinis.' +He was a native of the Roman colony of Pisaurum in Umbria, +founded in 184 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>; and an estate in that district was known +in after times by the name 'fundus Accianus.' Like Pacuvius, +he lived to a great age, though the exact date of +his death is uncertain. Cicero, who was born <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 106, speaks +of the oratorical and literary accomplishment of D. Junius +Brutus—Consul, along with P. Scipio Nasica, <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 138, and +one of the most famous soldiers and chiefs of the senatorian +party in that age—on the authority of what he had himself +often heard from the poet: 'ut ex familiari ejus L. Accio +poeta sum audire solitus<a id="footnotetagv32" name="footnotetagv32"></a><a href="#footnotev32"><sup>32</sup></a>.' The meeting of the old tragic +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page144" id="page144"></a>[page 144]</span> +poet and of the great orator is remarkable, as a link connecting +the two epochs in literature, which stand so widely +apart in the spirit and style by which they are respectively +characterised. Cicero again, in the speech in defence of +Archias, mentions the intimacy subsisting between D. Brutus +and the poet<a id="footnotetagv33" name="footnotetagv33"></a><a href="#footnotev33"><sup>33</sup></a>. The expressions 'familiari ejus' and 'amicissimi +sui,' like that of 'hospitis et amici mei,' applied by +Laelius, in Cicero's dialogue, to Pacuvius, indicate that +the relation between the poets (men of humble or provincial +origin) and eminent statesmen and soldiers, was in that +age one of familiar intimacy rather than of patronage and +dependence.</p> + +<p>Although Cicero's notice of his own acquaintance with +Accius, which is not likely to have existed before the former +assumed the toga virilis, is a proof of the great age which +the poet attained, it is not certain how long he continued +the practice of his art. Seneca, in quoting from the Atreus of +this poet the well-known tyrant's maxim, 'oderint dum +metuant'—a maxim, according to Suetonius, constantly in +the mouth of Caligula,—adds the remark that 'any one could +see that it was written in the days of Sulla.' But Aulus +Gellius, on the other hand, states that the Atreus was the play +which had been read by the poet in his youth to Pacuvius +at Tarentum. The termination of the literary career of +Accius must have been soon after the beginning of the first +century <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, so that nearly half a century elapses between the +last of the works of the older poets and the appearance of +the great poem of Lucretius. The journey of Accius to +Asia shows the beginning of that taste for foreign travel +which became prevalent among the most educated men +in a generation later, and grew more and more easy with +the advance of Roman conquest, and more attractive from +the increased cultivation of Greek literature. Accius is the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page145" id="page145"></a>[page 145]</span> +first of the Roman poets who seems to have possessed a +country residence; and some taste for country life and the +beauties of Nature first betrays itself in one or two of his +fragments. He possessed apparently all the self-esteem and +high spirit of the earlier poets. Pliny mentions that though +a very little man, he placed a colossal statue of himself +in a temple of the Muses<a id="footnotetagv34" name="footnotetagv34"></a><a href="#footnotev34"><sup>34</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>Another story is told by Valerius Maximus, that on the +entrance of C. Julius Caesar (the author of a few tragedies, and +a member of one of the great patrician houses), into the place +of meeting of the 'Poets' Guild' on the Aventine, he refused +to rise up as a mark of deference, thus asserting his own +superiority in literature in opposition to the unquestionable +claims of rank on the part of his younger rival.</p> + +<p>He was much the most productive among the early tragic +poets. The titles of his dramas are variously reckoned +from about 37 to about 50 in number. Like Ennius, he +seems to have made great use of the Trojan cycle of events; +and, in his representation of character and action, to have appealed +largely to the martial sympathies of the Romans. Two +of his dramas, the Brutus, treating of the downfall of the +Tarquinian dynasty, and the Aeneadae, or Decius, founded on +the story of the second Decius, who devoted himself at the +battle of Sentinum, belonged to the class of Fabulae Praetextatae. +He followed the example of Ennius in composing a +national epic, called Annales, in three books. He was the +author also of what seem to have been works on grammar and +literary criticism and history, written in trochaic and other +metres, and known by the names Didascalica and Pragmatica, +and Parerga. The subjects of these last works, as well as +those of some of the satires of Lucilius, and of the poems of +Porcius Licinus and Volcatius Sedigitus, written in trochaic and +septenarian verse, show the attention which was given about +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page146" id="page146"></a>[page 146]</span> +this time by Roman authors to the principles of composition. +The literary and grammatical studies of the time of Accius must +have prepared the way for the rapid development of style +which characterised the first half of the first century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> In +some of the fragments of Accius distinctions in the meaning of +words—e.g. of 'pertinacia' and 'pervicacia'—are prominently +brought out. We note also in his remains, as in those of +Pacuvius, a great access of formative energy in the language, +especially in abstract words in <i>-tas</i> and <i>-tudo</i>, many of which +afterwards dropped out of use. The antagonism manifested +by Lucilius to Accius seems in a great measure to have +arisen from his claims to a kind of literary dictatorship in +questions of criticism and style.</p> + +<p>The literary qualities most conspicuous in the fragments of +Accius, and attributed to him by ancient writers, are of the +same kind as those which the dramatic fragments of Ennius +and Pacuvius exhibit. Cicero testifies to his oratorical force, +to his serious spirit, and to the didactic purpose of his writings. +His most important remains illustrate these attributes of his +style, along with the shrewd sense and vigorous understanding +of the older writers, and afford some traces of a new vein of +poetical emotion, which is scarcely observable in earlier +fragments. Horace applies the epithet 'altus,' Ovid that of +'animosus' to Accius. Cicero characterises him as 'gravis et +ingeniosus poeta,' and attests the didactic purpose of a +particular passage in the words, 'the earnest and inspired poet +wrote thus with the view of stimulating, not those princes who +no longer existed, but us and our children to energy and +honourable ambition<a id="footnotetagv35" name="footnotetagv35"></a><a href="#footnotev35"><sup>35</sup></a>.' The style of a passage from the +Atreus is described by the same author in the dialogue '<i>De +Oratore</i>,' as 'nervous, impetuous, pressing on with a certain +impassioned gravity of feeling<a id="footnotetagv36" name="footnotetagv36"></a><a href="#footnotev36"><sup>36</sup></a>.' Oratorical fervour and +dignity seem thus to have been the most distinctive characteristic +of his style. Virgil, whose genius made as free use of +the diction and sentiment of native as of Greek poets, has +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page147" id="page147"></a>[page 147]</span> +cast the ruder language of the old poet into a new mould in +some of the greatest speeches of the Aeneid, and seems to have +drawn from the same source something of the high spirit and +lofty pathos with which he has animated the personages of his +story. The famous address, for instance—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Disce puer virtutem ex me verumque laborem,</p> +<p>Fortunam ex aliis,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>though originally found in the Ajax of Sophocles, was yet +familiar to Virgil in the line of Accius—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Virtuti sis par, dispar fortunis patris.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The address of Latinus to Turnus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>O praestans animi juvenis, quantum ipse feroci</p> +<p>Virtute exsuperas, tanto me impensius aequum est</p> +<p>Consulere atque omnis metuentem expendere casus,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>is quoted by Macrobius as an echo of these lines of the old +tragic poet—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quanto magis te istius modi esse intelligo,</p> +<p>Tanto, Antigona, magis me par est tibi consulere ac parcere.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The same author quotes two other passages, in which the +sentiment and something of the language of Accius are +reproduced in the speeches of the Aeneid. The lofty and +fervid oratory which is one of the most Roman characteristics +of that great national poem, and is quite unlike the debates, +the outbursts of passion, and the natural interchange of speech +in Homer, recalls the manner of the early tragic poets rather +than the style of the oratorical fragments in the Annals of +Ennius. The following lines may give some idea of the +passionate energy which may be recognised in many other +fragments of Accius:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tereus indomito more atque animo barbaro</p> +<p>Conspexit in eam amore vecors flammeo,</p> +<p>Depositus: facinus pessimum ex dementia</p> +<p>Confingit<a id="footnotetagv37" name="footnotetagv37"></a><a href="#footnotev37"><sup>37</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page148" id="page148"></a>[page 148]</span> + +<p>He gives expression also to great strength of will and to that +most powerful kind of pathos which arises out of the commingling +of compassion for suffering with the admiration for +heroism, as in these fragments of the Astyanax and the +Telephus,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Abducite intro; nam mihi miseritudine</p> +<p>Commovit animum excelsa aspecti dignitas<a id="footnotetagv38" name="footnotetagv38"></a><a href="#footnotev38"><sup>38</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam huius demum miseret, cuius nobilitas miserias</p> +<p>Nobilitat<a id="footnotetagv39" name="footnotetagv39"></a><a href="#footnotev39"><sup>39</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He shows a further power of directly seizing the real meaning +of human life, and setting aside false appearances and beliefs. +The following may be quoted as exhibiting something of his +moral strength, humanity, and direct force of understanding:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Scin' ut quem cuique tribuit fortuna ordinem,</p> +<p>Nunquam ulla humilitas ingenium infirmat bonum<a id="footnotetagv40" name="footnotetagv40"></a><a href="#footnotev40"><sup>40</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p>Erat istuc virile, ferre advorsam fortunam facul<a id="footnotetagv41" name="footnotetagv41"></a><a href="#footnotev41"><sup>41</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam si a me regnum fortuna atque opes</p> +<p>Eripere quivit, at virtutem non quit<a id="footnotetagv42" name="footnotetagv42"></a><a href="#footnotev42"><sup>42</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p>Nullum est ingenium tantum, neque cor tam ferum,</p> +<p>Quod non labascat lingua, mitiscat malo<a id="footnotetagv43" name="footnotetagv43"></a><a href="#footnotev43"><sup>43</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The following, again, like similar passages already quoted from +Ennius and Pacuvius, is expressive of contempt for that form +of superstition which had most practical hold over the minds +of the Roman people:—</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page149" id="page149"></a>[page 149]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nil credo auguribus, qui auris verbis divitant</p> +<p>Alienas, suas ut auro locupletent domos<a id="footnotetagv44" name="footnotetagv44"></a><a href="#footnotev44"><sup>44</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Again, the view of common sense in regard to dreams is +expressed by the interpreter to whom Tarquinius applies when +alarmed by a strange vision—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Rex, quae in vita usurpant homines, cogitant, curant, vident,</p> +<p>Quaeque agunt vigilantes agitantque, ea si cui in somno accidunt</p> +<p>Minus mirum est<a id="footnotetagv45" name="footnotetagv45"></a><a href="#footnotev45"><sup>45</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Besides the characteristics already exemplified, one or two +passages may be appealed to, as implying the more special +gifts of a poet—force of imagination, and some sense of +natural beauty. There is considerable descriptive power in +the following lines, for instance, in which a shepherd, who had +never before seen a ship, announces the first appearance of the +Argo—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18"> Tanta moles labitur</p> +<p class="i2">Fremebunda ex alto, ingenti sonitu et spiritu:</p> +<p class="i2">Prae se undas volvit, vortices vi suscitat:</p> +<p class="i2">Ruit prolapsa, pelagus respergit, reflat<a id="footnotetagv46" name="footnotetagv46"></a><a href="#footnotev46"><sup>46</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is an imaginative apprehension of the active forces of +nature in this fragment—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sub axe posita ad stellas septem, unde horrifer</p> +<p>Aquilonis stridor gelidas molitur nives<a id="footnotetagv47" name="footnotetagv47"></a><a href="#footnotev47"><sup>47</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is a fresh breath of the early morning in the lines from +the Oenomaus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Forte ante Auroram, radiorum ardentum indicem,</p> +<p>Cum e somno in segetem agrestis cornutos cient,</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page150" id="page150"></a>[page 150]</span> +<p>Ut rorulentas terras ferro rufidas</p> +<p>Proscindant, glebasque arvo ex molli exsuscitent<a id="footnotetagv48" name="footnotetagv48"></a><a href="#footnotev48"><sup>48</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>This is perhaps the first instance in Latin poetry of a +descriptive passage which gives any hint of the pleasure +derived from contemplating the common aspects of Nature. +Several other short fragments betray the existence of this new +vein of poetic sensibility, as, for instance, the following:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Saxum id facit angustitatem, et sub eo saxo exuberans</p> +<p>Scatebra fluviae radit ripam<a id="footnotetagv49" name="footnotetagv49"></a><a href="#footnotev49"><sup>49</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The early expression of this kind of emotion seems to have +been accompanied with some degree of affectation, or unnatural +straining after effect, as in this fragment:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hac ubi curvo litore latratu</p> +<p>Unda sub undis labunda sonit.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The following lines, quoted by Cicero (Tusc. Disp. i. 28) +without naming the author, are probably from Accius:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Caelum nitescere, arbores frondescere,</p> +<p>Vites laetificae pampinis pubescere,</p> +<p>Rami bacarum ubertate incurviscere,</p> +<p>Segetes largiri fruges, florere omnia,</p> +<p>Fontes scatere, herbis prata convestirier.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>We note also many instances of plays on words, alliteration, +and asyndeton, reminding us of similar modes of conveying +emphasis in Plautus, as in the following:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Pari dyspari, si impar esses tibi, ego nunc non essem miser.</p> +<p>Pro se quisque cum corona clarum cohonestat caput.</p> +<p>Egredere, exi, ecfer te, elimina urbe.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It remains to sum up the most important results as to the +early tragic drama of Rome, which have been obtained from a +consideration of ancient testimony and of the fossil remains of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page151" id="page151"></a>[page 151]</span> +this lost literature, as we find them collected and arranged +from the works of ancient critics and grammarians. The +Roman tragedies seem to have borne much the same relation +to the works of the Attic tragedians as Roman comedy to the +new comedy of Athens. The expression of Quintilian, 'in +comoedia maxime claudicamus<a id="footnotetagv50" name="footnotetagv50"></a><a href="#footnotev50"><sup>50</sup></a>,' following immediately on the +praise which he bestows on Pacuvius and Accius, implies that +in his opinion the earlier writers had been more successful in +tragedy than in comedy. But a comparison between the +fragments of the tragedians and the extant works of Plautus +and Terence, proves that, in style at least, Roman comedy +was much the most successful; and this superiority is no +doubt one main cause of its partial preservation. The style +of Roman tragedy appears to have been direct and vigorous, +serious, often animated with oratorical passion, but singularly +devoid of harmony, subtlety, poetical refinement and inspiration. +There is no testimony in favour of any great dramatic +conceptions or impersonations. The poets appear to have +aimed at expressing some particular passion oratorically, as +Virgil has done so powerfully in his representation of Mezentius +and Turnus, but not to have created any of those great +types of human character such as the world owes to Homer, +Sophocles, and Shakspeare. The popularity and the power of +Roman tragedy, during the century preceding the downfall of +the Republic, are to be attributed chiefly to its didactic and +oratorical force, to the Roman bearing of the persons represented, +to the ethical and occasionally the political cast of the +sentiments expressed by them, and to the plain and vigorous +style in which they are enunciated. The works of the tragic +poets aided the development of the Roman language. They +communicated new ideas and experience, and fostered among +the mass of the Roman people the only taste for serious +literature of which they were capable. They may have +exercised a beneficial influence also on the thoughts and lives +of men. They kept the national ideal of duty, the 'manners +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page152" id="page152"></a>[page 152]</span> +of the olden time,' the 'fas et antiqua castitudo' (to use an +expression of Accius), before the minds of the people: they +inculcated by precept and by representations great lessons of +fortitude and energy: they taught the maxims of common +sense, and touched the minds of their audiences with a +humanity of feeling naturally alien to them. No teaching on +the stage could permanently preserve the old Roman virtue, +simplicity, and loyalty to the Republic, against the corrupting +and disorganising effects of constant wars and conquests, and +of the gross forms of luxury, that suited the temperament of +Rome: but, among the various influences acting on the mind +of the people, none probably was of more unmixed good than +that of the tragic drama of Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotev1" name="footnotev1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv1"><sup>1</sup></a> E.g. the <i>Dulorestes</i> of Pacuvius.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev2" name="footnotev2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv2"><sup>2</sup></a> De Re Rustica, Lib. ii. Praef. +Quoted also by Columella, Praef. 15.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev3" name="footnotev3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv3"><sup>3</sup></a> De Amicitia, 7.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev4" name="footnotev4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv4"><sup>4</sup></a> Cic. Pro P. Sestio, 65.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev5" name="footnotev5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv5"><sup>5</sup></a> Chap. 57.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev6" name="footnotev6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv6"><sup>6</sup></a> Cicero, Brutus, 48, 45; +De Orat. iii. 8. 30: 'Quid noster hic Caesar +nonne novam quandam rationem attulit orationis et dicendi genus induxit +prope singulare? Quis unquam res praeter hunc tragicas paene comice, +tristes remisse, severas hilare, forenses scaenica prope venustate tractavit +atque ita, ut neque iocus magnitudine rerum excluderetur nec gravitas +facetiis minueretur.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev7" name="footnotev7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv7"><sup>7</sup></a> Cf. Cic. De Orat. iii. 7: +'Atque id primum in poetis cerni licet quibus +est proxima cognatio cum oratoribus quam sint inter sese Ennius, Pacuvius, +Acciusque dissimiles.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev8" name="footnotev8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv8"><sup>8</sup></a> 'Sanctitas certe, et, ut sic dicam, +virilitas, ab iis petenda est, quando nos +in omnia deliciarum vitia dicendi quoque ratione defluximus.'—Quintil. Inst. +Or. i. 8. 9.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev9" name="footnotev9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv9"><sup>9</sup></a> Inst. Or. x. i. 97.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev10" name="footnotev10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv10"><sup>10</sup></a> Cf. Cic. Opt. Gen. Orat.: +'Itaque licet dicere et Ennium summum +epicum poetam si cui ita videtur, et Pacuvium tragicum, et Caecilium +fortasse comicum.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev11" name="footnotev11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv11"><sup>11</sup></a> Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxxv. 7.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev12" name="footnotev12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv12"><sup>12</sup></a> xiii. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev13" name="footnotev13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv13"><sup>13</sup></a> 'Young man, though thou art in haste, +this stone entreats thee to regard +it, and then read what is written:—Here are laid the bones of the poet +Marcus Pacuvius. This I desired to be not unknown to thee. Farewell.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev14" name="footnotev14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv14"><sup>14</sup></a> Brutus, 74.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev15" name="footnotev15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv15"><sup>15</sup></a> The writer of the treatise on +Rhetoric addressed to C. Herennius.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev16" name="footnotev16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv16"><sup>16</sup></a> 'Quis enim tam inimicus paene +nomini Romano est, qui Ennii Medeam +aut Antiopam Pacuvii spernat aut rejiciat, quod se eisdem Euripidis fabulis +delectari dicat?'—Cic. De Fin. i. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev17" name="footnotev17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv17"><sup>17</sup></a> De Oratore, ii. 37.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev18" name="footnotev18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv18"><sup>18</sup></a> Cic. Tusc. Disp. ii. 21.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev19" name="footnotev19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv19"><sup>19</sup></a> 'Behold this, + which around and above encompasseth the earth, and puts +on brightness at the rising of the sun, becomes dark at his setting; that +which our people call Heaven, and the Greeks Aether. Whatever this is, +it is to all things the source of life, form, nourishment, growth, existence; it +is the grave and receptacle of all things, and the parent, too, of all things: +all things which arise from it equally lapse into it again.' Compare with +this passage Lucretius, ii. 991—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Denique caelesti sumus omnes semine oriundi,' etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Both may be traced to a fragment of the Chrysippus of Euripides, quoted by +Ribbeck, Röm. Trag. p. 257; and also by Munro, Lucret. p. 455, third +edition.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev20" name="footnotev20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv20"><sup>20</sup></a> 'Philosophers say that Fortune is mad, +blind, and senseless, and represent +her as set on a round rolling stone. They say that she is mad, because she +is harsh, fickle, untrustworthy; blind, for this reason, that she can see nothing +to which to attach herself; senseless, because she cannot distinguish between +the worthy and unworthy. Other philosophers again deny the existence of +Fortune, but hold that all things are ruled by chance. That this is more +probable, common experience proves, as Orestes was but the other day a king, +and is now a beggar.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev21" name="footnotev21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv21"><sup>21</sup></a> 'For those men +who understand the language of birds, and have more +wisdom from examining the liver of other beings than from their own (i.e. +understanding), I think should be heard rather than listened to.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev22" name="footnotev22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv22"><sup>22</sup></a> 'Thou, too, +Ulysses, although we see thee sore wounded, art yet almost +too much cast down; thou, who hast been used to pass thy life in arms!'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev23" name="footnotev23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv23"><sup>23</sup></a> 'To complain of adverse fortune is well, +but not to lament over it. The +one is the act of a man; it is a woman's part to weep.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev24" name="footnotev24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv24"><sup>24</sup></a> Sueton. Caes. 84.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev25" name="footnotev25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv25"><sup>25</sup></a> De Orat. ii. 46.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev26" name="footnotev26"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv26"><sup>26</sup></a> 'Didst thou venture to let him part from thee, +or to enter Salamis without +him; and didst thou not fear to see thy father's face, when in his old age, +bereft of his children, thou hast torn him with anguish, robbed, crushed him; +nor didst thou feel for thy brother's death, and his child, who was trusted to +thy protection—?'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev27" name="footnotev27"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv27"><sup>27</sup></a> Compare especially the +fragments of the speeches of C. Gracchus.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev28" name="footnotev28"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv28"><sup>28</sup></a> 'Glad at their starting, +they watch the play of the fish, and are never +weary of watching them. Meanwhile, nearly at sunset, the sea grows rough, +darkness gathers, the blackness of night and of the storm-clouds hides the +world, the lightning flashes between the clouds, the heaven is shaken with +the thunder, hail mixed with torrents of rain dashes down in sudden showers; +from all quarters all the winds burst forth, the wild whirlwinds arise, the sea +boils with the surging waters.'—Quoted partly from Cic. De Div. i. 14; +partly from De Orat. iii. 39.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev29" name="footnotev29"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv29"><sup>29</sup></a> 'The groaning of the ships' tackling, +the dashing together of the ships, +the uproar, the crash, the rattle of the thunder, and the whistling of the +ropes.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev30" name="footnotev30"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv30"><sup>30</sup></a> 'Give me your foot, +that with the brown waters I may wash away the +brown dust with those hands with which I have often rubbed gently the feet +of Ulysses, and with my hands' softness soothe your weariness.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev31" name="footnotev31"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv31"><sup>31</sup></a> 'It represented the deeds of +Roman kings and generals: hence it is +evident that at least it wanted the unity of time of the Greek tragedy; that +it was a history like Shakspeare's.'—Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. i. +note 1150.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev32" name="footnotev32"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv32"><sup>32</sup></a> Brutus, 28.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev33" name="footnotev33"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv33"><sup>33</sup></a> 'Decimus quidem Brutus, +summus ille vir et imperator, Accii, amicissimi +sui, carminibus templorum ac monumentorum aditus exornavit suorum.'—Chap. 11.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev34" name="footnotev34"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv34"><sup>34</sup></a> Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 10: +'Notatum ab auctoribus, et L. Accium poetam in +Camenarum aede maxima forma statuam sibi posuisse, cum brevis admodum +fuisset.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev35" name="footnotev35"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv35"><sup>35</sup></a> Pro Plancio, 24.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev36" name="footnotev36"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv36"><sup>36</sup></a> De Orat. iii. 58.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev37" name="footnotev37"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv37"><sup>37</sup></a> 'Tereus, in his wild mood and savage spirit, +gazed upon her, maddened +with burning passion, quite desperate; in his madness, he resolves a cursed +deed.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev38" name="footnotev38"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv38"><sup>38</sup></a> 'Withdraw him within: +for the lofty dignity of his aspect has moved my +mind to compassion.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev39" name="footnotev39"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv39"><sup>39</sup></a> 'That man indeed we pity + whose nobleness gives distinction to his +misery.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev40" name="footnotev40"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv40"><sup>40</sup></a> 'Dost thou not know, +that whatever rank fortune has assigned to a man, +no meanness of station ever weakens a fine nature?'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev41" name="footnotev41"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv41"><sup>41</sup></a> 'This was the part of a man, +to bear adversity easily.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev42" name="footnotev42"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv42"><sup>42</sup></a> 'Though fortune could strip me +of kingdom and wealth, it cannot strip +me of my virtue.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev43" name="footnotev43"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv43"><sup>43</sup></a> 'No nature is so strong, +no breast so savage, which is not shaken by +words, does not melt at misfortune.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev44" name="footnotev44"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv44"><sup>44</sup></a> 'I trust not those augurs, +who enrich the ears of others with their words, +that they may enrich their own houses with gold.' There is of course a pun +on the <i>auris</i> and <i>auro</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev45" name="footnotev45"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv45"><sup>45</sup></a> 'O king, what men usually do in life, +what they think about, care about, +see,—their pursuits and occupations, when awake,—if these occur to any one +in sleep, it is not wonderful.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev46" name="footnotev46"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv46"><sup>46</sup></a> 'So huge a mass is +approaching—sounding from the deep with a mighty +rushing noise; it rolls the waves before it, forces through the eddies, plunges +forward, throws up and dashes back the sea.'—Quoted in Cic. De Nat. Deor. +ii. 35.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev47" name="footnotev47"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv47"><sup>47</sup></a> 'Lying beneath the pole by the seven stars, +whence the blustering roar +of the north-wind drives before it the chill snows.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev48" name="footnotev48"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv48"><sup>48</sup></a> 'By chance before the dawn, +harbinger of burning rays, when the +husbandmen bring forth the oxen from their rest into the fields, that they +may break the red, dew-sprinkled soil with the plough, and turn up the +clods from the soft soil.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotev49" name="footnotev49"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv49"><sup>49</sup></a> 'That rock makes the passage narrow, +and from beneath that rock +a spring gushing out sweeps past the river's bank.'</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnotev50" name="footnotev50"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagv50"><sup>50</sup></a> Inst. Or. x. i. 99.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page153" id="page153"></a>[page 153]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">Roman Comedy. Plautus. About 254 To 184 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></span></h3> + +<p>The era in which Roman epic and tragic poetry arose was +also the flourishing era of Roman comedy. A later generation +looked back on the age of Ennius and Plautus as an age of +great poets, who had passed away:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ea tempestate flos poetarum fuit</p> +<p>Qui nunc abierunt hinc in communem locum<a id="footnotetagvi1" name="footnotetagvi1"></a><a href="#footnotevi1"><sup>1</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>And among these poets the writers of comedy were both most +numerous and apparently the most popular in their own time<a id="footnotetagvi2" name="footnotetagvi2"></a><a href="#footnotevi2"><sup>2</sup></a>. +Besides the names of Naevius, Plautus, Caecilius, and Terence, +we know the names of other comic poets of less fame<a id="footnotetagvi3" name="footnotetagvi3"></a><a href="#footnotevi3"><sup>3</sup></a>, and +from allusions in the extant plays of Plautus<a id="footnotetagvi4" name="footnotetagvi4"></a><a href="#footnotevi4"><sup>4</sup></a> and in the +prologues of Terence we infer that there were other competitors +for public favour whose names were unknown to a later +generation. In the Ciceronian age the works of these forgotten +playwrights were for the most part attributed to Plautus, +probably with the view of gaining some temporary popularity +for them. In the time of Gellius no fewer than 130 plays +passed under his name; among these, twenty-one were regarded +as undoubtedly his, nineteen more as probably genuine, and +the rest as spurious. They were however all of the class of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page154" id="page154"></a>[page 154]</span> +<i>palliatae</i>; and as the <i>fabulae togatae</i> seem, after the time of +Terence, to have been composed in much greater number than +those founded on Greek originals, most of them must have +belonged to the first half of the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Plays of +a later date would have clearly shown by their diction that +they were not the work of Plautus.</p> + +<p>Although this form of literature has little in common with +the higher Roman mood, and exercised comparatively slight +influence on the style and sentiment of later Roman poetry<a id="footnotetagvi5" name="footnotetagvi5"></a><a href="#footnotevi5"><sup>5</sup></a>, +yet no review of the creative literature of the Republican period +would be complete without some attempt to estimate the value +of the comedy of Plautus and Terence. The difficulty of doing +so adequately arises from an opposite cause to that which +makes our judgment on the art and genius of the Roman tragic +poets so incomplete. In the latter case we know what was the +character of their Greek models; but we can only conjecture +from a number of unconnected fragments, how far the copy +deviated in tone and spirit from the original. On the other +hand, while we have between twenty and thirty specimens +of Latin comedy, we have no finished work of Greek art +in the same style, with which to compare them. It makes +a great difference in our opinion, not only of the genius of the +Roman poets, but of the productive force of the Roman mind, +whether we regard Plautus and Terence as facile translators, or +as writers of creative originality who filled up the outlines +which they took from the new comedy of Athens with matter +drawn from their own observation and invention. It makes a +great difference in the literary interest of these works, whether +we regard them as blurred copies of pictures from later Greek +life, or, like so much else in Roman literature, as compositions +which, while Greek in form, are yet in no slight degree Roman +or Italian in substance, character, life, and sentiment. How +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page155" id="page155"></a>[page 155]</span> +far can we answer these questions, either by general considerations, +or by a special attention to the actual products of +Latin comedy which we possess?</p> + +<p>We have seen that there was a certain aptitude in the graver +Roman spirit for tragedy:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam spirat tragicum satis et feliciter audet.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The rhetorical character of Roman education and the rhetorical +tendencies of the Roman mind secured favour for this kind of +composition till the age of Quintilian. His dictum 'in comoedia +maxime claudicamus,' on the other hand, implies that +the educated taste of Romans under the Empire did not find +much that was congenial in the works of Plautus, Caecilius, or +Terence. The tone of Horace is more contemptuous towards +Plautus than towards Ennius and the tragic poets. While tragedy +continued to be cultivated by eminent writers in the Augustan +age and early Empire, few original comedies seem to have been +written after the beginning of the first century <span class="sc">b.c.</span><a id="footnotetagvi6" name="footnotetagvi6"></a><a href="#footnotevi6"><sup>6</sup></a> The higher +efforts of the comic muse were almost, if not entirely, superseded +by the Mimus. These considerations show that comedy was not +congenial to the educated or the uneducated taste of Romans +in the last years of the Republic, and in the early Empire. +But, on the other hand, the popularity enjoyed by the old +comedy between the time of Naevius and of Terence, and even +down to the earlier half of the Ciceronian age, when some of +the great parts in Plautus continued to be performed by the +'accomplished Roscius,' and the admiration expressed for its +authors by grammarians and critics, from Aelius Stilo down to +Varro and Cicero, show its adaptation to an earlier and not +less vigorous, if less refined stage of intellectual development; +while the actual survival of many Roman comedies can only +be accounted for by a more real adaptation to human nature, +both in style and substance, than was attained by Roman +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page156" id="page156"></a>[page 156]</span> +tragedy in its straining after a higher ideal of sentiment and +expression.</p> + +<p>The task undertaken by Naevius and Plautus was indeed a +much easier one than that accomplished by the early writers of +tragedy. They were not called upon to create a new taste, or +to gratify a taste recently acquired in Sicily and the towns of +Magna Graecia. They had only to give ampler and more +defined form, fuller and more coherent substance, to a kind of +entertainment which was indigenous in Italy. The improvised +'Saturae'—'dramatic medleys or farces with musical accompaniment'—had +been represented on Roman holidays for +more than a century before the first performance of a regular +play by Livius Andronicus. And these 'Saturae' had been +themselves developed partly out of the older Fescennine +dialogues—the rustic raillery of the vintage and the harvest-home,—partly +out of mimetic dances imported from Etruria. +Another kind of dramatic entertainment, the 'Oscum ludicrum,' +which was developed into the literary form of the 'fabulae +Atellanae,' with its standing characters of Maccus, Pappus, +Bucco, and Dossennus, had been transferred to the city from +the provinces of southern Italy, and ultimately became so +popular as to be performed, not by professional actors, but by +the free-born youth of Rome. The extant comedies of Plautus +show considerable traces of both of these kinds of entertainment, +both in the large place assigned to the 'Cantica,' +which were accompanied by music and gesticulation<a id="footnotetagvi7" name="footnotetagvi7"></a><a href="#footnotevi7"><sup>7</sup></a>, and in +the farcical exaggeration of some of his characters, which +provoked the criticism of Horace,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quantus sit Dossennus edacibus in parasitis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The mass of Roman citizens, both rural and urban, was thus +prepared by their festive traditions and habits to welcome the +introduction of comedy, just as they were prepared by their +political traditions and aptitudes to welcome the appearance +of a popular orator.</p> + +<p>Naevius and Plautus might thus be poets of the people more +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page157" id="page157"></a>[page 157]</span> +truly than any later Roman poet could be. The career of +Naevius, and the public and personal elements which he +introduced into his plays, afford evidence of his desire to use +his position as a popular poet for political ends. His imprisonment +and subsequent banishment equally attest the +determination of the governing class to allow no criticism +on public men or affairs, nor anything derogatory to the +majesty of the State and the dignified forms of Roman life, to +be heard on the stage. Plautus, though prevented either by +his own temperament or the vigilance of state-censorship from +directly acting on the political sympathies of the commons, +maintained the thoroughly popular character of Roman comedy, +and poured a strongly national spirit into the forms which +he <ins title="Transcriber's Note: original reads 'adoped'">adopted</ins> from Greece. Between the death of Plautus and +that of Terence there was no cessation in the productiveness of +Roman comedy; but the little that is known of Caecilius, and +the evidence afforded by the plays of Terence, show that Roman +comedy had now begun to appeal to a different class of +sympathies. The ascendency of Ennius in Roman literature +immensely widened the gulf which always separates an educated +from an uneducated class. One of the great sources of +interest in Plautus is that he flourished before this separation +became marked, while the upper classes were yet comparatively +rude and simple in their requirements, and the mass of the +people were yet hearty and vigorous in their enjoyments. +The popularity of his plays revived again after the death of +Terence, and maintained itself till nearly the end of the +Republic, a proof that his genius was not only in harmony with +his own age, but satisfied a permanent vein of sentiment in his +countrymen, so long as they retained anything of their native +vigour and republican spirit. The fact that Roman comedy +was not congenial to the educated taste of the early Empire +is no proof of its want of originality. It was in harmony with +an earlier stage in the development of the Roman people. +Had that been all, it might have been completely lost, or +preserved only in fragments like those of the Satire of Lucilius. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page158" id="page158"></a>[page 158]</span> +But as being the heir of an older popular kind of composition +it enjoyed the advantage, possessed by none of the more +artificial forms of poetry introduced at this period, of a fresh, +copious, popular, and idiomatic diction. The comic poets of +Rome alone inherited, like the epic poets of Greece, a vehicle +of expression formed by the improvised utterance of several +generations. The greater fluency of style and the greater ease +of rhythmical movement, thus enjoyed by the early comedy, is +the most obvious explanation of its permanent hold on the +world. But the mere merits of language would scarcely have +secured permanence to these compositions apart from the +cosmopolitan human interest derived from the Greek originals +on which they were founded, and from the strong vitality which +the earlier Roman poet drew from the great time into which he +was born, and the refined art for which the younger poet was +partly indebted to the circle of high-born, aspiring, and +accomplished youths into which he was admitted.</p> + +<p>Our chief authorities for the life of Plautus are a short +statement of Jerome, one or two slight notices in Cicero, +and a somewhat longer passage in Aulus Gellius (iii. 3. 14). +As he died at an advanced age, in the year 184 <span class="sc">b.c.</span><a id="footnotetagvi8" name="footnotetagvi8"></a><a href="#footnotevi8"><sup>8</sup></a> (during +the censorship of Cato), he must have been born about the +middle of the third century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> He was thus a younger +contemporary of Naevius, and somewhat older than Ennius. +His birthplace was Sarsina in Umbria. That this district +must have been thoroughly Latinised in the time of Plautus, +is attested by the idiomatic force and purity of his style<a id="footnotetagvi9" name="footnotetagvi9"></a><a href="#footnotevi9"><sup>9</sup></a>. He +probably came early to Rome, and was at first engaged 'in +operis artificum scenicorum,'—in some kind of employment +connected with the stage. He saved money in this service, +and lost it all in foreign trade,—what he himself calls +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page159" id="page159"></a>[page 159]</span> +'marituma negotia'<a id="footnotetagvi10" name="footnotetagvi10"></a><a href="#footnotevi10"><sup>10</sup></a>. Returning to Rome in absolute poverty, +he was reduced to work as a hired servant in a mill; and +while thus employed he first began to write comedies. The +names of two of these early works, <i>Saturio</i> and <i>Addictus</i>, have +been preserved by Gellius. From this time till his death he +seems to have been a most rapid and productive writer. We +have no means of determining at what date he began to write. +A passage quoted from Cicero has been thought to imply that +he was writing for the stage during the life-time of P. and Cn. +Scipio, i.e. before 212 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> But the earliest allusion to contemporary +events that we find in any of his extant plays, is +that in the Miles Gloriosus, to the imprisonment of Naevius, +probably in 206-5 <span class="sc">b.c.</span><a id="footnotetagvi11" name="footnotetagvi11"></a><a href="#footnotevi11"><sup>11</sup></a> We have no certainty that any of the +extant plays were written before that date, although the +mention of Hiero in the Menaechmi, and the use of some +more than usually archaic inflexions in that play, have been +supposed to indicate an earlier date for it. Of the other plays, +the Cistellaria and Stichus were written within a year or two +of the Second Punic War<a id="footnotetagvi12" name="footnotetagvi12"></a><a href="#footnotevi12"><sup>12</sup></a>. The larger number of the extant +comedies belong to the last ten years of the poet's life. His +plays do not seem to have been published as literary works +during his life-time, but to have been left in possession of +the acting companies, by whom passages may have been +interpolated and others omitted, before they were finally +reduced into a literary shape. Most of the prologues to +his plays belong to a later time, probably that of the generation +after his death<a id="footnotetagvi13" name="footnotetagvi13"></a><a href="#footnotevi13"><sup>13</sup></a>. Of the twenty-one plays which Varro +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page160" id="page160"></a>[page 160]</span> +accepted, on the ground of their intrinsic merits, as certainly +genuine, we possess twenty, and fragments of the remaining +one, the <i>Vidularia</i>. The names of some other genuine plays, +such as the <i>Saturio</i>, <i>Addictus</i>, and <i>Commorientes</i>, are also +known to us.</p> + +<p>How far are we able to fill up this meagre outline by +personal indications of the poet left on his works? In the +case of any dramatist this is always difficult; and Plautus is +not in form only, but in spirit, essentially dramatic. Nothing +marks the difference between the popular and the aristocratic +tendencies of Roman thought and literature more than the +entire absence of any didactic tendency in his plays. He +does not think of making his hearers better by his representations, +nor does he believe that it is possible to do so<a id="footnotetagvi14" name="footnotetagvi14"></a><a href="#footnotevi14"><sup>14</sup></a>. He +identifies himself as heartily for the time being with his rogues +of both sexes as with his rarer specimens of honest men and +virtuous women. He seldom indulges in reflexions on life. +When he does so it is by the mouth of a slave, who winds up +the unfamiliar process in some such way as Pseudolus, 'sed +iam satis est philosophatum<a id="footnotetagvi15" name="footnotetagvi15"></a><a href="#footnotevi15"><sup>15</sup></a>,' or in the lyrical self-reproaches +of some prodigal, whose good resolutions vanish on the reappearance +of his mistress. Among the innumerable terms of +reproach which one slave addresses to another, none is +expressive of more withering contempt than the term 'philosophe<a id="footnotetagvi16" name="footnotetagvi16"></a><a href="#footnotevi16"><sup>16</sup></a>.' +But even if we could trace any predominant sympathies +in Plautus, or any special vein of reflexion which might seem +to throw light on his own experience, some doubt would +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page161" id="page161"></a>[page 161]</span> +always remain as to whether he was not in these passages +reproducing his original. The loss of many of his prologues +deprives us of the kind of knowledge of his circumstances and +position which Terence affords us in his prologues. Even the +'asides' to the spectators, which often occur in Plautus, may in +many cases be due to the comedians of a later time.</p> + +<p>Yet perhaps it is not impossible to enlarge our notion of his +personal circumstances and characteristics by tracing some +hints of them in his extant works.</p> + +<p>We find one reference to his birthplace, in the form of +a bad pun altogether devoid of any trace of sentiment or +affection<a id="footnotetagvi17" name="footnotetagvi17"></a><a href="#footnotevi17"><sup>17</sup></a>. He mentions other districts or towns in Italy in +the tone of half-humorous, half-contemptuous indifference, +which a Londoner of last, or a Parisian of the present century, +might adopt to the provinces<a id="footnotetagvi18" name="footnotetagvi18"></a><a href="#footnotevi18"><sup>18</sup></a>. More than one allusion +indicates that the citizens of Praeneste were especially regarded +as butts by the wits of Rome<a id="footnotetagvi19" name="footnotetagvi19"></a><a href="#footnotevi19"><sup>19</sup></a>. The contempt of the town +for the country also appears unmistakeably in the dialogue +between Grumio and Tranio in the 'Mostellaria<a id="footnotetagvi20" name="footnotetagvi20"></a><a href="#footnotevi20"><sup>20</sup></a>,' and in the +boorish manners of the country lover in the 'Truculentus.' +In the eyes of a town-bred wit the chief use of the country is +to supply elm-rods for the punishment of pert or refractory +slaves. A large number of his illustrations are taken from the +handicrafts of the city, but very few are indicative of familiarity +with rustic occupations. There is no breath of the poetry of +rural nature in Plautus. If he betrays any poetical sensibility +to natural influences at all, it is to be found in passages in +which the aspects of the sea, in calm or storm, are recalled. +Mommsen speaks of 'a most remarkable analogy in many +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page162" id="page162"></a>[page 162]</span> +external points between Plautus and Shakespeare<a id="footnotetagvi21" name="footnotetagvi21"></a><a href="#footnotevi21"><sup>21</sup></a>. 'Yet there +is contrast rather than analogy in the impression left upon +their respective works by the associations of their early +homes.</p> + +<p>On the other hand we find, in many of his plays, traces of +intimate familiarity with the adventures of a mercantile life. +It is most probable that some of the passages in which these +appear would have been found in his originals had they been +preserved to us. Yet the emotions of thankfulness for a safe +return to harbour, or of curiosity and pleasure in landing at +a strange town<a id="footnotetagvi22" name="footnotetagvi22"></a><a href="#footnotevi22"><sup>22</sup></a>, are expressed so frequently and with such +liveliness as to seem like the reminiscence of personal +experience. We get, somehow, the impression of one who had +travelled widely, had 'seen the cities of many men and learned +their minds,' had marked with humorous observation many +varieties of character, had taken note, but without any special +aesthetic sensibility, of the works of art which were scattered +throughout the Hellenic cities, had shared in the pleasures +which these cities held out freely to their visitors, and had +encountered the dangers of the sea not without some sense of +their sublimity and picturesqueness<a id="footnotetagvi23" name="footnotetagvi23"></a><a href="#footnotevi23"><sup>23</sup></a>. The God most frequently +appealed to in prayer or thanksgiving is Neptune<a id="footnotetagvi24" name="footnotetagvi24"></a><a href="#footnotevi24"><sup>24</sup></a>. +The colloquial use of Greek phrases in many of his plays +seems to imply a familiar habit of employing them, in active +intercourse with Greeks on his maritime adventures. The +day-dream of Gripus, after finding his treasure, might almost +be taken as a humorous comment on the various motives of +curiosity and mercantile enterprise by which he himself was +prompted to become engaged in maritime speculation:—</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page163" id="page163"></a>[page 163]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Navibus magnis mercaturam faciam: aput reges rex perhibebor.</p> +<p>Post animi causa mihi navem faciam atque imitabor Stratonicum,</p> +<p>Oppida circumvectitabor, ubi nobilitas mea erit clara,</p> +<p>Oppidum magnum conmoenibo: ei ego urbi Gripo indam nomen<a id="footnotetagvi25" name="footnotetagvi25"></a><a href="#footnotevi25"><sup>25</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He shows much greater familiarity with the life of the lower +and middle classes than with that of those above them in +station. He is not always happy in his embodiment of the +character of a gentleman. Nothing, for instance, can be +meaner than the conduct of the second Menaechmus, who is +intended to interest us, in his relations to Erotion. And this +failure is equally conspicuous in another of his favourite +characters, Periplecomenus, the 'lepidus senex' of the Gloriosus. +His indecorous geniality is scarcely compatible with the +respectability, not to say the dignity, of age. We recognise in +his characters and illustrations a vigorous and many-sided +contact with life, but no influence derived from association +with members of the governing class. In this respect he stood +in marked contrast to Ennius and Terence, and probably to +Caecilius. The two latter, being freedmen, were naturally +brought into closer association with, and dependence on, their +social superiors. Plautus writes in the spirit of an 'ingenuus,' +in good-humoured sympathy with the mass of the citizens, and +with no feeling of bitterness towards the aristocracy, or indeed +to any human being whatsoever. He is at home with all kinds +of men, except the highest in rank. He takes a good-natured +ironical delight in his slaves, courtesans, parasites, and sycophants. +He is not shocked by anything they can do or say. +He feels the enjoyment of a man of strong animal spirits +in laughing at and with them. Even the 'leno,' the least +estimable character in the repertory of ancient comedy, he +treats rather as a butt than as an object of detestation. He +does not by a single phrase show any sign of having been +soured or depressed by the misfortunes and vicissitudes of his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page164" id="page164"></a>[page 164]</span> +life. We feel, in his dialogues, the presence of irrepressible +animal spirits, and a sense of boundless resource and lively +intelligence in his characters, especially in his slaves. From +no scrape does it seem hopeless for them to find some means +of extrication. Like them, he himself has the buoyancy of one, +'fortunae immersabilis undis.'</p> + +<p>From the zest with which he writes of them, we might +infer that he had a keen personal enjoyment in eating and +drinking, and in the coarser forms of conviviality. His favourite +dishes,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Pernam callum glandium sumen, etc.<a id="footnotetagvi26" name="footnotetagvi26"></a><a href="#footnotevi26"><sup>26</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>find no place in the more fastidious gastronomy of our own +times, but they were capable of giving great satisfaction to +the larger and robuster appetites of the ancient Italians,—of +a people who had been, till the sudden influx of luxury +in his own time, described as 'barbarous porridge-eaters<a id="footnotetagvi27" name="footnotetagvi27"></a><a href="#footnotevi27"><sup>27</sup></a>.' +Horace has criticised the extravagant gusto with which he +makes his parasites dilate on their peculiar pleasures<a id="footnotetagvi28" name="footnotetagvi28"></a><a href="#footnotevi28"><sup>28</sup></a>; and +the important part which the preparation for the 'prandium' +or the 'cena' plays in several of his dramas is perhaps +significant of the attention which he himself bestowed on +them in the days of his prosperity. The early revels of +Philolaches and Callidamates in the Mostellaria, the manner +in which Pseudolus celebrates his triumph over Ballio<a id="footnotetagvi29" name="footnotetagvi29"></a><a href="#footnotevi29"><sup>29</sup></a>, +and Sagarinus and Stichus the return of their masters from +abroad<a id="footnotetagvi30" name="footnotetagvi30"></a><a href="#footnotevi30"><sup>30</sup></a>, the tastes which the poet attributes to the old women +in his pieces, as to Staphyla in the Aulularia,—show that +the Romans had not learned, in his time, the more cultivated +enjoyment of wine, which they brought to perfection in the +days of Horace. The experience to which Plautus bears +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page165" id="page165"></a>[page 165]</span> +witness, like that attributed to his contemporaries in the +lines</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ennius ipse pater numquam nisi potus ad arma</p> +<p>Prosiluit dicenda,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Narratur et prisci Catonis</p> +<p class="i6"> Saepe mero caluisse virtus,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>is indicative rather of the convivial 'abandon' of men of +vigorous constitutions, than of the more deliberate and +fastidious epicureanism of the poets of a later age.</p> + +<p>Another criticism of Horace upon Plautus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Gestit enim nummum in loculos demittere—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>may very probably be true, and is by no means to his +discredit. The same charge has been brought against some +of the most facile and productive creators in modern times, +such as Scott, Dickens, and Balzac, and, to a certain extent, +even Shakspeare. To the poets of Nature, or of the higher +thought and emotions of men, the pure enjoyment of their +art may afford sufficient happiness. In so far as they are +true to their higher genius, they are, or ought to be, more +independent than any other class of men of the pleasures +which money can give. But artists whose power consists +in vividly realising and representing the various activities, +passions, and enjoyments of life, may feel, in their own +experience, some of the craving and of the satisfaction which +they are called on to describe. Nor is it unnatural that they +should take any legitimate means of securing for themselves +some share in the objects of desire, which are the moving +forces of their imaginary world. In the large place which the +details of good living fill in his plays, Plautus exaggerates +a tendency which is discernible in the more decorous fictions +of Scott and Dickens. In the important part which he assigns +to money in many of his dramas, in his business-like mention +of specific sums, in the frequency of his illustrations from the +practice of keeping accounts, he shows a resemblance to Balzac. +The experience of his life must have impressed upon him the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page166" id="page166"></a>[page 166]</span> +value of money. The fact that he saved enough in his early +employment in connexion with the stage to embark on mercantile +speculations is a proof of early thrift and prudence and +of a wish to raise himself in the world. In all this he was +merely exhibiting one of the most common characteristics of +the middle class among his countrymen.</p> + +<p>Horace adds the further criticism, that so long as he could +make money he was indifferent to the artistic merits of his +pieces,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Securus cadat an recto stet fabula talo;—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this criticism is to a great extent true. His object was to +give the largest amount of immediate amusement<a id="footnotetagvi31" name="footnotetagvi31"></a><a href="#footnotevi31"><sup>31</sup></a>. He was +not a careful artist like Terence, studying either finish of style, +perfect consistency in the development of his characters, +or the working out of his plots to a harmonious conclusion. +It was owing to the irrepressible vitality and strong human +nature which he could not help imparting to his careless +execution, that his plays have survived many more elaborate +compositions. Yet he shows a rude kind of consciousness +of his art in such passages as that in which he makes +Pseudolus compare himself to the poet who creates out of +nothing—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Set quasi poeta, tabulas quom cepit sibi,</p> +<p>Quaerit quod nusquamst gentium, reperit tamen<a id="footnotetagvi32" name="footnotetagvi32"></a><a href="#footnotevi32"><sup>32</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and he speaks of the pleasure which he took in his play +'Epidicus<a id="footnotetagvi33" name="footnotetagvi33"></a><a href="#footnotevi33"><sup>33</sup></a>.' Cicero also testifies to the joy which he derived +from two of the works of his old age, the Pseudolus and +the Truculentus<a id="footnotetagvi34" name="footnotetagvi34"></a><a href="#footnotevi34"><sup>34</sup></a>. But his delight was that of a vigorous +creator, not of a painstaking artist.</p> + +<p>Many allusions in his plays attest his acquaintance with +works of art, with the stories of Greek mythology or the +subjects of Greek tragedies, and with the names, at least, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page167" id="page167"></a>[page 167]</span> +of Greek philosophers. His extraordinary productiveness in +adapting works from the new comedy shows that he had +a complete command of the Greek language. He not only +uses Greek phrases, but has endeavoured to enrich the native +vocabulary with a considerable number of Greek words in +a Latin form<a id="footnotetagvi35" name="footnotetagvi35"></a><a href="#footnotevi35"><sup>35</sup></a>. Yet the knowledge he betrays is that which +a man of versatile intelligence, lively curiosity, and retentive +memory, would pick up in his varied intercourse with his +contemporaries, without any special study of books, except +such as were needed for his immediate purpose. The more +recondite learning of Ennius was probably as strange to him +as that of Ben Jonson was to Shakspeare.</p> + +<p>The great movement of his age acted on the mind of +Plautus in a manner different from that in which it affected +Ennius. To the younger poet the triumphant close of the +Second Punic War brought the sense of a mighty future +awaiting the Roman Republic. He appealed to the higher +national aspirations stirring the hearts of the governing class. +Plautus felt the strong rebound of spirits from a long-continued +state of tension, from a time of anxiety and self-sacrifice, +in a less noble manner. He appealed to the craving which +the mass of the citizens felt for a more unrestrained enjoyment +of the pleasures of life. In the spirit which moved him +we seem to recognise the same kind of impulse which prompted +the repeal of the Oppian law, and which led to the great +increase of public amusements of every kind. The newly-acquired +peace and ease awoke in him a sense of the immense +capacities of the individual for enjoyment. In a passage +of one of his later plays he seems to claim this indulgence +as the natural concomitant of victory:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Postremo in magno populo, in multis hominibus,</p> +<p>Re placida atque otiosa, victis hostibus,</p> +<p>Amare oportet omnes, qui quod dent habent<a id="footnotetagvi36" name="footnotetagvi36"></a><a href="#footnotevi36"><sup>36</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page168" id="page168"></a>[page 168]</span> +<p>With this new sense of freedom and of fullness of life, the +old restraints of religion and of the morality bound up with it +were relaxed. The commons began to exercise less and +less influence in the state. Their political indifference finds +an echo in the slighting allusions which Plautus makes to +the duties of public life<a id="footnotetagvi37" name="footnotetagvi37"></a><a href="#footnotevi37"><sup>37</sup></a>. The increased contact with the +mind and life of the Greeks powerfully stimulated intellectual +curiosity, but at the same time was a great solvent of faith, +manners, and morals. The frequent use of the words <i>congraecari</i>, +<i>pergraecari</i>, etc., in Plautus, shows that while the +highest Roman minds were learning new lessons of wisdom +and humanity from the great Greek writers of the past, the +ordinary Roman was learning lessons of idleness and dissoluteness +from the living Greeks of the time. The armies +which returned from the Macedonian wars, and still more from +that with Antiochus, brought with them new fashions and new +appliances of luxury. Plautus shows a large indulgence, not +unmixed with a vein of saturnine humour, for these new ways +on which both young and old were eagerly entering. We see +in him the unchecked exuberance of animal life, but no +sign of the recklessness or the satiety of exhausted passions. +Though there is more decorum, more refined sentiment, +in the life of pleasure as presented by Terence, there is +more often in Plautus an expression of a struggle between the +new temptations and the old Roman ideas of thrift, active +duty, and self-restraint. The conscience, though easily lulled +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page169" id="page169"></a>[page 169]</span> +to sleep, is still capable of feeling the sting of the thought +contained in the Lucretian line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Desidiose agere aetatem lustrisque perire.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Turning now to the particular plays we find that they all +belong to the class of <i>palliatae</i>. They are adaptations or combinations +from the works of Menander, Diphilus, Philemon, +and other writers of the new comedy. The action represented +is generally supposed to take place in Athens, sometimes +in other Greek towns, in Epidamnus, Ephesus, Cyrene, etc. +The plays of Plautus, unlike those of Terence and most +of those of Caecilius, have generally Latin titles, but nearly +all his personages have Greek names. One or two of his +parasites (Peniculus, Saturio, Curculio) are exceptions to +this rule: but the absence of all <i>gentile</i> designations among +his richer personages would alone prove that he had no +intention of presenting to his audience the outward conditions +of Roman or Italian life. The social circumstances implied in +all his plays are those of well-to-do citizens engaged in foreign +commerce, or retired from business after having made their +fortunes. The only differences in station among his personages +are those of rich and poor, free and slave. There is +no recognition of those great distinctions of birth, privilege, +and political status, which were so pervading a characteristic +of Roman life. Old men are indeed spoken of as 'senati +columen'; and it is made a ground of reproach to a young +man that he is not already a candidate for public office, or +making a name for himself by defending cases in the law-courts. +But such passages are probably to be classed among +the frequent Roman allusions to be found in Plautus, which +had no equivalent in his original. The new comedy of +Menander was based on the philosophy of Epicurus, which +taught the lesson of abstention from all public duties<a id="footnotetagvi38" name="footnotetagvi38"></a><a href="#footnotevi38"><sup>38</sup></a>. The +life of the young men is almost entirely a life of pleasure, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page170" id="page170"></a>[page 170]</span> +varied perhaps by some participation in their fathers' foreign +business, or occasional service in the army. But the dislike +of a military life among the 'easy livers' of Athens in the +beginning of the third century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> is shown as much by the +indifference of these young men to their honour as soldiers<a id="footnotetagvi39" name="footnotetagvi39"></a><a href="#footnotevi39"><sup>39</sup></a>, +as by the ridicule which is heaped upon the 'Captain Bobadils' +who served as mercenaries in the military monarchies of the +successors of Alexander. Even a slave regards enlisting as a +soldier as the last refuge of a ruined man. The other characters +are of Greek origin, though some of them became naturalised +in Rome. The ordinary Roman client on the one hand—such +as the Volteius Mena of Horace,—and the scurra of Roman +satire on the other (Volanerius or Maenius), had a certain +likeness to the Greek parasite; though the position of the +first was more respectable<a id="footnotetagvi40" name="footnotetagvi40"></a><a href="#footnotevi40"><sup>40</sup></a>, and the last was a more formidable +element in society than a Gelasimus or an Artotrogus. The +'fallax servus' of comedy, though a wonderful conception of a +humorous imagination, is a character hardly compatible with +any social conditions; but it is undoubtedly an exaggeration +of Greek mendacity and intelligence, the very antithesis of +Italian rusticity. The commanding part they play in the +affairs of their masters seems like a grotesque anticipation +of the part played under the empire by Greek freedmen,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Viscera magnarum domuum dominique futuri.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The 'meretrix blanda' of Menander was probably more +refined, but not essentially different from the 'libertina' of +Rome. Among the rare glimpses into social life which Livy +affords behind the stately but somewhat monotonous pageant +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page171" id="page171"></a>[page 171]</span> +of consuls and imperators, armies in the field, senators in +council, and political assemblies of the people, none is more +interesting than that given in the inquiries into the horrors of +the Bacchanalia at Rome<a id="footnotetagvi41" name="footnotetagvi41"></a><a href="#footnotevi41"><sup>41</sup></a>. The relations between P. Aebutius +and the freedwoman Hispala Fecenia bring to mind those +existing between the Philematiums, the Phileniums, or Planesiums +of comedy and their lovers. The 'leno insidiosus' and +the 'improba lena' are probably much the same in all times +and countries; but there is a vigorous brutality and inhuman +hardness about Ballio and Cleaereta which seem more true to +Roman than to Greek life. The kind of life which comedy +represents must have had great attractions for a race of +vigorous organisation like the Romans, after continued success +and prosperity had broken down the old restraints on +conduct and desire, and the accumulated wealth of the world +had become the prize of their energy. Yet their inherited +instincts for industry and frugality must have made it difficult +for them to realise gracefully the hollow life of light-hearted +enjoyment which came easily to a Greek in the +third century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> The average Roman learned to exaggerate +the profligacy without acquiring the refinement of his +teachers.</p> + +<p>It might perhaps have been expected that a writer of such +prodigal invention and so popular and national a fibre as +Plautus would have chosen rather to set before his countrymen +a humorous image of themselves, than to transport them +in imagination to Athens and to exhibit to them those well-used +conventional types of Greek life and manners. But, +in the first place, the mere fact that it was more easy for him +to adapt than to create would have been a sufficient motive to +so careless and unconscious an artist. Again, the state-censorship +exercised by the magistrates who exhibited the +games would naturally deter a poet, who did not wish to +encounter the fate of Naevius, from any direct dealing with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page172" id="page172"></a>[page 172]</span> +the delicate subject of Roman social and family life. The +later writers of the <i>fabulae togatae</i> seem for the most part +to have reproduced the life and personages of the provincial +towns in Italy. The position not only of the magistrate +but even of the citizen at Rome was invested with a kind +of dignity and even sanctity, which it would have been +dangerous to violate in a public spectacle. Further, the very +novelty and unfamiliarity of the ways of Greek life would +be more stimulating to the rude imagination of that age than +a reproduction of the everyday life of Rome. It requires +a more cultivated fancy to recognise incidents, situations and +characters suited for art in actual experience, than to appreciate +the conventional types of older dramatists. It is a noticeable +fact that Shakspeare places the scene of only one of his +comedies in England, and that he too introduces the English +names and characteristics of Bottom, Snug, Peter Quince, etc., +as Plautus does those of Saturio or Curculio into an imaginary +representation of Athenian life. But whatever were his +motives for doing so, Plautus professes to introduce his hearers +to a representation of Greek manners and morals. His +frequent use of the word <i>barbarus</i> in reference to Italian +or Roman ways, his use of Latinised Greek words and actual +Greek phrases, the Greek names of his personages, the dress +in which they appeared, the invariable reference to Greek +money, perhaps the actual scene presented to the eye, the +frequent mention of ships unexpectedly arriving in harbour, +the names of the foreign towns visited, etc., would all tend to +remind the audience that they were listening to an action and +witnessing a spectacle of Greek life.</p> + +<p>But while the outward conditions of his dramas are professedly +taken from Greek originals, much of the manner and +spirit of his personages is certainly Roman. The language in +which they express themselves in the first place is thoroughly +their own. This is shown by the large number of his puns and +plays on words. These by their spontaneity, sometimes by +their grotesqueness, sometimes by a Latin play on a Greek +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page173" id="page173"></a>[page 173]</span> +word—such as Archidemides<a id="footnotetagvi42" name="footnotetagvi42"></a><a href="#footnotevi42"><sup>42</sup></a> or Epidamnus,—show their +native origin. No writer, again, abounds so much in alliterations, +assonances, asyndeta<a id="footnotetagvi43" name="footnotetagvi43"></a><a href="#footnotevi43"><sup>43</sup></a>, which are characteristic of all +early Roman poetry down even to Lucretius, and which have +no parallel in the more refined and natural diction of the +Greek dramatists. Further, we constantly meet with Roman +formulae<a id="footnotetagvi44" name="footnotetagvi44"></a><a href="#footnotevi44"><sup>44</sup></a>, Roman proverbs<a id="footnotetagvi45" name="footnotetagvi45"></a><a href="#footnotevi45"><sup>45</sup></a>, expressions of courtesy<a id="footnotetagvi46" name="footnotetagvi46"></a><a href="#footnotevi46"><sup>46</sup></a>, and +the like. The very fluency, copiousness, and verve of his +language are impossible to a translator, at least in the early +stages of a literature. Nothing can be more spontaneous and +natural than the dialogue in Plautus. There is, on the other +hand, considerable appearance of effort in the reflective +passages of the 'cantica'; and this is exactly what we +should expect in a Roman writer of originality. Reflexion +on life was altogether strange to a Roman in the age of +Plautus; to a Greek it was easy and hackneyed. In the +prolixity and slow beating out of the thought in some of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page174" id="page174"></a>[page 174]</span> +'cantica' we note the beginning of a process unfamiliar to the +Roman mind, for which the forms of the Latin language were +not yet adapted. The facility of expressing reflexion appears +much more developed in Terence. If Plautus were reproducing +a Greek original in such passages as Mostell. 85-145, +Trinummus 186-273, the thought and the illustration would +have lost much in freshness and <i>naïveté</i> but they would have +been expressed with much more point and conciseness.</p> + +<p>But it is not only in his language and manner that Plautus +shows his independence of his originals. The poems taken +from Greek life are in a large measure filled up with matter +taken from the life around him. The Greek personages of his +play, without apparently any sense of artistic incongruity, speak +as Romans would do of the places familiar to Romans—town +in Italy<a id="footnotetagvi47" name="footnotetagvi47"></a><a href="#footnotevi47"><sup>47</sup></a>, streets, markets, gates, in Rome<a id="footnotetagvi48" name="footnotetagvi48"></a><a href="#footnotevi48"><sup>48</sup></a>; of Roman magistrates +and other officials, Quaestors, Aediles, Praetors, Tresviri, +Publicani; they allude to the public business of the senate, +comitia, and law-courts,—to colonies<a id="footnotetagvi49" name="footnotetagvi49"></a><a href="#footnotevi49"><sup>49</sup></a>, praefecturae, and the +provincia of a magistrate,—to public games in honour of the +dead,—to the distinctive dress worn by matrons,—to the forms +of bargaining and purchasing, of summoning an antagonist into +court, of pleading a case at law,—to the times of vacation from +business<a id="footnotetagvi50" name="footnotetagvi50"></a><a href="#footnotevi50"><sup>50</sup></a>,—to the emancipation of slaves,—peculiar to the +Romans. The special characteristics of Roman religion appear +in the number of abstract deities referred to, such as +Salus, Opportunitas, Libentia, etc. A new divinity is invented +in the interests of lovers, under the name of Suavisuaviatio<a id="footnotetagvi51" name="footnotetagvi51"></a><a href="#footnotevi51"><sup>51</sup></a>. +Other better-known objects of Roman worship, such as Jupiter +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page175" id="page175"></a>[page 175]</span> +Capitolinus, Laverna, the Lar Familiaris, are also introduced. +We find also references to recent events in Roman history—such +as the subjugation of the Boii<a id="footnotetagvi52" name="footnotetagvi52"></a><a href="#footnotevi52"><sup>52</sup></a>, the treatment inflicted on +the Campanians after the Second Punic War, the importation +of Syrian slaves after the war with Antiochus<a id="footnotetagvi53" name="footnotetagvi53"></a><a href="#footnotevi53"><sup>53</sup></a>, the introduction +of foreign luxuries at the same time<a id="footnotetagvi54" name="footnotetagvi54"></a><a href="#footnotevi54"><sup>54</sup></a>, the extreme frequency +with which triumphs were granted in the first twenty years of +the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span><a id="footnotetagvi55" name="footnotetagvi55"></a><a href="#footnotevi55"><sup>55</sup></a> Allusion is made to particular +Roman laws, such as the lex alearia<a id="footnotetagvi56" name="footnotetagvi56"></a><a href="#footnotevi56"><sup>56</sup></a>, probably passed about +this time to resist the progress of Greek demoralisation. The +state of feeling aroused, on both sides, by the repeal of the +Oppian law, and the state of society which led to the original +enactment of that law, are reflected in many passages of the +plays of Plautus. A remark of one of the better class of +matrons—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Non matronarum officium est, sed meretricium,</p> +<p>Viris alienis, mi vir, subblandirier<a id="footnotetagvi57" name="footnotetagvi57"></a><a href="#footnotevi57"><sup>57</sup></a>—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>may serve as a comment on the arguments with which Cato +opposed the repeal of the law: 'Qui hic mos est in publicum +procurrendi, et obsidendi vias, et viros alienos appellandi?... An +blandiores in publico quam in privato, et alienis quam +vestris estis<a id="footnotetagvi58" name="footnotetagvi58"></a><a href="#footnotevi58"><sup>58</sup></a>?' The imperiousness of a 'dotata uxor,' and +the spirit of rebellion thereby aroused in the mind of her +husband, are themes treated with grim humour in many of the +dramas. The stale jokes against the happiness of married life +were as applicable to Greek as to Roman life; and Greek +husbands may have stood in as much dread of their wives' +extravagance in dress, and in as great awe of their surveillance, +as were experienced by the elderly husbands of Latin comedy. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page176" id="page176"></a>[page 176]</span> +But the fact that similar criticisms appear in the satirical and +oratorical fragments of the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> indicates that +such jokes, whether or not originally due to the Greek writer, +came equally home to a Roman audience.</p> + +<p>Again, the great fertility of Plautus and his many-sided +contact with life are apparent in the number and variety of +his metaphors and illustrations from, and other references to, +many varieties of human occupation. These have, for the +most part, both a national and a popular origin. The number +of those taken from military operations, and from legal and +business transactions, is a clear indication that they were of +fresh Roman coinage. There is no character which a slave, +who has to conduct some intrigue to a successful issue, is so +fond of assuming as that of the general of an army. In one +passage one of his confederates addresses him as 'Imperator.' +He takes the auspices, he brings his engines to bear on the +citadel of the enemy, he brings up his supports, he lays his +ambush and avoids that laid for him, he leads his army round +by some unknown pass, cuts off the enemy's communications, +keeps open his own, invests and takes the hostile position, and +divides the booty among his allies. The following passage for +instance is freshly coloured with all the recent experience of the +Hannibalian war:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Viden hostis tibi adesse, tuoque tergo obsidium? Consule,</p> +<p>Arripe opem auxiliumque ad hanc rem, propere hoc non placide decet.</p> +<p>Anteveni aliqua aut aliquo saltu circumduce exercitum,</p> +<p>Coge in obsidium perduellis, nostris praesidium para.</p> +<p>Interclude conmeatum inimicis, tibi moeni viam,</p> +<p>Qua cibatus conmeatusque ad te et legionis tuas</p> +<p>Tuto possit pervenire. Hanc rem age: res subitariast<a id="footnotetagvi59" name="footnotetagvi59"></a><a href="#footnotevi59"><sup>59</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page177" id="page177"></a>[page 177]</span> + +<p>The illustrations from the practice of keeping accounts, from +banking and business operations, and the references to law +forms, such as the mode of pleading a case by sponsio<a id="footnotetagvi60" name="footnotetagvi60"></a><a href="#footnotevi60"><sup>60</sup></a>, would +come home to the experience and habits which were fostered +more in Rome than in any other ancient community<a id="footnotetagvi61" name="footnotetagvi61"></a><a href="#footnotevi61"><sup>61</sup></a>. Though +the Romans never were a mercantile community, like the +Carthaginians or the Greek States in their later days, yet from +the earliest times they understood the uses of the accumulation +and skilful application of capital. Another large class of +metaphors, generally expressive of some form of roguery, and +taken from the trade of various artisans—such as the smith, +carpenter, butcher, weaver, etc.<a id="footnotetagvi62" name="footnotetagvi62"></a><a href="#footnotevi62"><sup>62</sup></a>—speaks to the popular as +well as the national characteristics of his dramas. If these +metaphorical phrases had been mere translations, they would, +as thus applied, have had no meaning to a Roman audience. +They must have been more or less of slang phrases, formed by +and for the people, and suggested by an intimate familiarity +with many varieties of trickery and swindling on the one hand, +and with the skill and trade of various classes of artisans on +the other.</p> + +<p>The exuberant use of terms of endearment and of abuse in +Plautus may be also mentioned as an original and Roman +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page178" id="page178"></a>[page 178]</span> +characteristic of his genius. His lovers' phrases<a id="footnotetagvi63" name="footnotetagvi63"></a><a href="#footnotevi63"><sup>63</sup></a>, though used +by him with a saturnine humour, remind us of the passionate +use of similar phrases in Catullus. The slave or cook of Greek +comedy may probably have indulged freely in the vituperation +of his fellows; but there is an idiomatic heartiness in the interchange +of curses and verbal sword-thrusts among the slaves, +panders, and cooks of Plautus, which seems congenial to the +race who enjoyed the spectacles of the amphitheatre. The +inexhaustible fund of merriment supplied by references to or +practical exemplifications of the various modes of punishing +and torturing slaves, tells of a people not especially cruel, but +practically callous either to the infliction or the suffering of +pain. The Greek nature was, when roused to passion, capable +of fiercer and more cowardly cruelty than the Roman, but was +too sensitively organised to enjoy the spectacle or the imagination +of inflictions which form the subject of the stalest jokes in +Plautus. The spirit of the new comedy as it existed in Greece, +was not, on the whole, calculated to elevate, but it certainly +was capable of humanising the Roman character.</p> + +<p>We are less able to speak of his originality in the selection +of incidents and dramatic situations, in the general management +of his plots, and his conception of characters. Though +more varied than Terence in the subjects which he chooses +for dramatic treatment, yet there is great sameness, both of +incident, development, and character, in many of them. His +favourite subject is a scheme by which a slave, in the interests +of his young master, and his mistress, cheats a father, a +mercenary captain, or a 'leno,' who are treated, though in +different degrees, as enemies of the human race and legitimate +objects of spoliation. Some of the best of his plays—the +Pseudolus, Bacchides, the Mostellaria, and the Miles Gloriosus—turn +entirely upon incidents of this kind—'frustrationes +in comoediis' as they are called. There is nothing on which +the chief agent in such plots prides himself so much as on his +success 'in shearing,' 'planing away,' or 'wiping the nose' of, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page179" id="page179"></a>[page 179]</span> +his antagonist in the game: there is no indignity about which +the sense of honour is so sensitive as that of having had 'words +palmed off upon one,' and having thus been made an object +of ridicule. The invariable enlisting of sympathy in favour of +the cheat and against the dupe is a trait more illustrative of the +countrymen of Ulysses than of Fabricius; but the 'Tusci turba +impia vici' at Rome had, no doubt, their own native aptitude +for cheating and lying.</p> + +<p>The 'Pseudolus' is perhaps the best and the most typical +specimen of a play the interest of which turns on this kind of +intrigue. In it the plot is skilfully worked out, the characters +are conceived with the greatest liveliness, and admirably +sustained and contrasted, and the incidents and motives +on which the personages act are never strained beyond the +limits of probability. A more fastidious age might have +objected to the celebration by Pseudolus of his triumph, +as a grotesque excrescence: but it serves to bring out the +sensual geniality underlying the audacity and roguery of his +character, in contrast to the sensual brutality underlying the +audacity and villainy of Ballio. When we consider the +vigorous life and even the art with which the whole piece is +worked out, we understand why Plautus, with good reason, +took, in his old age, especial pleasure in this play. There is +not much to offend a robust morality in the piece; for though +the result accomplished cannot be called the triumph of +virtue over vice, it is at least the triumph of a more amiable +over a more detestable form of depravity.</p> + +<p>In the 'Bacchides' the slave Chrysalus plays a part similar +to that of Pseudolus, with perhaps more subtlety but less +vigour and liveliness. The mode in which both the 'pater +attentus' and the 'senex lepidus' of the piece (Nicobulus +and Philoxenus) succumb to the blandishments of the two +sisters, and in the end become the rivals of their sons, is still +less edifying than the winding up of the Pseudolus: but the +<i>dénouement</i> is brought about not unskilfully or extravagantly. +It is difficult to say whether Plautus, like the author of Gil +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page180" id="page180"></a>[page 180]</span> +Blas, felt a moral indifference to the characters he brought +on the stage, so long as he could make them amusing; +or whether, like Balzac, but with more humour and less +cynicism, he had a peculiar delight in following human +corruption into its last retreats. The moral with which the +piece winds up—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hi senes nisi fuissent nihili iam inde ab adulescentia,</p> +<p>Non hodie hoc tantum flagitium facerent canis capitibus,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>implies that he recognised the difference between right and +wrong, or at least between good and bad taste in such matters, +but that he did not, perhaps, attach much importance to +it. The 'Asinaria,' which also turns on a scheme by which +a slave defrauds his mistress in behalf of his young master, +winds up with a scene in which a father is enjoying himself +as the rival of his complaisant son, till he is summoned +away by the apparition of his wife, and the wrathful and +scornful reiteration of 'Surge, amator, i domum.' The +moral expressed there by the 'Caterva' implies less +sympathy with outraged virtue than with the disappointed +delinquent—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hic senex siquid clam uxorem suo animo fecit volup'</p> +<p>Neque novom neque mirum fecit nec secus quam alii solent.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There are two or three other plays in which a father appears +as the rival of his son. None of the characters in Plautus, +not even Ballio, or Labrax, or Cleaereta,—the worst of his +'lenones' and 'lenae,'—excite more unmitigated disgust than +Stalino in the 'Casina.'</p> + +<p>The 'Miles Gloriosus' and the 'Mostellaria' are much less +objectionable in point of morality, or at least good taste, than +either the 'Bacchides' or the 'Asinaria.' They are among +the most popular of the plays of Plautus. There is a great +variety of humorous situations in the 'Miles': and, although +the principal character transcends all natural limits in his self-glorification, +his stupid insensibility, and his pusillanimity, the +intrigue is carried out with the greatest vivacity by Palaestrio +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page181" id="page181"></a>[page 181]</span> +and his army of accomplices; and the humour with which the +fidelity and veracity of the slave Sceledrus are played upon +almost merges into pathos in the despairing tenacity with +which he cannot bring himself to disbelieve the evidence of +his eyes—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Noli minitari: scio crucem futuram mihi sepulchrum:</p> +<p>Ibi mei sunt maiores siti, pater, avos, proavos, abavos.</p> +<p>Non possunt tuis minaciis hisce oculi mi ecfodiri<a id="footnotetagvi64" name="footnotetagvi64"></a><a href="#footnotevi64"><sup>64</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Tranio in the 'Mostellaria' is, in readiness of resource and +resolute mendacity, a not unworthy member of the fraternity +to which Pseudolus, Chrysalus, and Palaestrio belong. He is, +besides, something of a fop and a fine gentleman, and all his +relations with his young and old master, with Simo and the +Banker, are conducted with perfect urbanity. Yet the 'Mostellaria' +is certainly one of those plays to which the criticism +of Horace—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Securus cadat an recto stet fabula talo,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>is peculiarly applicable. No less suitable 'Deus ex machina' +than the crapulous Callidamates can well be imagined for the +purpose of reconciling a justly incensed father and master of a +household to the profligate extravagance of his son, and the +audacious mystification of his slave.</p> + +<p>Several other plays turn upon similar 'frustrationes.' Two +of the best of these are the 'Curculio' and the 'Epidicus.' +Though there are lively and humorous scenes in nearly all +his plays, and the language is generally sparkling and vigorous, +yet the sameness of situation and character, and the unrelieved +tone of light-hearted merriment and mendacity with +which this class of play is pervaded soon pall upon the taste. +A few, the 'Cistellaria' and the 'Poenulus,' for instance, turn +upon the incident of a free-born child being stolen in infancy, +and recognised by her parents before she has fatally committed +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page182" id="page182"></a>[page 182]</span> +herself to the occupation for which she has been destined. +But these are not among the best executed of the Plautine +plays. In the 'Stichus' we enjoy the unwonted satisfaction +of making acquaintance with two wives who really care for +their husbands: and the parasite Gelasimus in that play is +as amusing as the characters of the same kind in the Captivi, +Curculio, Menaechmi, Persa, etc. But the absence of incident, +coherent plot, and adequate <i>dénouement</i>, must +prevent this play from being ranked among the more important +compositions of Plautus. A few however still remain +to be noticed as among the most serious or the most +imaginative efforts of his genius. The 'Aulularia,' 'Trinummus,' +'Menaechmi,' 'Rudens,' 'Captivi,' and 'Amphitryo,' +are much more varied in their interest than most +of those already mentioned, and each of them has its own +characteristic excellence.</p> + +<p>The interest of the 'Aulularia' turns entirely on the +character of Euclio. Whether or not this embodiment +of the miser owes much to the original creation of Plautus, +it is certainly realised by him with the greatest truth and +vivacity. The whole conception is thoroughly human and +original; and though nothing can be more complete than +the hypochondriacal possession which his one idea has +over his imagination, the character is not presented in an +odious or despicable light. In this respect it differs from +the frequent presentment of the miserly character in Roman +satire, and in most modern works of fiction. Perhaps, except +Silas Marner and Père Goriot, there is no other case of a +miser being conceived with any human-hearted sympathy. +His exaggerated sense of the value of the smallest sum of +money is like a hallucination, arising out of the unexpected +discovery of a great treasure after a life of poverty has made +pinching and sparing a second nature to him. But this +hallucination has left him shrewdness, honesty, pluck, a +certain dignity, shown in his relation to Megadorus, and +abundance of a grim humour; and it seems to have cleared +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page183" id="page183"></a>[page 183]</span> +away, in the <i>dénouement</i> of the piece, under the influence of +fatherly affection<a id="footnotetagvi65" name="footnotetagvi65"></a><a href="#footnotevi65"><sup>65</sup></a>. There are none of the baser or more +brutal characters of the Plautine comedies introduced into this +play. Eunomia is a rare specimen of a virtuous woman; +Megadorus of a worthy and kindly old man, with a didactic +tendency which makes him a little wearisome; the 'young +lover' shows an honourable loyalty in the reparation of his +fault. Though none of these subsidiary characters are conceived +with anything like the force and vivacity of Euclio, +yet after reading the humours of ancient life, as exhibited +in the 'Asinaria,' 'Casina,' and 'Truculentus,' we feel a sense +of relief in finding ourselves in such respectable company. +The genius with which the chief character of the play is conceived +and executed is sufficiently attested by the fact that +it served as a model to the greatest of purely comic dramatists +of modern times.</p> + +<p>The 'Trinummus,' if less amusing than most of the other +plays of Plautus, is one of the most unexceptionable in moral +tendency; and one at least of the personages in it, Philto, in +his union of shrewd sense and old-fashioned severity with a +sarcastic humour and real humanity of nature is quite a new +type, distinguishable from the hard fathers, the disreputably +genial old men, and the mere worthy citizens, who are among +the stock characters of the Plautine comedy. There is no +play in which the struggle between the stricter morals of an +older time and the new temptations is more clearly exhibited: +and though vice is finally condoned, or at least visited only +with the mild penalty of an unsolicited marriage, the sympathies +of the audience are entirely enlisted on the side of +virtue. Lesbonicus is a prodigal of the type of Charles +Surface, whose folly and extravagance are redeemed by good +feeling and a latent sense of honour: and if it is not easy +to acquit Lysiteles of a too conscious virtue, one must remember +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page184" id="page184"></a>[page 184]</span> +how difficult it always is for a comic dramatist to +make the character of a thoroughly respectable young man +lively and entertaining. But the whole piece, from the +prologue, which indicates the way which all prodigals go, to +the end,—the good sense, worth of character, and friendly +confidence exhibited in the relations of Megaronides and +Callicles,—the honourable love of Lysiteles for the dowerless +sister of his friend,—the pious humanity and humility of such +sentiments as these in the mouth of Philto—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Di divites sunt, deos decent opulentiae</p> +<p>Et factiones: verum nos homunculi</p> +<p>Scintillula animae, quam quom extemplo emisimus,</p> +<p>Aequo mendicus atque ille opulentissimus</p> +<p>Censetur censu ad Acheruntem mortuos<a id="footnotetagvi66" name="footnotetagvi66"></a><a href="#footnotevi66"><sup>66</sup></a>,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the denunciation by Megaronides of the 'School for Scandal,' +which seems to have flourished in Athens as similar institutions +do in our modern cities,—enable us to believe that the citizen +life of the Greek communities, after the loss of their independence, +may not have been so utterly hollow and disreputable +as some of the representations of ancient comedy would lead +us to suppose.</p> + +<p>There is much greater originality of plot, incident, and +character, though, at the same time, a much less unexceptionable +moral tendency in the 'Menaechmi,' the model +after which Shakspeare's 'Comedy of Errors' was composed. +The plot turns upon the likeness of twins, who have been +separated from each other from childhood: and granting +this original supposition,—one perfectly conformable to +experience,—the many lively and humorous situations +arising out of their undistinguishable resemblance to one +another, are natural and lifelike. We feel, in the incidents +which Plautus brings before us, none of that sense of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page185" id="page185"></a>[page 185]</span> +unreality which the complication of the two Dromios adds +to the 'Comedy of Errors.' The play is enlivened also by +the element of personal adventure, arising out of the experiences +of the second Menaechmus in his search for his +brother over all the coasts of the Mediterranean. The two +brothers (whether or not this was intended by the poet) +are like in character, as well as in outward appearance; +and they are both, in their hardness and knowledge of the +world, in the unscrupulousness with which they gratify their +love of pleasure, and the superiority which they maintain +over their dependents, entirely distinct from the weak and +vacillating 'amantes ephebi' of most of the other plays. +The character of the 'parasite' is not very different from +that in some of the other plays, except that in his vindictiveness +for the loss of his <i>déjeuner</i>, and his love of +mischief-making, he comes nearer to the type of the 'scurra' +than of the faithful client of the house, who is best represented +by the Ergasilus of the 'Captivi.' But in the fashionable +physician who is called in by the wife and father-in-law +of the first Menaechmus, to examine into and prescribe +for his condition, we are introduced to a new type of character +which certainly seems to be drawn from the life. After +reading the scene in which this personage is introduced, +one might be inclined to fancy that, notwithstanding the +advance of medical science, certain characteristics of manner +and procedure had become long ago stereotyped in the +profession.</p> + +<p>These three plays show Plautus at his best in regard to +the delineation of character, to moral tendency, to the +conduct of a story by means of humorous incidents and +situations. The three which still remain to be considered +assert his claim to some share of poetic feeling and genius, +and to at least some sympathy with the more elevated +motives and sentiments which dignify human life. The +'Rudens' is inferior to several of the other plays in purely +dramatic interest; but it has all the charm and freshness of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page186" id="page186"></a>[page 186]</span> +a sea-idyll. The outward picture imprinted on the imagination +is that of a bright morning after a storm, of which +the effects are still apparent in the unroofing of the villa of +Daemones, in the wild commotion of the sea<a id="footnotetagvi67" name="footnotetagvi67"></a><a href="#footnotevi67"><sup>67</sup></a>, in the +desolation of the two shipwrecked women wandering about +among the lonely rocks where they have been cast ashore, +in the touching complaint of the poor fishermen deprived +by the storm of their chance of earning their daily bread. +The action, which consists in the rescue of innocence from +villainy, and in the recognition of a lost daughter by her +father, entirely enlists both the moral and the humane +sympathies. There is imaginative as well as humorous +originality in the soliloquies of Gripus, and in his altercation +with Trachalio; and a sense of sardonic satisfaction +is experienced in contemplating the plight of Labrax (a +weaker and meaner ruffian than Ballio) and his confederate +chattering with cold and bewailing the loss of their illgotten +gains. But the peculiar charm of the play, as compared with +any of those which have been already noticed, is the sentiment +of natural piety—not unlike that expressed in the 'rustica +Phidyle,' of Horace<a id="footnotetagvi68" name="footnotetagvi68"></a><a href="#footnotevi68"><sup>68</sup></a>—by which the drama is pervaded. +This key-note is struck in the prologue uttered by Arcturus, +whose function it is to shine in the sky during the night, and +during the day to wander over the earth, and report to Jove on +the good and evil deeds of men:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quist imperator divom atque hominum Iuppiter,</p> +<p>Is nos per gentis hic alium alia disparat,</p> +<p>Hominum qui facta, mores, pietatem et fidem</p> +<p>Noscamus, ut quemque adiuvet opulentia<a id="footnotetagvi69" name="footnotetagvi69"></a><a href="#footnotevi69"><sup>69</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page187" id="page187"></a>[page 187]</span> + +<p>The affinity of piety to mercy is exhibited in the part played +by the priestess of Venus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Manus mihi date, exurgite a pedibus ambae,</p> +<p>Misericordior nulla mest feminarum<a id="footnotetagvi70" name="footnotetagvi70"></a><a href="#footnotevi70"><sup>70</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and the natural trust of innocence and good faith in divine +protection is exemplified by the confidence with which the +shipwrecked women take refuge at the altar of Venus:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tibi auscultamus et, Venus alma, ambae te opsecramus</p> +<p>Aram amplexantes hanc tuam lacrumantes, genibus nixae,</p> +<p>In custodelam nos tuam ut recipias et tutere, etc.<a id="footnotetagvi71" name="footnotetagvi71"></a><a href="#footnotevi71"><sup>71</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Even the moral sentiment expressed is of a finer quality than +the maxims of rough good sense and probity which we find, +for instance, in the Trinummus. When Gripus tells his master +that he is poor owing to his scrupulous piety—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Isto tu's pauper, quom nimis sancte piu's—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the answer is in a higher strain than that familiar to ancient +comedy:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>O Gripe Gripe, in aetate hominum plurimae</p> +<p>Fiunt transennae, [illi] ubi decipiuntur dolis.</p> +<p>Atque edepol in eas plerumque esca inponitur,</p> +<p>Quam siquis avidus poscit escam avariter,</p> +<p>Decipitur in transenna avaritia sua.</p> +<p>Ille qui consulte, docte atque astute cavet,</p> +<p>Diutine uti ei bene licet partum bene.</p> +<p>Mi istaec videtur praeda praedatum irier,</p> +<p>Maiore ut cum dote abeat hinc quam advenerit.</p> +<p>Egone ut quod ad me adlatum esse alienum sciam</p> +<p>Celem? minume istuc faciet noster Daemones.</p> +<p>Semper cavere hoc sapientes aequissumum'st,</p> +<p>Ne conscii sint ipsi maleficii suis.</p> +<p>Ego nisi quom lusim nil morer ullum lucrum<a id="footnotetagvi72" name="footnotetagvi72"></a><a href="#footnotevi72"><sup>72</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page188" id="page188"></a>[page 188]</span> + +<p>The 'Captivi' was pronounced by the greatest critic of last +century to be the best constructed drama in existence. +Though probably few will now be found to assign to it so high +a place, yet, if not the best, it certainly is among the very best +plays of Plautus, in respect both of plot and the dramatic +irony of its situations. But it possesses a still higher claim +to our admiration in the presentment of at least one character +of true nobleness. And the originality of the conception is all +the greater from the fact that this heroism is embodied in the +person of one who has been brought up from childhood as +a slave. There are not many of the plays of Plautus calculated +to raise our ideas of human nature; but the loyal affection +of Tyndarus for his young master, his self-sacrifice, the +buoyancy, courage, and ready resource with which he first +meets his dangers, and the manly fortitude with which he accepts +his doom—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Dum ne ob malefacta, peream: parvi id aestimo.</p> +<p>Si ego hic peribo, ast ille, ut dixit, non redit,</p> +<p>At erit mi hoc factum mortuo memorabile,</p> +<p>Me meum erum captum ex servitute atque hostibus</p> +<p>Reducem fecisse liberum in patriam ad patrem,</p> +<p>Meumque potius me caput periculo</p> +<p>Hic praeoptavisse quam is periret ponere<a id="footnotetagvi73" name="footnotetagvi73"></a><a href="#footnotevi73"><sup>73</sup></a>—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>enable us to feel that some of the glory of the older and +nobler Greek tragedy still lingered in the Athens of +Menander, and has been reproduced by Plautus with imaginative +sympathy. Yet perhaps even to this play the criticism +of Horace,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quam non adstricto percurrat pulpita socco,</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page189" id="page189"></a>[page 189]</span> + +<p>in part applies. The old slave-tricks of mendacity and +unseasonable joking, which are a legitimate source of +amusement in the 'Pseudolus' and similar plays, jar on +our feelings as inconsistent with the simple dignity of +the character of Tyndarus and the heroic part which he +has to play.</p> + +<p>There are none of the plays of Plautus which it is so +difficult to criticise from a modern point of view as the +'Amphitruo.' On the one hand the humour of the scenes +between Mercury and Sosia is not surpassed in any of the +other comedies. There is no passage in any other play +in which such power of imagination is exhibited, as that +in which Bromia tells the tale of the birth of Alcmena's +twins—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Ita erae meae hodie contigit: nam ubi partuis deos sibi invocat,</p> +<p class="i4">Strepitus, crepitus, sonitus, tonitrus: subito ut propere, ut valide tonuit.</p> +<p class="i2">Ubi quisque institerat, concidit crepitu: ibi nescio quis maxuma</p> +<p class="i4">Voce exclamat: 'Alcumena, adest auxilium, ne time:</p> +<p class="i4">Et tibi et tuis propitius caeli cultor advenit.</p> +<p class="i2">Exurgite' inquit 'qui terrore meo occidistis prae metu.'</p> +<p class="i4">Ut iacui, exurgo: ardere censui aedis: ita tum confulgebant<a id="footnotetagvi74" name="footnotetagvi74"></a><a href="#footnotevi74"><sup>74</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Nor is there, perhaps, anywhere in ancient literature a +nobler realisation of the virtue of womanhood than in the +indignant vindication of herself by Alcmena,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Non ego illam mihi dotem esse duco, quae dos dicitur,</p> +<p>Set pudicitiam et pudorem et sedatum cupidinem,</p> +<p>Deum metum et parentum amorem et cognatum concordiam,</p> +<p>Tibi morigera atque ut munifica sim bonis, prosim probis<a id="footnotetagvi75" name="footnotetagvi75"></a><a href="#footnotevi75"><sup>75</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page190" id="page190"></a>[page 190]</span> + +<p>On the other hand, it is difficult to understand how the part +played by Jupiter, and the comments of Mercury upon that +part, should not have shocked the religious and moral sense +even of the Athenians of the age of Epicurus and of the +Romans in the age when they were first made familiar with the +Sacred Chronicle of Euhemerus. Perhaps the Romans made +a distinction between the Jupiter of Greek mythology and +their own Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and may have thought +that what was derogatory to the first did not apply to +the second. Or, perhaps, some clue to the origin of the Greek +play may be found in a phrase of the Rudens,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Non ventus fuit, verum Alcumena Euripidi<a id="footnotetagvi76" name="footnotetagvi76"></a><a href="#footnotevi76"><sup>76</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Was the Greek writer partly parodying, in accordance with +the tradition of the old comedy, partly reproducing a +tragedy of Euripides? and was the representation first +accepted as a recognised burlesque of a familiar piece? +In any case its production both at Athens and Rome +must be regarded partly as a symptom, partly as a cause, +of the rapid dissolution of religious beliefs among both Greeks +and Romans.</p> + +<p>As in the case of other productive writers there is no +absolute agreement as to which are the best of the Plautine +plays. Without assigning precedence to any one over +the other, a preference may be indicated for these five, as +combining the most varied elements of interest with the best +execution—<i>Aulularia</i>, <i>Captivi</i>, <i>Menaechmi</i>, <i>Pseudolus</i>, +<i>Rudens</i>; +and for these, as second to the former in interest owing +to some inferiority in comic power, artistic execution, or +natural <i>vraisemblance</i>, or owing to some element in them +which offends the taste or moral sentiment—<i>Trinummus</i>, +<i>Mostellaria</i>, <i>Miles Gloriosus</i>, <i>Bacchides</i>, <i>Amphitruo</i>. +These +ten plays alone, without taking the others into account, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page191" id="page191"></a>[page 191]</span> +show both in their incidents, scenes, and characters, how much +wider Plautus' range of observation was than that of Terence. +Even within the narrow limits of the characters most familiar +to ancient comedy—the 'amans ephebus,' the 'meretrix +blanda,' the 'fallax servus,' the 'bragging captain,' the +'parasite,' the 'leno,' the 'old men'—good, kindly, severe, +genial, sensual and disreputable,—we find great individual +differences. More than Terence, Plautus maintains a dramatic +and ironical superiority over his characters. This is especially +shown in his treatment of his young lovers and the objects of +their despairing affection. The former exhibit various shades +of weakness, from the mere ineffectual struggle between the +grain of conscience left them and the attractions of pleasure, to +the sentimental impulse to end their woes by suicide. The +latter show varying degrees of attraction, from a grace and +vivacity that reminds German critics of the Mariana and +the Philina in 'Wilhelm Meister,' to the hardness and +astuteness of the heroines of the 'Truculentus' and the +'Miles Gloriosus.' Plautus cannot be said to care much about +any of them except as objects of amusement and of the +study of human nature. Nor, on the other hand, has he any +hatred of his worst characters. He has the true dramatist's +sympathy with the vigorous conception of Ballio—the same +kind of sympathy which made that part a favourite one of the +actor Roscius. His characters are interesting and amusing in +themselves; they are never used as the mere mouthpieces of +the writer's reflexion, wit, or sentiment. It is, of course, +impossible to determine definitely how far he was an original +creator, how far a merely vigorous imitator. But he is so +perfectly at home with his characters, he makes them speak +and act so naturally, he is so careless about those minutiae of +artistic treatment of which a mere translator would be +scrupulously regardful, that it seems most probable that the life +with which he animates his conventional type is derived from +his own exuberant vitality and his many-sided contact with +humanity.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page192" id="page192"></a>[page 192]</span> + +<p>In what relation do the plays of Plautus stand to the more +serious interests of life? Is he to be ranked among philosophic +humourists who had felt deeply the speculative perplexities of +this world, whose imagination vividly realised the incongruity +between the outward mask that men wear and the reality +behind it, and the wide divergence of the actual aims of society +from the purified ideal towards which it tends? Is there +in him any vein of ironical comment or satirical rebuke? +any latent sympathy with any of the objects which move +the serious passions of moral and social reformers? Or is he +merely a great humourist, revelling in the mirth, the absurdities, +the ridiculous phases of character, which show themselves on +the surface of life? It must be admitted that it is difficult to +find in him any traces of the speculative questioning, of +the repressed or baffled enthusiasm, of the rebellion against +the common round of the world which tempers or inspires +some of the greatest humourists of ancient and modern times. +His indifference to the problems of speculative philosophy is +expressed in such phrases as the</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Salva res est: philosophatur quoque iam, non mendax modo'st</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>of Tyndarus in the Captivi<a id="footnotetagvi77" name="footnotetagvi77"></a><a href="#footnotevi77"><sup>77</sup></a>, and in the</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed iam satis est philosophatum</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>of Pseudolus<a id="footnotetagvi78" name="footnotetagvi78"></a><a href="#footnotevi78"><sup>78</sup></a>. Yet to Tyndarus he attributes a sense of +religious trust befitting both his character and situation—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Est profecto deus, qui quae nos gerimus auditque et videt, etc.<a id="footnotetagvi79" name="footnotetagvi79"></a><a href="#footnotevi79"><sup>79</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>while Pseudolus easily finds an opposite doctrine to suit his +ready, self-reliant, and unscrupulous nature—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Centum doctum hominum consilia sola haec devincit dea,</p> +<p>Fortuna, etc.<a id="footnotetagvi80" name="footnotetagvi80"></a><a href="#footnotevi80"><sup>80</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Probably the truth is that living in an age of active enjoyment +and energy, he troubled himself very little about +the 'problem of existence'; but that he had thought enough +and doubted enough to enable him to animate his more +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page193" id="page193"></a>[page 193]</span> +elevated characters with sentiments of natural piety, and to +conceive of the ordinary round of pleasure and intrigue as quite +able to dispense with them. There is rather an indifference to +religious influences or beliefs, than such expressions of +scepticism or antagonism to existing superstitions as we find +in the tragic poets. The political indifference of his plays +has been already noticed. Yet the sentiments attributed +to some of his best characters, such as Philto in the +Trinummus, Megadorus in the Aulularia<a id="footnotetagvi81" name="footnotetagvi81"></a><a href="#footnotevi81"><sup>81</sup></a>, imply that he +recognised in the growing ascendency of wealth an element of +estrangement between the different classes of the community. +His frequent reference to the extravagance and imperiousness +of the 'dotatae uxores' seems to imply further his conviction +that the curse of money was a dissolving force, not only +of the social and political but also of the family life of Rome.</p> + +<p>The first aspect of many of his plays certainly produces the +impression of their demoralising tendency. But it is perhaps +necessary to be on our guard against judging this tendency too +severely from a merely modern point of view. These plays +were addressed to the people in their holiday mood, and a +certain amount of license was claimed for such a mood (as we +may see by the Fescennine songs in marriage ceremonies and +in triumphal processions), which perhaps was not intended to +have more relation to the ordinary life of work and serious +business than the lies and tricks of slaves in comedy to their +ordinary relations with their masters.</p> + +<p>Public festivity in ancient times, which was originally an +outlet of religious emotion, became ultimately a rebound from +the severer duties and routine of daily life. There are frequent +reminders in Plautus that this life of pleasure and intrigue was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page194" id="page194"></a>[page 194]</span> +not altogether worthy or satisfactory. There are no false hues +of sentiment thrown around it, as there are in Terence, and +still more in the poets of a later age. Nor must we expect in +an ancient poet any sense of moral degradation attaching to a +life of pleasure. So far as that life is condemned it is on the +ground of sloth, weakness, and incompatibility with more +serious aims. The maxims which Palinurus addresses to +Phaedromus in the Curculio would probably not have shocked +an ancient moralist:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14"> Nemo hinc prohibet nec vetat</p> +<p class="i2">Quin quod palamst venale, si argentumst, emas.</p> +<p class="i2">Nemo ire quemquam puplica prohibet via,</p> +<p class="i2">Dum ne per fundum saeptum faciat semitam:</p> +<p class="i2">Dum ted apstineas nupta vidua virgine</p> +<p class="i2">Iuventute et pueris liberis, ama quod lubet<a id="footnotetagvi82" name="footnotetagvi82"></a><a href="#footnotevi82"><sup>82</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Something of the same kind is implied in the warning +addressed by his father to the young Horace. Any breach of the +sanctities of family life is invariably reprobated. On the rare +occasions where such breaches occur,—as in the Aulularia—they +are repaired by marriage. Any one aspiring to play the part +of a Lothario—as in the Miles Gloriosus—is made an object +both of punishment and ridicule. In this respect the comedy of +Plautus contrasts favourably with our own comic drama of the +Restoration. There are no scenes in these plays intended or +calculated to stimulate the passions; and although there are +coarse expressions and allusions in almost all of them, yet the +coarseness of Plautus is not to be compared with that of +Lucilius, Catullus, Martial, or Juvenal. It is rather in the +absence of any virtuous ideal, than in positive incitements to +vice, that the Plautine comedy might be called immoral. +Although family honour is treated as secure from violation, +there is no pure feeling about family life. Sons are afraid of +their fathers, run into debt without their knowledge, deceive +them in every possible way, occasionally express a wish that +their death might enable them to treat their mistresses more +generously. Husbands fear their wives and speak on all +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page195" id="page195"></a>[page 195]</span> +occasions bitterly against them. Plautus was evidently more +familiar with the ways of the 'libertinae' than of Roman +matrons of the better sort; and thus while we see little of the +latter, what we hear of them is not to their advantage. The +only obligation which young men seem to acknowledge is that +of honour and friendly service to one another. So too slaves, +while they hold it as their first duty to lie and swindle in +behalf of their young masters, feel the duty of absolute +devotion and sacrifice of themselves to their interests. Plautus +shows scarcely any of the Roman feeling of dignity or +seriousness, or any regard for patriotism or public duty. +There is everywhere abundance of good humour and good +sense, but, except in the Captivi and Rudens, we find scarcely +any pathos or elevated feeling. The ideal of character which +satisfies most of his personages might almost be expressed in +the words of Stalagmus in the Captivi—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Fui ego bellus, lepidus,—bonus vir nunquam neque frugi bonae</p> +<p>Neque ero unquam<a id="footnotetagvi83" name="footnotetagvi83"></a><a href="#footnotevi83"><sup>83</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But the life of careless freedom and strong animal spirits which +Plautus shaped with prodigal power into humorous scenes and +representations for the holiday amusements of the mass of his +fellow-citizens, does not admit of being tried by any moral or +social standard of usefulness. It would be equally unprofitable +to search for any consistent vein of irony in him, or any deep +intuition into the paradoxes of life. He is to be judged and +valued on the grounds put forward in the epitaph, which was +in ancient times attributed to himself,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Postquam est mortem aptus Plautus, comoedia luget,</p> +<p>Scaena est deserta, dein risus, ludu' iocusque</p> +<p>Et numeri innumeri simul omnes conlacrumarunt.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>And this leads us to the last question concerning him—What +is his value as a poetic artist? The very fact that his +imagination plays so habitually on the surface of life, that he +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page196" id="page196"></a>[page 196]</span> +has, as compared with the greatest humourists of modern +times, so little poetry, elevation, or depth, prevents his being +ranked in the very highest class of humorous creators. In +the absence of serious meaning or feeling from his writings he +reminds us of Le Sage or Smollett rather than of Cervantes or +Molière. Nor does he compensate for these defects by +careful artistic treatment. The criticisms of Horace on this +subject are perfectly true. If the line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Plautus ad exemplar Siculi properare Epicharmi</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>refers to the rapidity with which he hurries on to the <i>dénouement</i> +of his plot, it must be admitted that in some cases this +quality degenerates into haste and impatience<a id="footnotetagvi84" name="footnotetagvi84"></a><a href="#footnotevi84"><sup>84</sup></a>. But, on the +other hand, the careless ease and prodigal productiveness of +his genius entitle him to take certainly a high rank in the +second class of humourists. If he shows little of the idealising +or contemplative faculty of poetic genius, he has at least the +facile power and spontaneous exuberance which distinguish +the great creators of human character.</p> + +<p>The power of high and true dramatic invention which he +occasionally puts forth, and the stray gleams of beauty which +light up the coarser and commoner texture of his fancies, +suggest the inference that it was owing more to the demands +of his audiences than to the original limitation of his own +powers, that he did not raise both himself and his countrymen +to the enjoyment of nobler productions. A people accustomed +to the buffoonery of the indigenous mimic dances required +strong and broad effects. Their popular poet, in conforming +to the conditions of Greek art, could not altogether forget the +Dossennus native to Italy.</p> + +<p>But the largest endowment of Plautus, the truest note of his +creativeness, is his power of expression by means of action, +rhythm, and language. The phrase 'properare' may more +probably be explained by the extreme vivacity and rapidity of +gesture, dialogue, declamation, and recitative, by which his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page197" id="page197"></a>[page 197]</span> +scenes were characterised, than be taken as an equivalent to +'ad eventum festinare.' Their liveliness and mobility of +temperament made the Italians admirable mimics: and the +favour which the plays of Plautus continued to enjoy with the +companies of players, may be in part accounted for by the +scope they afforded to the talent of the actor. How far he was +expected to bring out the meaning of the poet may be +gathered from the lively description given by Periplecomenus +of the outward manifestations which accompanied the inward +machinations of Palaestrio,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i24"> Illuc sis vide</p> +<p class="i2">Quem ad modum astitit severo fronte curans, cogitans.</p> +<p class="i2">Pectus digitis pultat: cor credo evocaturust foras.</p> +<p class="i2">Ecce avortit: nisam laevo in femine habet laevam manum.</p> +<p class="i2">Dextera digitis rationem conputat: fervit femur</p> +<p class="i2">Dexterum, ita vehementer icit: quod agat, aegre suppetit.</p> +<p class="i2">Concrepuit digitis: laborat, crebro conmutat status.</p> +<p class="i2">Eccere autem capite nutat; non placet quod repperit.</p> +<p class="i2">Quidquid est, incoctum non expromet, bene coctum dabit.</p> +<p class="i2">Ecce autem aedificat: columnam mento suffigit suo.</p> +<p class="i2">Apage, non placet profecto mihi illaec aedificatio:</p> +<p class="i2">Nam os columnatum poetae esse indaudivi barbaro,</p> +<p class="i2">Quoi bini custodes semper totis horis occubant.</p> +<p class="i2">Euge, euscheme hercle astitit et dulice et comoedice<a id="footnotetagvi85" name="footnotetagvi85"></a><a href="#footnotevi85"><sup>85</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Many other scenes must have lent themselves to this representation +of feeling by lively gesture, accompanied sometimes +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page198" id="page198"></a>[page 198]</span> +by some kind of mimic dance: of this kind, for instance, is +the vigorous recitative of Ballio on his first appearance on the +stage, the scene in which Ergasilus tells Hegio of the return of +his son, the appearance of Pseudolus when well drunken after +celebrating his triumph over Ballio,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quid hoc? sicine hoc fit? pedes, statin an non?</p> +<p>An id voltis ut me hinc jacentem aliqui tollat? etc.<a id="footnotetagvi86" name="footnotetagvi86"></a><a href="#footnotevi86"><sup>86</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His temptation was to exaggerate in this, as in other elements +of the dramatist's art; and this is what is probably meant by +the word <i>percurrat</i> in the criticism of Horace, which has been +already quoted. But this tendency to exaggerate is merely the +defect of his superabundant share of the vigorous Italian +qualities.</p> + +<p>It is characteristic of the liveliness of Plautus' temperament, +that the lyrical and recitative parts of his plays occupy a place +altogether out of proportion to that occupied by the unimpassioned +monologue or dialogue expressed in senarian iambics. +The 'Cantica,' or purely lyrical monologues, are much more +frequent and much longer in his comedies than in those of +Terence. They were sung to a musical accompaniment, and +were composed chiefly in bacchiac, anapaestic, or cretic metres, +rapidly interchanging with trochaic lines. The bacchiac +metre is employed in passages expressive of some sedate or +laboured thought, as, for instance, the opening part of the +'Canticum' of Lysiteles in the Trinummus,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Multas res simitu in meo corde vorso,</p> +<p>Multum in cogitando dolorem indipiscor.</p> +<p>Egomet me coquo et macero et defatigo.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The anapaestic metre was less suited to Latin, and is rarely +met with either in the comic poets, or in the fragments of the +tragedians. On the other hand, cretic and trochaic metres, +from their affinity to the old Saturnian, came most easily to +the early dramatists, and are largely employed by Plautus to +express lively emotion. As an instance of the first we may +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page199" id="page199"></a>[page 199]</span> +take the following song of a lover, addressed to the bolts which +barred his mistress's door,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Pessuli, heus pessuli, vos saluto lubens,</p> +<p>Vos amo vos volo vos peto atque obsecro,</p> +<p>Gerite amanti mihi morem amoenissumi:</p> +<p>Fite caussa mea ludii barbari,</p> +<p>Sussulite, obsecro, et mittite istanc foras,</p> +<p>Quae mihi misero amanti exbibit sanguinem.</p> +<p>Hoc vide ut dormiunt pessuli pessumi</p> +<p>Nec mea gratia conmovent se ocius<a id="footnotetagvi87" name="footnotetagvi87"></a><a href="#footnotevi87"><sup>87</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>These early efforts of the Italian lyrical muse do not +approach the smoothness and ease of the Glyconics and +Phalaecians of Catullus, nor the dignity of the Alcaics and +Asclepiadeans of Horace: but they do, in a rude kind of way, +show facility and native power in finding a rhythmical vehicle +for the emotion or sentiment of the moment. In the longer +passages in which they occur, these metres are generally +combined with some form of trochaic verse, which again is +often exchanged for septenarian or octonarian iambics. Of +the rapid transitions with which Plautus passes from one +metre to another in the expression of strong excitement of +feeling, we have a striking example in the long recitative of +Ballio<a id="footnotetagvi88" name="footnotetagvi88"></a><a href="#footnotevi88"><sup>88</sup></a>, in which trochaics, septenarian, octonarian, and +dimeter, are continually varied by the introduction now of one, +now of several, octonarian or septenarian iambics. He thus +claims much greater freedom than Terence in the combination +of his metres. He exercises also greater license, in substituting +two short for one long syllable (in his cretics and trochaics), +and in deviating from the laws of position and hiatus accepted +by later poets. It is impossible for a modern reader to +reproduce the rhythmical flow of passages which must have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page200" id="page200"></a>[page 200]</span> +depended a good deal for their effect on the musical accompaniment, +and on the pronunciation of the actor. Yet even +though it requires some effort to recognise the legitimate beat +of the rhythm 'digito et aure,' it is equally impossible not to +recognise the vigour and vehemence of movement of such +passages as these—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Haec, quom ego a foro revortar, facite ut offendam parata,</p> +<p>Vorsa sparsa tersa strata lauta structaque omnia ut sint.</p> +<p>Nam mi hodiest natalis dies: cum decet omnis vos concelebrare.</p> +<p>Magnifice volo me viros summos accipere, ut rem mi esse reantur<a id="footnotetagvi89" name="footnotetagvi89"></a><a href="#footnotevi89"><sup>89</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Terence has a more artistic mastery than Plautus of the +ordinary metre of comic dialogue: but the latter has the more +original poetic gift of adapting and varying his 'numeri +innumeri' to the animated moods and lively fancies of his +characters.</p> + +<p>But the gift for which Plautus is pre-eminent above all the +earlier, and in which he is not surpassed by any of the later +poets, is the exuberant vigour and spontaneous flow of his +diction. No Roman poet shows more rapidity of conception, +or greater variety of illustration: and words and phrases are +never wanting to body forth and convey with immediate force +and freshness the intuitive discernment of his common sense, +the quick play of his wit, the riotous exaggerations of his +fancy, his vivid observation of facts and of the outward +peculiarities of men, his inexhaustible resources of genial +vituperation and execration, or bantering endearment. The +mannerisms of his style, already mentioned as indicative of the +originality with which he deviates from his Greek models, are +not laboured efforts, but the spontaneous products of a rich +and comparatively neglected soil. His burlesque invention of +proper names, even in its wildest exaggeration, as in the high-sounding +title assumed by Sagaristio in the Persa—</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page201" id="page201"></a>[page 201]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Vaniloquidorus, Virginisvendonides,</p> +<p>Nugipalamloquides, Argentumexterebronides,</p> +<p>Tedigniloquides, Nummosexpalponides,</p> +<p>Quodsemelarripides, Nunquampostreddonides—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>is a Rabelaisian ebullition, stimulated by the novel contact with +the Greek language, of the formative energy which he displays +more legitimately in the creation of new Latin words and +phrases. In the freedom with which he uses, without vulgarising, +popular modes of speech, in the idiomatic verve of his +Latin, employed in an age when inflexions still retained their +original virtue, and had not been limited by the labours of +grammarians to a fixed standard, he has no equal among Latin +writers. It is one of the great charms of the Letters to Atticus, +and of the shorter poems of Catullus, that they give us back +the flavour of this homely native idiom. Where there is +difficulty in interpreting Plautus, this arises either from the +uncertainty of the reading, or from the wealth of his vocabulary. +He saw clearly and realised strongly what he meant to say, and +his words and phrases appeared in rapid, close, and orderly +movement to his summons. He describes his personages,—Pseudolus +for instance,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Rufus quidam, ventriosus, crassis suris, subniger,</p> +<p>Magno capite, acutis oculis, ore rubicundo, admodum</p> +<p>Magnis pedibus<a id="footnotetagvi90" name="footnotetagvi90"></a><a href="#footnotevi90"><sup>90</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Ballio,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Cum hirquina barba;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Plesidippus, in the Rudens,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Adulescentem strenua facie, rubicundum, fortem;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Harpax, in the same play,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Recalvom ac silonem senem, statutum, ventriosum</p> +<p>Tortis superciliis, contracta fronte, etc.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>in such a way as to show how real they were to his imagination +in their outward semblance as well as in the inward springs of +their actions. Or he brings before us some peculiarity in the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page202" id="page202"></a>[page 202]</span> +dress or manner of his personages by some graphic touch, as +that of the disguised sycophant of the Trinummus,—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Pol hic quidem fungino generest: capite se totum tegit.</p> +<p>Illurica facies videtur hominis: eo ornatu advenit;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and later—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i32">Mira sunt</p> +<p class="i2">Ni illic homost aut dormitator aut sector zonarius.</p> +<p class="i2">Loca contemplat, circumspectat sese, atque aedis noscitat<a id="footnotetagvi91" name="footnotetagvi91"></a><a href="#footnotevi91"><sup>91</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He tells an imaginary story or adventure, such as that which +Chrysalus invents of the pursuit of his vessel by a piratical +craft—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ubi portu eximus, homines remigio sequi,</p> +<p>Neque aves neque venti citius, etc.<a id="footnotetagvi92" name="footnotetagvi92"></a><a href="#footnotevi92"><sup>92</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>or the account which Curculio gives of his encounter with the +soldier<a id="footnotetagvi93" name="footnotetagvi93"></a><a href="#footnotevi93"><sup>93</sup></a>, tersely, rapidly, and vividly, as if he were recalling +some scene within his own recent experience. He imitates +the style of tragedy—as in the imaginary speech of the Ghost +in the Mostellaria—in such a manner as to show that he +might have rivalled Ennius in the art of tragic rhythm and +expression, if his genius had allowed him to pass beyond the +province which was peculiarly his own. His plays abound in +pithy sayings which have anticipated popular proverbs, or the +happy hits of popular poets in modern times, such as the +'nudo detrahere vestimenta,' in the Asinaria, and the 'virtute +formae id evenit te ut deceat quidquid habeas<a id="footnotetagvi94" name="footnotetagvi94"></a><a href="#footnotevi94"><sup>94</sup></a>,' in the +Mostellaria. He writes letters with the forms of courtesy, and +with the ease and simplicity characteristic of the best epistles +of a later age. His resources of language are never wanting +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page203" id="page203"></a>[page 203]</span> +for any call which he may make upon them. In a few +descriptive passages he shows a command of the language +of forcible poetic imagination. But he does not often betray +a sense of beauty in action, character, or Nature: and thus if +his style altogether wants the peculiar charm of the later +Latin poets, and the tenderness and urbanity of Terence, the +explanation of this defect is perhaps to be sought rather in the +limited play which he allowed to his finer sensibilities, than in +any inability to avail himself of the full capabilities of his +native language.</p> + +<p>Whether the deficiency in the sense of beauty should deny +to him the name of a great poet, is to be answered only when +agreement has been attained as to the definition of a poet. +He was certainly a true and prodigally creative genius. He +is also thoroughly representative of his race—not of the gravity +and dignity superinduced on the natural Italian temperament +by the strict discipline of Roman life, and by the sense of +superiority which arises among the governing men of an +imperial state—but of the strong and healthy vitality which +enabled the Italian to play his part in history, and of the +quick observation and ready resource, the lively emotional and +social temperament, the keen enjoyment of life, which are the +accompaniment of that original endowment.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotevi1" name="footnotevi1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi1"><sup>1</sup></a> Prologue to Casina, 18, 19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi2" name="footnotevi2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi2"><sup>2</sup></a> Prologue to Amphitryo, 52.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi3" name="footnotevi3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi3"><sup>3</sup></a> Licinius and Atilius are placed before +Terence in the Canon of Volcatius +Sedigitus.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi4" name="footnotevi4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi4"><sup>4</sup></a> E.g. Pseudolus, 1081:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Nugas theatri: verba quae in comoediis</p> +<p class="i6">Solent lenoni dici, quae pueri sciunt.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Cf. also Captivi, 778.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi5" name="footnotevi5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi5"><sup>5</sup></a> The influence of Plautus +may be traced in the style of Catullus, and +perhaps in the sentiment of the passage in Lucretius, iv. 1121, etc.; and that +of Terence also in Catullus, and in the Satires, Epistles, and some of the +Odes of Horace.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi6" name="footnotevi6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi6"><sup>6</sup></a> Fundanius, the friend of Horace, +appears to have made an attempt to +produce an artistic revival of the old comedy in the Augustan age, as Pollio, +Varius, Ovid and others did of the old tragic drama, but with no permanent +success.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi7" name="footnotevi7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi7"><sup>7</sup></a> E.g. the dance of Pseudolus. +Pseud. 1246, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi8" name="footnotevi8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi8"><sup>8</sup></a> Cic. Brut. 15. 60; De Senec. 14. 50.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi9" name="footnotevi9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi9"><sup>9</sup></a> Cf. Cicero's testimony to the +purity of the style of Naevius and Plautus +with his criticism on the style of Caecilius and Pacuvius. Terence was the +only foreigner who attained perfect idiomatic purity of speech, but he must +have been brought to Rome when quite a child.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi10" name="footnotevi10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi10"><sup>10</sup></a> 'Puplicisne adfinis fuit +an maritumis negotiis?'—Trinum. 331.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi11" name="footnotevi11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi11"><sup>11</sup></a> See the paper by +Professor H. F. West, reprinted from the American +Journal of Philology, referred to supra page 54.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi12" name="footnotevi12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi12"><sup>12</sup></a> Cf. the line at the end of the Prologue to the Cistellaria (Act. i. Sc. 3)—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Ut vobis victi Poeni poenas sufferant.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +The 'Didascalia' to the Stichus is one of the few preserved. From it we +learn that the play was acted P. Sulpicio, C. Aurelio, Cos., i.e. 200 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi13" name="footnotevi13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi13"><sup>13</sup></a> This is shown in some +cases by reference to seats in the theatre, which +were not introduced till 155 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> In the Prologue to the Casina it is said +that only the older men present could remember the first production of that +play in the life-time of the poet. The Prologues to the +Aulularia, Trinummus, and Rudens, are probably genuine, and also the speech of <i>Auxilium</i> +in the Cistellaria.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi14" name="footnotevi14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi14"><sup>14</sup></a> Cf. Rudens, 1249:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Spectavi ego pridem comicos ad istum modum</p> +<p class="i6">Sapienter dicta dicere atque is plaudier,</p> +<p class="i6">Quom illos sapientis mores monstrabant poplo.</p> +<p class="i6">Set quom inde suam quisque ibant divorsi domum</p> +<p class="i6">Nullus erat illo pacto ut illi iusserant.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi15" name="footnotevi15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi15"><sup>15</sup></a> Pseud. 687.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi16" name="footnotevi16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi16"><sup>16</sup></a> E.g. Rudens, 986.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi17" name="footnotevi17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi17"><sup>17</sup></a> Quid? Sarsinatis ecquast, +si Umbram non habes.—Mostel. 757.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi18" name="footnotevi18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi18"><sup>18</sup></a> Post Ephesi sum natus, +noenum in Apulis, noenum Aminulae.—Mil. +Glor. 653.</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +Quid tu per barbaricas urbes iuras? <i>Erg.</i> Quia enim item asperae +Sunt ut tuum victum autumabas esse.—Captiv. 884-5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi19" name="footnotevi19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi19"><sup>19</sup></a> Capt. 879; Trinum. 609; +Truc. iii. 2. 23; Bacch. 24.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi20" name="footnotevi20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi20"><sup>20</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -2em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quid tibi, malum, hic ante aedis clamitatiost?</p> +<p class="i6">An ruri censes te esse? apscede ab aedibus.—Most. 6. 7.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi21" name="footnotevi21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi21"><sup>21</sup></a> Vol. ii, p. 440; Eng. Trans.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi22" name="footnotevi22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi22"><sup>22</sup></a> Cf. Trinum. 820, etc.; +Menaechmi, 228, etc.; Stichus, 402, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi23" name="footnotevi23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi23"><sup>23</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -2em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Ita iam quasi canes, haud secus circumstabant navem turbine venti,</p> +<p class="i6">Imbres, fluctus, atque procellae infensae (fremere) frangere malum,</p> +<p class="i6">Ruere antennas, scindere vela, ni pax propitia foret praesto.—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i44"> Trinum. 835-7.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi24" name="footnotevi24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi24"><sup>24</sup></a> E.g. Rudens, 906; Trinum. 820.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi25" name="footnotevi25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi25"><sup>25</sup></a> 'I shall trade in big ships: +at the courts of princes I shall be styled +a prince. Afterwards for my amusement I shall build a ship and imitate +Stratonicus; I shall visit towns in my voyages: when I shall have become +famous, I'll build a big town, and call it Gripus.'—Rudens, 931-5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi26" name="footnotevi26"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi26"><sup>26</sup></a> Pseud. 166.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi27" name="footnotevi27"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi27"><sup>27</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Non enim haec pultifagus opufex opera fecit barbarus.—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i42">Mostel. 815.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi28" name="footnotevi28"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi28"><sup>28</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quantus sit Dossennus edacibus in parasitis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi29" name="footnotevi29"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi29"><sup>29</sup></a> Pseud. 1229, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi30" name="footnotevi30"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi30"><sup>30</sup></a> Stichus, 682, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi31" name="footnotevi31"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi31"><sup>31</sup></a> Cf. Pseud. 720:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Horum causa haec agitur spectatorum fabula,</p> +<p class="i6">Hi sciunt qui hic adfuerunt; vobis post narravero.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi32" name="footnotevi32"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi32"><sup>32</sup></a> Pseud. 401-2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi33" name="footnotevi33"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi33"><sup>33</sup></a> Bacchid. 214.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi34" name="footnotevi34"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi34"><sup>34</sup></a> De Senec. 14.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi35" name="footnotevi35"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi35"><sup>35</sup></a> E.g. graphicus, doulice, +euscheme, morus, logos, techinae, prothyme, +basilicus, etc., etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi36" name="footnotevi36"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi36"><sup>36</sup></a> Truculentus, 55-57. +Weise condemns the passage as spurious. But +whether written by Plautus or not it is in the spirit of the Plautine comedy. +In a passage of the Poenulus (Act iii. 1. 21) another reference is made to the +sense of security enjoyed since their victory:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Praesertim in re populi placida, atque interfectis hostibus,</p> +<p class="i6">Non decet tumultuari.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi37" name="footnotevi37"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi37"><sup>37</sup></a> Cp. the remark of the parasite +in the Persa, 75, 76:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Set sumne ego stultus, qui rem curo publicam,</p> +<p class="i6">Ubi sint magistratus, quos curare oporteat?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +and that of the parasite in the Captivi, 'that only those who were unable to +procure invitations to luncheon should be expected to attend public meetings +and elections'; and such jokes as 'Plebiscitum non est scitius.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi38" name="footnotevi38"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi38"><sup>38</sup></a> The Comedy of Terence, +which represents that of Menander, is completely +non-political.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi39" name="footnotevi39"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi39"><sup>39</sup></a> Cf. Epidicus, 30, etc., +and Captivi, 262.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi40" name="footnotevi40"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi40"><sup>40</sup></a> The advocati in the Poenulus, +who are evidently clients, show a certain +spirit of independence. Cf. Act iii. 6. 13:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i26">Et tu vale.</p> +<p class="i6">Iniuriam illic insignite postulat:</p> +<p class="i6">Nostro sibi servire nos censet cibo.</p> +<p class="i6">Verum ita sunt omnes isti nostri divites:</p> +<p class="i6">Si quid bene facias, levior pluma est gratia;</p> +<p class="i6">Si quid peccatum est, plumbeas iras gerunt.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi41" name="footnotevi41"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi41"><sup>41</sup></a> Livy, xxxix. 9, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi42" name="footnotevi42"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi42"><sup>42</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -2em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quom mi ipsum nomen eius Archidemides</p> +<p class="i6">Clamaret dempturum esse si quid crederem.—Bacchid. 285.</p> +<p class="i6">Propterea huic urbi nomen Epidamno inditumst</p> +<p class="i6">Quia nemo ferme sine damno huc devortitur.—Menaech. 264.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Cf. also the play on Chrysalus and Crucisalus; and the following may serve +as a specimen of his perpetual puns:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Non enim es in senticeto, eo non sentis.—Captivi, 857.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi43" name="footnotevi43"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi43"><sup>43</sup></a> Alliterations and +assonances:—Vi veneris vinctus. Cottabi crebri +crepent. Laetus, lubens, laudes ago. Collus collari caret.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Atque mores hominum moros et morosos efficit, etc., etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Asyndeta:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Laudem, lucrum, ludum, iocum, festivitatem, ferias.</p> +<p class="i6">Vorsa, sparsa, tersa, strata, lauta, structaque omnia ut sint, etc., etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +These are not occasional, but constantly recurring characteristics of his +style. The thought and matter they express must, in a great measure, be +due to his own invention.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi44" name="footnotevi44"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi44"><sup>44</sup></a> Roman formulae:—Quae res bene vortat. +Conceptis verbis. Quod +bonum, felix, faustum, fortunatumque sit. Ut gesserit rempublicam ductu, +imperio, auspicio suo, etc., etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi45" name="footnotevi45"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi45"><sup>45</sup></a> Proverbs:—Sarta tecta. +Sine sacris haereditas. Inter saxum et +sacra. Vae victis. Ad incitas redactust, etc., etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi46" name="footnotevi46"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi46"><sup>46</sup></a> Expressions of courtesy:—Tam gratiast. +Benigne. Num quid vis? etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi47" name="footnotevi47"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi47"><sup>47</sup></a> E.g. Pistoria, Placentia, Praeneste, +Sutrium, Sarsina, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi48" name="footnotevi48"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi48"><sup>48</sup></a> E.g. Vicus Tuscus, Velabrum, Macellum, +Porta Trigemina, Porta +Metia; and compare the long passage in the Curculio (462), which directly +refers to Rome.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi49" name="footnotevi49"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi49"><sup>49</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -2em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i24">Quid ego cesso Pseudolum</p> +<p class="i6">Facere ut det nomen ad Molas coloniam.—Pseud. 1082.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi50" name="footnotevi50"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi50"><sup>50</sup></a> Mancupio dare, stipulatio, antestatio, +sponsio, ubi res prolatae sunt.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi51" name="footnotevi51"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi51"><sup>51</sup></a> Bacchid. 120.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi52" name="footnotevi52"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi52"><sup>52</sup></a> Captivi, 888.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi53" name="footnotevi53"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi53"><sup>53</sup></a> Trinummus, 545-6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi54" name="footnotevi54"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi54"><sup>54</sup></a> Non omnes possunt olere unguenta +exotica.—Mostell. 42.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi55" name="footnotevi55"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi55"><sup>55</sup></a> Cf. Bacch. 1072;—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Set, spectatores, vos nunc ne miremini</p> +<p class="i6">Quod non triumpho: pervolgatumst, nil moror.</p> +<p class="i6">Verum tamen accipientur mulso milites.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi56" name="footnotevi56"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi56"><sup>56</sup></a> Mil. Glor. 164, 6. Cf. Hor. +Od. iii. 24. 58: Seu malis vetita legibus alea.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi57" name="footnotevi57"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi57"><sup>57</sup></a> Casina, iii. 3. 22.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi58" name="footnotevi58"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi58"><sup>58</sup></a> Livy, xxiv. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi59" name="footnotevi59"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi59"><sup>59</sup></a> 'Do you see that the enemy +is close upon you, and that your back will +soon be invested? Quick! seize some help and succour: it must be done +speedily, not quietly. Get before them somehow; lead round your +forces by some pass or other. Invest the enemy; bring relief to our own +troops; cut off the enemy's supplies; make a road for yourself, by which +provisions or supplies may reach yourself or your legions safely: give your +whole heart to the business—it is a sudden emergency.'—Mil. Glor. 219-225.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This is the 'patriotic passage' which Mr. West discusses in the paper +previously referred to. He holds that 'The passage, keeping steadily within +the limits so rigidly imposed by Roman Stage-censorship, is written from +the stand-point of sympathy with the <i>plebs</i> in favour of Scipio's assuming +command against Hannibal, and reflects very brightly and completely those +features of the Second Punic War which were prominent and recent in +205 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>'</p> + +<p class="footnote">The end of many of the prologues also shows that they were addressed to +a people constantly engaged in war.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi60" name="footnotevi60"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi60"><sup>60</sup></a> Menaech. 590.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi61" name="footnotevi61"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi61"><sup>61</sup></a> Cf. such expressions +and lines as:—Salva sumes indidem (Mil. Glor. +234); locare argentum; fenerato.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Mihi quod credideris, sumes ubi posiueris.—Trinum. 145.</p> + </div> </div> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Nequaquam argenti ratio comparet tamen.—Ib. 418.</p> +</div> </div> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Bene igitur ratio accepti atque expensi inter nos convenit.—Mostel. 292.</p> +</div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi62" name="footnotevi62"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi62"><sup>62</sup></a> For a list of these cp. +the edition of the Mostellaria by the late Professor +Ramsay.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi63" name="footnotevi63"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi63"><sup>63</sup></a> E.g. Mellitus, ocelle, +mea anima, medullitus amare.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi64" name="footnotevi64"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi64"><sup>64</sup></a> 'Don't threaten me; +I know that the cross will be my tomb: there lie +my ancestors, father, grandfather, great-grandfather, great-great-grandfather: +but your threats can't dig these eyes out of my head.'—Mil. Glor. +372-5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi65" name="footnotevi65"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi65"><sup>65</sup></a> The conclusion of the Aulularia is lost, +but the play seems to have +ended with the old man's consigning his treasure into the hands of his +son-in-law and daughter.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi66" name="footnotevi66"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi66"><sup>66</sup></a> 'The Gods only are rich: +great wealth and high connexions are for the +Gods; but we, poor creatures, are but a tiny spark of life, and so soon as +that is gone, the beggar and the richest man, when dead, are rated alike by +the shores of Acheron.'—Trin. 490-4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi67" name="footnotevi67"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi67"><sup>67</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6" style="margin-top: -2em;">Non vidisse undas me maiores censeo.—Rudens, 167.</p> + </div> </div> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Atque ut nunc valide fluctuat mare, nulla nobis spes est.—Ib. 303.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi68" name="footnotevi68"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi68"><sup>68</sup></a> Cf.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Atque hoc scelesti [illi] in animum inducunt suum</p> +<p class="i6">Iovem se placare posse donis, hostiis:</p> +<p class="i6">Et operam et sumptum perdunt; id eo fit quia</p> +<p class="i6">Nihil ei accemptumst a periuris supplici, etc.—22-5.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi69" name="footnotevi69"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi69"><sup>69</sup></a> 9-12.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi70" name="footnotevi70"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi70"><sup>70</sup></a> 280, 1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi71" name="footnotevi71"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi71"><sup>71</sup></a> 694, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi72" name="footnotevi72"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi72"><sup>72</sup></a> 'O Gripus, Gripus! +in the life of man are laid many snares, by which +they are trapped; and for the most part a bait is laid on them, and whoso +in his greed greedily craves for it, by reason of his greed he is caught in the +trap. But whoso warily, wisely, craftily takes heed, to him it is given long +to enjoy what has been well earned. That prize of yours, I fancy, will be +so made prize of, as to bring a larger dower in going from us than when it +came to us. To fancy that I should be capable of keeping secret possession +of what I know to be another's property! Far will that be from our friend +Daemones. It is the absolute duty of a wise man to be on his guard against +ever being privy to any wrong done by his own people. I never would +care for any gain, except when I am in the game.'—Rudens, 1235-48.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi73" name="footnotevi73"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi73"><sup>73</sup></a> 'Provided it be not for wrong done, +let me perish, I care not. If I +shall perish here, while he returns not, as he promised, yet even after death +this will be a memorable act, that I restored my master from captivity and +his enemies to his father and his home, and chose rather to emperil my own +life here than that he should perish.'—Captivi, 682-8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi74" name="footnotevi74"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi74"><sup>74</sup></a> 'So it befell my mistress this day: +for when she calls the powers of +travail to her aid, lo! there ensues a rumbling, rattling noise, loud uproar +and a peal of thunder—all of a sudden how fast, how mightily it thundered! +At the crash each one fell on the spot where he stood. Then some one, I +know not who, exclaims in a loud voice, "Alcmena, be not afraid; help is +at hand: the dweller in the skies draweth nigh with kindly intent to thee +and thine. Arise ye who from the dread inspired by me have fallen down in +alarm." As I lay, I rose up: methought the house was all on fire, so +brightly did it shine.'—Amphitruo, 1060-67.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi75" name="footnotevi75"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi75"><sup>75</sup></a> 'I call not that which is named my dower, +my true dower, but chastity +and modesty, and passion subdued, fear of the Gods, affection to my parents, +amity with my kinsmen, a will to yield to thee, to be bountiful to the good, +of service to the worthy.'—Amphitruo, 839-42.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi76" name="footnotevi76"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi76"><sup>76</sup></a> 86.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi77" name="footnotevi77"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi77"><sup>77</sup></a> Captivi, 280.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi78" name="footnotevi78"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi78"><sup>78</sup></a> Pseud. 666.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi79" name="footnotevi79"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi79"><sup>79</sup></a> Captivi, 310.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi80" name="footnotevi80"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi80"><sup>80</sup></a> Pseud. 677.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi81" name="footnotevi81"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi81"><sup>81</sup></a> Cf. Aul. iii. 5. 4-8:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Nam, meo quidem animo, si idem faciant ceteri,</p> +<p class="i6">Opulentiores pauperiorum filias</p> +<p class="i6">Ut indotatas ducant uxores domum,</p> +<p class="i6">Et multo fiat civitas concordior,</p> +<p class="i6">Et invidia nos minore utamur, quam utimur.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi82" name="footnotevi82"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi82"><sup>82</sup></a> Curculio, 33-8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi83" name="footnotevi83"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi83"><sup>83</sup></a> 'I was a fine gentleman, +a nice fellow—a good or respectable man +I never was nor will be.'—Capt. 956-7.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi84" name="footnotevi84"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi84"><sup>84</sup></a> Cp. the winding up of the Mostellaria, +Casina, Cistellaria.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi85" name="footnotevi85"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi85"><sup>85</sup></a> 'Look there, if you please, +how he has taken up his post, with serious +brow pondering, meditating; now he taps his breast with his fingers. I +fancy he is going to summon his heart outside: look, he turns away; now +his left hand is leaning on his left thigh; with his right hand he is making +a calculation on his fingers; his right thigh burns, such a violent blow he +has struck it; his scheme does not come easily to him:—he cracks his +fingers: he is at a loss; he often changes his position: look, there he nods +his head: he does not like this new idea. Whatever it is, he will not bring +it out till it is ready: he'll serve it up well done. Look again, he is busy +building: he props up his chin with a pillar. Away with it! I don't like +that kind of building: for I have heard that a foreign poet has his face thus +pillared, beside whom two sentinels are every hour on watch. Bravo! +by Hercules, now he is in a fine attitude, like a slave, or a man in a play.—Mil. +Glor. 201-14.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi86" name="footnotevi86"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi86"><sup>86</sup></a> Pseud. 1246.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi87" name="footnotevi87"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi87"><sup>87</sup></a> 'Hear me, ye bolts, ye bolts, +gladly I greet you, I love you, I am fond +of you; I beg you, I beseech you, most amiably now comply with the desire +of me a lover. For my sake become like foreign dancers; spring up, +I beseech you, and send her forth, who now is drinking up the life-blood of +me her lover. Mark how these vilest bolts are still asleep, and do not stir +one whit on my account.'—Curculio, 147-154.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi88" name="footnotevi88"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi88"><sup>88</sup></a> Pseud. 132-238.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi89" name="footnotevi89"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi89"><sup>89</sup></a> 'See that when I return from the Forum, +I find everything ready, +the floor swept, sprinkled, polished, the couches covered; the plate all +clean and arranged: for this is my birthday: this you must all join in +keeping: I want to entertain some great people sumptuously, that they +may think I am well to do.'—Pseud. 159-62.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi90" name="footnotevi90"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi90"><sup>90</sup></a> 'A red-haired fellow, pot-bellied, +with thick legs, darkish, with a big +head, keen eyes, a red face, and enormous feet.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi91" name="footnotevi91"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi91"><sup>91</sup></a> 'By Pollux he is of the mushroom sort: +he hides himself with his +head: he looks like an Illyrian: he is got up like one;'—</p> + +<p class="footnote">'I should be surprised if he be not either some dreaming fellow (?al. +house-breaker) or a cutpurse: he takes a good look of the ground, gazes +about him, takes note of the house.'—Trinum. 850-862.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi92" name="footnotevi92"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi92"><sup>92</sup></a> Bacchid. 289.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevi93" name="footnotevi93"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi93"><sup>93</sup></a> Curculio, 337, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnotevi94" name="footnotevi94"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvi94"><sup>94</sup></a> Cp. the proverbial +'taking the breeches off a Highlander,' and the lines +in one of Burns' earliest songs—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'And then there's something in her gait</p> +<p class="i10">Gars ony dress look weel.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page204" id="page204"></a>[page 204]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER VII.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">Terence and the Comic Poets subsequent to Plautus.</span></h3> + +<p>The names of five or six comic dramatists are known, who +fill the space of eighteen years between the death of Plautus +and the representation of the earliest play of Terence, the +'Andria.' From one of these, Aquilius, some verses are +quoted, which Varro did not hesitate to attribute to Plautus, +and which Gellius characterises as 'Plautinissimi.' They are +the words of a parasite, complaining of the invention of +sun-dials as inconveniently retarding the dinner hour. Among +these writers the most famous was Caecilius Statius, an +Insubrian Gaul, first a slave, and afterwards a freedman of +a member of the Caecilian house. He is said to have lived +on terms of great intimacy with Ennius. His poetic career +very nearly coincides with that of the epic and tragic poet, and +he only survived him by one year. Some Roman critics +ranked him above even Plautus as a comic poet. The line of +Horace—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Vincere Caecilius gravitate, Terentius arte—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>probably indicates the ground of their preference. He is +said also to have been careful in the construction of his +plots<a id="footnotetagvii1" name="footnotetagvii1"></a><a href="#footnotevii1"><sup>1</sup></a>. Cicero, who often quotes from him, speaks of him +as having written a bad style<a id="footnotetagvii2" name="footnotetagvii2"></a><a href="#footnotevii2"><sup>2</sup></a>. He is also mentioned among +those poets who 'powerfully moved the feelings.'</p> + +<p>He composed about forty plays. Most of them had Greek +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page205" id="page205"></a>[page 205]</span> +titles, and a considerable number of these are identical with +the titles of comedies by Menander. Two of the longest +of his fragments express with more bitterness and less humour +the feelings which husbands in Plautus entertain towards their +wives. In one of these passages he has adapted his Greek +original to the coarser Roman taste with even less fastidiousness +than Plautus generally shows<a id="footnotetagvii3" name="footnotetagvii3"></a><a href="#footnotevii3"><sup>3</sup></a>. Another passage, +from the Synephebi, is more in the spirit of Terence than of +Plautus. It is one in which a young lover complains that the +'good nature' (commoditas) of his father made it impossible +to cheat him with an easy conscience. Occasionally we find +specimens of those short maxims which probably led the +Augustan critics to attribute to him the character of <i>gravitas</i>, +such as the</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Serit arbores quae alteri saeclo prosint,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>quoted by Cicero in the Tusculan Questions, and this line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Saepe est etiam sub palliolo sordido sapientia.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He seems to have had nothing of the creative originality of +Plautus, nor ever to have enjoyed the same general popularity. +He prepared the way for Terence by a more careful conformity +to his Greek models than his predecessor had shown, +and, apparently, by introducing a more serious and sentimental +vein into his representations of life.</p> + +<p>With Terence Roman literature enters on a new stage of its +development. When he appeared, a younger generation had +grown up, who not only inherited the enthusiasm for Greek +art and letters of the older generation,—of men of the stamp +of the elder Scipio, Aemilius Paulus, T. Quintius Flamininus,—but +who had been carefully educated from their boyhood in +Greek accomplishments. The leading representative of this +younger generation, Scipio Aemilianus, was about the same +age as Terence, and admitted him to his intimacy; thus +showing in his early youth the same enlightened and tolerant +spirit and the same cultivated aspiration which made him +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page206" id="page206"></a>[page 206]</span> +choose Panaetius and Polybius as the associates of his manhood, +and induced him to live in relations of frank unreserve +with Lucilius during the latter years of his life. Among the +members of the Scipionic circle, Laelius and Furius Philo +were also closely associated with Terence; and he is said to +have enjoyed the favour of older men of distinction and +culture, Sulpicius Gallus, Q. Fabius Labeo, and M. Popillius, +men of consular rank and of literary and poetic accomplishment<a id="footnotetagvii4" name="footnotetagvii4"></a><a href="#footnotevii4"><sup>4</sup></a>. +In the interval between Plautus and Terence, +the great gap which was never again to be bridged over had +been made between the mass of the people and a small +educated class. While the former became less capable of +intellectual pleasure, and were beginning to prefer the exhibitions +of boxers, rope-dancers, and gladiators<a id="footnotetagvii5" name="footnotetagvii5"></a><a href="#footnotevii5"><sup>5</sup></a>, to the +comedies which had delighted their fathers, the latter became +more exacting than the men of a former generation, in their +demands for correctness and elegance. They had acquired +through education the fastidiousness of men of culture, a +quality not easily gained and retained without some sacrifice +of native force and popular sympathies. Recognising the +immense superiority of the Greek originals in literature to the +rude Roman copies, they believed that the best way to create +a national Latin literature was to deviate as little as possible, +in spirit, form, and substance, from the works of Greek genius. +But though cosmopolitan, or rather purely Greek, in their +literary tastes, they were thoroughly patriotic in devotion to +their country's interests. They cherished their native language +as the great instrument of social and political life; and they +recognised the influence which a cultivated literature might +have in rendering that instrument finer and more flexible than +natural use had made it. By concentrating attention on form +and style, without aiming at originality of invention, Latin +literature might become a truer medium of Greek culture, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page207" id="page207"></a>[page 207]</span> +might, at the same time, impart a finer edge and temper to the +rude ore of Latin speech.</p> + +<p>The task which awaited Terence was the complete Hellenising +of Roman comedy, and the creation of a style which +might combine something of Attic flexibility and delicacy with +the idiomatic purity of the Latin spoken in the best Roman +houses. By birth a Phoenician, by intellectual education +a Greek, by the associations of his daily life a foreigner +living in Rome, he was more in sympathy with the cosmopolitan +mode of thought and feeling which Greek culture was +diffusing over the civilised world, than with the traditions +of Roman austerity or the homely humours of Italian life. +As a dependent and associate of men belonging to the most +select society of Rome, he had neither that contact with the +many sides of life, nor that familiarity with the animated modes +of popular speech, which helped to fashion the style of +Plautus: but by assimilating the literary grace of the Athenian +comedy and the familiar manner of a high-bred, friendly, and +intelligent society, he gave to Latin, what the Greek language +in ancient and the French in modern times have had pre-eminently, +a style which gives dignity and urbanity to conversation, +and freedom and simplicity to literary expression. +If the oratorical tastes and training of the Romans make the +absence of these last qualities perceptible in much both of +their prose and verse, we feel the charm of their presence in +the Letters of Cicero, the lighter poems of Catullus, the +Epistles of Horace, the Epigrams of Martial: and it was +owing to the social and intellectual position of Terence that +this secret of combining consummate literary grace with +conversational ease and spontaneity was discovered.</p> + +<p>Our knowledge of the life of Terence is derived chiefly +from a fragment of the lost work of Suetonius, <i>De viris +illustribus</i>, preserved in the commentary of Donatus. Confirmation +of some of the statements contained in the life is +obtained from later writers and speakers, and also from the +prologues to the different plays, which throw light on the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page208" id="page208"></a>[page 208]</span> +literary and personal relations of the poet. These prologues +were among the original sources of Suetonius: but he quotes +or refers to the works of various grammarians and antiquarians—Porcius +Licinus, Volcatius Sedigitus, Santra, Nepos, +Fenestella, Q. Cosconius—as his authorities. The first two +lived within a generation or two after the death of Terence, and +the first of them shows a distinct animus against him and his +patrons. But notwithstanding the abundance of authorities, +there is uncertainty as to both the date of his birth and the +place and manner of his death. The doubt as to the former +arises from the discrepancy of the MSS. His last play, the +Adelphoe, was exhibited in 160 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Shortly after its production +he went to Greece, being then, according to the best +MSS., in his twenty-fifth ('nondum quintum atque vicesimum +egressus<a id="footnotetagvii6" name="footnotetagvii6"></a><a href="#footnotevii6"><sup>6</sup></a> annum'), according to inferior MSS., in his thirty-fifth +year. This uncertainty is increased by a discrepancy +between the authorities quoted by Suetonius. Cornelius Nepos +is quoted for the statement that he was about the same age as +Scipio (born 185 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>) and Laelius, while Fenestella, an +antiquarian of the later Augustan period, represented him as +older. As the authority of the MSS. coincides with that of +the older record, the year 185 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> may be taken as the most +probable date of his birth. In the case of an author drawing +originally from life, it might seem improbable that he should +have written six comedies, so true in their apprehension and +delineation of various phases of human nature, between the +ages of nineteen and twenty-five. But the case of an +imitative artist reproducing impressions derived from literature +is different; and the circumstances of Terence's Phoenician +origin and early life may well have developed in him a +precocity of talent. His acknowledged intimacy with Scipio +and Laelius, and the general belief that they assisted him +in the composition of his plays, agree better with the statement +that he was about their own age than that he was ten years +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page209" id="page209"></a>[page 209]</span> +older. The lines at the end of the prologue to the Heauton +Timorumenos—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Exemplum statuite in me ut <i>adulescentuli</i></p> +<p>Vobis placere studeant potius quam sibi,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>indicate that he was a very young man when they were written. +Thus Terence may, more even than Catullus or Lucan, be +ranked among 'the inheritors of unfulfilled renown.'</p> + +<p>He is said to have been born at Carthage, brought to Rome +as a slave, and carefully educated in the house of M. Terentius +Lucanus, by whom he was soon emancipated. A difficulty +was felt in ancient times as to how he originally became a slave, +as there was no war between Rome and Carthage between the +Second and Third Punic Wars, and no commercial relations +with Rome and Italy till after the destruction of Carthage. +But there was no doubt as to his Phoenician origin. It has +been suggested that his Carthaginian origin perhaps explains +the interest which the family of the Scipios first took in him. +He was of slender figure and dark complexion. He is said to +have owed the favour of his great friends as much to his +personal gifts and graces as to his literary distinction. In one +of his prologues he declares it to be his ambition, while not +offending the many, to please the 'boni.'</p> + +<p>His earliest play was the 'Andria,' exhibited in 166 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, when +he could only have been about the age of nineteen. A pretty, +but probably apocryphal, story is told of his having read the +play, before its exhibition, to Caecilius—who however is said to +have died in 168 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, the year after the death of Ennius—and +of the generous admiration manifested by Caecilius. The +story probably owes its origin to the same impulse which gave +birth to that of the visit of Accius on his journey to Asia to +the veteran Pacuvius. The next play exhibited by Terence +was the 'Hecyra,' first produced in 165, but withdrawn in consequence +of the bad reception which it met with, and afterwards +reproduced in 160. The 'Heauton Timorumenos' appeared in +163, the 'Eunuchus' and 'Phormio' in 161, and the 'Adelphoe' +in 160, at the funeral games of L. Aemilius Paulus.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page210" id="page210"></a>[page 210]</span> + +<p>After bringing out these plays Terence sailed for Greece, +whether, as it is said, to escape from the suspicion of publishing +the works of others as his own, or, as is more probable, from +the desire to obtain a more intimate knowledge of that Greek +life which had hitherto been known to him only in literature, +and which it was his professed aim to reproduce in his +comedies. From the voyage to Greece Terence never returned. +According to one account he was lost at sea, according +to another he died at Stymphalus in Arcadia, and according +to a third at Leucadia, from grief at the loss by shipwreck of +his baggage, containing a number of new plays which he had +translated from Menander. The old grammarian quoted by +Suetonius states that he was ruined in fortune through his +intimacy with his noble friends. Another account spoke of +him as having left behind him property consisting of gardens, +to the extent of twenty acres, close to the Appian Way. It is +further stated that his daughter was so well provided for that +she married a Roman knight.</p> + +<p>As his art is purely dramatic and also imitative, for any +further knowledge of his character and circumstances we +have to rely on his prologues in which he speaks in his +own person. They give the impression of a man of frank and +ingenuous nature, with a high idea of his art, very sensitive +to criticism, and proud, though not ostentatiously so, of the +favour he enjoyed with the best men of his time. The tone +of all his prologues is apologetic. In this respect, as well as +in his relation to his patrons, he reminds us of the tone of +some of the Satires of Horace. But there is a robuster force +both of defence and of offence in the son of the Venusian +freedman than in the young Phoenician freedman. In nearly +all his prologues he defends himself against the malevolence +and detraction of an old poet, 'malevolus vetus poeta,' whose +name is said to have been Luscius Lavinius, or Lanuvinus. +The chief charge which his detractor brings against him is +that of <i>contaminatio</i>, the combining in one play of scenes out +of different Greek plays. Terence justifies his practice by that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page211" id="page211"></a>[page 211]</span> +of the older poets, Naevius, Plautus, Ennius, whose careless +freedom he follows in preference to the dull pedantry of his +detractor<a id="footnotetagvii7" name="footnotetagvii7"></a><a href="#footnotevii7"><sup>7</sup></a>. He recriminates on his adversary as one who, by +his literal adherence to his original, had turned good Greek +plays into bad Latin ones. He justifies himself from the +charge of plagiarising from Plautus and Naevius<a id="footnotetagvii8" name="footnotetagvii8"></a><a href="#footnotevii8"><sup>8</sup></a>. In another +passage he contrasts his own quiet treatment of his subjects +with the sensational extravagance of other play-wrights<a id="footnotetagvii9" name="footnotetagvii9"></a><a href="#footnotevii9"><sup>9</sup></a>. He +meets the charge of receiving assistance in the composition of +his plays by claiming, as a great honour, the favour which he +enjoyed with those who deservedly were the favourites of the +Roman people<a id="footnotetagvii10" name="footnotetagvii10"></a><a href="#footnotevii10"><sup>10</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>He was not a popular poet, in the sense in which Plautus +was popular; he made no claim to original invention, or even +original treatment of his materials: he was however not a mere +translator but rather an adapter from the Greek; and his aim was +to give a true picture of Greek life and manners in the purest +Latin style. He stands in much the same relation to Menander +and other writers of the new comedy<a id="footnotetagvii11" name="footnotetagvii11"></a><a href="#footnotevii11"><sup>11</sup></a>, as that in which a +fine engraver stands to a great painter. He speaks with the +enthusiasm not of a creative genius, but of an imitative artist, +inspired by a strong admiration of his models. And this view +of his aim is confirmed by the result which he attained. He +has none of the purely Roman characteristics of Plautus, in +sentiment, allusion, or style<a id="footnotetagvii12" name="footnotetagvii12"></a><a href="#footnotevii12"><sup>12</sup></a>; none of his extravagance, and +none of his creative exuberance of fancy. The law which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page212" id="page212"></a>[page 212]</span> +Terence always imposes on himself is the 'ne quid nimis.' +He aims at correctness and consistency, and rejects nearly +every expression or allusion which might remind his hearers +that they were in Rome and not in Athens. His plots are +tamer and less varied in their interest than those of Plautus, +but they are worked out much more carefully and artistically. +He takes great pains in the opening scenes to make the +situation in which the play begins clear, and he allows the +action to proceed to the <i>dénouement</i> through the medium of +the natural play of character and motive. As a painter of life +it is not by striking effects, but by his truth in detail, and his +power of delineating the finer distinctions in varying specimens +of the same type, that he gains the admiration of the reader. +There are no strongly-drawn or vividly conceived personages +in his plays, but they all act and speak in the most natural +manner. Though he has left no trace in any of his plays of +one drawing directly from the life, there is no more truthful, +natural, and delicate delineator of human nature, in its +ordinary and more level moods, within the whole range of +classical literature. Characters, circumstances, motives, etc., +are all in keeping with a cosmopolitan type of citizen or family +life, courteous and humane, taking the world easily, and outwardly +decorous in its pleasures, but without serious interests, +or high aspirations.</p> + +<p>Terence is, accordingly, in substance and form, a 'dimidiatus +Menander,'—a Roman only in his language. The aim of his +art was to be as purely Athenian as it was possible for one +writing in Latin to be. While his great gift to Roman +literature is that he first made it artistic, that he imparted to +rude Latium the sense of elegance, consistency, and moderation, +his gift to the world is that, through him, it possesses +a living image of Greek society in the third century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> presented +in the purest Latin idiom. The life of Athens after the +loss of her religious belief, her great political activity, and +speculative and artistic energy,—or, rather, one of the phases +of that life, as it was shaped by Menander for dramatic +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page213" id="page213"></a>[page 213]</span> +purposes—supplies the material of all his plays. It is the +embodiment of the lighter side of the philosophy of Epicurus, +without the elevation of the speculative and scientific curiosity +which gave serious interest even to that form of the philosophic +life. There is a charm of friendliness, urbanity, social enjoyment, +superficial kindness of heart, in the picture presented: +and it was a necessary stage in the culture of the best Romans +that they should learn to appreciate this charm, and assimilate +its influence in their intercourse with one another. The Greek +comedy of Menander was a lesson to the Romans in manners, +in tolerance, in kindly indulgence to equals and inferiors, and +in the cultivation of pleasant relations with one another. The +often quoted line,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Homo sum; humani nihil a me alienum puto,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>might be taken as its motto. The idea of 'human nature,' +in its weakness and in its sympathy with weakness, may be +said to be the new element introduced into Roman life by the +comedy of Terence. The qualities of 'humanitas, clementia, +facilitas,'—general amiability and good nature,—are the virtues +which it exemplifies. The indulgence of the old to the follies +or pleasures of the young is often contrasted with the stricter +view of the obligations of life, entertained by an earlier generation, +and always in favour of the former. The plea of the +passionate modern poet—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>'To step aside is human.'—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>is often urged, but without any feeling that this divergence +needs an apology. The hollowness of the social conditions +on which this superficial agreeability and humanity rested is +revealed by passages in these plays which prove that the +habitual comfort of a moderately wealthy class was maintained +by the practice of infanticide: and a virtuous wife is represented +as begging the forgiveness of her husband for having +given her child away instead of ordering it to be put to death<a id="footnotetagvii13" name="footnotetagvii13"></a><a href="#footnotevii13"><sup>13</sup></a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page214" id="page214"></a>[page 214]</span> +In its outward amenity, as well as its inward hollowness, the +social and family life depicted in the comedies of Terence was +the very antithesis of the old Roman austere and formal +discipline. How far this new view of life contributed to the +subsequent deterioration of Roman character, it is difficult to +say. The writings of Cicero and Horace show that the +receptive Italian intellect was able to extract the elements of +courtesy, tolerance, and social amiability out of such a delineation +without any loss of native manliness and strength of affection. +And thus perhaps, apart from their literary charm, the +permanent gain to the world from the comedies of Terence +and the philosophy which they embody, has been greater than +the immediate loss to the weaker members of the Roman youth +who may have been misled by the view of life presented in +them.</p> + +<p>Love, generally in the form of pathetic sentiment rather +than of irregular passion, is the motive of all the pieces. There +is generally a double love-story; one, an attachment, which, +if not virtuous in the beginning, has become so afterwards, and +which ends in marriage and the discovery that the lady is the +daughter of a citizen, who has been exposed or carried away in +her infancy; the other, an ordinary intrigue, like those which +form the subject of most of the comedies of Plautus. In his +treatment of love, Terence may be said to be the precursor of +Catullus, Propertius, and Tibullus. He has the serious sense +of its pains and pleasures which they display, though he wants +the passionate intensity of the two first of these. The greatest +attraction of his love passages arises from his tenderness of +feeling. In this he is like Tibullus. Although the origin of the +sentiment, in most of his plays, is nothing deeper than desire, +inspired by outward charms and enhanced by compassion, +yet we recognise in him, or in the model which he followed, +much more than in Plautus, a belief in and appreciation of +constancy and fidelity. In his treatment of his 'amantes +ephebi' he shows sympathy with, rather than the humorous +superiority to, their weaknesses which we find in Plautus. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page215" id="page215"></a>[page 215]</span> +But though there is more grossness in the older poet, yet +there is occasionally more real indelicacy in Terence; as +in the subject of the 'Eunuchus' and in the acceptance +by Phaedria, at the end of that play, of the suggestion +of Gnatho, which, in its union of mercenary with sentimental +motives, is almost more repugnant to natural +feeling than the conclusion of the 'Asinaria' and 'Bacchides.'</p> + +<p>The characters in Terence, although more consistent and +more true to ordinary life, are more faintly drawn than those +of Plautus. None of them stand out in our memory with the +distinctness and individuality of Euclio, Pseudolus, Ballio, or +Tyndarus. The want of definite personality which they had to +the poet himself is implied in the frequent recurrence of the +same names in his different pieces. They are products of +analysis and reflexion, not of bold invention and creative +sympathy. They are embodiments of the good sense which +keeps a conventional society together, or of the tamer impulses +by which the surface of that society is temporarily ruffled. +The predominant tone in their intercourse with one another is +one of urbanity. We find none of the rollicking vituperation +and execration in which Plautus revels. Delicate irony and +pointed epigram take the place of broad humour. The encounter +of wits between slaves and fathers is conducted with +the weapons of polished repartee and mutual deference to one +another. Davus, Parmeno, Syrus, Geta, speak in the terse +and epigrammatic language of gentlemen and men of the +world.</p> + +<p>While the 'Andria' has more pathetic situations, and the +'Adelphoe' is on the whole more true to human nature, the +'Eunuchus' presents the greatest number of interesting personages. +The Thais of that play is the most favourable +delineation of the Athenian 'Hetaera' in ancient literature. +She has grace and dignity, a consciousness of her charms +combined with a proud humility, and not only kindliness of +nature, but real goodness of heart. The natural dignity of her +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page216" id="page216"></a>[page 216]</span> +nature, tempered by the sense of her position, appears in her +rebuke to Chaerea,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18">Non te dignum, Chaerea,</p> +<p class="i2">Fecisti: nam si ego digna hac contumelia</p> +<p class="i2">Sum maxume, at tu indignus qui faceres tamen<a id="footnotetagvii14" name="footnotetagvii14"></a><a href="#footnotevii14"><sup>14</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and her kindness is equally manifest in her ready admission of +his excuse,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Non adeo inhumano ingenio sum, Chaerea,</p> +<p>Neque ita imperita, ut quid amor valeat, nesciam<a id="footnotetagvii15" name="footnotetagvii15"></a><a href="#footnotevii15"><sup>15</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Gnatho is a new and more subtly conceived type of the +parasite, and in Thraso the 'Miles Gloriosus' does not +transcend the limits of credibility. Parmeno and Phaedria +are natural embodiments of the confidential slave and the +weak lover. Their relations to one another are brought out +with more delicate irony and finer psychological analysis, +though with less vigour than those of Pseudolus and Calidorus, +or of Ludus and Pistoclerus in the Pseudolus and Bacchides +of Plautus. The Davus, Geta, and Syrus of the other plays +are tamer and less humorous than the slaves of Plautus; but +they play their part with wit and liveliness, and the <i>rôle</i> which +they have to perform is not felt to be incompatible with the +ordinary conditions of life. Aeschinus, in the Adelphoe, +shows a higher spirit and more energy of character than most +of the other lovers in Plautus or Terence. The contrast +between the genial, indulgent, selfish man of the world, and +the harder type of character produced by exclusive devotion to +business, is well brought out in the Micio and Demea of the +Adelphoe, and in the Chremes and Menedemus of the +Heauton Timorumenos. The two brothers in the 'Phormio,' +Demipho and Chremes, are also happily characterised and +distinguished from one another; and Phormio is himself a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page217" id="page217"></a>[page 217]</span> +type of the parasite, as distinct from Gnatho, as he is from the +Gelasimus or Curculio of Plautus. The character-painting in +Terence is altogether free from the tendency to exaggeration +and caricature which is the besetting fault of some of the +greatest humourists. Yet with all his truth of detail, his +careful avoidance of the extreme forms of villainy, roguery, +and inhuman hardness, it may be doubted whether the life +represented by Terence is not on the whole more purely +conventional than that represented by Plautus. His personages +seem to move about in a kind of 'Fools' paradise' +without the knowledge of good or evil. All the sentimental +virtues seem to flourish spontaneously, even in the hearts of +his courtesans: and though he holds up a true ideal of fidelity +in love and loyalty in friendship, yet the chief practical lesson +that seems to be suggested is the necessity of overcoming the +restraints imposed by prudence and conscience on the indulgence +of natural inclination.</p> + +<p>If we consider the form, substance, and spirit of these six +plays, we find that their merit consists in the art with which +the situation is unfolded and the plot developed, the consistency +and moderation with which a conventional view of life +and various types of character are set before us, and in the +large part played in them by the tender and sympathetic +emotions. But their great attraction, both to ancient and +modern readers, has been their charm of style. The diction +of Terence, while it wants the creativeness and exuberance of +Plautus, is free from the mannerisms which accompanied +these large endowments of the older poet. The superiority of +his style over that of Lucilius, who wrote a generation after him, +is almost immeasurable. The fine Attic flavour is more +perceptible in his Latin, than in the Greek of his contemporaries. +He does not attempt to emulate the 'numeri innumeri' +of Plautus, but limits himself almost entirely to those metres +which suit the natural flow of placid or more animated conversation, +viz. the iambic (senarian or septenarian) and the +trochaic septenarian. The effect of his metre is to introduce +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page218" id="page218"></a>[page 218]</span> +measure, propriety, grace, and point into ordinary speech +without impairing its ease and spontaneousness. The natural +vivacity and urbanity of his style is equally apparent in +dialogue, or in rapid and picturesque narrative of incidents +and pathetic situations<a id="footnotetagvii16" name="footnotetagvii16"></a><a href="#footnotevii16"><sup>16</sup></a>. He is full of happy often-quoted +sayings, such as</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hinc illae lacrimae. Amantium irae amoris integratiost.</p> +<p>Quot homines, tot sententiae.</p> +<p>Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto.</p> +<p>Tacent: satis laudant.</p> +<p>Nosse omnia haec salus est adulescentulis.</p> +<p>Cantilenam eandem canis—laterem lavem,—etc. etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Many of these—such as 'ne quid nimis,' 'ad restim res redit +mihi,' 'auribus teneo lupum,' etc.—are obviously translations +from Greek proverbial sayings; and in all his use of language +we may trace the influence of a close observation and +sympathetic enjoyment of Greek subtlety, reserve, delicate +allusiveness, curious felicity in union with direct simplicity. +These qualities of style, reproduced in the purest Latin idiom, +had a great influence on the familiar style of Horace. Expressions +in his Satires and Epistles, and even in his Odes, +show how closely he studied the language of Terence<a id="footnotetagvii17" name="footnotetagvii17"></a><a href="#footnotevii17"><sup>17</sup></a>. It is +from a scene in Terence that Horace takes his example of the +weakness of passion<a id="footnotetagvii18" name="footnotetagvii18"></a><a href="#footnotevii18"><sup>18</sup></a>; and the mode in which he tells how his +father trained him to correct his own faults by observing other +men must have been suggested by the conversation between +Demea and Syrus in the Adelphoe<a id="footnotetagvii19" name="footnotetagvii19"></a><a href="#footnotevii19"><sup>19</sup></a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><i>De.</i> + Denique</p> +<p>Inspicere tamquam in speculum in vitas omnium</p> +<p>Iubeo atque ex aliis sumere exemplum sibi.</p> +<p>'Hoc facito.' <i>Sy.</i> Recte sane. <i>De.</i> 'Hoc fugito.' <i>Sy.</i> Callide.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page219" id="page219"></a>[page 219]</span></p> +<p><i>De.</i> 'Hoc laudist.' <i>Sy.</i> 'Istaec res est.' <i>De.</i> 'Hoc vitio datur.'<a id="footnotetagvii20" name="footnotetagvii20"></a><a href="#footnotevii20"><sup>20</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Again, the remonstrance of Micio to Demea,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i22"> Si esses homo,</p> +<p class="i2">Sineres nunc facere, dum per aetatem licet,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>expresses the philosophy of many of his love poems and his +drinking songs. The Epicurean sentiment and reflexion +borrowed from Menander were congenial to one side of +Horace's nature, as the manly independence and serious spirit +of Lucilius were to another: and in his own style he has +incorporated the conversational urbanity of the one writer +no less than the intellectual vigour of the other. But Horace +was much richer and more varied in the subjects of his art, as +he was larger and more penetrating in his knowledge of the +world, and more manly and serious in his view of life, than the +comic poet who died so early in his career.</p> + +<p>But not Horace only, but some of the best judges and +greatest masters of style both in ancient and modern times +have been among his chief admirers. Cicero frequently +reproduces his expressions, applies passages in his plays to his +own circumstances, and refers to his personages as typical +representatives of character<a id="footnotetagvii21" name="footnotetagvii21"></a><a href="#footnotevii21"><sup>21</sup></a>. Julius Caesar characterises him +as 'puri sermonis amator.' Quintilian applies to his writing +the epithet 'elegantissimus,' and in that connexion refers +to the belief that his plays were the work of Scipio Africanus. +Cicero, on the other hand, speaks of the belief that they were +the work of Laelius, 'cuius fabellae propter elegantiam +sermonis putabantur a C. Laelio scribi<a id="footnotetagvii22" name="footnotetagvii22"></a><a href="#footnotevii22"><sup>22</sup></a>.' The imputation in +the poet's own time, which he does not altogether disclaim, +appears to have been that both friends assisted him in his +task.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page220" id="page220"></a>[page 220]</span> + +<p>His works were studied and learned by heart by the great +Latin writers of the Renaissance, such as Erasmus and +Melanchthon: and Casaubon, in his anxiety that his son should +write a pure style, inculcates on him the constant study of +Terence. Montaigne applies to him the phrase of Horace,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Liquidus puroque simillimus amni.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He speaks of 'his fine expression, elegancy, and quaintness,' +and adds, 'he does so possess the soul with his graces that we +forget those of his fable<a id="footnotetagvii23" name="footnotetagvii23"></a><a href="#footnotevii23"><sup>23</sup></a>.' It is among the French, the great +masters of the prose of refined conversation, that his merits +have been most appreciated in modern times. Sainte-Beuve, in +his 'Nouveaux Lundis,' devotes to him two papers of delicate +and admiring criticism. He quotes Fénelon and Addison, +'deux esprits polis et doux, de la même famille littéraire,' +as expressing their admiration for the illimitable beauty and +naturalness of one of his scenes. Fénelon is said to have +preferred him even to Molière. Sainte-Beuve calls Terence +the bond of union between Roman urbanity and the Atticism +of the Greeks, and adds that it was in the seventeenth century, +when French literature was most truly Attic, that he was most +appreciated. M. Joubert is quoted<a id="footnotetagvii24" name="footnotetagvii24"></a><a href="#footnotevii24"><sup>24</sup></a> as applying to him the words +'Le miel Attique est sur ses lèvres; on croirait aisément qu'il +naquit sur le mont Hymette.'</p> + +<p>After the death of Terence the only writer of <i>palliatae</i> of +any name was Sextus Turpilius, who died about the end of +the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> No new element seems to have been +contributed by him to the Roman Stage. After the decline of +the Comoedia palliata, the Comoedia togata, which professed +to represent the Roman and Italian life of the middle classes, +first obtained popular favour. The principal writers of this +branch of comedy were T. Quintius Atta and L. Afranius. +The latter was regarded as the Roman Menander:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Dicitur Afrani toga convenisse Menandro.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page221" id="page221"></a>[page 221]</span> +<p>The admiration which he expressed for Terence, whom he +regarded as the foremost of all the Roman comic poets, is +in keeping with this criticism. From the testimony of Quintilian<a id="footnotetagvii25" name="footnotetagvii25"></a><a href="#footnotevii25"><sup>25</sup></a> +we may infer that the change of scene from Athens +to Rome and the provincial towns of Italy did not improve +the morality of the Roman stage. A further decline both +in intellectual interest and in moral tendency appeared in the +resuscitation in a literary form of the Fabulae Atellanae, +the chief writers of which were L. Pomponius and Novius. A +still further degradation was witnessed in the later days of the +Republic and under the Empire in the rise of the 'Mimus,' as +a recognised branch of dramatic literature. If the influence of +the comic stage, when its chief representatives were Plautus +and Terence, is to be regarded as only of a mixed character, it +is difficult to associate any idea of intellectual pleasure with +the gross buffooneries of the Atellan farce, when it had passed +from the spontaneous hilarity of primitive times into the +conditions of an artistic performance, and still less with the +'mimi,' which were intended to gratify the lowest propensities +of the spectators. The rapid degeneracy of the mass of the +people from the characteristic virtues of the older Republic +is testified as much by the popularity of such spectacles as +by the passionate delight excited by the gladiatorial combats.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotevii1" name="footnotevii1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii1"><sup>1</sup></a> 'In argumento Caecilius poscit palmam,' +quoted from Varro.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii2" name="footnotevii2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii2"><sup>2</sup></a> Ep. ad Attic. vii. 3; Brutus, 74.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii3" name="footnotevii3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii3"><sup>3</sup></a> Cf. Mommsen, vol. ii. p. 435, +English Translation.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii4" name="footnotevii4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii4"><sup>4</sup></a> 'Consulari utroque ac poeta.' +Life of Terence, by Suetonius.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii5" name="footnotevii5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii5"><sup>5</sup></a> Cf. Prologue to the Hecyra.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii6" name="footnotevii6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii6"><sup>6</sup></a> Ritschl reads 'ingressus,' +which would make him a year younger.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii7" name="footnotevii7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii7"><sup>7</sup></a> Prol. Andria, l. 20.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii8" name="footnotevii8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii8"><sup>8</sup></a> Eunuchus, Prologue, l. 22, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii9" name="footnotevii9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii9"><sup>9</sup></a> Prol. to Phormio, l. 5, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii10" name="footnotevii10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii10"><sup>10</sup></a> Prol. Adelph. 15-21.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii11" name="footnotevii11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii11"><sup>11</sup></a> The Phormio is taken from Apollodorus.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii12" name="footnotevii12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii12"><sup>12</sup></a> We have one or two Latin puns. +Such as the play of words in +<i>amentium</i> and <i>amantium</i>, <i>verba</i> and <i>verbera</i>; one or two cases of alliteration +and asyndeton, e.g.—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Hic est victus, vetus, veternosus senex,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +and</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Profundat, perdat, pereat, etc.;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +but such mannerisms, which abound in Plautus, are extremely rare in the +younger poet.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii13" name="footnotevii13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii13"><sup>13</sup></a> In the Heauton Timorumenos.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii14" name="footnotevii14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii14"><sup>14</sup></a> 'This act was not worthy of you, +Chaerea: for even if it is quite fitting +that I should receive such an insult, all the same it was not fitting that +it should come from you.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii15" name="footnotevii15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii15"><sup>15</sup></a> 'I am not so wanting in natural +feeling or so unschooled in its ways as +not to know what love is capable of.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii16" name="footnotevii16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii16"><sup>16</sup></a> E.g. Andria, 115-136; 282-298; +Heauton Timorumenos, 273-301.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii17" name="footnotevii17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii17"><sup>17</sup></a> The original of such +expressions as—Appone lucro; Dulce est +desipere in loco; Rimosa quae deponuntur in aure; Qua parte debacchentur +ignes; Cena dubia; Paucorum hominum et mentis bene +sanae; Quam sapere et ringi; Quid non ebrietas designat?—and others, +are to be found in Terence.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii18" name="footnotevii18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii18"><sup>18</sup></a> Eunuch. A. i. I.; cf. Hor. +Sat. ii. 3, 260, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii19" name="footnotevii19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii19"><sup>19</sup></a> 414, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii20" name="footnotevii20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii20"><sup>20</sup></a> 'Then I bid him look into the lives +of men as into a mirror, and to +form for himself an example from others.' 'Do this.' <i>Sy.</i> 'Quite right.' +<i>De.</i> 'Avoid this. <i>Sy.</i> 'Cleverly said.' <i>De.</i> 'This is honourable.' <i>Sy.</i> +'That is it.' <i>De.</i> 'This is discreditable.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii21" name="footnotevii21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii21"><sup>21</sup></a> Cf. Ep. ad Fam. i. 9. 19; +Phil. ii. 15.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii22" name="footnotevii22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii22"><sup>22</sup></a> Ep. ad Att. vii. 3. 10.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii23" name="footnotevii23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii23"><sup>23</sup></a> Essays of Montaigne, +Cotton's Translation, ch. lxvii.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotevii24" name="footnotevii24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii24"><sup>24</sup></a> By E. Negrette, +in his Histoire de la Littérature Latine.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnotevii25" name="footnotevii25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagvii25"><sup>25</sup></a> Quint. x. 1, 100.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page222" id="page222"></a>[page 222]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">Early Roman Satire—C. Lucilius, Died 102 b.c.</span></h3> + +<p>Poetical satire, as a branch of cultivated literature, arose +out of the social and political circumstances, and the moral +and literary conditions of Roman life in the last half of the +second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> The tone by which that form of poetry +has been characterised, in ancient and modern times, is derived +from the genius and temper of a remarkable man, belonging to +that era, and from the spirit in which he regarded the world. +C. Lucilius invented satire, by first imparting a definite purpose +to an inartistic kind of metrical composition, in which miscellaneous +topics had been treated in accordance with the +occasional mood or interests of the writer. Although the +satire of Lucilius was rude and unfinished, and evidently +retained much of the vague general character belonging to the +satura of Ennius, yet he was undoubtedly the first Roman +writer who used his materials with the aim and in the manner +which poetical satire has permanently assumed. The indigenous +satura existing at Rome before the rise of regular +literature had been merged partly in the Latin comedy of +Naevius, Plautus, Caecilius, etc., partly in the metrical miscellanies +of Ennius and Pacuvius, which, though not written +for the stage, retained the name of the old scenic medley. +The new satire differed from Latin comedy in form and style, +and in the personal and national aims which it set before itself. +The satire of Lucilius, and even that of Horace, retained many +features in common with the desultory medley which Ennius +had formed out of the older satura. But the latter was the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page223" id="page223"></a>[page 223]</span> +parent of no permanent form of literary art. The miscellanies +of Varro, the most famous work produced on this model, were +composed partly in prose and partly in verse, and were never +ranked by the Romans among their poetical works. The +former, on the other hand, was the parent of the satire of +Horace, of Persius, and of Juvenal, and, through that, of +the poetical satire of modern times. The spirit of censorious +criticism, in which Lucilius treated the politics and morals, the +social manners and the literary taste of his age, has become +the essential characteristic of that form of literature which +derived its name from the old Italian satura.</p> + +<p>Of all the forms of Roman poetry, satire was least indebted +to the works of the Greeks. Quintilian claims it altogether for +his countrymen—'satira tota nostra est.' Horace characterises +it as 'Graecis intacti carminis.' While the names by which +they are known at once betray the Greek invention of the +other great forms of poetic art, the name of satire alone +indicates a Roman origin. It is true that Lucilius, like +every educated man of his time, was acquainted with the Greek +language and literature. It is true also that the critical spirit +in Greece had found vent for itself in the works of the early +iambic writers, Archilochus, Simonides of Amorgos, and +Hipponax, of the great authors of the old political comedy of +Athens, and apparently in later writings such as the satiric +discourses of Bion of Borysthenes, mentioned in Horace's +line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ille Bioneis sermonibus et sale nigro.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But Roman satire sprang up and flourished independently +of any of those kinds of composition. In national spirit and +moral purpose it was unlike the personal lampoons of the +Greek satirists. It was perhaps not less personal, but was +more ethical; it professed at least to be animated not by +private enmity but by public spirit. It embraced also a much +greater variety of topics. Horace finds a closer parallel to +the satire of Lucilius in the old Athenian comedy. These two +kinds of literature have this in common, that they are the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page224" id="page224"></a>[page 224]</span> +expression of public, not of personal feeling. But though +Lucilius probably, like Horace after him, studied the old +comic poets 'Eupolis, Cratinus and Aristophanes,' to catch +something of their spirit and manner in his satire, Roman +satire was not an imitation of Greek comedy. Where Roman +literature professes to be an imitation of Greek, it is the +form and the metre much more than the spirit and matter that +are reproduced. Greek comedy and Roman satire were the +independent results of freedom of speech and criticism in different +ages and countries. Their difference in form arose out +of fundamental differences in the character as well as in the +genius of the two nations. Although Roman speakers and +writers exercised a license of speech and of personal criticism +equal to that which prevailed in the Athenian democracy, +and beyond what the spirit of personal honour tolerates in +modern times, yet the exposure of public men to ridicule +on the stage was utterly repugnant to the instincts of an +aristocratic republic in which one of the great bonds of union +was respect for outward authority<a id="footnotetagviii1" name="footnotetagviii1"></a><a href="#footnoteviii1"><sup>1</sup></a>. The tendency of the +Roman mind to reduce all things to rule and to express +itself in abstract comments on life, rather than to represent +human nature in living forms, also favoured the assumption +by Lucilius of a mode of literature addressing itself to the +understanding of readers, and not to the curiosity of spectators.</p> + +<p>The spirit by which satire is animated was native to Italy. +The germ out of which it was developed was the <i>Fescennina +licentia</i>, or, as it is called by Dionysius, the +<ins title="Greek: kertomos kai satyrikê paidia"> +κέρτομος καὶ σατυρικὴ +παιδιά</ins>, +peculiar to the Italian people. But in assuming a +regular literary form, this native raillery was tempered by +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page225" id="page225"></a>[page 225]</span> +the serious spirit and vigorous understanding of Rome, and +liberalised by the tastes and ideas derived from a Greek +education. The age in which satire arose,—the age of the +Gracchi,—was one of social discontent, of political excitement, +of intellectual activity, of moral and religious unsettlement: +and all these conditions exercised a powerful influence on +its character. As addressed not to the imagination but to the +practical understanding, it was in a peculiar manner the +literary product of a people 'rebus natus agendis.' It combined +the practical philosophy of the 'abnormis sapiens,' +expressing itself in proverbial sayings, anecdotes, and homely +illustrations; the keen perceptions, the criticism, and vivacity +of a circle, educated, well-bred, and versed in affairs; the +serious purpose of a moral censor; and the knowledge of life, +which results from the mixed study of men and books. Their +circumstances, temper, and pursuits, united these various +elements, in different proportions, first in Lucilius, and after +him in Horace. By writing what interested themselves, in +accordance with their own natural bent, they satisfied the +practical and social tastes of their countrymen. While the +higher poetical imagination was a rare and exceptional gift +among Roman authors, and was appreciated only by a limited +class of readers, there was in Roman satire a true popular ring +and a close adaptation to the national character, understanding, +and circumstances. Martial writes in his day—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Nescis heu, nescis dominae fastidia Romae:</p> +<p class="i4">Crede mihi nimium Martia turba sapit:</p> +<p class="i2">Maiores nusquam rhonchi; iuvenesque senesque</p> +<p class="i4">Et pueri nasum rhinocerotis habent<a id="footnotetagviii2" name="footnotetagviii2"></a><a href="#footnoteviii2"><sup>2</sup></a>.—i. 4. 2-6.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>As the most genuine product of actual Roman life, satire was, +if not so luxuriant, a more vigorous plant than any other +species of Roman poetry. It is seen growing up in hardy +vigour under the free air of the Republic, attaining to mature +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page226" id="page226"></a>[page 226]</span> +perfection amid the rich intellectual life of the Augustan age, +and still fresh and vital in the general intellectual languor and +corruption of the Empire.</p> + +<p>The Roman character of satire is attested also by the fact +that other Roman poets and authors, besides those who +professed to follow in the footsteps of Lucilius, have exhibited +the satiric spirit. The caustic sense of Ennius, the generous +scorn of Lucretius, the license of Catullus, attest their affinity, +in some elements of character, to the Roman satirists. There +may be remarked also in the best modern works of poetical +satire,—such as the Absalom and Achitophel, the Prologue to +Pope's Satires, the Vanity of Human Wishes,—a conscious or +unconscious echo of that vigorous sense and nervous speech, +which accompanied the great practical energy of the Romans.</p> + +<p>Satire was not only national in its intellectual and moral +characteristics, but it played a part in public life at Rome. +Even under the Empire, when free speech and comment +on the government were no longer possible, the Roman +satirists claimed to perform an office similar in spirit to that +which the Republic in its best days had devolved on its most +honourable magistracy. But the satire of the Republic, +besides performing this magisterial office, played an active +part in the politics of the day. It combined the freedom of a +tribune with the severity of a censor. It held up to public +criticism the delinquencies of leading politicians, and of the +mass of the people in their elective divisions,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Primores populi arripuit populumque tributim.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Nor was it confined to aggressive criticism: it was used also +as an instrument of political partisanship, to paint the virtues +of Scipio as well as the vices of his antagonists. It thus +performed something of the same kind of public office as the +political pamphlet of an earlier time, and the newspaper of the +present day.</p> + +<p>It endeavoured also, by acting on individual character, +to effect objects which the Roman State strove to accomplish +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page227" id="page227"></a>[page 227]</span> +by direct legislation. The various sumptuary laws of that age, +and the enactments made to repress the study of Greek +rhetoric and philosophy, emanated from the same spirit which +led Lucilius to denounce the increase of luxury and the +affectation of Greek manners among his contemporaries. +The strong Roman appetites and the novelty of new studies +prevailed alike over the artificial restraints of legislative enactments, +and over the contemptuous and the earnest teaching of +satire. But the influence of satire could reach further than +that of censors or sumptuary laws. While it could brand +notorious offenders it was able also to unmask hypocritical +pretences—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Detrahere et pellem, nitidus qua quisque per ora</p> +<p>Cederet, introrsum turpis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It could stimulate to virtue as well as denounce flagrant +offences. It wielded something of the power of the preacher +to produce an inward change in the characters of men. By +its close contact with real experience and its close adherence +to the national standard of virtue, it might educate men for the +duties of citizens more effectually than the teaching of Greek +rhetoric or philosophy.</p> + +<p>But while satire in its earlier manifestation, from one side, is +to be regarded as the directest expression of Roman public +life, it was, at the same time, the truest exponent of the +character, pursuits, and interests of the individual writer. +The old definition of it by a Latin grammarian, 'Carmen +maledicum et ad carpenda hominum vitia compositum,' is +quite inapplicable to those familiar writings of Horace, in +which he gives a pleasant account of his habits and mode +of life in town and country, or that in which he humorously +narrates his various adventures on his journey to Brundisium. +The writings of Horace and Lucilius bore a more varied and +miscellaneous character than that of the satire of the Empire +or of modern times. Horace expresses his opinions and +feelings in the form sometimes of a dialogue, sometimes of a +familiar epistle, sometimes of a discourse put into the mouth +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page228" id="page228"></a>[page 228]</span> +of another, sometimes of a moral disquisition. He makes +abundant use of fables, anecdotes, personal portraiture, real +and imaginary, autobiography, and self-analysis. The fragments +of Lucilius, and the notices about him in ancient +authors, prove that in these respects Horace followed in +his footsteps. The testimony of the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ille velut fidis arcana sodalibus olim, etc.,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>implies that Lucilius used his satire as a natural vehicle +for expressing everything that interested him, in his own life +and in the circumstances of his time. In regard to the +miscellaneous nature of the topics treated by him, and the +frankness of his personal revelations, his truest modern +parallel is Montaigne,—the father of the prose essay, which +has performed the function of the older Roman satire more +completely than even the poetical satire of modern times.</p> + +<p>Among the poets of the Republic, whose works have +reached us only in fragments, Lucilius is only second in +importance to Ennius. Roman Satire owes as much in +form, substance, and spirit to him as the Roman epic does to +the older poet. While Ennius represents the highest mood of +Rome, and first gave expression to that imperial idea which +ultimately realised itself in history, Lucilius is the exponent of +her ordinary moods, manifested in the streets and the forum, +and of those internal dissensions and destructive forces by +which her political life was agitated and ultimately overthrown. +His personal characteristics and literary position can be +inferred with nearly as much certainty as those of Ennius. +The most important external evidence from which we form our +idea of him is that of Horace and Cicero. But the numerous +fragments of his writings bear a strong impress of his personality. +From the confirmation which they give to other +testimonies, we may endeavour to recover some of the lines +and colours of that 'votiva tabula' which the contemporaries +of Horace found in his books, and to realise the nature of the +work performed by him and of the influence which he exercised +over his countrymen.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page229" id="page229"></a>[page 229]</span> + +<p>The time at which he appeared was one of the most critical +epochs in Roman history, the end of one great era,—that +of the undisputed ascendency of the Senate,—the beginning +of the century of revolution which ended with the Battle +of Actium. The mind of the nation began then to turn from +the monotonous spectacle of military conquest and to busy +itself with the conditions of internal well-being. A spirit +of discontent with these, similar to that which called +forth the legislation of the Gracchi, opened up a new path for +Latin literature. It began then to concern itself, not with the +national idea of conquest and empire, but with the actual +condition of men. It sought for its material, not in the +representation which had been fashioned by Greek dramatic +art out of the heroic legends of early Greece or the citizen life +of her later days, but out of the every day life of the +Roman streets, law-courts, public assemblies, dinner-tables, and +literary coteries, and out of the baser details of actual +experience by which the magnificent ideal of Roman greatness +was largely qualified. Though there is considerable difficulty +in accepting the dates usually assigned for the birth and death +of Lucilius, there is no reason to doubt that his active literary +career began about the time of the tribunates of Tib. Gracchus, +and continued till nearly the end of the first century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> This +period is so important and interesting that such glimpses +of light as are afforded by the fragments of the contemporary +satirist are highly to be prized.</p> + +<p>The dates of his birth and death, according to Jerome, +were 148 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> and 102 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> We are told, on the same authority, +that he died at Naples and received the honour of a public +funeral. The chief difficulty in accepting these dates arises +from the statement of Velleius that Lucilius served as an +'eques' under Scipio in the Numantine War<a id="footnotetagviii3" name="footnotetagviii3"></a><a href="#footnoteviii3"><sup>3</sup></a>, and from +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page230" id="page230"></a>[page 230]</span> +the fact, attested by Horace and other authorities, of his great +intimacy with both Scipio and Laelius<a id="footnotetagviii4" name="footnotetagviii4"></a><a href="#footnoteviii4"><sup>4</sup></a>. Horace also mentions +that he celebrated in his writings the justice and valour of +Scipio,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Attamen et iustum poteras et scribere fortem</p> +<p>Scipiadem ut sapiens Lucilius—;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and the parallel there suggested between the relation of +Lucilius to the great soldier and statesman of his age, +and of Horace to Augustus, would be inappropriate unless +the praises there spoken of had been bestowed on Scipio +in his lifetime. Fragments from one book of the Satires +appear to be parts of a letter written by Lucilius to congratulate +his friend on the capture of Numantia<a id="footnotetagviii5" name="footnotetagviii5"></a><a href="#footnoteviii5"><sup>5</sup></a>. One line of +Book xxvi,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Percrepa pugnam Popilli, facta Corneli cane,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>contrasts the defeat of M. Popillius Laenas in 138 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> with +the subsequent successes of Scipio. In another fragment +Lucilius charges Scipio with affectation for pronouncing +the word 'pertaesum' as if it were 'pertisum<a id="footnotetagviii6" name="footnotetagviii6"></a><a href="#footnoteviii6"><sup>6</sup></a>.' He is also +mentioned as one of those whose criticism Lucilius dreaded<a id="footnotetagviii7" name="footnotetagviii7"></a><a href="#footnoteviii7"><sup>7</sup></a>. +These and other passages must have been written in the +lifetime of Scipio—i.e. before 129 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Thus, if the date +assigned for the birth of Lucilius is correct, he must have +served in the Numantine War at the age of fourteen or +fifteen, he must have been admitted into the most intimate +familiarity with the greatest man of the age, and must have +composed some books of his Satires, and thus introduced +a new form of literature, before the age of nineteen. L. +Müller in his edition of the Fragments adduces other +considerations for rejecting the dates given by Jerome, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page231" id="page231"></a>[page 231]</span> +such as the allusions to the career of Lupus (whom he +supposes to be the same as the Censor of 147 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>) and to the +war with Viriathus. He holds also that the words of Horace—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i16"> Quo fit ut omnis</p> +<p class="i2">Votiva pateat veluti descripta tabella</p> +<p class="i2">Vita <i>senis</i>—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>lose their point, unless <i>senis</i> is to be understood in its +usual sense. He supposes that the mistake of Jerome arose +from a similarity in the names of the Consuls of 148 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> +and 180 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and would therefore throw the date of the poet's +birth more than thirty years further back than that commonly +received.</p> + +<p>Whatever strength there may be in the other objections +urged against accepting the date 148 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> as that of the birth +of Lucilius, it is difficult to believe that Lucilius should have +taken part in the Numantine War, and been admitted to +apparently equal intimacy with Scipio before he had attained +the age of fifteen. It is still more difficult to suppose that the +earliest book or books of his Satires, composed before the death +of Scipio, should be the work of a boy under nineteen years of +age. But with these admissions it is not necessary to throw +back the date of the poet's birth so far as is done by Müller. +A more probable explanation of the error in the date was +suggested by Mr. Munro in the Journal of Philology. He +supposes that Jerome in copying the words of Suetonius +referring to the death and funeral of Lucilius substituted the +'anno aetatis xlvi. for lxiv. or lxvi., and then adapted the year +of birth to the annus Abrahae which would correspond to this +false reading.' Mr. Munro adds, 'Everything would now run +smooth. Lucilius when he went with Scipio to Spain would +be in the prime of manhood, thirty-two or thirty-four years of +age. Soon after that time he would be writing and publishing +his earliest Books, xxvi.-xxix., and then xxx. Some of these at +all events would be published before the death of Scipio, when +the poet would be thirty-seven or thirty-nine<a id="footnotetagviii8" name="footnotetagviii8"></a><a href="#footnoteviii8"><sup>8</sup></a>.' It may be +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page232" id="page232"></a>[page 232]</span> +added against the supposition that Lucilius was born in +the year 180 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, that, in that case, we should have expected +to have found in his numerous fragments allusions to events +even earlier than the Censorship of P. Cornelius Lupus or the +wars with Viriathus. Moreover the notices of his relation to +Scipio and Laelius, as in the 'discincti ludere' of Horace, and +in the story told by the Scholiast on that passage, of Laelius +coming on them, when the poet was chasing Scipio round the +table with a napkin, seem to indicate the familiar footing of a +much younger to older men.</p> + +<p>His birth-place was Suessa Aurunca in Campania. Juvenal +calls him 'Auruncae magnus alumnus.' He belonged to the +equestrian order, a fact indicated in the passage in which +Horace speaks of himself as 'infra Lucili censum.' The +Scholiast on that passage mentions that he was on the mother's +side grand-uncle to Pompey—a relationship confirmed by a +passage in Velleius, who mentions that the mother of Pompey +was named Lucilia.</p> + +<p>His satires were written in thirty Books. The remaining +fragments amount to about 1100 lines. Most of these +are single lines, preserved by grammarians as illustrative +of the use of words. The amount and variety of these, if they +had no other value, would at least be suggestive of the +industry with which grammatical and philological research into +their own language was carried on by Roman writers. Some +fragments are found in ancient commentaries on the Satires +and Epistles of Horace. The longer passages are quoted by +Cicero, Gellius, Lactantius, and others. The Books from i. to +xx. were written in hexameters; Book xxii., apparently, +in elegiacs, a metre which had hitherto been employed only in +short epigrams. Of the intervening Books between xxii. and +xxvi. there remains only one line<a id="footnotetagviii9" name="footnotetagviii9"></a><a href="#footnoteviii9"><sup>9</sup></a>. Books xxvi. and xxix., +from which a large number of lines have been preserved, were +written in trochaics and iambics. The last Book (xxx.) was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page233" id="page233"></a>[page 233]</span> +written in hexameters. From the fact that the trochaic +and iambic metres had been chiefly employed by the +older writers of saturae, it seems probable that Lucilius made +his first attempts in these metres, that he afterwards adopted +the hexameter, and that in one or two of his latest books +he attempted to write continuously in elegiacs. The allusions +in Book xxvi. to the Spanish wars and to the 'exploits +of Cornelius,' and the statement of his reasons for coming +forward as an author, render it not improbable that this +Book was the earliest in order of composition. It was +in this Book that he appeared most conspicuously as +the censor and critic of the older writers, a position not +unlikely to have been assumed, at the very outset of his +career, by one who claimed to initiate a change in Roman +literature.</p> + +<p>The first impression produced by reading these fragments, +as they have been arranged by Müller or Lachmann, is one of +extreme desultoriness and discursiveness of treatment. The +words applied by Horace to Lucilius,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Garrulus atque piger scribendi ferre laborem,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>characterise not his style only but his whole mode of composition. +Subjects most widely removed from one another +seem to have been introduced into the same book. We have +no means of determining whether the separate books consisted +of one or several miscellaneous pieces. He seems to start off +on some new chase on the slightest suggestion, verbal or otherwise, +as in the opening of Book v.—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quo me habeam pacto, tametsi non quaeri', docebo,</p> +<p>Quando in eo numero mansti, quo in maxima nunc est</p> +<p>Pars hominum,</p> +<p>Ut periise velis quem visere nolueris, cum</p> +<p>Debueris. Hoc nolueris et debueris te</p> +<p>Si minu' delectat, quod <ins title="Greek: technion "> +τεχνίον</ins> Isocratium est,</p> +<p><ins title="Greek: Lêrôdes">Ληρῶδές</ins>que simul totum ac +<ins title="Greek: symmeirakiôdes">συμμειρακιῶδες</ins>,</p> +<p>Non operam perdo<a id="footnotetagviii10" name="footnotetagviii10"></a><a href="#footnoteviii10"><sup>10</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page234" id="page234"></a>[page 234]</span> + +<p>We cannot accordingly expect to trace in them anything +of the unity of purpose, the formal discourse and illustration +of a set topic, which characterise the Satires of Persius and +Juvenal, nor yet, of the apparently artless, but carefully +meditated ease with which Horace, in his Satires, reproduces +the manner of cultivated conversation. Lucilius adopts many +modes of bringing himself into relations with his reader. +Sometimes he speaks of himself by name, and appears to be +communing with himself on his own fortunes or feelings. +Sometimes he carries on a controversy in the form of dialogue; +at other times he addresses the reader directly; or again, +he puts a discourse in the mouth of another, as that on +the luxury of the table in the mouth of Laelius. He makes +frequent use of the epistolary form—a form which in prose and +verse became one of the happiest products of Roman literature. +He employs fables, quotations, and parodies, to illustrate +his subject. He gives a narrative of his travels, and describes +scenes and incidents at which he was present, such as a fight +between two gladiators, a rustic feast, and a storm which +he encountered in his voyage to Sicily. In other places +he plays the part of a moralist, and discourses to a friend +on the nature of virtue. More frequently he takes on himself +the special office of a censor, and assails the vices of the day +by direct denunciation and living examples. In other places +he appears as a literary critic and a dictator on questions of +grammar and orthography.</p> + +<p>In Book i., dedicated to Aelius Stilo the grammarian, +a council of the gods was introduced, debating how the +Roman State was still to be preserved; and some of the +most notorious men of the time were exposed by name to +public reprobation. Book iii. contained an account of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page235" id="page235"></a>[page 235]</span> +author's journey from Rome to the Sicilian Strait, and has +been imitated by Horace in his journey to Brundisium. From +the line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Mantica cantheri costas gravitate premebat<a id="footnotetagviii11" name="footnotetagviii11"></a><a href="#footnoteviii11"><sup>11</sup></a>—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>it appears that some part of the journey was made on horseback, +but other lines<a id="footnotetagviii12" name="footnotetagviii12"></a><a href="#footnoteviii12"><sup>12</sup></a> show that the latter part was made by +water, and that a severe storm was encountered on the voyage. +In Book iv., imitated by Horace (Sat. ii. 2), and by Persius in +his third satire, was included the discourse of Laelius against +gluttony. In this book mention was made of the sturgeon +which gained notoriety for Gallonius<a id="footnotetagviii13" name="footnotetagviii13"></a><a href="#footnoteviii13"><sup>13</sup></a>. Book v. contained +a letter to a friend of the poet, who had neglected to visit him +when ill. Book ix. was composed of a dissertation on questions +of grammar, orthography, and criticism. Book xi. treated +of the wars in Spain and Transalpine Gaul, and contained +criticisms and anecdotes of various public men. Book xvi. +was named 'Collyra,' in honour of the poet's mistress. In +other books the castigation of particular vices formed a prominent +topic, and some of the latest (probably the earliest in the +order of composition), were largely filled with personal explanations +and with criticisms of the older poets. But the +desultory, discursive, self-communing character seems to have +been common to all of them; and it would be contrary to our +evidence to speak of any single book as composed on a definite +plan, or as treating of a special topic.</p> + +<p>The fragments however, when read collectively, bring out +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page236" id="page236"></a>[page 236]</span> +the main sources of interest which the Romans found in the +writings of Lucilius; first, the interest of a self-portraiture and +close personal relation established with the reader<a id="footnotetagviii14" name="footnotetagviii14"></a><a href="#footnoteviii14"><sup>14</sup></a>: second, +the interest of a censorious criticism on politics, morals, and +literature<a id="footnotetagviii15" name="footnotetagviii15"></a><a href="#footnoteviii15"><sup>15</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>Among the personal indications of the author we note the +great freedom and independence of his life and character. In +his mode of expressing this freedom and independence he +reminds us of Horace, who seems to have imitated him in his +view of life as well as in his writings. Thus, Lucilius declares +his indifference to public employment, and his unwillingness +to change his own position for the business of the Publicani of +Asia, just as Horace declares that he would not exchange his +leisure for all the wealth of Arabia<a id="footnotetagviii16" name="footnotetagviii16"></a><a href="#footnoteviii16"><sup>16</sup></a>. Like Horace, he speaks +of the joy of escaping from the storms of life into a quiet haven +of repose<a id="footnotetagviii17" name="footnotetagviii17"></a><a href="#footnoteviii17"><sup>17</sup></a>, or inculcates contentment with one's own lot<a id="footnotetagviii18" name="footnotetagviii18"></a><a href="#footnoteviii18"><sup>18</sup></a> and +immunity from envy<a id="footnotetagviii19" name="footnotetagviii19"></a><a href="#footnoteviii19"><sup>19</sup></a>, and the superiority of plain living to +luxury<a id="footnotetagviii20" name="footnotetagviii20"></a><a href="#footnoteviii20"><sup>20</sup></a>. Like Horace, while holding to his independence of +life, he put a high value on friendship, and strove to fulfil its +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page237" id="page237"></a>[page 237]</span> +duties<a id="footnotetagviii21" name="footnotetagviii21"></a><a href="#footnoteviii21"><sup>21</sup></a>. Like him, while condemning excess and weakness, +he did not conform to any austerer standard of morals than +that of the world around him. Like Horace, too, in his later +years, he seems to have been something of a valetudinarian<a id="footnotetagviii22" name="footnotetagviii22"></a><a href="#footnoteviii22"><sup>22</sup></a>, +and to have had much of the self-consciousness which accompanies +that condition. On the whole the impression we get of +him is that of an independent, self-reliant character,—of a +man living in strong contact with reality, taking all the rubs +of life cheerfully<a id="footnotetagviii23" name="footnotetagviii23"></a><a href="#footnoteviii23"><sup>23</sup></a>,—enjoying society, travelling<a id="footnotetagviii24" name="footnotetagviii24"></a><a href="#footnoteviii24"><sup>24</sup></a>, the exercise +of his art<a id="footnotetagviii25" name="footnotetagviii25"></a><a href="#footnoteviii25"><sup>25</sup></a>,—a warm friend and partisan, and a bold +and uncompromising enemy,—not professing any austerity +of life, but knowing and following the course which gave +his own nature most satisfaction<a id="footnotetagviii26" name="footnotetagviii26"></a><a href="#footnoteviii26"><sup>26</sup></a>, while, at the same time, +upholding a high standard of public duty and personal +honour<a id="footnotetagviii27" name="footnotetagviii27"></a><a href="#footnoteviii27"><sup>27</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>This establishment of a personal relation with his readers +was one of the most original elements in the Lucilian satire. +He was the first of Roman, and one of the first among all, +writers, who took the public into his confidence, and gained +their ear, without exposing himself to contempt, by making +a frank and unreserved display of his inmost and most +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page238" id="page238"></a>[page 238]</span> +personal thoughts and feelings. Had his works reached us +entire, we should probably have found the same kind of +attraction in them, from the sense of familiar intimacy with +a man of interesting character and intelligence, which we find +in the Epistles of Cicero and the Satires and Epistles of +Horace.</p> + +<p>His independent social position, and the character of the +times in which he lived, enabled him to perform the office of +a political satirist with more freedom than any other Roman +writer. He belonged to the middle party between the extreme +partisans of the aristocracy and of the democracy, the party of +Scipio and Laelius, and that to which Cicero, in a later age, +naturally inclined. He directed his satire against the corruption, +incapacity, and arrogance<a id="footnotetagviii28" name="footnotetagviii28"></a><a href="#footnoteviii28"><sup>28</sup></a> of the nobles by whom the +wars abroad and affairs at home were mismanaged. His +service under Scipio, and his admiration of his generalship, +made him keenly sensitive to the disgrace incurred by the +Roman arms under 'the limping Hostilius and Manius<a id="footnotetagviii29" name="footnotetagviii29"></a><a href="#footnoteviii29"><sup>29</sup></a>,' and +in the war against Viriathus. Among those assailed by him on +political grounds, L. Hostilius Tubulus, notorious for openly +receiving bribes while presiding at a trial for murder, and C. +Papirius Carbo, the friend of Tib. Gracchus and the suspected +murderer of Scipio, were conspicuous. The more reputable +names of Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus and Mucius +Scaevola are also mentioned among the objects of his satire<a id="footnotetagviii30" name="footnotetagviii30"></a><a href="#footnoteviii30"><sup>30</sup></a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page239" id="page239"></a>[page 239]</span> +Personal motives—and especially his devotion to Scipio<a id="footnotetagviii31" name="footnotetagviii31"></a><a href="#footnoteviii31"><sup>31</sup></a>—may +have stimulated these animosities; but there were instances +enough of incapacity in war, profligacy and extortion +in the government of the provinces, corruption and favouritism +in the administration of justice, of venality and ignorance in the +electoral bodies, to justify the bold exposure by Lucilius of 'the +leading men of the State and of the mass of the people in their +tribes.' The personality of his attacks probably made him many +enemies; and thus we hear that he was assailed by name on +the stage, and was unable to obtain redress, while a writer who +had taken a similar liberty with the tragic poet Accius was condemned. +But the honour of a public funeral awarded to him +at his death would indicate that the final verdict of his contemporaries +was that in assuming the censorial function of +attaching marks of infamy against the names of eminent men +he was actuated, in the main, by worthy motives, and had done +good service to the State.</p> + +<p>The chief social vices which Lucilius attacks are those +which reappear in the pages of the later satirists. They are +the two extremes to which the Roman temperament was most +prone, rapacity and meanness in gaining money, vulgar ostentation +and coarse sensuality in using it<a id="footnotetagviii32" name="footnotetagviii32"></a><a href="#footnoteviii32"><sup>32</sup></a>. These were opposite +results of a sudden influx of wealth among a people trained +through many generations to habits of thrift and self-restraint, +and, through this accumulated vital force, unaccompanied, as +it was, with much capacity for refined enjoyment, animated by +a strong craving for the coarser enjoyments of life. The +intensity and concentrativeness of the Roman temperament +also tended to produce those one-sided types of character, +which are the favourite objects of satiric portraiture. The +parasites and spendthrifts, the misers and money-makers +of Horace's Satires and Epistles, Maenius and Avidienus for +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page240" id="page240"></a>[page 240]</span> +instance, are among the most strongly marked of his personal +sketches. Lucilius witnessed the same tendencies in his time +and exposed them with greater freedom. The names which +are typical of certain characters in Horace, such as Nomentanus, +Pantolabus (probably a nickname) Maenius and Gallonius, +had first been taken by Lucilius from the streets and +dinner-tables of Rome. This indifference to the claims of +personal feeling, in which Lucilius emulates the license of the +old Greek comedy, although sanctioned by the approval of +Horace in a poet of an earlier age, would probably have been +forbidden by the greater urbanity and decorum of the Augustan +age.</p> + +<p>The excesses of his contemporaries in the way of good +living, against which numerous sumptuary laws (the Lex +Fannia and Lex Licinia for instance), enacted in that age, +vainly contended, were largely satirised by Lucilius. Such +passages as these—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>O Publi, O gurges Galloni, es homo miser, inquit,</p> +<p>Cenasti in vita numquam bene, quom omnia in ista</p> +<p>Consumis squilla atque acipensere quum decumano.</p> +<p>Hoc fit item in cena, dabis ostrea millibu' nummum</p> +<p>Empta.</p> +<p>Occidunt, Lupe, saperdae te et iura siluri.</p> +<p>Vivite lurcones, comedones, vivite ventres.</p> +<p>Illum sumina ducebant atque altilium lanx</p> +<p>Hunc pontes Tiberinu' duo inter captu' catillo.</p> +<p>Purpureo tersit tunc latas gausape mensas, etc.<a id="footnotetagviii33" name="footnotetagviii33"></a><a href="#footnoteviii33"><sup>33</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page241" id="page241"></a>[page 241]</span> + +<p>show the proportions already assumed by a form of sensuality +the beginnings of which may be traced in Plautus and in the +publication of the Hedyphagetica of Ennius, but of which the +final culmination is to be sought in the ideal of life realised +under the Empire, by Apicius, Vitellius, Elagabalus, and +many men of less note.</p> + +<p>The other extreme of unceasing activity in getting, and +sordid meanness in hoarding money, and the discontent +produced among all classes by the restless passion to grow +rich, which fills so large a place in the Satires and Epistles of +Horace, appears also frequently in the fragments of Lucilius; +as, for instance, in the following:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Milia dum centum frumenti tolli medimnum,</p> +<p>Vini mille cadum.—</p> +<p>Denique uti stulto nihil est satis, omnia cum sint.—</p> +<p>Rugosi passique senes eadem omnia quaerunt.—</p> +<p>Mordicus petere aurum e flamma expediat, e caeno cibum.—</p> +<p>Aquam te in animo habere intercutem<a id="footnotetagviii34" name="footnotetagviii34"></a><a href="#footnoteviii34"><sup>34</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The following description of a miser seems to have suggested +the beginning of one of Catullus' lampoons<a id="footnotetagviii35" name="footnotetagviii35"></a><a href="#footnoteviii35"><sup>35</sup></a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Cui neque iumentumst nec servos nec comes ullus,</p> +<p>Bulgam et quidquid habet nummum secum habet ipse,</p> +<p>Cum bulga cenat, dormit, lavit; omnis in unast</p> +<p>Spes homini bulga. Bulga haec devincta lacertost<a id="footnotetagviii36" name="footnotetagviii36"></a><a href="#footnoteviii36"><sup>36</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In other passages he inculcates the lessons of good sense and +moderation in the use of money, or urges, in the person of an +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page242" id="page242"></a>[page 242]</span> +objector, that a man is regarded in proportion to the estimate +of his means. In his enumeration of the various constituents +of virtue, one on which he dwells with emphasis, is the right +estimation of the value of money. In all his thoughts and +expressions on this subject it is easy to see how closely Horace +follows on his traces.</p> + +<p>The extravagance, airs, and vices of women, are another +theme of his satire. But he deals with these topics rather +in the spirit of raillery adopted by Plautus, than in that of +Juvenal. In one fragment he compares, in terms neither +delicate nor complimentary, the pretensions to beauty of the +Roman ladies of his time with those of the Homeric heroines. +In another he contrasts the care which they take in adorning +themselves when expecting the visits of strangers with their +indifference as to their appearance when alone with their +husbands,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Cum tecum'st, quidvis satis est: visuri alieni</p> +<p>Sint homines, spiras, pallam, redimicula promit<a id="footnotetagviii37" name="footnotetagviii37"></a><a href="#footnoteviii37"><sup>37</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Another fragment—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Homines ipsi hanc sibi molestiam ultro atque aerumnam offerunt,</p> +<p>Ducunt uxores, producunt quibus haec faciant liberos,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>indicates the same repugnance to marriage, which is expressed +in a fragment of contemporary oratory, quoted by A. Gellius: +'If, Quirites, we could get on at all without wives, we should +all keep clear of that nuisance; but since, in the way of nature, +life cannot go on comfortably with them, nor at all without +them, we ought rather to provide for the continued well-being +of the world than for our temporary comfort.' The dislike to +incur the responsibilities of family life, which appears so +conspicuously among the cultivated classes in the later times +of the Republic, was probably, if we are to judge from the testimony +and examples of Lucilius and Horace, as much the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page243" id="page243"></a>[page 243]</span> +result of the license allowed to men, as of the extravagant +habits or jealous imperiousness of women.</p> + +<p>The intellectual, as well as the moral and social peculiarities +of the age were noted by Lucilius. One fragment is directed +against the terrors of superstition, and shows that Lucilius, like +all the older poets, was endowed with that strong secular sense +which enabled the educated Romans, notwithstanding the +forms and ceremonies of religion encompassing every private +and public act, to escape, in all their ordinary relations, from +supernatural influences. This passage affords a fair specimen +of the continuous style of the author:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Terriculas Lamias, Fauni quas Pompiliique</p> +<p>Instituere Numae, tremit has, hic omnia ponit;</p> +<p>Ut pueri infantes credunt signa omnia ahena</p> +<p>Vivere, et esse homines; et sic isti omnia ficta</p> +<p>Vera putant, credunt signis cor inesse in ahenis;</p> +<p>Pergula pictorum, veri nihil, omnia ficta<a id="footnotetagviii38" name="footnotetagviii38"></a><a href="#footnoteviii38"><sup>38</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His attitude to philosophy, like his attitude to superstitious +terrors, was not unlike that of Horace. We find mention +in his fragments of the 'Socratici charti,' of the 'eidola atque +atomus Epicuri' of the four <ins title="Greek: stoicheia">στοιχεῖα</ins> of Empedocles, of the +'mutatus Polemon,' spoken of in Horace (Sat. ii. 3, 253), +of Aristippus, and of Carneades; but his own wisdom was that +of the world and not of the schools. In these lines,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Paenula, si quaeris, canteriu', servu', segestre,</p> +<p>Utilior mihi, quam sapiens;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i4">Nondum etiam, qui haec omnia habebit,</p> +<p class="i2">Formosus, dives, liber, rex solu' feretur,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>we find an anticipation of the tones in which Horace satirised +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page244" id="page244"></a>[page 244]</span> +the professors of Stoicism in his own time. The affectation of +Greek manners and tastes is ridiculed in the person of Titus +Albutius, in a passage which Cicero describes as written 'with +much grace and pungent wit'<a id="footnotetagviii39" name="footnotetagviii39"></a><a href="#footnoteviii39"><sup>39</sup></a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Graecum te, Albuci, quam Romanum atque Sabinum,</p> +<p>Municipem Ponti, Tritanni, Centurionum,</p> +<p>Praeclarorum hominum ac primorum signiferumque,</p> +<p>Maluisti dici. Graece ergo praetor Athenis,</p> +<p>Id quod maluisti, te, cum ad me accedi', saluto:</p> +<p>Chaere, inquam, Tite. Lictores turma omni' cohorsque</p> +<p>Chaere, Tite. Hinc hostis mi, Albucius, hinc inimicus<a id="footnotetagviii40" name="footnotetagviii40"></a><a href="#footnoteviii40"><sup>40</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>We learn from Cicero's account of the orators antecedent +to, and contemporary with himself, that this denationalising +fastidiousness was a not uncommon result of the new studies. +The practice of Lucilius of mixing Greek words and +phrases with his Latin style might, at first sight, expose +him to a similar criticism. But this mannerism of style, +which is condemned by the good sense of Horace, is +merely superficial, and does not impair the vigorous nationality +of the sentiment expressed by the Roman satirist. +Like the similar practice in the Letters of Cicero, it was +probably in accordance with the familiar conversational style +of men powerfully attracted by the interest and novelty +of the new learning, but yet strong enough in their national +self-esteem to adhere to Roman standards in all the greater +matters of action and sentiment. Lucilius seems however to +recognise a deeper mischief than that of mere literary +affectation in the general insincerity of character produced +by the rhetorical and sophistical arts fostered by the new +studies, and finding their sphere of action in the Roman law-courts.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page245" id="page245"></a>[page 245]</span> + +<p>The satire of Lucilius, besides its political, moral, and +social function, assumed the part of a literary critic and censor. +The testimony of Horace on this point,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nil comis tragici mutat Lucilius Acci?</p> +<p>Non ridet versus Enni gravitate minores,</p> +<p>Cum de se loquitur non ut maiore reprensis?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>confirmed by that of Gellius<a id="footnotetagviii41" name="footnotetagviii41"></a><a href="#footnoteviii41"><sup>41</sup></a>, is amply borne out by +extant fragments. These criticisms formed a large part +of the twenty-sixth book, which Müller supposes to have +been the earliest of the compositions of Lucilius. Several +lines preserved from that book are either quotations or +parodies from the old tragedies<a id="footnotetagviii42" name="footnotetagviii42"></a><a href="#footnoteviii42"><sup>42</sup></a>. We observe in these +and other quotations the peculiarities of style, noticed in +the two tragic poets, such as their tendencies to alliteration +and the use of asyndeta, the strained word-formations of +Pacuvius, and the occasional inflation of Accius<a id="footnotetagviii43" name="footnotetagviii43"></a><a href="#footnoteviii43"><sup>43</sup></a>. We +trace the influence of these criticisms in the sneer of +Persius,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Est nunc Briseis quem venosus liber Acci,</p> +<p>Sunt quos Pacuviusque et verrucosa moretur</p> +<p>Antiopa, aerummis cor luctificabile fulta.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page246" id="page246"></a>[page 246]</span> + +<p>The antagonism displayed by Lucilius to the more ambitious +style of the tragic and epic poets was perhaps as much due to +his own deficiency in poetical imagination, as to his keen critical +discernment, the 'stili nasus' or 'emunctae nares' attributed to +him by Pliny and Horace.</p> + +<p>The criticism of Lucilius was not only aggressive, but +also directly didactic. In the ninth book he discussed, at +considerable length, disputed questions of orthography; and +a passage is quoted from the same book, in which a distinction +is drawn out between 'poëma' and 'poësis.' Under the first +he ranks—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i24">Epigrammation, vel</p> +<p class="i2">Distichum, epistula item quaevis non magna;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>under the second, whole poems, such as the Iliad, or the Annals +of Ennius. The only interest attaching to these fragments is +that, like the didactic works of Accius, they testify to the crude +critical effort that accompanied the creative activity of the +earlier Roman poets.</p> + +<p>As specimens of his continuous style the two following +passages may be given. The first exemplifies the serious +moral spirit with which ancient satire was animated; the second +vividly represents and rebukes one of the most prevalent +pursuits of the age—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Virtus, Albine, est pretium persolvere verum,</p> +<p>Queis in versamur, queis vivimu' rebu', potesse:</p> +<p>Virtus est hominis, scire id quod quaeque habeat res.</p> +<p>Virtus scire homini rectum, utile, quid sit honestum;</p> +<p>Quae bona, quae mala item, quid inutile, turpe, inhonestum;</p> +<p>Virtus quaerendae rei finem scire modumque:</p> +<p>Virtus divitiis pretium persolvere posse:</p> +<p>Virtus id dare quod re ipsa debetur honori:</p> +<p>Hostem esse atque inimicum hominum morumque malorum,</p> +<p>Contra defensorem hominum morumque bonorum,</p> +<p>Hos magnifacere, his bene velle, his vivere amicum;</p> +<p>Commoda praeterea patriae sibi prima putare,</p> +<p>Deinde parentum, tertia jam postremaque nostra<a id="footnotetagviii44" name="footnotetagviii44"></a><a href="#footnoteviii44"><sup>44</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page247" id="page247"></a>[page 247]</span> + +<p>If there is no great originality of thought nor rhetorical +grace of expression in this passage, it proves that Lucilius +judged of questions of right and wrong from his own point of +view. To him, as to Ennius, common sense and a just +estimate of life were large ingredients in virtue. To be +a good hater as well as a staunch friend, and to choose +one's friends and enemies according to their characters, +is another quality of his virtuous man. With him, as with +the best Romans of every age, love of country, family, +and friends, were the primary motives to right action. The +next passage, written in language equally plain and forcible, +gives a graphic picture of the growing taste for forensic +oratory—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nunc vero a mane ad noctem, festo atque profesto,</p> +<p>Toto itidem pariterque die, populusque patresque</p> +<p>Iactare indu foro se omnes, decedere nusquam,</p> +<p>Uni se atque eidem studio omnes dedere et arti,</p> +<p>Verba dare ut caute possint, pugnare dolose,</p> +<p>Blanditia certare, bonum simulare virum se</p> +<p>Insidias facere, ut si hostes sint omnibus omnes<a id="footnotetagviii45" name="footnotetagviii45"></a><a href="#footnoteviii45"><sup>45</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>These passages are probably not unfavourable specimens +of the author's continuous style. At its best that style +appears to be sincere, serious, rapid, and full of vital force, +but careless, redundant, and devoid of all rhetorical point and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page248" id="page248"></a>[page 248]</span> +subtle suggestiveness. Even to these passages the censure of +Horace applies,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>At dixi fluere hunc lutulentum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>If we regard these passages as on the ordinary level of +his style we cannot hesitate to recognise his immense +inferiority to Terence in elegance and finish<a id="footnotetagviii46" name="footnotetagviii46"></a><a href="#footnoteviii46"><sup>46</sup></a>, and to +Plautus in rich and humorous exuberance of expression. +There is scarcely a trace of imaginative power, or of susceptibility +to the grandeur and pathos of human life, or to +the beauty and sublimity of Nature in the thousand lines +of his remains. We find a few vivid touches, as in this +half-line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Terra abit in nimbos imbresque,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>but we fail to recognise not only the 'disjecti membra poetae,' +but even the elements of the rhetorician, or of the ironical +humourist—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i20">Parcentis viribus atque</p> +<p class="i2">Extenuantis eas consulto.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Thus it is difficult to understand what Cicero means when he +speaks of the 'Romani veteres atque urbani sales' as being +'salsiores' than those of the true masters of Attic wit, such as +were Aristophanes, Plato, and Menander.</p> + +<p>But these passages are simple, direct, and clear, compared +with many of the single lines or longer passages, already quoted +in illustration of the substance of his satire. These leave an +impression not only of a total want of the 'limae labor,' but of +an abnormal harshness and difficulty, beyond what we find in +the fragments of Pacuvius, Accius, or Ennius. The fragments +of his trochaics and iambics are much simpler, 'much less +depart from the natural order of the words,' than those +of his hexameters: a fact which reminds us of the great +advance made by Horace in adapting the heroic measure +to the familiar experience of life. Lucilius is moreover +a great offender against not only the graces but the decencies +of language. Lines are found in his fragments as coarse as the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page249" id="page249"></a>[page 249]</span> +coarsest in Catullus or Juvenal: nor could he urge the extenuating +plea of having forgotten the respect due to his +readers from the necessity of relieving his wounded feelings or +of vindicating morality.</p> + +<p>Yet it is undoubted that, notwithstanding the most glaring +faults and defects in form and style, he was one of the +most popular among the Roman poets. The testimony of +Cicero, Persius, Juvenal, Quintilian, Tacitus, and Gellius, +confirms on this point the more ample testimony of Horace. +If, as Mr. Munro thinks, Horace may have expressed, in +deference to the prevailing taste of his time, a less qualified +admiration for him than he really felt, this only shows how +strong a hold his writings had over the reading public in the +Augustan age. But Horace shows by no means the same +deference to the admirers of Plautus and Ennius. To Lucilius +he pays also the sincerer tribute of frequent imitation. He +made him his model, in regard both to form and substance, in +his satires; and even in his epistles he still acknowledges the +guidance of his earliest master. In reading both the Satires +and Epistles we are continually coming upon the vestiges of +Lucilius, in some turn of expression, some personal or +illustrative allusion. Similar vestiges are found, imbedded in +the harsh and jagged diction of Persius, and though not to the +same extent, in the polished rhetoric of Juvenal. Nor was his +literary influence confined to Roman satirists. Lucretius, +Catullus, and even Virgil, have not disdained to adopt his +thoughts or imitate his manner<a id="footnotetagviii47" name="footnotetagviii47"></a><a href="#footnoteviii47"><sup>47</sup></a>.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page250" id="page250"></a>[page 250]</span> + +<p>But if we cannot altogether account for, we may yet partially +understand the admiration which his countrymen felt +for Lucilius. In every great literature, while there are some +works which appeal to the imagination of the whole world, +there are others which seem to hit some particular mood of +the nation to which their author belongs, and are all the +more valued from the prominence they give to this idiosyncracy. +Every nation which has had a literature seems +to have valued itself on some peculiar humour or vein +of observation and feeling, which it regards as specially +allotted to itself, over and above its common inheritance of +the sense of the ludicrous, which it shares with other races. +Those writers who have this last in unusual measure become +the favourite humourists of the world. But their own +countrymen often prefer those endowed with the narrower +domestic type; and of this type Lucilius seems to have +been a true representative. The 'antiqua et vernacula +festivitas,' attributed to him, seems to have been more +combative and aggressive than genial and sympathetic. +The 'Italum acetum' was employed by the Romans as +a weapon of controversy with the view of damaging an +adversary and making either himself or the cause he represented +appear ridiculous and contemptible. The dictum +of a modern humourist, that to laugh at a man properly you +must first love him, would have seemed to an ancient Roman +a contradiction in terms. When Horace writes—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i26"> Ridiculum acri</p> +<p class="i2">Fortius et melius magnas plerumque secat res,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>he means that men are more likely to be made better by the +fear of contempt than of moral reprobation.</p> + +<p>But Lucilius had much more than this power of personal +raillery, exercised with the force supplied and under the +restraints imposed by an energetic social and political life. +He is spoken of not only as 'comis et urbanus,' but also as +'doctus' and 'sapiens.' Even his fragments indicate that +he was a man of large knowledge of 'books and men.' +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page251" id="page251"></a>[page 251]</span> +Horace testifies to the use which he made of the old comic +poets of Athens:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hinc omnis pendet Lucilius, hosce secutus.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His fragments show familiarity with Homer, with the works of +the Greek physical and ethical philosophers, with the systems +of the rhetoricians, and some acquaintance with the writings +of Plato, Archilochus, Euripides, and Aesop. His habit of +building up his Latin lines with the help of Greek phrases +illustrates the first powerful influence of the new learning +before the Roman mind was able thoroughly to assimilate it, +but when it was in the highest degree stimulated and fascinated +by it. The mind of Lucilius was susceptible to the +novelty of the new thoughts and new impressions, but like +that of his contemporaries was insensible to the grace and +symmetry of Greek art. Terence is the only writer in the +ante-Ciceronian period who had the sense of artistic form. +But all this foreign learning was, in the mind of Lucilius, +subsidiary to the freshest observation and most discerning +criticism of his own age. He was a spectator of life more +than an actor in it, but he yet had been present at one of the +most important military events of the time, and he had lived +in the closest intimacy with the greatest soldier and most +prudent statesman of his age. His satire had thus none of +the limitation and unreality which attaches to the work of a +student and recluse, such as Persius was. To the writings +of Lucilius more perhaps than to those of any other Roman +would the words of Martial apply—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hominem pagina nostra sapit.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It is his strong realistic tendency both in expression and +thought that seems to explain his antagonism to the older +poets who treated of Greek heroes and heroines in language +widely removed from that employed either in the forum or +in the social meetings of educated men. The popularity +of Lucilius among the Romans may thus be explained on +much the same grounds as that of Archilochus among the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page252" id="page252"></a>[page 252]</span> +Greeks. He first introduced the literature of the understanding +as distinct from that either of the graver emotions or +of humorous and sentimental representation. And, while +writing with the breadth of view and wealth of illustration +derived from learning, he did not, like the poets of later +times, write for an exclusive circle of critical readers, but +rather, as he himself said, 'for Tarentines, Consentini, and +Sicilians<a id="footnotetagviii48" name="footnotetagviii48"></a><a href="#footnoteviii48"><sup>48</sup></a>.' There was nothing about him of the fastidiousness +and shyness of a too refined culture. Every line almost +of his fragments attests his possession of that quality which, +more than any other, secures a wide, if not always a lasting, +popularity, great vitality and its natural accompaniment, +boldness and confidence of spirit. While he saw clearly, +felt keenly, and judged wisely the political and social action +of his time, he reproduced it vividly in his pages. Whatever +other quality his style may want, it is always alive. And the +life with which it is animated is thoroughly healthy. There is +a singular sincerity in the ring of his words, the earnest of a +mind, absolutely free from cant and pretence, not lashing +itself into fierce indignation as a stimulant to rhetorical effect, +nor forcing itself to conform to any impracticable scheme of +life, but glowing with a hearty scorn for baseness, and never +shrinking from its exposure in whatever rank and under +whatever disguise he detected it<a id="footnotetagviii49" name="footnotetagviii49"></a><a href="#footnoteviii49"><sup>49</sup></a>, and ever courageously +'upholding the cause of virtue and of those who were on the +side of virtue'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Scilicet uni aequus virtuti atque eius amicis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It was by the rectitude and manliness of his character, as +much as by his learning, his quick and true discernment, +his keen raillery and vivid portraiture, that he became the +favourite of his time and country, and, alone among Roman +writers, succeeded in introducing a new form of literature +into the world.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnoteviii1" name="footnoteviii1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii1"><sup>1</sup></a> Bernhardy quotes +the following words from Cicero, de Rep. iv. ap. +Augustin. C. D. ii. 9:—</p> + +<p class="footnote">Etsi eiusmodi cives (scil. Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum) a censore +melius est, quam a poeta notari ... iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus +legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis habere +debemus; nec probrum audire nisi ea lege ut respondere liceat et iudicio +defendere.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii2" name="footnoteviii2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii2"><sup>2</sup></a> 'You know not, +ah you know not the airs of Imperial Rome: believe me +the people of Mars is too critical: nowhere are there greater sneers; young +men and old and even boys have the nose of a rhinoceros.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii3" name="footnoteviii3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii3"><sup>3</sup></a> Vell. Paterc. ii. 9. +The service of Lucilius in Spain seems to be +confirmed by a line in one of his Satires:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Publiu' Pavu' mihi [ ] quaestor Hibera</p> +<p class="i4">In terra fuit, lucifugus, nebulo, id genu' sane.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii4" name="footnoteviii4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii4"><sup>4</sup></a> Hor. Sat. ii. I. 71-5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii5" name="footnoteviii5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii5"><sup>5</sup></a> Cf. L. Müller's +edition of the Fragments.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii6" name="footnoteviii6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii6"><sup>6</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quo facetior videare et scire plus quam caeteri</p> +<p class="i6">Pertisum hominem, non pertaesum dices.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +The comment of Festus shows that these words were addressed by Lucilius +to Scipio.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii7" name="footnoteviii7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii7"><sup>7</sup></a> Cic. de Fin. i. 3.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii8" name="footnoteviii8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii8"><sup>8</sup></a> Journal of Philology, vol. viii. 16.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii9" name="footnoteviii9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii9"><sup>9</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Iucundasque puer qui lamberat ore placentas.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +One of many lines imitated and almost reproduced by Horace.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii10" name="footnoteviii10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii10"><sup>10</sup></a> 'I will tell you how I am, +though you don't ask me, since you are of the +fashion of most men now, and would rather that the man whom you did not +choose to visit, when you ought, had died. If you don't like this "nolueris" +and "debueris," because it is the trick of Isocrates, and altogether nonsensical +and puerile, I don't waste my time on the matter.' This passage +illustrates two characteristics of Lucilius—his habit of mixing Greek with +Latin words, and the attention he bestowed on technical rules of style.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii11" name="footnoteviii11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii11"><sup>11</sup></a> Imitated by Horace +in the lines:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i32"> Nunc mihi curto</p> +<p class="i6">Ire licet mulo, vel, si libet, usque Tarentum,</p> +<p class="i6">Mantica cui lumbos onere ulceret, atque eques armos.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii12" name="footnoteviii12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii12"><sup>12</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Promontorium remis superamu' Minervae.—</p> +<p class="i6">Hinc media remis Palinurum pervenio nox.—</p> +<p class="i6">Tertius hic mali superat decumanis fluctibus—carchesia summa.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii13" name="footnoteviii13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii13"><sup>13</sup></a> Hor. Sat. ii. 2. 46:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i30"> Haud ita pridem</p> +<p class="i6">Galloni praeconis erat acipensere mensa</p> +<p class="i6">Infamis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote" style="margin-top: -1em;"><a id="footnoteviii14" name="footnoteviii14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii14"><sup>14</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i20"> Quo fit ut omnis</p> +<p class="i6">Votiva pateat veluti descripta tabella</p> +<p class="i6">Vita senis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii15" name="footnoteviii15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii15"><sup>15</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i26"> Secuit Lucilius urbem—</p> +<p class="i6">Primores populi arripuit populumque tributim—</p> +<p class="i6">Non ridet versus Enni gravitate minores—?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii16" name="footnoteviii16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii16"><sup>16</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"><!-- 1em? or 2em? --> +<p class="i6">Mihi quidem non persuadetur publiceis mutem meos.</p> +<p class="i6">Publicanu' vero ut Asiae fiam scriptuarius</p> +<p class="i6">Pro Lucilio, id ego nolo, et uno hoc non muto omnia.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Cf. Hor. Ep. i. 7. 36:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i30"> Nec</p> +<p class="i6">Otia divitiis Arabum liberrima muto.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii17" name="footnoteviii17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii17"><sup>17</sup></a></p> +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quodque te in tranquillum ex saevis transfers tempestatibus.</p> +</div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii18" name="footnoteviii18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii18"><sup>18</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Nam si quod satis est homini, id satis esse potisset,</p> +<p class="i6">Hoc sat erat; nam cum hoc non est, qui credimu' porro</p> +<p class="i6">Divitias ullas animum mi explere potisse.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii19" name="footnoteviii19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii19"><sup>19</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Nulli me invidere: non strabonem fieri saepius</p> +<p class="i6">Deliciis me istorum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii20" name="footnoteviii20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii20"><sup>20</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">O lapathe, ut iactare nec es sati cognitu' qui sis—</p> +<p class="i6">Quod sumptum atque epulas victu praeponis honesto.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii21" name="footnoteviii21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii21"><sup>21</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Munifici comesque amicis nostris videamur viri—</p> +<p class="i6">Sic amici quaerunt animum, rem parasiti ac ditias.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Among the friends of Lucilius, besides Scipio and Laelius, were Aelius +Stilo, Albinus, and Granius, whom Cicero quotes for his wit.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii22" name="footnoteviii22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii22"><sup>22</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i12"> Querquera consequitur capitisque dolores</p> +<p class="i6">Infesti mihi.—</p> +<p class="i6">Si tam corpu' loco validum ac regione maneret.</p> +<p class="i6">Scriptoris quam vera manet sententia cordi.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii23" name="footnoteviii23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii23"><sup>23</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Verum haec ludus ibi susque omnia deque fuerunt,</p> +<p class="i6">Susque et deque fuere, inquam, omnia ludu' iocusque.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii24" name="footnoteviii24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii24"><sup>24</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i16">Et saepe quod ante</p> +<p class="i6">Optasti, freta Messanae, Regina videbis</p> +<p class="i6">Moenia.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii25" name="footnoteviii25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii25"><sup>25</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quantum haurire animus Musarum ec fontibu' gestit.</p> +</div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii26" name="footnoteviii26"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii26"><sup>26</sup></a></p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Cum sciam nil esse in vita proprium mortali datum</p> +<p class="i6">Iam qua tempestate vivo chresin ad me recipio.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Cf. Vitaque mancipio nulli datur, omnibus usu.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii27" name="footnoteviii27"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii27"><sup>27</sup></a> Cf. Virtus, Albine, etc. +Infra, p. 240.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii28" name="footnoteviii28"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii28"><sup>28</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i22"> Peccare impune rati sunt</p> +<p class="i6">Posse et nobilitate procul propellere iniquos.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii29" name="footnoteviii29"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii29"><sup>29</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i26"> Hostiliu' contra</p> +<p class="i6">Pestem permitiemque catax quam et Maniu' nobis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii30" name="footnoteviii30"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii30"><sup>30</sup></a> Cf. Cic. De Or. 1. 16: +Sed ut solebat C. Lucilius saepe dicere, homo +tibi (i.e. Scaevolae) subiratus, mihi propter eam causam minus quam volebat +familiaris, sed tamen et doctus et perurbanus.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Hor. Sat. ii. 1. 67:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i22"> Aut laeso doluere Metello</p> +<p class="i6">Famosisque Lupo cooperto versibus?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Pers. i. 115:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i20"> Secuit Lucilius urbem,</p> +<p class="i6">Te Lupe, te Muci, et genuinum fregit in illis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii31" name="footnoteviii31"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii31"><sup>31</sup></a> Fuit autem inter +P. Africanum et Q. Metellum sine acerbitate dissensio.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii32" name="footnoteviii32"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii32"><sup>32</sup></a> Cf. Diversisque duobus vitiis, +avaritia et luxuria civitatem laborare.—Livy, +xxxiv. 4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii33" name="footnoteviii33"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii33"><sup>33</sup></a> 'O Publius Gallonius, +thou whirlpool of excess; thou art a miserable +man, says he; never in thy life hast thou supped well, since thou +spendest all thy substance in that lobster of thine and that monstrous +sturgeon.'</p> + +<p class="footnote3"> +'This too is the case at dinner, you will give oysters, bought at a +thousand sesterces.'</p> + +<p class="footnote3"> +'Sardines and fish-sauce are your death, O Lupus.'</p> + +<p class="footnote3"> +'Long live, ye gluttons, gourmands, belly-gods.'</p> + +<p class="footnote3"> +'One was attracted by sow-teats and a dish of fatted fowls; another by a +gourmandising pike caught between the two bridges.'</p> + +<p class="footnote3"> +'Then he wiped the ample table with a purple cloth.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"> +The two last passages are reproduced by Horace in the lines:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Unde datum sentis, lupus hic Tiberinus, an alto</p> +<p class="i6">Captus hiet, pontesne inter iactatus, an amnis</p> +<p class="i6">Ostia sub Tusci?—Sat. ii. 2. 31.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +And</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Gausape purpureo mensam pertersit.—Ib. ii. 8. 11.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii34" name="footnoteviii34"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii34"><sup>34</sup></a> Cf.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Crescit indulgens sibi dirus hydrops, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii35" name="footnoteviii35"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii35"><sup>35</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Furei cui neque servus est neque arca, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii36" name="footnoteviii36"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii36"><sup>36</sup></a> 'Who has neither beast, +nor slave, nor attendant; he carries about +him his purse and all his money; with his purse he sleeps, dines, +bathes—his whole hopes centre in his purse; this purse is fastened to his +arm.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii37" name="footnoteviii37"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii37"><sup>37</sup></a> Cp. the speech of Cato +(Livy, xxxiv. 4) in support of the Oppian +law: 'An blandiores in publico quam in privato, et alienis quam vestris estis?'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii38" name="footnoteviii38"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii38"><sup>38</sup></a> 'These bugbears and goblins +from the days of the Fauni and Numa +Pompilius fill him with terror; he believes anything of them. As children +suppose that statues of brass are real and living men, so they fancy all these +delusions to be real: they believe that there is understanding in brazen +images: mere painter's blocks, no reality, all a delusion.' Cf. Horace, Ep. +ii. 2. 208:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Somnia, terrores magicos, miracula, sagas,</p> +<p class="i6">Nocturnos lemures portentaque Thessala rides?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii39" name="footnoteviii39"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii39"><sup>39</sup></a> De Fin. i. 3.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii40" name="footnoteviii40"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii40"><sup>40</sup></a> 'You preferred, Albucius, +to be called a Greek, rather than a Roman +or Sabine, a fellow-countryman of the Centurions, Pontius, Tritannius, +excellent, first-rate men, and our standard-bearers. Accordingly, I, as +praetor of Athens, when you approach me, greet you, as you wished to be +greeted. "Chaere," I say, Titus; my lictors, escort, staff, address you with +"Chaere." Hence you are to me a public and private enemy.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii41" name="footnoteviii41"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii41"><sup>41</sup></a> Et Pacuvius, +et Pacuvio iam sene Accius, clariorque tunc in poematis +corum obtrectandis Lucilius fuit.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii42" name="footnoteviii42"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii42"><sup>42</sup></a> E.g.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Ego enim contemnificus fieri et fastidire Agamemnona.—</p> +<p class="i6">Di monerint meliora, amentiam averruncassint tuam.—</p> +<p class="i28"> Hic cruciatur fame,</p> +<p class="i6">Frigore, inluvie, inperfundie, inbalnite, incuria.—</p> +<p class="i6">Nunc ignobilitas his mirum, taetrum, ac monstrificabile—</p> +<p class="i6">Dividant, differant, dissipent, distrahant.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii43" name="footnoteviii43"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii43"><sup>43</sup></a> In the same spirit +is the following line:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Verum tristis contorto aliquo ex Pacuviano exordio.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +And this from another book of Satires:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Ransuro tragicus qui carmina perdit Oreste.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Among the phrases of Ennius at which Lucilius carped was one which +Virgil did not disdain to adopt. The passage of the old poet,—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Hastis longis campus splendet et horret,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +parodied by the Satirist in the form 'horret et alget,' was justified by being +reproduced in the Virgilian phrase,</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18"> Tum late ferreus hastis</p> +<p class="i6">Horret ager.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii44" name="footnoteviii44"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii44"><sup>44</sup></a> 'Virtue, Albinus, +consists in being able to give their true worth +to the things on which we are engaged, among which we live. The +virtue of a man is to understand the real meaning of each thing: to +understand what is right, useful, honourable for him; what things are +good, what bad, what is unprofitable, base, dishonourable; to know +the due limit and measure in making money; to give its proper worth +to wealth; to assign what is really due to office; to be a foe and +enemy of bad men and bad principles; to stand by good men and +good principles; to extol the good, to wish them well, to be their friend +through life. Lastly, it is true worth to look on our country's weal as the +chief good; next to that, the weal of our parents; third and last, our own weal.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii45" name="footnoteviii45"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii45"><sup>45</sup></a> 'But now from morning till night, +on holiday and work-day, the whole +day alike, common people and senators are bustling about within the Forum, +never quitting it—all devoting themselves to the same practice and trick of +wary word-fencing, fighting craftily, vying with each other in politeness, +assuming airs of virtue, plotting against each other as if all were enemies.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii46" name="footnoteviii46"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii46"><sup>46</sup></a> Cp. Mr. Monro's criticism in the +Journal of Philology.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii47" name="footnoteviii47"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii47"><sup>47</sup></a> Passages of Lucilius apparently +imitated by Lucretius:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8">(1) Quantum haurire animus Musarum ec fontibu' gestit.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8">(2) Cum sciam nil esse in vita proprium mortali datum</p> +<p class="i12"> Iam qua tempestate vivo, chresin ad me recipio.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8">(3) Ut pueri infantes credunt signa omnia ahena</p> +<p class="i12"> Vivere et esse homines, sic istic omnia ficta</p> +<p class="i12"> Vera putant.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Virgil's 'rex ipse Phanaeus' is said by Servius to be imitated from the +<ins title="Greek: Chios te dynastês"> +Χῖός τε δυναστής</ins> of Lucilius. Other imitations are pointed out in Macrobius +and in Servius. An apparent imitation by Catullus has been already noticed.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii48" name="footnoteviii48"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii48"><sup>48</sup></a> Cic. De Fin. i. 3.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteviii49" name="footnoteviii49"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagviii49"><sup>49</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -2em; margin-bottom: 3em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Detrahere et pellem nitidus qua quisque per ora</p> +<p class="i6">cederet, introrsum turpis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page253" id="page253"></a>[page 253]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER IX.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">Review of the First Period.</span></h3> + +<p>The poetic literature reviewed in the last five chapters +is the product of the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> The latest writers +of any importance belonging to the earlier period of the +poetry of the Republic were Lucilius and Afranius. Half +a century from the death of Lucilius elapsed before the +appearance of the poems of Lucretius and Catullus, which +come next to be considered. But before passing on to +this more familiar ground, a few pages may be devoted to +a retrospect of some general characteristics marking the +earlier period, and to a consideration of the social and intellectual +conditions under which literature first established itself +at Rome.</p> + +<p>With striking individual varieties of character, the poets +whose works have been considered present something of +a common aspect, distinct from that of the literary men +of later times. They were placed in different circumstances, +and lived in a different manner from either the poets who +adorned the last days of the Republic or those who flourished +in the Augustan age. The spirit animating their works was +the result of the forces acting on the national life, and the +form and style in which they were composed were determined +by the stage of culture which the national mind +had reached, and the stage of growth through which the +Latin language was passing under the stimulus of that +culture.</p> + +<p>Like nearly all the literary men of later times, these poets +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page254" id="page254"></a>[page 254]</span> +were of provincial or foreign birth and origin. They were +thus born under circumstances more favourable to, or at +least less likely to repress, the expansion of individual genius, +than the public life and private discipline of Rome. Their +minds were thus more open to the reception of new influences; +and their position as aliens, by cutting them off +from an active public career, served to turn their energies +to literature. Their provincial birth and Greek education +did not, however, check their Roman sympathies, or prevent +them from stamping on their writings the impress of a Roman +character.</p> + +<p>While, like many of the later poets, they came originally as +strangers to Rome, unlike them, they seem to have in later +years resided habitually within the city. The taste for +country life prevailing in the days of Cicero and of Horace +was not developed to any great extent in the times of Ennius +or Lucilius. The great Scipio, indeed, retired to spend the +last years of his life at Liternum; and Cicero mentions the +boyish delight of Laelius and the younger Africanus in +escaping from the public business and the crowded streets +of Rome to the pleasant sea-shore of Caieta<a id="footnotetagix1" name="footnotetagix1"></a><a href="#footnoteix1"><sup>1</sup></a>. Accius seems +to have possessed a country farm, and Lucilius showed something +of a wandering disposition, and possessed the means to +gratify it. But most of these writers were men of moderate +means; nor had it then become the practice of the patrons of +literature to bestow farms or country-houses on their friends. +By their circumstances, as well as the general taste of their +time, they were thus brought almost exclusively into contact +with the life and business of the city; and their works +were consequently more distinguished by their strong sense +and understanding than by the passionate or contemplative +susceptibility which characterises the great eras of Latin +literature.</p> + +<p>It is remarkable that nearly all the early poets lived to +a great age, and maintained their intellectual vigour unabated +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page255" id="page255"></a>[page 255]</span> +to their latest years; while of their successors none +reached the natural term of human life, and some among +them, like many great modern poets, were cut off prematurely +before their promise was fulfilled. The finer sensibility and +more passionate agitation of the poetic temperament appear, +in some cases, to exhaust prematurely the springs of life; +while, in natures more happily balanced, or formed by more +favourable circumstances, the gifts of genius are accompanied +by stronger powers of life, and thus maintain the freshness of +youth unimpaired till the last. The length of time during +which Naevius, Plautus, Ennius, Pacuvius, Accius, and +probably Lucilius, exercised their art suggests the inference, +either that they were men of firmer fibre than their successors, +or that they were braced to a more enduring strength by the +action of their age. As the work of men writing in the fulness +of their years, the serious poetry of the time appealed to the +mature sympathies of manhood; and even the comic poetry +of Plautus deals with the follies of youth in a genial spirit of +indulgence, tempered by the sense of their absurdity, such +as might naturally be entertained by one who had outlived +them.</p> + +<p>But perhaps the most important condition determining the +original scope of Roman poetry was the predominance in that +era of public over personal interests. Like Virgil and Horace, +most of the early poets were men born in comparatively a +humble station; yet by their force of intellect and character +they became the familiar friends of the foremost men in the +State. But while the poets of the Augustan age owed the +charm of their existence to the patronage of the great, the +earlier poets depended for their success mainly on popular +favour. The intimacy subsisting between the leaders of action +and of literature during the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> arose from the +mutual attraction of greatness in different spheres. The chief +men in the Republic obtained their position by their services +to the State, and thus the personal attachment subsisting +between them and men of letters was a bond connecting the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page256" id="page256"></a>[page 256]</span> +latter with the public interest. The early poetry of the +Republic is not the expression of an educated minority keeping +aloof from public life. If it is animated by a strong aristocratic +spirit, the reason is that the aristocratic spirit was predominant +in the public life of Rome during that century.</p> + +<p>In this era, more than in any later age, the poetry of Rome, +like that of Greece in its greatest eras, addressed itself to +popular and national, not to individual tastes. The crowds +that witnessed and applauded the representations of tragedy as +well as comedy, afford a sufficient proof that the reproduction +of Greek subjects and personages could be appreciated without +the accomplishment of a Greek education. The popularity of +the poem of Ennius is attested by his own language, as well as +by the evidence of later writers. The honour of a public +funeral awarded to Lucilius, implies the general appreciation +with which his contemporaries enjoyed the verve, sense, and +moral strength which secured for his satire the favour of a more +refined and critical age.</p> + +<p>This general popularity is an argument in favour of the +original spirit animating this early literature. It implies the +power of embodying some sentiment or idea of national or +public interest. Thus Roman tragedy appears to have been +received with favour, chiefly in consequence of the grave +Roman tone of its maxims, and the Roman bearing of its +personages. The epic poetry of the age did not, like the +Odyssey, relate a story of personal adventure, but unfolded the +annals of the State in continuous order, and appealed to the +pride which men felt, as Romans, in their history and destiny. +The satire of Lucilius was not intended merely to afford +amusement by ridiculing the follies of social life, but played a +part in public affairs by political partisanship and antagonism, +and maintained the traditional standard of manners and +opinions against the inroads of foreign influences. Latin +comedy, indeed, was a more purely cosmopolitan product. +The plays of Terence especially would affect those who +listened to them simply as men and not as Roman citizens. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page257" id="page257"></a>[page 257]</span> +But the comedy of Plautus abounded in the humour congenial +to the Italian race, and owed much of its popularity to the +strong Roman colouring spread over the Greek outlines of his +representations.</p> + +<p>The national character of this poetry is attested also by the +spirit and character which pervades it. Among all the authors +who have been reviewed, Ennius alone possessed in a large +measure that peculiar vein of imaginative feeling which is the +most impressive element in the great poets of a later age. The +susceptibility of his mind to the sentiment that moulded the +institutions and inspired the policy of the Imperial Republic, +entitles him to rank as the truest representative of the genius +of his country, notwithstanding his apparent inferiority to +Plautus in creative originality. The glow of moral passion, +which is another great characteristic of Latin literature, as it +was of the best types of the Latin race, reveals itself in the +remains of all the serious writers of the age. The struggle +between the old Roman self-respect and the new modes of +temptation, is exemplified in the antagonistic influence exercised +by the tragic, epic, and satiric poetry on the one hand, +and the comedy of Plautus and Terence on the other. The +more general popularity of comedy was a symptom of the +facility with which the severer standard of life yielded to the +new attractions. The graver writers, equally with the writers +of comedy, shared in the sceptical spirit, or the religious +indifference, which was one of the dissolving forces of social and +political life during this age. The strong common sense which +characterised all the writers of the time, could not fail to bring +them into collision with the irrational formalism of the national +religion; while the distaste for speculative philosophy which +Ennius and Plautus equally express, and the strong hold which +they all have on the immediate interests of life, explain the +absence of any, except the most superficial, reflections on the +more mysterious influences which in the belief of the great +Greek poets moulded human destiny.</p> + +<p>The political condition of Rome in the second century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page258" id="page258"></a>[page 258]</span> +is reflected in the changes through which her literature passed. +For nearly two-thirds of that century, Roman history seems to +go through a stage of political quiescence, as compared at +least with the vigorous life and stormy passions of its earlier +and later phases. But under the surface a great change was +taking place, both in the government and the social condition +of the people, the effects of which made themselves sufficiently +manifest during the last century of the existence of the +Republic. The outbreak of the long gathering forces of +discontent and disorder is as distinctly marked in Roman +history, as the outbreak of the revolutionary forces in modern +Europe. The year 133 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, the date of the first tribunate of +Tiberius Gracchus, has the same kind of significance as the +year 1789 <span class="sc">A.D.</span> Nor is it a mere coincidence that about the +same time a great change takes place in the spirit of Roman +literature. The comedies of Plautus, written in the first years +of the century, while they reflect the political indifference of +the mass of the people, are yet indicative of their general spirit +of contentment, and their hearty enjoyment of life. The epic +of Ennius, written a little later, proclaims the undisputed ascendency +of an aristocracy, still moulded by its best traditions, +and claiming to lead a united people. The remains of Roman +tragedy breathe the high spirit of the governing class, and +attest the severer virtue still animating its best representatives. +The comedies of Terence seem addressed to the taste of a +younger generation of greater refinement, but of a laxer moral +fibre than their fathers, and of a class becoming separated by +more elaborate culture from ordinary Roman citizens. Expressions +in his prologues<a id="footnotetagix2" name="footnotetagix2"></a><a href="#footnoteix2"><sup>2</sup></a>, however, show that there was as +yet no division between classes arising from political discontent. +But in the satire of Lucilius we read the protest of the better +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page259" id="page259"></a>[page 259]</span> +Roman spirit against the lawless arrogance of the nobles, their +incapacity in war, their corrupt administration of justice, +their iniquitous government of the provinces; against the +ostentatious luxury of the rich; the avarice of the middle +classes; the venality of the mob, and the profligacy of their +leaders; and against the insincerity and animosities fostered +among the educated classes by the contests of the forum and +the law-courts.</p> + +<p>In passing from the substance and spirit of this early +literature to its form and style, we can see by the rudeness +of the more original ventures which the Roman spirit made, +how slowly it was educated by imitative effort to high literary +accomplishment. The only writer who aimed at perfection of +form was Terence, and his success was due to his close adherence +to his originals. But as some compensation for their +artistic defects, these early writers display much greater productiveness +than their literary successors. They were like the +settlers in a new country, who are spared the pains of exact +cultivation owing to the absence of previous occupation of the +soil, and the large extent of ground thus open to their industry. +The contrast between the standard aimed at, and the results +attained by the sincerest literary force in two different eras of +Roman literature, is brought home to the mind by contrasting +the rude fragments of the lost works of Ennius, embodying the +results of a long, hearty, active, and useful life, with the small +volume which still preserves the flower of a few passionate +years, as fresh as when the young poet sent it forth:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Arido modo pumice expolitum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The style of the early poets was marked by haste, harshness, +and redundance, occasionally by verbal conceits and similar +errors of taste. That of the writers of comedy, on the other +hand, is easy, natural, and elegant. The Latin language seems +thus to have adapted itself to the needs of ordinary social life +more readily than to the expression of elevated feeling. +Though many phrases in the fragments which have been +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page260" id="page260"></a>[page 260]</span> +reviewed are boldly and vigorously conceived, few passages +are written with continuous ease and smoothness, and the +language constantly halts, as if inadequate to the meaning +which labours under it. The style has, in general, the merits +of directness and sincerity, often of freshness and vigour, but +wants altogether the depth and richness of colour, as well as +the finish and moderation which we expect in the literature of +a people to whom poetry and art are naturally congenial, and +associated with many old memories and feelings. Their merits +of style, such as the simple force with which they go directly +to the heart of a matter, and the grave earnestness of their +tone, are qualities characteristic rather of oratory than of poetry. +But this colouring of their style is very different from the +artificial rhetoric of the literature of the Empire. The oratorical +style of the early poets was the natural result of +a sympathy with the most practical intellectual instrument +of their age. The rhetoric of the Empire was the expression +of an artificial life, in which literature was cultivated to beguile +the tedium of compulsory inaction, and the highest form of +public speaking had sunk from its proud office as the organ of +political freedom into a mere exercise of pedants and schoolboys<a id="footnotetagix3" name="footnotetagix3"></a><a href="#footnoteix3"><sup>3</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>The same impulse in this age which gave birth to the forms +of serious poetry, stimulated also the growth of oratory and +history. While these different modes of mental accomplishment +all acted and reacted on one another, oratory appears to +have exercised the most influence on the others. Roman +literature is altogether more pervaded by oratorical feeling than +that of any other nation, ancient or modern. From the natural +deficiency of the Romans in the higher dramatic and speculative +genius, the rhetorical element entered largely into their +poetry, their history, and their ethical discussions. Cicero +identifies the faculties of the orator with those of the historian +and the philosopher. His treatise <i>De Claris Oratoribus</i> bears +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page261" id="page261"></a>[page 261]</span> +witness to the energy with which this art was cultivated for +more than a century before his own time; and the remains of +Ennius and Lucilius confirm this testimony. It was from the +impassioned and dignified speech of the forum and senate-house +that the Roman language first acquired its capacity of +expressing great emotions. All the serious poetry of the age +bears traces of this influence. Roman tragedy shows its +affinity to oratory in its grave and didactic tone. This +affinity is further implied in the political meaning which the +audience attached to the sentiments expressed, and which the +actor enforced by his voice and manner. It is also attested by +the fact that in the time of Cicero, famous actors were employed +in teaching the external graces of public speaking. The theatre +was a school of elocution as much as a place of dramatic +entertainment. Cicero specifies among the qualifications of +a speaker, 'Vox tragoedorum, gestus paene summorum actorum.' +Although the epic poetry of the time mainly appealed +to a different class of sympathies, yet the fragments of speeches +in Ennius indicate that kind of rhetorical power which moves +an audience by the weight and authority of the speaker. +Roman satire could wield other weapons of oratory, such as +the fierce invective, the lashing ridicule, the vehement indignation +which have often proved the most powerful instruments of +debate in modern as well as ancient times.</p> + +<p>Historical composition also took its rise at Rome at this +period. Although the earliest Roman annalists composed +their works in the Greek language, it was not from the desire +of imitating the historic art of Greece that this art was first +cultivated at Rome. The origin of Roman history may be +referred rather to the same impulse which gave birth to the +epic poems of Naevius and Ennius. The early annalists were +men of action and eminent station, who desired to record the +important events in which they themselves had taken part, and +to fix them for ever in the annals of their country. History +originated at Rome in the impulse to keep alive the record of +national life, not, as among the Greeks, in the spell which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page262" id="page262"></a>[page 262]</span> +human story and the wonder of distant lands exercised over +the imagination. Its office was not to teach lessons of political +wisdom, but to commemorate the services of great men, and +to satisfy a Roman's pride in the past, and his trust in the +future of his country. The word <i>annales</i> suggests a different +idea of history from that entertained and exemplified by +Herodotus and Thucydides. The purpose of building up the +record of unbroken national life was present to, though +probably not realised by, the earliest annalists who preserved +the line of magistrates, and kept account of the +religious observances in the State: in the time of the expansion +of Roman power, this purpose directed the attention +of men of action to the composition of prose annals, and +stimulated the productive genius of Naevius and Ennius: and +when, in the Augustan age, the national destiny seemed to be +fulfilled, the same purpose inspired the great epic of Virgil, and +the 'colossal masterwork of Livy.'</p> + +<p>Another form of literature, in which Rome became pre-eminent, +first began in this era,—the writing of familiar letters. +It was natural that a correspondence should be maintained +among intimate friends and members of an active social circle, +separated for years from one another by military service, or +employment in the provinces; and the new taste for literature +would induce the writers to give form and finish to these compositions, +so that they might be interesting not only to the +persons addressed, but to all the members of the same circle. +The earliest compositions of this kind of which we read, are +the familiar letters in verse ('Epistolas versiculis facetis ad +familiares missas' Cicero calls them) written to his friends by +the brother of Mummius, during the siege of Corinth<a id="footnotetagix4" name="footnotetagix4"></a><a href="#footnoteix4"><sup>4</sup></a>. That +these had some literary value may be inferred from the fact +that they survived down to the age of Cicero, and are spoken +of in the letters to Atticus, as having often been quoted to him +by a member of the family of Mummii. One of the earliest +satires of Lucilius appears to have been a letter written to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page263" id="page263"></a>[page 263]</span> +Scipio after the capture of Numantia; and several of his other +satires were written in an epistolary form. How happily the +later Romans employed this form in prose and verse is +sufficiently proved by the letters of Cicero and Pliny, and +the metrical Epistles of Horace.</p> + +<p>This era also saw the beginning of the critical and grammatical +studies which flourished through every period of +Roman literature, and continued long after the cessation of all +productive originality. This critical effort was a necessary +condition of the cultivation of art by the Romans. The +perfection of form attained by the great Roman poets of a +later time was no exercise of a natural gift, but the result of +many previous efforts and failures, and of much reflection on +the conditions which had been, with no apparent effort, fulfilled +by their Greek masters. Neither did their language acquire +the symmetry, precision, and harmony, which make it so +effective a vehicle in prose and verse, except as the result +of assiduous labour. The natural tendency of the spoken +language was to rapid decomposition. This was first arrested +by Ennius, who cast the literary language of Rome into forms +which became permanent after his time. Among his poetic +successors in this era Accius and Lucilius made critical and +grammatical studies the subjects of some of their works. +Lucilius was a contemporary and friend of the most famous of +the early grammarians, Aelius Stilo, the critic to whom is +attributed the saying that 'if the muses were to speak in Latin, +they would speak in the language of Plautus.' Critical works +in trochaic verse were written by Porcius Licinus, and +Volcatius Sedigitus, who appear to have been the chief +authorities from whom later writers derived their information +as to the lives of the early poets. It is characteristic of the +want of spontaneousness in Latin literature, as compared with +the fresh and varied impulses which the Greek genius obeyed +in every stage of its literary development, that reflection on the +principles of composition, efforts to form the language into +a more certain and uniform vehicle, and comment on living +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page264" id="page264"></a>[page 264]</span> +writers, were carried on concurrently with the creative efforts +of the more original minds.</p> + +<p>The existing works of the two great writers of Roman +comedy have an acknowledged value of their own, but even the +fragments of this early literature, originally scattered through +the works of many later authors, and collected together and +arranged by the industry of modern scholars, are found to +possess a peculiar interest. They recall the features of the +remarkable men by whom the foundations of Roman literature +were laid, and the Latin language was first shaped into a +powerful and symmetric organ. They present the Roman +mind in its earliest contact with the genius of Greece; and +they are almost the sole contemporary witnesses of national +character and public feeling in the most vigorous and interesting +age of the Republic. They throw also much light on +the national sources of inspiration in the later Roman +literature. The early poets are seen to be men living the life +of citizens in a Republic, appealing rather to popular taste +than to the sympathies of a refined and limited society; men +of mature years and understanding, animated by a serious +purpose and with a strong interest in the affairs of their time; +rude and negligent but direct and vigorous in speech,—more +remarkable for energy, industry, and common sense, than for +the finer gifts and susceptibility of genius. Their poetry +springing from their sympathy with national and political life, +and from the impulses of the will and the manlier energies, +was less rich, varied, and refined than that which flows out of +the religious spirit of man, out of his passions and affections, +or of his imaginative sense of the life and grandeur of Nature. +But in these respects the early poetry was essentially Roman +in spirit, in harmony with the strength and sagacity, the +sobriety and grave dignity of Rome.</p> + +<p>The accomplished art of the last age of the Republic and of +the Augustan age owed much of its national and moral +flourishment to the vigorous life of this early literature. The +earnest enthusiasm of Ennius was inherited by Lucretius,—his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page265" id="page265"></a>[page 265]</span> +patriotic tones were repeated by Virgil. The lofty oratory of +the Aeneid sometimes sounds like an echo of the grave and +ardent style of early tragedy. The strong sense and knowledge +of the world, the frank communicativeness and lively portraiture +of Lucilius reappeared in the familiar writings of +Horace, while his fierce vehemence and bold invective were +reproduced by the vigorous satirist of the Empire.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnoteix1" name="footnoteix1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagix1"><sup>1</sup></a> De Orat. ii. 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteix2" name="footnoteix2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagix2"><sup>2</sup></a> Adelphi, 18-21:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i22"> Quom illis placet,</p> +<p class="i6">Qui vobis univorsis et populo placent,</p> +<p class="i6">Quorum opera in bello, in otio, in negotio</p> +<p class="i6">Suo quisque tempore usust sine superbia.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnoteix3" name="footnoteix3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagix3"><sup>3</sup></a> Cf. Juv. x. 167:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Ut pueris placeas et declamatio fias.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnoteix4" name="footnoteix4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagix4"><sup>4</sup></a> Referred to by Mommsen.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page266" id="page266"></a>[page 266]</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page267" id="page267"></a>[page 267]</span> + +<h1>SECOND PERIOD.</h1> + +<h3>THE CLOSE OF THE REPUBLIC.</h3> + +<hr /> + +<h3>LUCRETIUS AND CATULLUS.</h3> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page268" id="page268"></a>[page 268]</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page269" id="page269"></a>[page 269]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER X.</h2> + +<h3>TRANSITION FROM LUCILIUS TO LUCRETIUS AND CATULLUS.</h3> + +<p>An interval of nearly half a century elapsed between the +death of Lucilius and the appearance of the poem of Lucretius. +During this period no poetical works of any value were +produced at Rome. The only successors of the older +tragedians, C. Julius Caesar (Consul <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 88) and C. Titius, +never obtained a success on the stage approaching to that still +accorded to the older dramas. No rival appeared to dispute +the popularity enjoyed by Plautus, Caecilius, and Terence, as +authors of the Comoedia Palliata; but the literary activity of +Afranius and of T. Quintius Atta, the most eminent among the +authors of the Fabulae togatae, extended into the early years +of the first century <span class="sc">b.c.</span> It was during this period also that the +Fabula Atellana was raised by L. Pomponius of Bononia and +Novius into the rank of regular literature. The tendency to +depart more and more from the Greek type of comedy, and +to revert to the scenic entertainment native to Italy, is seen in +the attempt of Laberius, in the last years of the Republic, to +raise the Mimus into the sphere of recognised literary art. +The Annalistic epic of Hostius on the Istrian war, and the +Annales of Furius, of Antium, a friend of the elder Catulus, +perpetuated the traditional influence of Ennius, during the +interval between Lucilius and Lucretius. The first attempts to +introduce the erotic poetry of Alexandria, in the form of +epigrams and short lyrical poems, also belong to this period. +The writers of this new kind of poetry,—Valerius Aedituus, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page270" id="page270"></a>[page 270]</span> +Q. Lutatius Catulus (the Colleague of Marius in his consulship of +the year 102 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>), and Laevius, the author of Erotopaegnia, +have significance only as indicating the direction which Roman +poetry followed in the succeeding generation. Cicero in his +youth cultivated verse-making, both as a translator of the poem +of Aratus, and as the author of an original poem on his +townsman Marius. His hexameters show considerable advance +in rhythmical smoothness and exactness beyond the +previous condition of that metre, as exemplified in the fragments +of Ennius and Lucilius: and his translation of Aratus marks a +stage in the history of Latin poetry as affording a native model, +which Lucretius did not altogether disregard in the structure of +his verse and diction<a id="footnotetagx1" name="footnotetagx1"></a><a href="#footnotex1"><sup>1</sup></a>. But Cicero is not to be ranked among +the poets of Rome. He merely practised verse-making as part +of his general literary training. He retained the accomplishment +till his latest years, and shows his facility by translating +passages from the Greek tragedians in his philosophical works. +That he had no true poetical faculty is shown by the apparent +indifference with which he regarded the works of the two great +poets of his time. This indifference is the more marked from his +generous recognition of the oratorical promise and accomplishment +of the men of a younger generation. The tragedies of +Q. Cicero were mere literary exercises and made no impression +on his generation. Though several of the multifarious works of +Varro were written in verse, yet the whole cast of his mind +was thoroughly prosaic. His tastes and abilities were those of +an antiquarian scholar, not of a man of poetic genius and +accomplishment.</p> + +<p>The period of nearly half a century, from 102 till about 60 +<span class="sc">b.c.</span>, must thus be regarded as altogether barren in genuine +poetical result. During this long interval there appeared no +successor to carry on the work of developing the poetical side +of a national literature, begun by Plautus, Ennius, and Lucilius. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page271" id="page271"></a>[page 271]</span> +The only metrical compositions of this time were either +inferior reproductions of the old forms or immature anticipations +of the products of a later age. The political +disturbance of the times between the tribunate of Tib. +Gracchus and the first consulship of Crassus and Pompey +(<span class="sc">b.c.</span> 70) was unfavourable to the cultivation of that poetry +which is expressive of national feeling: and the Roman +genius for art was as yet too immature to produce the poetry +of individual reflection or personal passion. The state of +feeling throughout Italy, before and immediately subsequent to +the Social War, alienated from Rome the sympathetic genius +of the kindred races from whom her most illustrious authors +were drawn in later times. It was in the years of comparative +peace, between the horrors of the first civil war and the alarm +preceding the outbreak of the second, that a new poet grew +apparently unnoticed to maturity, and the silence was at last +broken after the long repression of Italian genius by a voice +at once stronger in native vitality and richer in acquired culture +than any which had preceded it.</p> + +<p>But there is one thing significant in the literary character of +this period, otherwise so barren in works of taste and imagination. +Those by whom the art of verse was practised are no +longer 'Semi-Graeci' or humble provincials, but Romans of +political or social distinction. The chief authors in the +interval between the first and second era of Roman poetry are +either members of the aristocracy or men of old family +belonging to the equestrian order. And this connexion +between literature and social rank continues till the close of +the Republic. The poets of the Ciceronian age,—Hortensius, +Memmius, Lucretius, Catullus, Calvus, Cinna, &c.—either +themselves belonged to the governing class, or were men of +leisure and independent means, living as equals with the +members of that class. This circumstance explains much of +the difference in tone between the literature of that age and +both the earlier and later literature. The separation in taste +and sympathy between the higher classes and the mass of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page272" id="page272"></a>[page 272]</span> +people which had begun in the days of Terence, grew wider +and wider with the growth of culture and with the increasing +bitterness of political dissensions. It was only among the rich +and educated that poetry could now expect to find an +audience; and the poetry written for them appealed, for the +most part, to the convictions, tastes, pleasures, and animosities +which they shared as members of a class, not, like +the best Augustan poetry, to the higher sympathies which they +might share as the depositaries of great national traditions. +But if this poetry was too exclusively addressed to a class—a +class too, though refined by culture, yet living for the most +part the life of fashion and pleasure—it had the merit of being +the sincere expression of men writing to please themselves and +their equals. It was not called upon to make any sacrifice of +individual conviction or public sentiment to satisfy popular +taste or the requirements of an Imperial master.</p> + +<p>But though barren in poetry this interval was far from being +barren in other intellectual results. This was the era of the +great Roman orators, the successors of Laelius, Carbo, the +Gracchi, etc., and the immediate predecessors and contemporaries +of Cicero. It was through the care with which public +speaking was cultivated that Latin prose was formed into that +clear, exact, dignified, and commanding instrument, which +served through so many centuries as the universal organ of +history, law, philosophy, learning, and religion,—of public +discussion and private correspondence. While Latin poetry is, +both in spirit and manner, quite as much Italian as Roman, +Latin prose bears the stamp of the political genius of Rome. +It was the deliberate expression of the mind of men practised +in affairs, exercised in the deliberations of the Senate, the +harangues of the public assemblies, the pleadings of the courts,—of +men accustomed to determine and explain questions of +law and to draw up edicts binding on all subjects of the State,—trained, +moreover, to a sense of literary form by the study of +Greek rhetoric, and naturally guided to clearness and dignity of +expression by the orderly understanding, the strong hold on +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page273" id="page273"></a>[page 273]</span> +reality, and the authoritative bearing which were their birthright +as Romans. The effort which obtained its crowning +success in the prose style of Cicero left its mark on other +forms of literature. History continued to be written by +members of the great governing families to serve both as a +record of events and a weapon of party warfare. The large +and varied correspondence of Cicero shows how general the +accomplishment of style had become among educated men. +And if this result was, in the main, due to the fervour of mind +and temper elicited by the contests of public life, the systematic +teaching of grammarians and rhetoricians acted as a +corrective of the natural exuberance or carelessness of the +rhetorical faculty.</p> + +<p>Perfection of style attained in one of the two great branches +of a national literature cannot fail to react on the other. It +was the peculiarity of Latin literature that this perfection or +high accomplishment was reached in prose sooner than in +poetry. The contemporaries of Cicero and Caesar, whose genius +impelled them to awaken into new life the long silent Muses +of Italy, were conscious that the great effort demanded of them +was to raise Latin verse to a similar perfection of form, diction, +and musical cadence. What Cicero did for Latin prose, +in revealing the fertility of its resources, in giving to it more +ample volume, and eliciting its capabilities of sonorous rhythmical +movement, Lucretius aspires to do for Latin verse. +Although Catullus in forming his more elaborate style worked +carefully after the manner of his Greek models, yet we may +attribute something of the terseness, the idiomatic verve, +the studied simplicity of expression in his lighter pieces to the +literary taste which he shared with the younger race of orators, +who claimed to have substituted Attic elegance for Asiatic +exuberance of ornament.</p> + +<p>During all this interval, in which native poetry was neglected, +the art and thought of Greece were penetrating more deeply +into Italy. Cicero, in his defence of Archias, attests the +eagerness with which Greek studies were cultivated during the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page274" id="page274"></a>[page 274]</span> +early years of the century; 'Erat Italia tunc plena Graecarum +artium ac disciplinarum, studiaque haec et in Latio vehementius +tum colebantur quam nunc iisdem in oppidis, et hic +Romae propter tranquillitatem reipublicae non neglegebantur.' +With the reviving tranquillity of the Republic these studies +also revived. Learned Greeks continued to flock to Rome +and to attach themselves to members of the great houses,—the +Luculli, the Metelli, Pompey, etc.; and it became more and +more the custom for young men of birth and wealth to travel +or spend some years of study among the famous cities of +Greece and Asia. This new and closer contact of the Greek +with the Roman mind came about, not as the earlier one +through dramatic representations, but, in a great measure, +through the medium of books, which began now to be accumulated +at Rome both in public and private libraries. Probably no +other cause produces so great a change in national character +and intellect as the awakening of the taste and the creating of +facilities for reading. By the diffusion of books, as well as by +the instruction of living teachers, the Romans of this generation +came under the influence of a new class of writers, +whose spirit was more in harmony with the modern world than +the old epic and dramatic poets, viz. the exponents of the +different philosophic systems and the learned poets of Alexandria. +These new influences helped to denationalise Roman +thought and literature, to make the individual more conscious +of himself, and to stimulate the passions and pleasures of +private life. While the endeavour to regulate life in accordance +with a system of philosophy tended to isolate men +from their fellows, the study of the Alexandrine poets, the +cultivation of art for its own sake, the exclusive admiration of +a particular manner of writing fostered the spirit of literary +coteries as distinct from the spirit of a national literature. But +making allowance for all these drawbacks, it is to the Alexandrine +culture that the education of the Roman sense of literary +beauty is primarily due. Along with this culture, indeed, the +taste for other forms of art, which was rapidly developed and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page275" id="page275"></a>[page 275]</span> +largely fed in the last age of the Republic, powerfully cooperated. +Lucretius specifies among the 'deliciae vitae'</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Carmina, picturas, et daedala signa<a id="footnotetagx2" name="footnotetagx2"></a><a href="#footnotex2"><sup>2</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and, in more than one place, he writes, with sympathetic +admiration, of the charm of instrumental music,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6"> Musaea mele per chordas organici quae</p> +<p class="i2">Mobilibus digitis expergefacta figurant<a id="footnotetagx3" name="footnotetagx3"></a><a href="#footnotex3"><sup>3</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The delicate appreciation of the paintings, statues, gems, +vases, etc., either brought to Rome as the spoils of conquest, +or seen in their original home by educated Romans, travelling +for pleasure or employed in the public service, was not +without effect in calling forth the ideal of literary form, +realised in some of the master-pieces of Catullus. We may +suppose too that the cultivation of music had some share +in eliciting the lyrical movement in Latin verse from the fact +mentioned by Horace, that the songs of Catullus and Calvus +were ever in the mouths of the fashionable professors of that +art in a later age. If the life of the generation which witnessed +the overthrow of the Republic was one of alarm and vicissitude, +of political unsettlement and moral unrestraint, it was, at the +same time, very rich in its capabilities of sensuous and intellectual +enjoyment. The appetite for pleasure was still too +fresh to produce that deadening of energy and of feeling, +which is most fatal to literary creativeness. The passionate +life led by Catullus and his friends may have shortened the +days of some of them, and tended to limit the range and +to lower the aims of their genius, but it did not dull their vivid +sense of beauty, chill their enjoyment of their art, or impair the +mastery over its technical details, for which they strove.</p> + +<p>As the bent given to philosophical and literary studies +developed the inner life and personal tastes of the individual, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page276" id="page276"></a>[page 276]</span> +the political disorganisation of the age tended to stimulate new +modes of thought and life, which had not, in any former +generation, been congenial to the Roman mind. While the +work of political destruction was being carried on along with +the most strenuous gratification of their passions by one set +among the leading men at Rome—such as Catiline and his +associates, and, somewhat later, Clodius, Curio, Caelius, +Antony, etc.—among men of more sensitive and refined +natures the pleasures of the contemplative life began to +exercise a novel fascination. The comparative seclusion in +which men like Lucullus and Hortensius lived in their later +years may, perhaps, be accounted for by other reasons than the +mere love of ease and pleasure. It was a symptom of that +despair of the Republic which is so often expressed in Cicero's +letters, and of the consequent diversion of thought from +practical affairs to the questions and interests which concern +the individual. In the same way the unsettlement and afterwards +the loss of political life at Athens gave a great impulse +both to the various philosophical sects on the one hand, and to +the literature of the new comedy, which deals exclusively with +private life, on the other. In Rome this alienation from +politics naturally allied itself, among members of the aristocracy, +with the acceptance of the Epicurean philosophy. +The slow dissolution of religious belief which had been going +on since the first contact of the Roman mind with that of +Greece, awoke in Rome, as it had done in Greece, a deeper +interest in the ultimate questions of the existence and nature +of the gods and of the origin and destiny of the human soul. +We see how the contemplation of these questions consoled +Cicero when no longer able to exercise his energy and vivid +intelligence on public affairs. He discusses them with candour +and seriousness of spirit and with a strong leaning to the more +hopeful side of the controversy, but scarcely from the point of +view which regards their settlement as of supreme importance +to human well-being. But they are raised from much greater +depths of feeling and inward experience by Lucretius, to whom +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page277" id="page277"></a>[page 277]</span> +the life of political warfare and personal ambition was utterly +repugnant, and who had dedicated himself, with all the intensity +of his passionate and poetical temperament, to the discovery +and the teaching of the true meaning of life. The happiest +results of his recluse and contemplative life were the revelation +of a new delight open to the human spirit through sympathy +with the spirit of Nature, and the deepening beyond anything +which had yet found expression in literature of the fellow-feeling +which unites man not only to humanity but to all sentient +existence. The taste, so congenial to the Italian, for country life +found in him its first and most powerful poetical interpreter: +while the humanity of sentiment, first instilled through the +teaching of comedy, and fostered by later literary and ethical +study, was enforced with a greatness of heart and imagination +which has seldom been equalled in ancient or modern times.</p> + +<p>The dissolution of traditional beliefs and of the old loyalty +to the State produced very different results on the art and life +of the younger poets of that generation. The pursuit of +pleasure, and the cultivation, purely for its own sake, of art +which drew its chief materials from the life of pleasure, became +the chief end and aim of their existence. In so far as they +turned their thoughts from the passionate pleasures of their +own lives and the contemplation of passionate incidents and +situations in art, it was to give expression to the personal +animosities which they entertained to the leaders of the revolutionary +movement. Nor did this animosity spring so much +from public spirit as from a repugnance of taste towards the +coarser partisans of the popular cause, and from the instinctive +sense that the privileges enjoyed by their own caste were not +likely to survive any great convulsion of the State. The intensity +of their personal feelings of love and hatred, and the limitation +of their range of view to the things which gave the most +vivid and immediate pleasure to themselves and to others like +them, were the sources of both their strength and weakness.</p> + +<p>Of the poetry which arose out of these conditions of life and +culture, two representatives only are known to us in their +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page278" id="page278"></a>[page 278]</span> +works, Lucretius and Catullus. From the testimony of their +contemporaries we know them to have been recognised as the +greatest of the poets of that age. Lucretius in his own province +held an unquestioned pre-eminence. Yet that other minds +were occupied with the topics which he alone treated with +a masterly hand is proved by the existence of a work, of +a somewhat earlier date, by one Egnatius, bearing the title +'De Rerum Natura,' and also by Cicero's notice, in connexion +with his mention of Lucretius, of the 'Empedoclea' of Sallustius. +Varro also is mentioned by ancient writers, in connexion with +Empedocles and Lucretius, as the author of a metrical work +'De Rerum Natura<a id="footnotetagx4" name="footnotetagx4"></a><a href="#footnotex4"><sup>4</sup></a>.' More satisfactory evidence is afforded +by the discussions in the 'De Natura Deorum,' the 'Tusculan +Questions,' and the 'De Finibus,' of the interest taken by +educated men in the class of questions which Lucretius +professed to answer. Yet neither the antecedent nor the later +attention devoted to these subjects explains the powerful +attraction which they had for Lucretius. In him, more than in +any other Roman, we recognise a fresh and deep source of poetic +thought and feeling appearing in the world. The culture of +his age may have suggested or rendered possible the channel +which his genius followed, but cannot account for the power +and intensity with which it poured itself into that channel. +He cannot be said either to sum up the art and thought +contemporary with himself, or, like Virgil, to complete that of +preceding times. The work done by him, and the influence +exercised by him on the poetry of Rome and on the world, +are to be explained only by his original and individual force.</p> + +<p>Catullus, on the other hand, was the most successful among +a band of rival poets with most of whom he lived in intimacy. +Among the men older than himself, Hortensius, the orator, and +Memmius were known as writers of amatory poetry. His +name as a lyric poet is most usually coupled with that of his +friend Calvus; and a well-known passage of Tacitus<a id="footnotetagx5" name="footnotetagx5"></a><a href="#footnotex5"><sup>5</sup></a> brings +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page279" id="page279"></a>[page 279]</span> +together his lampoons and those of Bibaculus as being 'referta +contumeliis Caesarum.' Among others to whom he was +bound by the ties of friendship and common tastes were C. +Helvius Cinna, author of an Alexandrine epic, called Zmyrna, +and Caecilius, author of a poem on Cybele. Ticidas and +Anser, mentioned by Ovid among his own precursors in +amatory poetry, also belong to this generation. Among the +swarms of poetasters—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Saecli incommoda, pessimi poetae,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>a countryman of his own, Volusius<a id="footnotetagx6" name="footnotetagx6"></a><a href="#footnotex6"><sup>6</sup></a>, the author of a long +Annalistic epic, is held up by Catullus to especial obloquy.</p> + +<p>While so much of the literature of that age has perished, we +are fortunate in possessing the works of the greatest authors in +prose and verse. The poems of Lucretius and Catullus enable +us, better perhaps than any other extant Latin works, to +appreciate the most opposite capacities and tendencies of the +Roman genius. In their force and individuality, they are alike +valuable as the last poetic voices of the Republic, and as, +perhaps, the most free and sincere voices of Rome. The first +is one of the truest representatives of the national strength, +majesty, seriousness of spirit, massive constructive energy; the +second is the most typical example of the strong vitality +and passionate ardour of the Italian temperament and of +its vivid susceptibility to the varied beauties of Greek art.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotex1" name="footnotex1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagx1"><sup>1</sup></a> Mr. Munro, in his Introduction +to Part II of his Commentary on +Lucretius, illustrates this relation of the work of the poet to this youthful +production of Cicero.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotex2" name="footnotex2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagx2"><sup>2</sup></a> v. 1451.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotex3" name="footnotex3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagx3"><sup>3</sup></a> ii. 412; cf. also ii. 505-6:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Et cycnea mele Phoebeaque daedala chordis</p> +<p class="i6">Carmina consimili ratione oppressa silerent.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote">These lines point to the union of music and lyrical poetry.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotex4" name="footnotex4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagx4"><sup>4</sup></a> Cp. the passages quoted from Quintilian, +Lactantius, etc. by W.S. Teuffel, +Wagner's Translation, p. 239.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotex5" name="footnotex5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagx5"><sup>5</sup></a> Annals, iv. 34.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotex6" name="footnotex6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagx6"><sup>6</sup></a> Tanusius Geminus, who has generally been +identified with Volusius +from the passage in Seneca, Ep. 93. 11, 'Annales Tanusii scis quam ponderosi sint et quid vocentur,' +is supposed, on the evidence of Suetonius, to have been +the author of a prose history, which he, Plutarch, and Strabo used as +an authority for the times. Seneca certainly must have identified them. He +may have written both in prose and verse, or perhaps the Annals in verse may +have been the historical authority appealed to. There is, however, this further +difficulty in identifying them, that there is no apparent reason why Catullus +should in his case have deviated from his invariable practice of speaking of +the objects of his satire by their own names. Cf. Schmidt, Catullus, Prolegomena, p. xlvi.]</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page280" id="page280"></a>[page 280]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER XI.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">Lucretius.—Personal Characteristics.</span></h3> + +<p>It is in keeping with the isolated and independent position +which Lucretius occupies in literature, that so little is known +of his life. The two kinds of information available for literary +biography,—that afforded by the author himself, and that +derived from contemporaries, or from later writers who had +access to contemporary testimony,—almost entirely fail us in +his case. The form of poetry adopted by him prevented his +speaking of himself and telling his own history, as Catullus, +Horace, Ovid, etc., have done in their lyrical, elegiac, and +familiar writings. His work appears to have been first +published after his death: nor is there any reason to believe +that he attracted the attention of the world in his lifetime. To +judge from the silence of his contemporaries, and from the +attitude of mind indicated in his poem, the words 'moriens +natusque fefellit' might almost be written as his epitaph. +Had he been prominent in the social or literary circles +of Rome during the years in which he was engaged on +the composition of his poem, some traces of him must +have been found in the correspondence of Cicero or in the +poems of Catullus, which bring the personal life of those +years so close to modern readers. It is thus impossible +to ascertain on what original authority the sole traditional +account of him preserved in the Chronicle of Jerome was based. +That account, like similar notices of other Roman writers, came +to Jerome in all probability from the lost work of Suetonius, +'de viris illustribus.' But as to the channels through which it +passed to Suetonius, we have no information.</p> + +<p>The well-known statement of Jerome is to this effect,—'The +poet Lucretius was born in the year 94 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> He became mad +from the administration of a love-philtre, and after composing, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page281" id="page281"></a>[page 281]</span> +in his lucid intervals, several books which were afterwards +corrected by Cicero, he died by his own hand in his forty-fourth +year.' The date of his death would thus be 50 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> +But this date is contradicted by the statement of Donatus in +his life of Virgil, that Lucretius died (he says nothing of his +supposed suicide) on the day on which Virgil assumed the +'toga virilis,' viz. October 15, 55 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> And this date derives +confirmation from the fact that the first notice of the poem +appears in a letter of Cicero to his brother, written in the +beginning of 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> As the condition in which the poem has +reached us confirms the statement that it was left by the +author in an unfinished state, it must have been given to the +world by some other hand after the poet's death; and, +as Mr. Munro observes, we should expect to find that it +first attracted notice some three or four months after that +event. We must accordingly conclude that here, as in many +other cases, Jerome has been careless in his dates, and that +Lucretius was either born some years before 94 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, or that +he died before his forty-fourth year. His most recent Editors, +accordingly, assign his birth to the end of the year 99 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> +or the beginning of 98 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> He would thus be some seven or +eight years younger than Cicero, three or four years younger +than Julius Caesar<a id="footnotetagxi1" name="footnotetagxi1"></a><a href="#footnotexi1"><sup>1</sup></a>, about the same age as Memmius to whom +the poem is dedicated, and from about twelve to fifteen years +older than Catullus and the younger poets of that generation<a id="footnotetagxi2" name="footnotetagxi2"></a><a href="#footnotexi2"><sup>2</sup></a>.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page282" id="page282"></a>[page 282]</span> + +<p>But is this story of the poet's liability to fits of derangement, +of the cause assigned for these, of his suicide, and of +the correction of his poem by Cicero, to be accepted as +a meagre and, perhaps, distorted account of certain facts in +his history transmitted through some trustworthy channels, +or is it to be rejected as an idle fiction which may have +assumed shape before the time of Suetonius, and been accepted +by him on no other evidence than that of a vague tradition? +Though no certain answer can be given to this question, yet +some reasons may be assigned for according a hesitating +acceptance to the main outlines of the story, or at least for not +rejecting it as a transparent fiction.</p> + +<p>It may indeed be urged that if this strange and tragical +history had been known to the Augustan poets, who, in +greater or less degree, acknowledge the spell exercised upon +them by the genius of Lucretius, some sympathetic allusion to +it would probably have been found in their writings, such as +that in Ovid to the early death of Catullus and Calvus. It +would seem remarkable that in the only personal reference +which Virgil, who had studied his poem profoundly, seems +to make to his predecessor, he characterises him merely as +'fortunate in his triumph over supernatural terrors.' But, not +to press an argument based on the silence of those who +lived near the poet's time, and who, from their recognition +of his genius might have been expected to be interested in his +fate, the sensational character of the story justifies some +suspicion of its authenticity. The mysterious efficacy attributed +to a love-philtre is more in accordance with vulgar +credulity than with experience. The supposition that the +poem, or any considerable portion of it, was written in the +lucid intervals of derangement seems hardly consistent with the +evidence of the supreme control of reason through all its processes +of thought. The impression both of impiety and melancholy +which the poem was likely to produce on ordinary minds, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page283" id="page283"></a>[page 283]</span> +especially after the religious reaction of the Augustan age, might +easily have suggested this tale of madness and suicide as a +natural consequence of, or fitting retribution for, such absolute +separation from the common hopes and fears of mankind<a id="footnotetagxi3" name="footnotetagxi3"></a><a href="#footnotexi3"><sup>3</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>Yet indications in the poem itself have been pointed out +which might incline us to accept the story rather as a meagre +tradition of some tragic circumstances in the poet's history, +than as the idle invention of an uncritical age. The unrelieved +intensity of thought and feeling, by which more almost than +any other work of literature it is characterised, seems indicative +of an overstrain of power, which may well have caused the loss +or eclipse of what to the poet was the sustaining light and joy +of his life<a id="footnotetagxi4" name="footnotetagxi4"></a><a href="#footnotexi4"><sup>4</sup></a>. Under such a calamity it would have been quite +in accordance with the principles of his philosophy to seek +refuge in self-destruction, and to imitate an example which he +notes in the case of another speculative thinker, on becoming +conscious of failing intellectual power<a id="footnotetagxi5" name="footnotetagxi5"></a><a href="#footnotexi5"><sup>5</sup></a>. But this general +sense of overstrained tension of thought and feeling is, as +was first pointed out by his English Editor, much intensified +by references in the poem (as at i. 32; iv. 33, etc.), to the +horror produced on the mind by apparitions seen in dreams +and waking visions<a id="footnotetagxi6" name="footnotetagxi6"></a><a href="#footnotexi6"><sup>6</sup></a>. 'The emphatic repetition,' says Mr. +Munro, 'of these horrid visions seen in sickness might seem to +confirm what is related of the poet being subject to fits of +delirium or disordering sickness of some sort.' He further +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page284" id="page284"></a>[page 284]</span> +shows by quotation from Suetonius' 'Life of Caligula,' that such +mental conditions were attributed to the administration of a +love-philtre. The coincidence in these recorded cases may imply +nothing more than the credulity of Suetonius, or of the authorities +whom he followed: but it is conceivable that Lucretius may +have himself attributed what was either a disorder of his own +constitution, or the result of a prolonged overstrain of mind, to +the effects of some powerful drug taken by him in ignorance<a id="footnotetagxi7" name="footnotetagxi7"></a><a href="#footnotexi7"><sup>7</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>Thus, while the statement of Jerome admits neither of +verification nor refutation, it may be admitted that there +are indications in the poem of a great tension of mind, +of an extreme vividness of sensibility, of an indifference +to life, and, in the later books, of some failure in the power +of organising his materials, which incline us rather to accept +the story as a meagre and distorted record of tragical events +in the poet's life, than as a literary myth which took shape +out of the feelings excited by the poem in a later age. Yet +this qualified acquiescence in the tradition does not involve the +belief that any considerable portion of the poem was written +'per intervalla insaniae,' or that the disorder from which the +poet suffered was actually the effect of a love-philtre.</p> + +<p>The statement involved in the words 'quos Cicero emendavit,' +has also been the subject of much criticism. No one +can read the poem without recognising the truth of the +conclusion established by Lachmann, and accepted by the +most competent Editors of the poem since his time, that the +work must have been left by the author in an unfinished state +and given to the world by some friend or some person to +whom the task of editing it had been entrusted. But there +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page285" id="page285"></a>[page 285]</span> +is some difficulty in accepting the statement that this editor +was Cicero. His silence on the subject of his editorial +labours, when contrasted with the frank communicativeness +of his Epistles in regard to anything which for the time +interested him, and the slight esteem with which he regarded +the philosophy which is embodied in the poem, justify some +hesitation in accepting the authority of Jerome on this point +also. He only once mentions the poem in a letter to his +brother Quintus<a id="footnotetagxi8" name="footnotetagxi8"></a><a href="#footnotexi8"><sup>8</sup></a>, and in passages of his philosophical works +in which he seems to allude to it he expresses himself slightingly +and somewhat contemptuously<a id="footnotetagxi9" name="footnotetagxi9"></a><a href="#footnotexi9"><sup>9</sup></a>. In the disparaging +references to the Latin writers on Greek philosophy before +the appearance of his own Tusculan Questions and Academics, +he makes no exception in favour of Lucretius. The +words in his letter to his brother Quintus are these, 'Lucretii +poemata, ut scribis, ita sunt, multis luminibus ingenii, multae +tamen artis: sed cum veneris, virum te putabo, si Sallustii +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page286" id="page286"></a>[page 286]</span> +Empedoclea legeris, hominem non putabo.' Professor Tyrrell +in his 'Correspondence of Cicero,' remarks on this passage +(vol. II. page 106): 'The criticism of Quintus, with which +Cicero expresses his accord, was that Lucretius had not only +much of the <i>genius</i> of Ennius and Attius, but also much of the +<i>art</i> of the poets of the new school, among them even Catullus, +who are fashioning themselves on the model of the Alexandrine +poets, especially Callimachus and Euphorion of Chalcis. +This new school Cicero refers to as the +<ins title="Greek: neôteroi">νεώτεροι</ins> (Att. VII. 2. 1) +and as <i>hi cantores Euphorionis</i> (Tusc. III. 45). Their <i>ars</i> +seemed to Cicero almost incompatible with the <i>ingenium</i> of +the old school. This criticism on Lucretius is not only quite +just from Cicero's point of view, but it is most pointed. Yet +the editors from Victorius to Klotz will not let Cicero say +what he thought. They insert a <i>non</i> either before <i>multis</i> or +before <i>multae</i>, and thus deny him either <i>ingenium</i> or <i>ars</i>. +The point of the judgment is that Lucretius shows the +genius of the old school and (what might seem to be +incompatible with it) the art of the new<a id="footnotetagxi10" name="footnotetagxi10"></a><a href="#footnotexi10"><sup>10</sup></a>.' Thus if his notice +of the poem is slight, it is not deficient in appreciation. +Mr. Munro succeeds in explaining Cicero's silence on +the subject in his other correspondence. It is in his +Letters to his oldest and most intimate correspondent, the +Epicurean Atticus, that we should expect to find notices of +his editorial labours. It was a task on which Atticus might +have given most valuable help from his large employment +of educated slaves in the copying of manuscripts. Cicero's +silence on the subject in the Letters to Atticus is fully +explained by the fact that they were both in Rome during +the greater part of the time between the death of Lucretius +and the publication of his poem. Again, Cicero's strong +opposition to the Epicurean doctrines was not incompatible +with the closest friendship with many who professed them; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page287" id="page287"></a>[page 287]</span> +and this opposition was not conspicuously declared till some +years after this time. Lucretius would have sympathised with +Cicero's political attitude, as he appears to commend Memmius +for adopting a similar attitude in his Praetorship, and he must +have known that Cicero was the man of widest literary culture +then living. There is thus no great difficulty in supposing +that the work of even so uncompromising a partisan as +Lucretius should have been placed, either by his own request +or by the wish of his friends, in the hands of one who was not +attracted to it either by strong poetical or philosophical sympathy. +The energetic kindliness of Cicero's nature, and his +active interest in literature, would have prompted him not to +decline the service if he were asked to render it. Thus, although +on this point too our judgment may well be suspended, +we may think with pleasure of the good-will and kindly offices +of the most humane and energetic among Roman writers, as +exercised in behalf of Lucretius after his untimely death.</p> + +<p>This is all the direct external evidence available for the +personal history of Lucretius. It is remarkable, when compared +with the information given in his other notices, that +the record of Jerome does not even mention the poet's +birth-place. This may be explained on the supposition +either that the authorities followed by Jerome knew very +little about him, or that, if he were born at Rome, there +would not be the same motive for giving prominence to +the place of his birth, as in the case of poets and men of +letters who brought honour to the less famous districts of +Italy. While Lucretius applies the word <i>patria</i> to the Roman +State ('patriai tempore iniquo'), and the adjective <i>patrius</i> to +the Latin language, these words are used by other Roman +poets,—Ennius and Virgil for instance,—in reference to their +own provincial homes. The Gentile name Lucretius was one +eminently Roman, nor is there ground for believing that, like +the equally ancient and noble name borne by the other great +poet of the age, it had become common in other parts of Italy. +The name suggests the inference that Lucretius was descended +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page288" id="page288"></a>[page 288]</span> +from one of the most ancient patrician houses of Rome, but +one, as is pointed out by Mr. Munro, more famous in the +legendary than in the later annals of the Republic. Some +members of the same house are mentioned in the letters of +Cicero among the partisans of Pompey: and possibly the +Lucretius Ofella, who was one of the victims of Sulla's +tyranny, may have been connected with the poet. As the +position indicated by the whole tone of the poem is that of +a man living in easy circumstances, and of one, who, though +repelled by it, was yet familiar with the life of pleasure and +luxury, he must have belonged either to a senatorian family, +or to one of the richer equestrian families, the members of +which, if not engaged in financial and commercial affairs, +often lived the life of country gentlemen on their estates and +employed their leisure in the cultivation of literature. The +tone of the dedication to Memmius, a member of a noble +plebeian house, and of the occasional addresses to him in the +body of the poem, is not that of a client to a patron, but of an +equal to an equal:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed tua me virtus tamen et sperata voluptas</p> +<p>Suavis amicitiae—.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>While Lucretius pays the tribute of admiration to the literary +accomplishment of his friend, and to the active part which he +played in politics, he yet addresses him with the authority of +a master. In a society constituted as that of Rome was in +the last age of the Republic this tone could only be assumed +to a member of the governing class by a social equal. Memmius +combined the pursuits of a politician, a man of letters, +and a man of pleasure; and in none of these capacities does +he seem to have been worthy of the affection and admiration +of Lucretius. But as he filled the office of Praetor in the year +58 <span class="sc">b.c.</span><a id="footnotetagxi11" name="footnotetagxi11"></a><a href="#footnotexi11"><sup>11</sup></a> it may be inferred that he and the poet were about +the same age, and thus the original bond between them may +probably have been that of early education and literary +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page289" id="page289"></a>[page 289]</span> +sympathies. That Memmius retained a taste for poetry amid +the pursuits and pleasures of his profligate career is shown by +the fact that he was the author of a volume of amatory poems, +and also by his taking with him, in the year 57 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, the poets +Helvius Cinna and Catullus, on his staff to Bithynia. The +keen discernment of the younger poet, sharpened by personal +animosity, formed a truer estimate of his chief, than that +expressed by the philosophic enthusiast. But at the time in +which the words—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8"> Nec Memmi clara propago</p> +<p class="i2">Talibus in rebus communi deesse saluti—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>were written, even Cicero regarded him as one of the bulwarks +of the senatorian cause against Clodius and his influential +supporters. And neither the scandal of his private nor of his +public life prevented his being in later years among the orator's +correspondents.</p> + +<p>This relation to Memmius is the only additional fact which +an examination of the poem brings into light. Nothing is +learned from it of the poet's parentage, his education, his +favourite places of residence, of his career, of his good or evil +fortune. There were eminent Epicurean teachers at Athens +and Rome (Patro, Phaedrus, Philodemus, etc.) during his +youth and manhood, but it is useless to ask what influence +of teachers or personal experience induced him to become +so passionate a devotee of the doctrines of Epicurus. Yet +though no direct reference to his circumstances is found in his +writings, we may yet mark indirect traces of the impression +produced upon him by the age in which his youth and +manhood were passed; we seem to catch some glimpses of his +habitual pursuits and tastes, to gain some real insight into his +being, to apprehend the attitude in which he stood to the great +teachers of the past, and to know the man by knowing the +objects in life which most deeply interested him. Nothing, we +may well believe, was further from his wish or intention than +to leave behind him any record of himself. No Roman poet +has so entirely sunk himself and the remembrance of his own +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page290" id="page290"></a>[page 290]</span> +fortunes in absorption in his subject. But his strong personal +force and individuality have penetrated deeply into all his +representation, his reasoning, and his exhortation. From the +beginning to the end of the poem we feel that we are listening +to a living voice speaking to us with the direct impressiveness +of personal experience and conviction. No writer ever used +words more clearly or more sincerely: no one shows a greater +scorn for the rhetorical artifices which disguise the lack of +meaning or insinuate a false conclusion by fine-sounding +phrases:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14"> Quae belle tangere possunt</p> +<p class="i2">Auris et lepido quae sunt fucata sonore<a id="footnotetagxi12" name="footnotetagxi12"></a><a href="#footnotexi12"><sup>12</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The union of an original and independent personality with +the utmost sincerity of thought and speech is a characteristic +in which Lucretius resembles Thucydides. It is this which +gives to the works of both, notwithstanding their studied +self-suppression, the vivid interest of a direct personal +revelation.</p> + +<p>The tone of many passages in the poem clearly indicates +that Lucretius, though taking no personal part in the active +politics of his age, was profoundly moved by the effects which +they produced on human happiness and character. Thus the +lines at iii. 70-74—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sanguine civili rem conflant, etc.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>recall the thought and spectacle of crime and bloodshed vividly +presented to him in the impressible years of his youth<a id="footnotetagxi13" name="footnotetagxi13"></a><a href="#footnotexi13"><sup>13</sup></a>. Other +passages are an immediate reflexion of the disturbance and +alarm of the times in which the poem was written. Thus the +opening lines of the second book, which contrast the security +of the contemplative life with the strife of political and military +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page291" id="page291"></a>[page 291]</span> +ambition, seem to be suggested by the action of what is sometimes +called the first triumvirate. The lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Si non forte tuas legiones per loca campi, etc.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>have been noted<a id="footnotetagxi14" name="footnotetagxi14"></a><a href="#footnotexi14"><sup>14</sup></a> as a probable allusion to the position actually +taken up by Julius Caesar outside of Rome in the opening +months of the year 58 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Some earlier lines of the same +passage—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Certare ingenio, contendere nobilitate,</p> +<p>Noctes atque dies niti praestante labore</p> +<p>Ad summas emergere opes rerumque potiri,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>have a resemblance to words directly applied by Cicero to +Caesar<a id="footnotetagxi15" name="footnotetagxi15"></a><a href="#footnotexi15"><sup>15</sup></a>, and are certainly more applicable to him than to any +other of the poet's contemporaries. The political reflexions in +the poem, as for instance that at v. 1123, seem, in almost +all cases, to be forced from him by the memory of the first +civil war, or the vague dread of that which was impending. +It is not from any effeminate recoil from danger, but rather +from horror of the turbulence, disorder, and crimes against the +sanctities of human life, involved in the strife of ambition, that +Lucretius preaches the lessons of political quietism. And +while his humanity of feeling makes him shrink from the +prospect of evil days, like those which he well remembered, +again awaiting his country, his capacity for pure and simple +pleasures makes him equally shrink from the spectacle of +prodigal luxury which Rome then presented in a degree never +before witnessed in the world.</p> + +<p>Thus the first general impression of Lucretius which we form +from his poem is that of one who, from a strong distaste to the +life of action and social pleasure, deliberately chose the life of +contemplation,—the 'fallentis semita vitae.' Some illustrations +of his argument—as, for instance, a description of the state of +mental tension produced by witnessing public games and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page292" id="page292"></a>[page 292]</span> +spectacles for many days in succession<a id="footnotetagxi16" name="footnotetagxi16"></a><a href="#footnotexi16"><sup>16</sup></a>, of the reflexion of the +colours cast on the stage by the awnings of the theatre<a id="footnotetagxi17" name="footnotetagxi17"></a><a href="#footnotexi17"><sup>17</sup></a>, of the +works of art adorning the houses of the great<a id="footnotetagxi18" name="footnotetagxi18"></a><a href="#footnotexi18"><sup>18</sup></a>, etc.—imply +that he had not always been a stranger to the enjoyments +of city life, and that they attracted him by a certain fascination +of pomp and novelty. His pictures of the follies of the +'jeunesse dorée' (at iv. 1121, etc.), and of sated luxury (at iii. +1060, etc.), show that he had been a witness of the conditions +of life out of which they were engendered. At iv. 784, in +speaking of the power of the mind to call up images, he +specifies 'conventus hominum, pompam, convivia, pugnas.' +But such illustrations are rare when compared with those +which speak of a life passed in the open air, and of intimate +familiarity with many aspects of Nature. The vivid minuteness +with which outward things are described, as well as the occasional +use of such words as <i>vidi</i><a id="footnotetagxi19" name="footnotetagxi19"></a><a href="#footnotexi19"><sup>19</sup></a>, show that though a few +of the sights observed by him may have been drawn from the +physics of Epicurus<a id="footnotetagxi20" name="footnotetagxi20"></a><a href="#footnotexi20"><sup>20</sup></a>, the great mass of them had either been +originally observed by himself or at least had been verified +in his own experience. He was endowed not only with the +poet's susceptibility to the beauty and movement of the outward +world, but also with the observing faculty and curiosity +of a naturalist: and by both impulses he was more attracted to +the solitudes of Nature than to the haunts of men. Many bright +illustrations of his argument tell of hours spent by the sea +shore. Thus he notes minutely the effect of the exhalations +from the salt water in wearing away rocks and walls (i. 336; iv. +220), of the invisible influence of the sea-air in producing +moisture in clothes (i. 305; vi. 472), or a salt taste in the +mouth (iv. 222), of the varied forms of shells paving the shore +(ii. 374), of the sudden change of colour when the winds raise +the white crest of the waves (ii. 765), of the appearance of sky +and water produced by a black storm-cloud passing over the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page293" id="page293"></a>[page 293]</span> +sea (vi. 256). Other passages show his familiarity with inland +scenes,—with the violent rush of rivers in flood (i. 280, etc.), +or their stately flow through fresh meadows (ii. 362), or their +ceaseless unperceived action in eating away their banks (v. +256);—or again, with all the processes of husbandry, the +growth of plants and trees, the ways of flocks and herds in +their pastures, and the sounds and sights of the pathless +woods. While he anticipates Virgil in his Italian love of +peaceful landscape, he shows some foretaste of the modern +passion for the mountains,—as (at ii. 331) where he speaks of +'some spot among the lofty hills,' commanding a distant view +of a wide expanse of plain, and (at iv. 575) where he recalls +the memory of wanderings among mountain solitudes—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Palantis comites cum montis inter opacos</p> +<p>Quaerimus et magna dispersos voce ciemus,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and (at vi. 469) where he notices the more powerful action of +the wind on the movements of the clouds at high altitudes—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam loca declarat sursum ventosa patere</p> +<p>Res ipsa et sensus, montis cum ascendimus altos.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Even some of the metaphorical phrases in which he figures +forth the pursuit of truth seem to be taken from mountain +adventure<a id="footnotetagxi21" name="footnotetagxi21"></a><a href="#footnotexi21"><sup>21</sup></a>. The mention of companionship in some of these +wanderings, and in other scenes in which the charm of Nature +is represented as enhancing the enjoyment of a simple meal—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Propter aquae rivum sub ramis arboris altae,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>enables us to think of him as, although isolated in his thoughts +from other men, yet not separated from them in the daily intercourse +of life by any unsocial austerity. Such separation would +have been quite opposed both to the teaching and the example +of his master. Some remembrance of active adventure is suggested +by illustrations of his philosophy drawn from the experience +of a sea-voyage (iv. 387, etc., 432), of riding through +a rapid stream (iv. 420), of watching the action of dogs +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page294" id="page294"></a>[page 294]</span> +tracking their game through woods and over mountains +(i. 404), or renewing the memories of the chase in their dreams +(v. 991, etc.). The lines (at ii. 40, etc., and 323, etc.) show +that his imagination had been moved by witnessing the evolutions +of armies, not indeed in actual warfare, but in the pomp +and pageantry of martial spectacles,—'belli simulacra cientes.' +These and many other indirect indications afford some glimpses +of his habitual manner of life and of the pursuits that gave him +most lively pleasure: but they do not give us any special knowledge +of the particular districts of Italy in which he lived, or of +the scenes in foreign lands which he may have visited. The +poem tells us nothing immediately of the trials or passions of +his life, though of both he seems to bear the scars. But as +passages in which he reveals the deep secrets of human passion +and suffering prove him to have been a man of strong, ardent, +and vividly susceptible temperament, so the numerous illustrations +drawn from the repertory of his personal observation tell +of an eye trained to take delight in the outward face of Nature +as well as of a mind unwearied in its search into her hidden +laws. One great charm of his work is that it breathes of the +open air more than of the library. If, in dealing with the +problems of human life, his strain—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>'Is fraught too deep with pain,'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>yet to him too might be applied the lines written of one who, +though not comparable to him in intellectual and imaginative +power, yet, in his spiritual isolation from the world, seems +almost like his modern counterpart—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>'And thou hast pleasures too to share</p> +<p>With those who come to thee,</p> +<p>Balms floating on thy mountain air</p> +<p>And healing sights to see<a id="footnotetagxi22" name="footnotetagxi22"></a><a href="#footnotexi22"><sup>22</sup></a>.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But we may trust with even more confidence to the indications +of his inner than of his outward life. The spirit and +purpose which impelled Lucretius to expound his philosophy +can be understood without any collateral knowledge of his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page295" id="page295"></a>[page 295]</span> +history. The dominant impulse of his being is the ardent +desire to emancipate human life from the fears and passions +by which it is marred and degraded. He has more of the +zeal of a religious reformer than any other ancient thinker, +except one who in all his ways of life was most unlike him, +the Athenian Socrates. The speculative enthusiasm which +bears him along through his argument is altogether subsidiary +to the furtherance of his practical purpose. Even the poetical +power to which the work owes its immortality was valued +chiefly as a pleasing means of instilling the unpalatable +medicine of his philosophy<a id="footnotetagxi23" name="footnotetagxi23"></a><a href="#footnotexi23"><sup>23</sup></a> into the minds and hearts of +unwilling hearers. It is the constant presence of this practical +purpose, and the profound sense which he has of the +actual misery and degradation of human life, and of the peace +and dignity which are attainable by man, that impart to his +words the peculiar tone of impassioned earnestness to which +there is no parallel in ancient literature.</p> + +<p>Among his personal characteristics none is more prominent +than his consciousness both of the greatness of the work on +which he was engaged, and of his own power to cope with it. +The passage in which his high self-confidence is most powerfully +proclaimed (i. 920, etc.) has been imitated both by Virgil and +Milton. The sense of novelty, adventure, and high aspiration +expressed in the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Avia Pieridum peragro loca nullius ante</p> +<p>Trita solo—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>moved Virgil less powerfully in speaking of his humbler +theme—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed me Parnassi deserta per ardua dulcis</p> +<p>Raptat amor;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and inspired the English poet in his great invocation:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i20"> 'I thence</p> +<p class="i2">Invoke thy aid to my adventurous song,</p> +<p class="i2">That with no middle flight intends to soar</p> +<p class="i2">Above the Aonian mount, while it pursues</p> +<p class="i2">Things unattempted yet in prose or rhyme.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page296" id="page296"></a>[page 296]</span> + +<p>The sense of difficulty and the joy of overcoming it meet us +with a keen bracing effect in many passages of the poem. He +speaks disdainfully of those enquirers who fall into error by +shrinking from the more adventurous paths that lead to truth—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ardua dum metuunt amittunt vera viai.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Without disowning the passion for fame,—'laudis spes magna,' +so powerful an incentive to the Roman temperament,—he is +more inspired and supported in his arduous task by 'the +sweet love of the Muses.' The delight in the exercise of his +art and the joyful energy sustained through the long processes +of gathering and arranging his materials appear in such +passages as iii. 419-20:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Conquisita diu dulcique reperta labore</p> +<p>Digna tua pergam disponere carmina cura:</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and again at ii. 730—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nunc age dicta meo dulci quaesita labore</p> +<p>Percipe.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The thoroughness and devotion of a student tell their own tale +in such expressions as the 'studio disposta fideli,' and the +'noctes vigilare serenas' in the dedication to Memmius, and in +the more enthusiastic acknowledgment of the source from +which he drew his philosophy at iii. 29, etc.—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i10"> Tuisque ex, inclute, chartis,</p> +<p class="i2">Floriferis ut apes in saltibus omnia libant,</p> +<p class="i2">Omnia nos itidem depascimur aurea dicta.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The absorbing interest with which he carried on the work of +enquiry and of composition appears in illustrations of his +argument drawn from his own pursuits; as where (ii. 979) in +arguing that, if the atoms have the properties of sense, those +of which man is compounded must have the intellectual +attributes of man, he says,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Multaque de rerum mixtura dicere callent</p> +<p>Et sibi proporro quae sint primordia quaerunt<a id="footnotetagxi24" name="footnotetagxi24"></a><a href="#footnotexi24"><sup>24</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page297" id="page297"></a>[page 297]</span> + +<p>and, again (at iv. 969), in explaining how men in their dreams +seem to carry on the pursuits to which they are most devoted, +how lawyers seem to plead their causes, generals to fight their +battles over again, sailors to contend with the elements, he +adds these lines:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nos agere hoc autem et naturam quaerere rerum</p> +<p>Semper et inventam patriis exponere chartis<a id="footnotetagxi25" name="footnotetagxi25"></a><a href="#footnotexi25"><sup>25</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His frequent use of the sacrificial phrase 'Hoc age,' affords +evidence of the religious earnestness with which he had +devoted himself to his task.</p> + +<p>The feeling animating him through all his great adventure,—through +the wastest flats as well as the most commanding +heights over which it leads him,—is something different from +the delight of a poet in his art, of a scholar in his books, of a +philosopher in his thought, of a naturalist in his observation. +All of these modes of feeling are combined with the passion of +his whole moral and intellectual being, aroused by the +contemplation of the greatest of all themes—'maiestas cognita +rerum'—and concentrated on the greatest of practical ends, +the emancipation and elevation of human life. The life of +contemplation which he alone among the Romans deliberately +chose and realised he carried out with Roman energy and +fortitude. It was with him no life of indolent musing, but one +of thought and study, varied and braced by original observation. +It was a life, also, of strenuous literary effort employed in +giving clearness to obscure materials, and in eliciting poetical +charm from a language to which the musical cadences of verse +had been hitherto almost unknown. Above all, it was the life +of one who, while feeling the spell of Nature more profoundly +than any poet who had gone before him, did not in that new +rapture forget</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>'The human heart by which we live.'</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page298" id="page298"></a>[page 298]</span> + +<p>His high intellectual confidence, based on his firm trust in +his master, shows itself in a spirit of intolerance towards the +school which was the chief antagonist of Epicureanism at +Rome. His argument is a vigorous protest against philosophical +error and scepticism, as well as against popular +ignorance and superstition. His polemical attitude is seen in +the frequent use of such expressions as 'vinco,' 'dede manus,' +etc., addressed to an imaginary opponent. Discussion of topics, +not apparently necessary to his main argument, is raised with +the object of carrying the war into the enemy's camp. Such +frequently recurring expressions as 'ut quidam fingunt,' 'perdelirum +esse videtur,' etc., are invariably aimed at the Stoics<a id="footnotetagxi26" name="footnotetagxi26"></a><a href="#footnotexi26"><sup>26</sup></a>. +Of other early philosophers, even when dissenting from their +opinions, he speaks in terms of admiration and reverence: but +Heraclitus, whose physical explanation of the universe was +adopted by the Stoics, is described in terms of disparagement, +levelled as much against his later followers as against himself, +as—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Clarus ob obscuram linguam magis inter inanis</p> +<p>Quamde gravis inter Graios qui vera requirunt.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The traditional opposition between Democritus and Heraclitus +lived after them. Adherence to the doctrine of 'atoms and +the void,' and to that of 'the pure fiery element,' became the +symbol of a radical divergence in the whole view of human +life.</p> + +<p>While there is frequent allusion to the Stoics in the poem, +there is no direct mention either of them or of their chief +teachers, Zeno, Chrysippus, or Cleanthes. Neither do the +greater names of Socrates, Plato, or Aristotle appear in it, +though one or two passages clearly imply some familiarity with +the writings of Plato<a id="footnotetagxi27" name="footnotetagxi27"></a><a href="#footnotexi27"><sup>27</sup></a>. But among the moral teachers of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page299" id="page299"></a>[page 299]</span> +antiquity he acknowledges Epicurus only. The whole enthusiasm +of his temperament breaks out in admiration of him. +He alone is the true interpreter of Nature and conqueror of +superstition (i. 75); the reformer 'who has made pure the +human heart' (vi. 24); the 'guide out of the storms and +darkness of life into calm and light' (iii. 1; v. 11, 12); the +'sun who at his rising extinguished all the lesser stars' (iii. +1044). He is to be ranked even as a God on account of his +great services to man, in teaching him the mastery over his +fears and passions:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Deus ille fuit, deus, inclute Memmi<a id="footnotetagxi28" name="footnotetagxi28"></a><a href="#footnotexi28"><sup>28</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He speaks of his master throughout not only with the +affection of a disciple, but with an emotion akin to religious +ecstasy<a id="footnotetagxi29" name="footnotetagxi29"></a><a href="#footnotexi29"><sup>29</sup></a>. His admiration for him springs from a deeper +source of spiritual sentiment than that of Ennius for Scipio, or +of Virgil for Augustus. Though Epicurus inspired much +affection in his lifetime, and though other great writers after +Lucretius,—such as Seneca, Juvenal, and Lucian,—vindicate +his name from the dishonour which the perversion of his +doctrines brought upon it, yet even the most favourable +criticism of his life and teaching must find it difficult to +sympathise with the idolatry of Lucretius. Yet his error, if it +be one, springs from a generous source. He attributes his own +imaginative interest in Nature to a philosopher who examined +the phenomena of the outward world merely to find a basis for +the destruction of all religious belief. He saturates with his +own deep human feeling a moral system which professes to +secure human happiness by emptying life of its most sacred +associations, most passionate longings, and profoundest +affections.</p> + +<p>There was a truer affinity of nature between Lucretius and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page300" id="page300"></a>[page 300]</span> +another philosopher whom he names with the warmest feelings +of love and veneration—Empedocles of Agrigentum—the most +famous of the early physiological poets of Greece. He +flourished during the fifth century <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and was the author of +a didactic poem on Nature, of which some fragments still +remain, sufficient to indicate the nature of the work and the +character of the man. These fragments prove that Lucretius +had carefully studied the older poem, and adopted it as his +model in using a poetical form and diction to expound his +philosophical system. He declares, indeed, his opposition to +the doctrine of Empedocles, which traced the origin of all +things to four original elements; but he adopted into his own +system many both of his expressions and of his philosophical +ideas. The line in which the Roman poet enunciates his first +principle,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nullam rem e nilo gigni divinitus unquam,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>was obviously taken from the lines of the old poem +<ins title="Greek: peri physeôs">περὶ φύσεως</ins>—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: ek tou gar mê eontos amêchanon esti genesthai"> +ἐκ τοῦ γὰρ μὴ ἐόντος +ἀμήχανόν ἐστι γενέσθαι</ins></p> +<p><ins title="Greek: to t' eon exollysthai anênyston kai aprêkton"> +τό τ' ἐὸν ἐξόλλυσθαι +ἀνήνυστον καὶ ἄπρηκτον</ins>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Speaking of Sicily as a rich and wonderful land, Lucretius +pays his tribute of love and admiration to his illustrious +predecessor in these lines,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nil tamen hoc habuisse viro praeclarius in se</p> +<p>Nec sanctum magis et mirum carumque videtur.</p> +<p>Carmina quin etiam divini pectoris eius</p> +<p>Vociferantur et exponunt praeclara reperta,</p> +<p>Ut vix humana videatur stirpe creatus<a id="footnotetagxi30" name="footnotetagxi30"></a><a href="#footnotexi30"><sup>30</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is a close agreement between the two poetical philosophers +in their imaginative mode of conceiving Nature. They +both represented the principle of beauty and life in the +universe under the symbol of the Goddess of Love—'<ins title="Greek: Kypri basileia">Κύπρι +βασίλεια</ins>'; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page301" id="page301"></a>[page 301]</span> +'alma Venus, genetrix.' They both explain the +unceasing process of decay and renovation in the world by an +image drawn from the most impressive spectacle of human life—a +mighty battle, waged through all time between opposing +forces. The burden and the mystery of life seem to weigh +heavily on both, and to mould their very language to a deep, +monotonous solemnity of tone. But along with this affinity of +temperament there is also a marked difference in their modes +of thought and feeling. The view of Nature in the philosophy of +Empedocles appears to be just emerging out of the anthropomorphic +fancies of an earlier time: the first rays of knowledge +are seen trying to pierce through the clouds of the dawn of +enquiry: the dreams and sorrows of religious mysticism +accompany the awakened energies of the reason. His mournful +tone is the voice of the intellectual spirit lamenting its former +home, and baffled in its eager desire to comprehend 'the +whole.' Lucretius, on the other hand, saw the outward world +as it looks in the light of day, neither glorified by the mystic +colours of religion, nor concealed by the shadows of mythology. +He was moved neither by the passionate longing of the soul, +nor by the 'divine despair' of the intellect: but he felt profoundly +the sorrows of the heart, and was weighed down by the +ever-present consciousness of the misery and wretchedness in +the world. The complaint of the first is one which has been +uttered from time to time by some solitary thinker in modern +as in ancient days:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: pauron de zôês abiou meros athrêsantes"> +παῦρον δὲ ζωῆς ἀβίου +μέρος ἀθρήσαντες</ins></p> +<p><ins title="Greek: hôkymoroi, kapnoio dikên arthentes apeptan"> +ὡκύμοροι, καπνοῖο δίκην +ἀρθέντες ἀπέπταν</ins>,</p> +<p><ins title="Greek: auto monon peisthentes, hotô prosekursen hekastos"> +αὐτὸ μόνον πεισθέντες, +ὅτῳ προσέκυρσεν ἕκαστος</ins>,</p> +<p><ins title="Greek: pantos' elaunomenoi; to d' oulon epeuchetai heurein"> +πάντοσ' ἐλαυνόμενοι· τὸ δ' +οὖλον ἐπεύχεται εὑρεῖν</ins></p> +<p><ins title="Greek: autôs. out' epiderkta tad' andrasin out' epakousta"> +αὔτως. οὔτ' ἐπιδερκτὰ +τάδ' ἀνδράσιν οὔτ' ἐπάκουστα</ins></p> +<p><ins title="Greek: oute noô perilêpta"> +οὔτε νόῳ περιληπτά</ins><a id="footnotetagxi31" name="footnotetagxi31"></a><a href="#footnotexi31"><sup>31</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page302" id="page302"></a>[page 302]</span> + +<p>The other gives a real and expressive utterance to that 'thought +of inexhaustible melancholy,' which has weighed on every +human heart:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18"> Miscetur funere vagor</p> +<p class="i2">Quem pueri tollunt visentis luminis oras:</p> +<p class="i2">Nec nox ulla diem neque noctem aurora secutast</p> +<p class="i2">Quae non audierit mixtos vagitibus aegris</p> +<p class="i2">Ploratus mortis comites et funeris atri<a id="footnotetagxi32" name="footnotetagxi32"></a><a href="#footnotexi32"><sup>32</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Besides Epicurus and Empedocles Lucretius mentions +Democritus and Anaxagoras, and speaks even of those whom +he confutes as 'making many happy discoveries by divine +inspiration,' and as 'uttering their responses from the shrine of +their own hearts with more holiness and truth than the Pythia +from the tripod and laurel of Apollo.' The reverence which +other men felt in presence of the ceremonies of religion he feels +in presence of the majesty of Nature; and to the interpreters +of her meaning he ascribes the holiness claimed by the +ministers of religion. Thus, to a doctrine of Democritus +he applies the words 'sancta viri sententia.' The divinest +faculty in man is that by which truth is discovered. The +highest office of poetry is to clothe the discoveries of thought +with the charm of graceful expression and musical verse<a id="footnotetagxi33" name="footnotetagxi33"></a><a href="#footnotexi33"><sup>33</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>Of other Greek authors, Homer and Euripides are those of +whom we find most traces in the poem. To the first he awards +a high pre-eminence above all other poets,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Adde repertores doctrinarum atque leporum,</p> +<p>Adde Heliconiadum comites; quorum unus Homerus</p> +<p>Sceptra potitus eadem aliis sopitu' quietest<a id="footnotetagxi34" name="footnotetagxi34"></a><a href="#footnotexi34"><sup>34</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The passages in which Lucretius imitates him show how +clearly he recognised his exact vision of outward things, and +his true appreciation of the moral strength and dignity of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page303" id="page303"></a>[page 303]</span> +man. The frequent imitations of Euripides<a id="footnotetagxi35" name="footnotetagxi35"></a><a href="#footnotexi35"><sup>35</sup></a> show that while +he felt the spell of his pathos, he was also attracted by the +poetic mould into which the tragic poet has cast the physical +speculations of Anaxagoras. Allusion is made in tones of +indifference or disparagement to other poets of Greece, as +having, in common with the painters of former times, given +shape and substance to the superstitious fancies of mankind. +It is characteristic of his powerful and independent genius, +that, unlike the younger poets of his generation, he adheres to +the older writers of the great days of Greece, and acknowledges +no debt to the Alexandrine School. Although amply furnished +with the knowledge necessary for the performance of his task, +he is a poet of original genius much more than of learning and +culture: and he is thus more drawn to those who acted on +him by a kindred power, than to those who might have +served him as models of poetic form or repertories of poetic +illustration. The strength of his understanding attracted him +to some of the great prose-writers of Greece, by whom that +quality is most conspicuously displayed; notably to Thucydides, +whom he has closely followed in his account of the +'Plague at Athens,' and, as has been shown by Mr. Munro, to +Hippocrates. The kind of attraction which the last of these +has for him confirms the criticism of Goethe, that Lucretius +shows the observing faculty of a physician, as well as of a poet.</p> + +<p>The diction and rhythm of the poem, as well as the more +direct tribute of personal acknowledgment<a id="footnotetagxi36" name="footnotetagxi36"></a><a href="#footnotexi36"><sup>36</sup></a>, prove that he +was an admiring student of his own countryman Ennius, to +whom in some qualities of his temperament and genius he +bore a certain resemblance. Many lines, phrases, and archaic +words in Lucretius, such as—</p> + +<div class="poem" style="line-height: 180%;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i12"> Per gentis Italas hominum quae clara clueret,—</p> +<p class="i12"> Lumina sis oculis etiam bonus Ancu' reliquit,—</p> +<p class="i12"> inde super terras fluit agmine dulci,—</p> +</div> </div> +<p class="ind1" style="line-height: 180%;">multa munita virum vi; caerula caeli Templa; Acherusia templa; luminis +oras; famul infimus; induperator; Graius homo, etc.—</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page304" id="page304"></a>[page 304]</span> + +<p>have a clear ring of the old poet. The few allusions to Roman +history in the poem, as, for instance, the line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Scipiadas, belli fulmen, Carthaginis horror,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the specification at iii. 833 of the second Punic War as +a momentous crisis in human affairs,—the description at +v. 1226 of a great naval disaster, such as happened in the first +Punic War—the introduction there of elephants into the +picture of the pomp and circumstance of war,—suggest the +inference that, just as events and personages of the earlier +history of England live in the imaginations of many English +readers from their representation in the historical plays of +Shakspeare, so the past history of his country lived for +Lucretius in the representation of Ennius. But of the national +pride by which the older poet was animated, the work of +Lucretius bears only scanty traces. The feeling which moved +him to identify the puissant energy pervading the universe +with 'the mother of the Aeneadae,' and the motive of his +prayer for peace addressed to that Power,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam neque nos agere hoc patriai tempore iniquo,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>seem indeed to spring from sources of patriotic affection, +perhaps all the deeper because not too loudly proclaimed. +But in the body of the poem his illustrations are taken as +frequently from Greek as from Roman story, from the strangeness +of foreign lands as from the beauty of Italian scenes. +The Georgics of Virgil, in the whole conception of Nature +as a living power, and in many special features, owe much to +the imaginative thought of Lucretius; but nothing can be more +unlike the spirit of the older poet than the episodes in which +Virgil pours forth all his Roman feeling and his love of Italy. +The height from which Lucretius contemplates all human +history, as 'a procession of the nations handing on the torch of +life from one to another,' is wide apart from that from which +Virgil beholds all the nations of the world doing homage to the +majesty of Rome. The poem of Lucretius breathes the spirit +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page305" id="page305"></a>[page 305]</span> +of a man, apparently indifferent to the ordinary sources of +pleasure and of pride among his countrymen. Living in an +era, the most momentous in its action on the future history of +the world, he was only repelled by its turbulent activity. +The contemplation of the infinite and eternal mass and order +of Nature made the issues of that age and the imperial +greatness of his country appear to him as transient as the +events of the old Trojan and Theban wars. To him, as to the +modern poet, whose imagination most nearly resembles his, the +thought of more enduring things had</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18">'Power to make</p> +<p class="i2">Our noisy years seem moments in the being</p> +<p class="i2">Of the eternal silence.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But while by his silence on the subject of national glory and +his ardent speculative enthusiasm Lucretius seems to be more +of a Greek than of a Roman, yet no Roman writer possessed +in larger measure the moral temper of the great Republic. +He is a truer type of the strong character and commanding +genius of his country than Virgil or Horace. He has the +Roman conquering energy, the Roman reverence for the +majesty of law, the Roman gift for introducing order into a +confused world, the Roman power of impressing his authority +on the minds of men. In his fortitude, his superiority to +human weakness, his seriousness of spirit, his dignity of +bearing, he seems to embody the great Roman qualities +'constantia' and 'gravitas.' If in the force and sincerity of +his own nature he reminds us of the earliest Roman writer of +genius, in these last qualities, the acquired and inherited +virtues of his race, he reminds us of the last representative +writer, whose tone is worthy of the 'Senatus populusque +Romanus.' But Lucretius is much more than a type of the +strong Roman qualities. He combines a poetic freshness of +feeling, a love of simple living, an independence of the world, +with a tenderness and breadth of sympathy, and a power of +sounding into the depths of human sorrow, such as only +a very few among the ancients—Homer, Sophocles, Virgil,—and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page306" id="page306"></a>[page 306]</span> +not many among the poets or thinkers of the modern +world have displayed. In no quality does he rise further +above the standard of his age than in his absolute sincerity and +his unswerving devotion to truth<a id="footnotetagxi37" name="footnotetagxi37"></a><a href="#footnotexi37"><sup>37</sup></a>. He combines in himself +some of the rarest elements in the Greek and the Roman +temperament,—the Greek ardour of speculation, the Roman's +firm hold on reality. A poet of the age of Julius Caesar, he is +animated by the spirit of an early Greek enquirer. He unites +the speculative passion of the dawn of ancient science with the +minute observation of its meridian; and he applies the +imaginative conceptions formed in the first application of +abstract thought to the universe to interpret the living beauty +of the world.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotexi1" name="footnotexi1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi1"><sup>1</sup></a> According to Mommsen's +opinion that Julius Caesar was born in 102 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi2" name="footnotexi2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi2"><sup>2</sup></a> Woltier in Phil. Jahrb. cxxix, +referred to in Schmidt's Catullus, attempts +to show by an examination of the dates assigned for the birth of Lucretius, that +he was born in 97 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> and died in 53 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> But the most definite statement +we have is that he died on the day in which Virgil assumed the <i>toga virilis</i>, +and that was in the second consulship of Pompey and Crassus, i.e. 55 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> +Besides both tradition and internal evidence lead to the conclusion that his +poem was not given to the world till after his death, and it certainly had +been read by both the Ciceros early in 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> F. Marx in the Rheinisches +Museum, 'de aetate Lucretii,' holds that he was born in 97 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and died +in his 42nd year, <span class="sc">b.c.</span> 55. He makes a more important contribution to the +controversy in the remark 'acceptissima vero Enniana Lucretii poesis fuisse +putanda est Ciceroni.' Whether Lucretius died in his 44th or 42nd year +cannot be of much consequence to anybody; and, in the general uncertainty +of Jerome's dates, it seems impossible to determine it one way or other.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi3" name="footnotexi3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi3"><sup>3</sup></a> Professor Wallace in his interesting +account of 'Epicureanism' writes, +in reference to the way in which Epicurus himself was regarded in a later +age, 'And the maladies of Epicurus are treated as an anticipatory judgment +of Heaven upon him for his alleged impieties.'—Epicureanism, p. 46.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi4" name="footnotexi4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi4"><sup>4</sup></a> This consideration is +urged by De Quincey in one of his essays.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi5" name="footnotexi5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi5"><sup>5</sup></a> iii. 1039, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi6" name="footnotexi6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi6"><sup>6</sup></a> iv. 33-38:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Atque eadem nobis vigilantibus obvia mentes</p> +<p class="i6">Terrificant atque in somnis, cum saepe figuras</p> +<p class="i6">Contuimur miras simulacraque luce carentum,</p> +<p class="i6">Quae nos horrifice languentis saepe sopore</p> +<p class="i6">Excierunt, ne forte animas Acherunte reamur</p> +<p class="i6">Effugere aut umbras inter vivos volitare.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi7" name="footnotexi7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi7"><sup>7</sup></a> An article in the Fortnightly Review +of September, 1878, on +'Hallucination of the Senses,' suggests a possible explanation of the mental condition +of Lucretius, during the composition of some part of his work. The writer +speaks of the power of calling these hallucinations up as being quite +consistent with perfect sanity of mind, but as sometimes inducing madness. +He goes on, 'Or, if the person does not go out of his mind, he may be so +distressed by the persistence of the apparition which he has created, as to +fall into melancholy and despair, and even to commit suicide.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi8" name="footnotexi8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi8"><sup>8</sup></a> The theory of Lachmann and +others that Q. Cicero was the editor may +possibly be true. He dabbled in poetry himself, and he was more nearly of +the same age as Lucretius, and thus perhaps more likely to have been a +friend of his. The fact that Cicero's remark is in answer to one of his might +suggest the opinion that the poem had been read by him before it became +known to the older brother, and perhaps been sent by him to Cicero. +But if Q. Cicero was the editor, Jerome must here also have copied +his authorities carelessly. In the time of Jerome the familiar name of +Cicero must have been understood as applying to the great orator and +philosophic writer, not to his comparatively obscure brother. The only +certain inference which can be drawn from this mention of the poem is that +it had been read, shortly after its appearance, in the beginning of the year +54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, by both brothers. Yet the consideration of the whole case does not +lead to the rejection of the statement that M. Cicero was the editor as +incredible, or even as highly improbable. If it was he, he must have performed +his task very perfunctorily. Possibly, as Mr. Munro suggests, all +that he may have been asked to do was to introduce the work to the public +by the use of his name. The actual revision and arrangement of the poem +may have been made by one of the 'librarii' of Atticus.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi9" name="footnotexi9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi9"><sup>9</sup></a> E.g. Tusc. Disp. i. 21, +especially the sentence—'Quae quidem cogitans +soleo saepe admirari non nullorum insolentiam philosophorum qui naturae +cognitionem admirantur, eiusque inventori et principi gratias exultantes +agunt eumque venerantur ut deum.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi10" name="footnotexi10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi10"><sup>10</sup></a> The use of <i>tamen</i> in the +sense of 'all the same' is not uncommon in +the colloquial language of Terence, which the language of Cicero's familiar +letters closely resembles.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi11" name="footnotexi11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi11"><sup>11</sup></a> At that time he would be +about forty-one years of age—the same age +as Lucretius, if, as is most probable, he was born in 99 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi12" name="footnotexi12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi12"><sup>12</sup></a> i. 643-4; cf. +<ins title="Greek: oute hôs logographoi xunethesan epi to prosagôgoteron tê akroasei ê alêthesteron"> +οὔτε ὡς λογογράφοι +ξυνέθεσαν ἐπὶ τὸ +προσαγωγότερον +τῇ ἀκροάσει ἢ ἀληθέστερον</ins>.—Thuc. i. 21.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi13" name="footnotexi13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi13"><sup>13</sup></a> The lines (v. 999)—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">At non multa virum sub signis milia ducta</p> +<p class="i6">Una dies dabat exitio, etc.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +might well be a reminiscence of the great massacre at the Colline gate.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi14" name="footnotexi14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi14"><sup>14</sup></a> Cp. Munro, Note II, p. 413. +Third Edition.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi15" name="footnotexi15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi15"><sup>15</sup></a> 'Si jam violentior aliqua in re +C. Caesar fuisset, si eum magnitudo contentionis, +studium gloriae, praestans animus, excellens nobilitas aliquo impulisset.'—In +Vatinium 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi16" name="footnotexi16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi16"><sup>16</sup></a> iv. 973, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi17" name="footnotexi17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi17"><sup>17</sup></a> iv. 75, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi18" name="footnotexi18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi18"><sup>18</sup></a> ii. 24, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi19" name="footnotexi19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi19"><sup>19</sup></a> In places where he is not drawing +from his own observation, he uses such expressions as <i>memorant</i>; e.g. iii. 642.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi20" name="footnotexi20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi20"><sup>20</sup></a> E.g. iv. 353, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi21" name="footnotexi21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi21"><sup>21</sup></a> E.g.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Ardua dum metuunt amittunt vera viai,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +and</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Avia Pieridum peragro loca.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi22" name="footnotexi22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi22"><sup>22</sup></a> Obermann, by M. Arnold.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi23" name="footnotexi23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi23"><sup>23</sup></a> i. 935-50.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi24" name="footnotexi24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi24"><sup>24</sup></a> 'And can discourse much on the +combination of things, and enquire +moreover, what are their own first elements.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi25" name="footnotexi25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi25"><sup>25</sup></a> 'While I seem ever to be plying +this task earnestly, to be enquiring into +Nature, and explaining my discoveries in writings in my native tongue.' +This is one of those passages which seem to indicate an unhealthy overstrain +which may have been the precursor of the final disturbance of 'his +power to shape.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi26" name="footnotexi26"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi26"><sup>26</sup></a> Cp. Munro's notes on +the passages where these expressions occur.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi27" name="footnotexi27"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi27"><sup>27</sup></a> E.g. ii. 77, etc. +Augescunt aliae gentes, etc., suggested by a passage in the Laws:— +<ins title="Greek: gennôntas te kai ektrephontas paidas, kathaper lampada ton bion paradidontas allois ex allôn"> +γεννῶντάς τε καὶ ἐκτρέφοντας +παῖδας, καθάπερ λαμπάδα +τὸν βίον παραδιδόντας +ἄλλοις ἐξ ἄλλων</ins> —and the lines which recur several times, etc. +'Nam veluti pueri trepidant,' which Mr. Munro aptly compares with the words in the Phaedo (77), +<ins title="Greek: isôs eni tis kai en hêmin pais, hostis ta toiauta phobeitai."> +ἴσως ἔνι τις καὶ ἐν ἡμῖν +παῖς, ὅστις τὰ τοιαῦτα +φοβεῖται</ins>. </p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi28" name="footnotexi28"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi28"><sup>28</sup></a> v. 8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi29" name="footnotexi29"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi29"><sup>29</sup></a> Cf.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">His ibi me rebus quaedam divina voluptas</p> +<p class="i6">Percipit adque horror.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi30" name="footnotexi30"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi30"><sup>30</sup></a> 'But nought greater than this man +does it seem to have possessed, nor +aught more holy, more wonderful, or more beloved. Yea, too, strains of +divine genius proclaim aloud and make known his great discoveries, so that +he seems scarcely to be of mortal race.'—i. 729-33.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi31" name="footnotexi31"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi31"><sup>31</sup></a> 'When they have gazed for a few +years of a life that is indeed no life, +speedily fulfilling their doom, they vanish away like a smoke, convinced of +that only which each hath met in his own experience, as they were buffeted +about to and fro. Vainly doth each boast to have discovered the whole. +The eye cannot behold it, nor the ear hear it, nor the mind of man comprehend it.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi32" name="footnotexi32"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi32"><sup>32</sup></a> 'With death there is ever blending +the wail of infants newly born into +the light. And no night hath ever followed day, no morning dawned +on night, but hath heard the mingled sounds of feeble infant wailings +and of lamentations that follow the dead and black funeral train.'—ii. 576-80.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi33" name="footnotexi33"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi33"><sup>33</sup></a> i. 943-50.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi34" name="footnotexi34"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi34"><sup>34</sup></a> iii. 1036-38.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi35" name="footnotexi35"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi35"><sup>35</sup></a> Cf. notes ii. of Mr. Munro's edition.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexi36" name="footnotexi36"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi36"><sup>36</sup></a> i. 117, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnotexi37" name="footnotexi37"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxi37"><sup>37</sup></a> Mr. Froude, in his 'Julius Caesar,' +says, 'The age was saturated with +cant.' Perhaps, to that condition of the age we, in part, owe one of the +sincerest protests against cant, and unreality of every kind, ever written. +Both speculatively and practically Cicero appears at a great disadvantage +when compared with Lucretius in these respects.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page307" id="page307"></a>[page 307]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER XII.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">The Philosophy of Lucretius.</span></h3> + +<p>The peculiarity of the poem of Lucretius, that which makes +it unique in literature, is the fact that it is a long sustained +argument in verse. The prosaic title of the poem, 'De rerum +natura,'—a translation of the Greek +<ins title="Greek: peri physeôs"> +περὶ φύσεως</ins>,—indicates +that the method of exposition was adopted, not primarily with +the view of affecting the imagination, but with that of +communicating truth in a reasoned system. In the lines, +in which the poet most confidently asserts his genius, he professes +to fulfil the three distinct offices of a philosophical +teacher, a moral reformer, and a poet,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Primum quod magnis doceo de rebus et artis</p> +<p>Religionum animum nodis exsolvere pergo,</p> +<p>Deinde quod obscura de re tam lucida pango</p> +<p>Carmina, musaeo contingens cuncta lepore<a id="footnotetagxii1" name="footnotetagxii1"></a><a href="#footnotexii1"><sup>1</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>We have, accordingly, to examine the poem in three different +aspects:—</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>I. as the exposition of a system of speculative philosophy.</p> + +<p>II. as an attempt to emancipate and reform human life.</p> + +<p>III. as a work of poetical art and genius.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>But these three aspects, though they may be considered +separately, are not really independent of one another. The +speculative ideas on which the system of philosophy is +ultimately based impart confidence and elevation to the moral +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page308" id="page308"></a>[page 308]</span> +teaching, and new meaning and imaginative grandeur to the +interpretation of Nature and of human life, on which the +permanent value of the poem depends. Thus, although the +philosophical argument, which forms as it were the skeleton of +the work, is in many places barren and uninteresting, yet it is +necessary to master it before we can form a true estimate of the +personality of the poet, of the main passion and labour of his +life, of the full meaning of his thought, and the full compass of +his poetic genius. Moreover, the study of the argument +is interesting on its own account. In no other work are the +strength and the weakness of ancient physical philosophy so +apparent. If the poem of Lucretius adds nothing to the +knowledge of scientific facts, it throws a powerful light on one +phase of the ancient mind. It is a witness of the eager +imagination and of the searching thought of that early time, +which endeavoured, by the force of individual thinkers and +the intuitions of genius, to solve a problem which is perhaps +beyond the reach of the human faculties, and to explain, at a +single glance, secrets of Nature which have only slowly been +revealed to the patient labours and combined investigations of +many generations of enquirers.</p> + +<h4>I.—<span class="sc">Examination of the Argument.</span></h4> + +<p><span class="ind1b"><b>I.</b> The philosophical system</span> expounded in the poem is the +atomic theory of Democritus<a id="footnotetagxii2" name="footnotetagxii2"></a><a href="#footnotexii2"><sup>2</sup></a>, in the form in which it was +accepted by Epicurus, and made the basis of his moral +and religious doctrines. Lucretius lays no claim to original +discovery as a philosopher: he professes only to explain, in his +native language, 'Graiorum obscura reperta.' His originality +consists, not in any expansion or modification of the Epicurean +doctrine, but in the new life which he has imparted to its +exposition, and in the poetical power with which he has applied +it to reveal the secret of the life of Nature and of man's +true position in the world. After enunciating the first +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page309" id="page309"></a>[page 309]</span> +principles of the atomic philosophy, he discusses in the last +four books of the poem some special applications of that +doctrine, which formed part of the physical system of Epicurus. +But the extent to which he carries these discussions is limited +by the practical purpose which he has in view. The impelling +motive of all his labour is the impulse to purify human life, +and, especially, to emancipate it from the terrors of superstition. +The source of these terrors is traced to the general +ignorance of certain facts in Nature,—ignorance, namely, +of the constitution and condition of our souls and bodies, +of the means by which the world came into existence and is +still maintained, and lastly, of the causes of many natural +phenomena, which are attributed to the direct agency of +the gods. With the view of establishing knowledge in the +room of ignorance on these questions, it is necessary, in the +first place, to give a full account of the original principles of +being: and to this enquiry the two first books of the poem are +devoted. Had his purpose been merely speculative, the +subject of the fifth book,—viz. the origin of the world, of life, +and of human society,—would naturally have been treated +immediately after the exposition of these first principles. +But the order of treatment is determined by the immediate +object of attacking the chief stronghold of superstition: and, +accordingly, the third and fourth books contain an examination +of the nature of the soul, a proof of its non-existence after +death, and an explanation of the origin of the belief in +a future state. In the fifth and sixth books an attempt is made +to show that the creation and preservation of the world, +the origin and progress of human society, and the phenomena +of thunder, tempests, volcanoes, and the like, are the results +of natural laws, without Divine intervention. Although he +sometimes carries his argument into greater detail than is +necessary for his purpose, and addresses himself to the +reform of other evils to which the human heart is liable, +yet his whole treatment of his subject is determined by +the thought of the irreconcilable opposition between the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page310" id="page310"></a>[page 310]</span> +truths of Nature and the falsehood of the ancient religions. +The key-note to the argument is contained in the lines, which +recur as a kind of prelude to the successive stages on which it +enters, in the first, second, third, and sixth books:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hunc igitur terrorem animi tenebrasque necessest</p> +<p>Non radii solis neque lucida tela diei</p> +<p>Discutiant, sed naturae species ratioque<a id="footnotetagxii3" name="footnotetagxii3"></a><a href="#footnotexii3"><sup>3</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The action of the poem might be described as the gradual +defeat of the ancient dominion of superstition by the new +knowledge of Nature. This meaning seems to be symbolised +in its magnificent introduction, where the genial, all-pervading +Power—the source of order, beauty, and delight in the world +and in the heart of man,—and the grim phantom of superstition—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the cause of ignorance, degradation, and misery,—are vividly +personified and presented in close contrast with one another. +The thought, thus symbolised, pervades the poem. The +processes of Nature are explained not chiefly for the purpose +of satisfying the love of knowledge (although this end is +incidentally attained), but as the means of establishing light +in the room of darkness, peace in the room of terror, faith in +the laws and the facts of the universe in the room of a base +dependence on capricious and tyrannical Powers.</p> + +<p>What then was this philosophy which supplied to Lucretius +an answer to the perplexities of existence? The object contemplated +by all the early systems of ontology was the discovery +of the original substance or substances out of which +all existing things were created, and which alone remained +permanent amid the changing aspects of the visible world. +Various systems, of a semi-physical, semi-metaphysical character, +were founded on the answers given by the earliest enquirers +to this question. In the first book of the poem several of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page311" id="page311"></a>[page 311]</span> +these theories are discussed. Lucretius, following Epicurus, +adopts the answer given by Democritus to this question, that +the original substances were the 'atoms and the void'— +<ins title="Greek: atoma kai kenon"> +ἄτομα καὶ κενόν</ins>. +After the invocation and the address to Memmius, +and the representation of the universal tyranny exercised by +superstition until its power was overcome by Epicurus, and +after a summary of the various topics to be treated in order +to banish this influence from the world, he lays down this +principle as the starting-point of his argument,—that no +existing thing is formed out of nothing by divine agency—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nullam rem e nilo gigni divinitus unquam.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The apprehension of this principle—a principle common to all +the ontological systems of antiquity—is the first step in the +enquiry, as to what are the original substances out of which +all creation comes into being and is maintained. The proof +of this principle is the manifest order and causation recognisable +in the world. If things could arise out of nothing, all +existence would be confused and capricious. The regularity +of Nature subsists—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6"> Materies quia rebus reddita certast</p> +<p class="i2">Gignundis e qua constat quid possit oriri.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The complement of this first principle is the proposition that +nothing is annihilated, but all existences are resolved into +their ultimate elements. As the first is a necessary inference +from the existence of universal order, the second is proved by +the perpetuity of creation and the observed transformation of +things into one another.</p> + +<p>The original substances out of which all things are +produced, and into which they are ultimately resolved, are +found to be certain primordial particles of matter or atoms, +which are called by various names—'materies,' 'genitalia +corpora,' 'semina rerum,' 'corpora prima.' Some of these +names, it may be observed, are expressive not only of their +primordial character, but also of a germinative or productive +power. The objection that these atoms are invisible to our +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page312" id="page312"></a>[page 312]</span> +senses is met by showing that there are many invisible forces +acting in Nature, the effects of which prove that they must be +bodies,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Corporibus caecis igitur natura gerit res.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In addition to bodily substance there must also be vacuum +or space; otherwise there could be no motion in the +universe, and without motion nothing could come into +being. The existence of matter is proved by our senses, +of vacuum by the necessity of there being space for matter +to move in, and also by the varying density of bodies. +But besides body and vacuum there is no other absolute +substance—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ergo praeter inane et corpora tertia per se</p> +<p>Nulla potest rerum in numero natura relinqui<a id="footnotetagxii4" name="footnotetagxii4"></a><a href="#footnotexii4"><sup>4</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>All material bodies are either elemental substances or compounded +out of a union of these substances. The elemental +substances are indestructible and indivisible. This is proved +by the necessities of thought (i. 498, etc.) and of Nature. If +there were no ultimate limit to the divisibility of these +substances, if there were not something immutable underlying +all phenomena, there could be no law or order in the world. +The existence and ultimate constitution of the atoms is thus +enunciated—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sunt igitur solida primordia simplicitate</p> +<p>Quae minimis stipata cohaerent partibus arte,</p> +<p>Non ex illarum conventu conciliata,</p> +<p>Sed magis aeterna pollentia simplicitate,</p> +<p>Unde neque avelli quicquam neque deminui iam</p> +<p>Concedit natura reservans semina rebus<a id="footnotetagxii5" name="footnotetagxii5"></a><a href="#footnotexii5"><sup>5</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>At this stage in the argument, from line 635 to 920 of Book I, +the first principles of other philosophies, and particularly of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page313" id="page313"></a>[page 313]</span> +the systems of Heraclitus, Empedocles, and Anaxagoras, are +discussed at considerable length, and shown to be inconsistent +with the actual appearance of things and with the principles +already established.</p> + +<p>The argument starts anew at line 920, and it is shown that +the atoms must be infinite in number, and space infinite in +extent;—the contrary supposition being both inconceivable +and incompatible with the origin, preservation, and renewal +of all existing things. It is shown also that the existing order +of things has not come into being through design, but by +infinite experiments through infinite time. The doctrine that +all things tend to a centre is denied, and the book concludes +with the imaginative presentation of the thought that, if matter +were not infinite, the whole visible fabric of the world would +perish in a moment, 'and leave not a rack behind.'</p> + +<p>The second book opens with an impressive passage, in +which the security and charm of the contemplative life is +contrasted with the restless anxieties and alarms of the life +of worldly ambition. The argument then proceeds to explain +the process by which these atoms, primordial, indestructible, +and infinite in number, combine together in infinite space, +so as to carry on the birth, growth, and decay of all things. +While the sum of things always remains the same, there is +constant change in all phenomena. This is explicable only +on the supposition of the original elements being in eternal +motion. The atoms are borne through space, either by their +own weight, or by contact with one another, with a rapidity of +motion far beyond that of any visible bodies. All motion is +naturally in a downward direction and in parallel lines, but to +account for the contact of the atoms with one another it must +be supposed that in their movements they make a slight +declension from the straight line at uncertain intervals. This +liability to declension is the sole thing to break the chain of +necessity—'quod fati foedera rumpat.' It is through this +liability in the primal elements that volition in living beings +becomes possible.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page314" id="page314"></a>[page 314]</span> + +<p>As the sum of matter in the universe is constant, so the +motions of the atoms always have been and always will be +the same<a id="footnotetagxii6" name="footnotetagxii6"></a><a href="#footnotexii6"><sup>6</sup></a>. All things are in ceaseless motion, although +they may present to our senses the appearance of perfect +rest.</p> + +<p>It is necessary further to assume the existence of other +properties in the atoms, in order to account for the variety in +Nature, and the individuality of existing things. They have +original differences in form; some are smooth, others round, +others rough, others hooked, &c. These varieties in form are +not infinite, but limited in number.</p> + +<p>As the diversity in the world depends on the diversity of +these forms, the order and regularity of Nature imply that +there is a limit to these varieties. But while they are limited, +the individuals of each kind are infinite, otherwise the primordial +atoms would be finite in number, and there could be +no cohesion among atoms of the same kind, in the vast and +chaotic sea of matter—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Unde ubi qua vi et quo pacto congressa coibunt</p> +<p>Materiae tanto in pelago turbaque aliena<a id="footnotetagxii7" name="footnotetagxii7"></a><a href="#footnotexii7"><sup>7</sup></a>?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The motions which tend to the support and the destruction +of created things are balanced by one another: there must be +an equilibrium in these opposing forces—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sic aequo geritur certamine principiorum</p> +<p>Ex infinito contractum tempore bellum<a id="footnotetagxii8" name="footnotetagxii8"></a><a href="#footnotexii8"><sup>8</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Death and birth succeed one another, as now the vitalising, +now the destructive forces gain the upper hand.</p> + +<p>Further, the great diversity in Nature is to be accounted for +by diversity, not only in the original forms of matter, but also +in their modes of combination. No existing thing is composed +solely of one kind of atoms. The greater the variety of +forces and powers which anything displays, the greater is the +variety of the elements out of which it was originally composed. +Of all visible objects the earth contains the greatest +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page315" id="page315"></a>[page 315]</span> +number of elements; therefore it has justly obtained the name +of the universal mother. There is however a limit to the +modes in which atoms can combine with one another: each +nature appropriates elements suitable to its being and rejects +those unsuitable. All existing things differ from one another +in consequence of the difference in their elements and in their +modes of combination. The different modes of combination +give rise to many of the secondary properties of matter, which +are not in the original elements. Colour, for instance, is not +one of the original properties of atoms: for all colour is +changeable, and all change implies the death of what previously +existed. Moreover, colour depends on light, and +the atoms never come forth into the light. The atoms +are also devoid of heat and cold, of sound, taste, and smell. +All these properties must be kept distinct from the original +elements—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Immortalia si volumus subiungere rebus</p> +<p>Fundamenta quibus nitatur summa salutis;</p> +<p>Ne tibi res redeant ad nilum funditus omnes<a id="footnotetagxii9" name="footnotetagxii9"></a><a href="#footnotexii9"><sup>9</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Further, although they are the origin of all living and +sentient things, the atoms themselves are devoid of sense and +life, otherwise they would be liable to death. All living things +are merely results of the constant changes in the primordial +elements contained in the heavens and the earth. Hence the +heaven is addressed as the father, the earth as the mother, of +all things that have life.</p> + +<p>Finally, from the infinity of space and matter, it may be +inferred that there are infinite other worlds and systems beside +our own. Many elements were added from the infinite universe +to our system before it reached maturity: and many +indications prove that the period of growth is now past, and +that we are living in the old age of the world.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page316" id="page316"></a>[page 316]</span> + +<p>The sum of the first two books, in which the principles of +the atomic philosophy are methodically unfolded and illustrated, +is, accordingly, to this effect:—that all things have +their origin in, and are sustained by, the various combinations +and motions of solid elemental atoms, infinite in number, +various in form, but not infinite in the variety of their forms,—not +perceptible to our senses, and themselves devoid of +sense, of colour, and of all the secondary properties of matter. +These atoms, by virtue of their ultimate conditions, are capable +only of certain combinations with one another. These combinations +have been brought about by perpetual motion, +through infinite space and through all eternity. As the order +of things now existing has come into being, so it must one day +perish. Only the atoms will permanently remain, moving unceasingly +through space, and forming new combinations with +one another.</p> + +<p>These first principles being established, the way is made +clear for the true explanation, according to natural laws, of +those phenomena which give rise to and maintain the terrors +of superstition.</p> + +<p>The third book treats of the nature of the mind, and of the +vital principle. As it is by the fear of death, and of eternal +torment after death, that human life is most disturbed, it +is necessary to explain the nature of the soul, and to show +that it perishes in death along with the body.</p> + +<p>The mind and the vital principle are parts of the man as much +as the hands, feet, or any other members. The mind is the +directing principle, seated in the centre of the breast. The +vital principle is diffused over the whole body, obedient to and +in close sympathy with the mind. The power which the mind +has in moving the body proves its own corporeal nature, as +motion cannot take place without touch, nor touch without +the presence of a bodily substance.</p> + +<p>The soul (including both the mind and vital principle) is, +therefore, material, formed of the finest or minutest atoms, +as is proved by the extreme rapidity of its movement, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page317" id="page317"></a>[page 317]</span> +by the fact that there is nothing lost in appearance or weight +immediately after death:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quod simul atque hominem leti secura quies est</p> +<p>Indepta atque animi natura animaeque recessit,</p> +<p>Nil ibi libatum de toto corpore cernas</p> +<p>Ad speciem, nil ad pondus: mors omnia praestat</p> +<p>Vitalem praeter sensum calidumque vaporem<a id="footnotetagxii10" name="footnotetagxii10"></a><a href="#footnotexii10"><sup>10</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Four distinct elements enter into the composition of the +soul—heat, wind, calm air, and a finer essence 'quasi anima +animai.' The variety of disposition in men and animals depends +on the proportion in which these elements are mixed.</p> + +<p>The soul is the guardian of the body, inseparably united +with it, as the odour is with frankincense; nor can the soul +be disconnected from the body without its own destruction. +This intimate union of soul and body is proved by many facts. +They are born, they grow, and they decay together. The +mind is liable to disease, like the body. Its affections are +often dependent on bodily conditions. The difficulties of +imagining the state of the soul as existing independently of +the body are next urged; and the book concludes with a long +passage of sustained elevation of feeling, in which the folly and +the weakness of fearing death are passionately insisted upon.</p> + +<p>The fourth book, which treats of the images which all +objects cast off from themselves, and, in connexion with that +subject, of the senses generally, and of the passion of love, +is intimately connected with the preceding book. If there +is no life after death, what is the origin of the universal belief +in the existence of the souls of the departed? Images cast off +from the surface of bodies, and borne incessantly through +space without force or feeling, appearing to the living sometimes +in sleep and sometimes in waking visions, have suggested +the belief in the ghosts of the dead, and in many of the portents +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page318" id="page318"></a>[page 318]</span> +of ancient mythology. The rapid formation and motion of +these images and their great number are explained by various +analogies. Some apparent deceptions of the senses are next +mentioned and explained. These deceptions are shown to +be not in the senses, but in our minds not rightly interpreting +their intimations. There is no error in the action of the senses. +They are our 'prima fides'—the foundation of all knowledge +and of all conduct—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Non modo enim ratio ruat omnis, vita quoque ipsa</p> +<p>Concidat extemplo, nisi credere sensibus ausis<a id="footnotetagxii11" name="footnotetagxii11"></a><a href="#footnotexii11"><sup>11</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Images that are too fine to act on the senses sometimes +directly affect the soul itself. Discordant images unite together +in the air, and present the appearance of Centaurs, Scyllas, +and the like. In sleep, images of the dead—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Morte obita quorum tellus amplectitur ossa<a id="footnotetagxii12" name="footnotetagxii12"></a><a href="#footnotexii12"><sup>12</sup></a>,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>appear, and give rise to the belief in the existence of ghosts. +The mind sees in dreams the objects in which it is most +interested, because, although all kinds of images are present, +it can discern only those of which it is expectant.</p> + +<p>Several other questions are discussed in connexion with the +doctrine of the 'simulacra.' The final cause of the senses and +the appetites is denied, and, by implication, the argument from +design founded on the belief in final causes. The use of +everything is discovered through experience. We do not +receive the sense of sight in order that we may see, but +having got the sense of sight, we use it—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nil ideo quoniam natumst in corpore ut uti</p> +<p>Possemus, sed quod natumst id procreat usum<a id="footnotetagxii13" name="footnotetagxii13"></a><a href="#footnotexii13"><sup>13</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There follows an account of sleep, and of the condition +of the mind during that state; and the book concludes with a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page319" id="page319"></a>[page 319]</span> +physical account of the passion of love, which is dependent +on the action of the simulacra on the mind. Love is shown +also to arise from natural causes, and not to be engendered +by divine influence. The fatal consequences of yielding to +the passion are then enforced with much poetical and satiric +power.</p> + +<p>The object of the fifth book is to explain the formation +of our system—of earth, sea, sky, sun, and moon,—the origin +of life upon the earth, and the advance of human nature from +a savage state to the arts and usages of civilisation. The +purpose of these discussions is to show that all our system +was produced and is maintained by natural agency, that it is +neither itself divine nor created by divine power, and that, +as it has come into existence, so it must one day perish.</p> + +<p>As the parts of our system,—earth, water, air, and heat,—are +perishable, and constantly passing through processes +of decay and renovation, the system must have had a beginning, +and will have an end. There must at last be an +end of the long war between the contending elements.</p> + +<p>The world came into existence as the result not of design, +but of every variety of combination in the elemental atoms +throughout infinite time. Originally all were confused together. +Gradually those that had mutual affinities combined +and separated themselves from the rest. The earthy particles +sank to the centre. The elemental particles of the empyrean +(aether ignifer) formed the 'moenia mundi.' The sun and +moon were formed out of the particles that were neither heavy +enough to combine with the earth, nor light enough to ascend +to the highest heaven. Finally, the liquid particles separated +from the earth and formed the sea. Highest above all is the +empyrean, entirely separated from the storms of the lower air, +and moving round with its stars by its own impetus. The +earth is at rest in the centre of our system, supported by the +air, as our body is by the vital principle. The movements +of the stars and of the sun and moon through the heavens +are next explained; then the origin of vegetable and animal +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page320" id="page320"></a>[page 320]</span> +life on the earth, and the beginning and progress of human +society.</p> + +<p>First plants and trees, afterwards men and animals, were +produced from the earth in the early and vigorous prime of the +world. Many of the animals originally produced afterwards +became extinct. Those only were capable of continuation +which had either some faculty of self-preservation against +others, or were useful to man, and so shared his protection. +The existence of monsters such as Scylla, the Centaurs, the +Chimaera, is shown to be impossible according to the natural +laws of production.</p> + +<p>The earliest condition of man was one of savage vigour and +power of endurance, but liable to danger and destruction from +many causes. The first humanising influence is traced to +domestic union and the affection inspired by children—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Et Venus inminuit viris puerique parentum</p> +<p>Blanditiis facile ingenium fregere superbum<a id="footnotetagxii14" name="footnotetagxii14"></a><a href="#footnotexii14"><sup>14</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The origin of language is next explained, then that of civil +society, of religion, and of the arts,—the general conclusion +being that all progress is the result of natural experience, not +of divine guidance.</p> + +<p>The last source of superstition is our ignorance of the +causes of natural phenomena—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18"> Praesertim rebus in illis</p> +<p class="i2">Quae supera caput aetheriis cernuntur in oris<a id="footnotetagxii15" name="footnotetagxii15"></a><a href="#footnotexii15"><sup>15</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Hence the sixth book is devoted to the explanation of thunderstorms, +tempests, volcanoes, earthquakes, and the like,—phenomena +which are generally attributed to the direct agency +of the gods. The whole work terminates with an account +of the Plague at Athens, closely following that given by +Thucydides.</p> + +<p>The first question which arises after a review of the whole +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page321" id="page321"></a>[page 321]</span> +argument is that suggested by the statement of Jerome, and +brought into prominence since the publication of Lachmann's +edition of Lucretius, viz. whether there is good reason for +believing that the poem was left by the author in an unfinished +state. In answering this question, it is to be observed, on the +one hand, that there is no incompleteness in the fulfilment of +the original plan of the work, unless from one or two hints<a id="footnotetagxii16" name="footnotetagxii16"></a><a href="#footnotexii16"><sup>16</sup></a> we +conclude that the poet intended giving a fuller account of the +blessed state of the Gods than that given at iii. 17-24. He +announces at i. 54, etc., and again at i. 127, etc., the design of +the poem as embracing the first principles of natural philosophy, +and the application of these principles to certain special subjects, +viz. the nature of soul and body, the origin of the belief +in ghosts, the natural causes of creation, and the meaning of +certain celestial phenomena.</p> + +<p>The practical purpose of the poem—the overthrow of +superstition—limits the argument to these subjects of discussion. +They are severally mentioned where the argument is +resumed in Books iii, iv, v, and vi, as those matters which require +a clear explanation from the poet. All the topics enunciated +in the opening statement are discussed with the utmost fulness. +The great strongholds of superstition are attacked and overthrown +in regular succession. In the introduction to the sixth +book, the lines (91-95)</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tu mihi supremae praescribta ad candida calcis, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>clearly show that the poet considered himself approaching the +end of his task.</p> + +<p>But, on the other hand, an examination of the poem in +detail leads to the conclusion that it did not receive its author's +final touch. The continuity of the argument is occasionally +broken in all the books except the first. In the fourth, +fifth, and sixth, especially, these breaks are very frequent, +and there are more frequent instances in them of repetition +and careless workmanship. They extend also to a greater +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page322" id="page322"></a>[page 322]</span> +length than the earlier books, which would naturally be the +case if they had not received the author's final revision. The +poem throughout gives the impression of great fulness of +matter—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Usque adeo largos haustus e fontibu' magnis</p> +<p>Lingua meo suavis diti de pectore fundet;—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and in the composition of these later books, new suggestions +seem to have been constantly occurring to the poet as new +materials were added to his stores of knowledge: and the first +draft of his argument has not been recast so as to incorporate +and harmonise them with it. The passages containing these +new materials appear to have been fitted into the place which +they now occupy in the work, not always very judiciously, +either by Cicero or some other editor.</p> + +<p>It was also part of the author's design to enunciate his +deepest thoughts on the Gods, on Nature, and on human life +in more highly finished digressions from the main argument. +Such passages are, in general, introduced at the beginning and +the end of the different books. They seem to bring out the +more catholic interest which underlies the special subject of the +poem. Some of these passages are highly finished, and were +evidently fixed by the poet in the places which he designed +them to occupy. Such are, especially, the introductions to the +first, second, and third books, and the concluding passages of +the second and third. But the repetition of a passage of the +first book as the introduction to the fourth, the long break in +the continuity of the introduction to the fifth, the unfinished +style of that to the sixth, and the abrupt and episodical conclusion +to the whole poem (when contrasted with its elaborately +artistic introduction), show that the same cause which marred +the symmetry of his argument deprived it of the finished +execution of a work of art. Yet these books—especially the +fifth—are as rich in poetical feeling and substance as the +earlier ones. The eye and hand of the master are as powerful +as in the first enthusiasm with which he dedicated himself to +his task, but they are less certain in their action. Whether his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page323" id="page323"></a>[page 323]</span> +powers became intermittent owing to the attacks of illness, or +whether his habit was to work roughly in the first instance and +to perfect his work by subsequent revision, which in the case +of his latest labours was prevented by death, must remain +uncertain. It is a noticeable result of the vastness of the tasks +which Roman genius set before itself, that two such works as +the didactic poem of Lucretius and the Aeneid of Virgil were +left unfinished by their authors, and given to the world in a +more or less imperfect condition by other hands.</p> + +<p>The poem, though incomplete in regard to the arrangement +of its materials and artistic finish, presents a full and clear view +of the philosophy accepted and expounded by Lucretius. +What, then, is the intellectual interest and value of the work, +considered as a great argument, in which the plan of Nature is +explained, and the position of man in relation to that plan is +determined? Is it true, as an illustrious modern critic<a id="footnotetagxii17" name="footnotetagxii17"></a><a href="#footnotexii17"><sup>17</sup></a> has +said, that 'the greatest didactic poem in any language was +written in defence of the silliest and meanest of all systems of +natural and moral philosophy'? Is this work a mere maze of +ingeniously woven error, enriched with a few brilliant colours +which have not yet faded with the lapse of time? or is it a +great monument of the ancient mind, marking indeed its +limitations, but at the same time perpetuating the memory of +its native strength and energy? Has all the meaning of this +controversy between science in its infancy and the pagan +mythology in its decrepitude passed away, as from the vantage-ground +of nineteen centuries the blindness and the ignorance +of both combatants are apparent? Or, may we not rather +discern that amid all the confusion of this dim +<ins title="Greek: nyktomachia">νυκτομαχία</ins> a +great cause was at issue; that truths the most vital to human +wellbeing were involved on both sides; and that some +positions were then gained which are not now abandoned?</p> + +<p>In estimating the strength and the weakness of the system +expounded by Lucretius, it is necessary to distinguish between +the exposition of the principles of the atomic philosophy, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page324" id="page324"></a>[page 324]</span> +contained in the first two books, and the explanation of +natural phenomena contained in the remaining books. The +first, notwithstanding some arbitrary and unverifiable assumptions, +represents a real and important stage in the progress of +enquiry; the second, although containing many striking +observations and immediate inferences from the facts and processes +of Nature, is, from the point of view of modern science, +to be regarded mainly, as a curious page in the records of +human error. Whatever may be said of the Epicurean +additions to the system, it seems to be admitted that the +original hypothesis of Democritus has been more pregnant in +results, and has more affinity with the most advanced physical +speculations of modern times, than the doctrines of all the +other philosophers of antiquity. But even amid the mass of +unwarranted assumptions and erroneous explanations contained +in the later books, the topics discussed—such as the relation +of the mind to the body, the mode by which sensible impressions +are conveyed to the mind, the processes by which our +globe assumed its present form, the origin of life, the evolution +of humanity from its lowest to its higher stages of development, +the origin of spiritual beliefs, of the humaner sentiments, of +language, etc.—possess the interest of being kindred to those +on which speculative activity is most employed in the present +day. If the study of Lucretius forces upon our minds the +arbitrary assumptions, the inadequate method, and the false +conclusions of ancient science, it enables us to appreciate the +disinterested greatness of its aims, and the enlightened curiosity +which sought to solve the vastest problems.</p> + +<p>It might be said, generally, that the argument of Lucretius +was an attempt to give a philosophical description of Nature +before the advent of physical science. But, as a means of +throwing light on the inadequacy of such speculations, it may +be well to consider in detail some of those points where the +argument most obviously fails in premises, method, and results.</p> + +<p>The ancient as well as the modern enquirer into the truth of +things was confronted with the question of the origin of all our +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page325" id="page325"></a>[page 325]</span> +knowledge. Is knowledge obtained originally through the +exercise of the reason or the senses, or through their combined +and inseparable action? To this question Lucretius distinctly +answers, that the senses are the foundation of all our knowledge.<a id="footnotetagxii18" name="footnotetagxii18"></a><a href="#footnotexii18"><sup>18</sup></a> +They are our 'prima fides': the basis not only of all +sound inference, but of all human conduct. The very conception +of the meaning of true and false is derived from the +senses:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Invenies primis ab sensibus esse creatam</p> +<p>Notitiam veri neque sensus posse refelli<a id="footnotetagxii19" name="footnotetagxii19"></a><a href="#footnotexii19"><sup>19</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But besides the direct action of outward things on the +senses, he admits the power of certain images to make themselves +immediately present to the mind (iv. 722-822), and also +a certain immediate apprehension or intuition of the mind +(iniectus animi) into things beyond the cognisance of sense<a id="footnotetagxii20" name="footnotetagxii20"></a><a href="#footnotexii20"><sup>20</sup></a>. +Thus there is no actual inconsistency with his principles in +claiming the power of understanding the properties and +configuration of the atoms, which are represented as lying +below the reach of our senses—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Omnis enim longe nostris ab sensibus infra</p> +<p>Primorum natura iacet.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But of the mode of operation of this 'intuition of the mind' +there is no criterion. The doctrine of the properties, shapes, +motions, etc. of the atoms is a creation of the imagination, +suggested by certain analogies from sensible things, but incapable +of being verified by the senses, which he regards as +the only sure foundations of knowledge.</p> + +<p>But even on the supposition that the existence and properties +of the atoms had been satisfactorily established, no adequate +explanation is offered of their relation to the facts of existence. +The same difficulty is encountered at the outset of this as of +all other ancient systems of ontology, viz. how to pass from the +eternal and immutable forms of the atoms to the variety and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page326" id="page326"></a>[page 326]</span> +transitory nature of sensible objects. This is the very difficulty +which Lucretius himself urges against the system of Heraclitus,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam cur tam variae res possint esse requiro,</p> +<p>Ex uno si sunt igni puroque creatae.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The order of Nature now subsisting is declared to be the result +of the manifold combination of the atoms through infinite time +and space, but the intermediate stages by which this process +was effected are assumed rather than investigated. We seem +to pass 'per saltum' from the chaos of lifeless elements to the +perfect order and manifold life of our system. This wide +chasm seems as little capable of being bridged by the help of +the atoms of Democritus, as by the watery element of Thales +or the fiery element of Heraclitus. But in Lucretius this +difficulty is partially concealed, by a poetical element in his +conception, really inconsistent with the mechanical materialism +on which his philosophy professes to be based.—It is to be +observed that while the Greek word +<ins title="Greek: atoma">ἄτομα</ins> implies merely the +notion of individual existences, the words used by Lucretius, +'semina,' 'genitalia corpora,' really indicate a creative capacity +in these existences. In conceiving their power of carrying on +and sustaining the order of Nature, his imagination is thus +aided by the analogy of the growth of plants and living beings. +A secret faculty in the atoms, distinct from their other properties, +is assumed. Thus he says—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>At primordia gignundis in rebus oportet</p> +<p>Naturam clandestinam caecamque adhibere<a id="footnotetagxii21" name="footnotetagxii21"></a><a href="#footnotexii21"><sup>21</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In his statement of the doctrine of the <i>Clinamen</i>, or slight +declension in the motion of the atoms, so as 'to break the +chain of fate,' he attributes to them a power analogous to +volition in living beings. This doctrine is suggested by the +necessity of explaining contingency in Nature and freedom in +the movements of sentient beings. We are, as in all attempts +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page327" id="page327"></a>[page 327]</span> +to account for creation, forced back on the thought of an +ultimate unexplained power in virtue of which things have been +created and are maintained in being.</p> + +<p>The Lucretian hypothesis of the atoms, even if it were +accepted as the most reasonable explanation of the original +constitution of matter, is, by itself, altogether inadequate as a +key to the secret of Nature. It cannot be shown either how +these atoms succeeded in arranging themselves in order, or how +from their negative properties all positive life has been produced. +The explanation of physical phenomena given in the +four last books, as to the nature of our bodies and souls,—as to +the action of outward things on the senses,—the origin and +existence of the sun and moon, the earth and the living beings +upon it, etc., although professedly deduced from the principles +established in the first two books, are really reached independently. +They are either immediate inferences from the +obvious intimations of sense, or they are the suggestions of +analogy.</p> + +<p>The weakness as well as the strength of ancient science lay +in its perception of analogies. The mind of Lucretius was +both under the influence of earlier analogical conceptions, and +also shows great boldness and originality in the logical and +poetical apprehension of 'those same footsteps of Nature, +treading on diverse subjects or matters.' But, in common +with the earlier enquirers of Greece, he trusts too implicitly +to their guidance through all his daring adventure. He seems +to believe that the hidden properties of things are as open to +discovery through this 'lux sublustris' of the imagination, as +through the 'lucida tela' of the reason.</p> + +<p>To take one prominent instance of this influence, it is +remarkable how, in his explanation of our mundane system, +he is both consciously and unconsciously guided by the +analogy of the human body. Even Lucretius, living in the +very meridian of ancient science, cannot in imagination +absolutely emancipate himself from the associations of +mythology. He is indeed conscious of the inconsistency +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page328" id="page328"></a>[page 328]</span> +of attributing life and sense to the earth: yet not only +does he speak poetically of Earth being the creative +mother, Aether the fructifying father of all things, but his +whole conception of the creation of the world is derived +from a supposed likeness between the properties of our terrestrial +and celestial systems, and those of living beings. +Thus we read—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Undique quandoquidem per caulas aetheris omnis</p> +<p>Et quasi per magni circum spiracula mundi</p> +<p>Exitus introitusque elementis redditus extat<a id="footnotetagxii22" name="footnotetagxii22"></a><a href="#footnotexii22"><sup>22</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Of the growth of plants and herbage it is said—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ut pluma atque pili primum saetaeque creantur</p> +<p>Quadripedum membris et corpore pennipotentum,</p> +<p>Sic nova tum tellus herbas virgultaque primum</p> +<p>Sustulit, inde loci mortalia saecla creavit<a id="footnotetagxii23" name="footnotetagxii23"></a><a href="#footnotexii23"><sup>23</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>From v. 535 to 563 the power of the air in supporting the +earth 'in media mundi regione' is compared with the power +which the delicate vital principle has in supporting the human +body. Again, the gathering together of the waters of the sea +is thus represented—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tam magis expressus salsus de corpore sudor</p> +<p>Augebat mare manando camposque natantis<a id="footnotetagxii24" name="footnotetagxii24"></a><a href="#footnotexii24"><sup>24</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>And finally, though it would be easy to multiply such quotations, +the striking account, at the end of the second book, of +the growth and the decay of our world is drawn directly from +the obvious appearances of the growth and decay of the human +body; e.g.—</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page329" id="page329"></a>[page 329]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i20">Quoniam nec venae perpetiuntur</p> +<p class="i2">Quod satis est neque quantum opus est natura ministrat<a id="footnotetagxii25" name="footnotetagxii25"></a><a href="#footnotexii25"><sup>25</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>As a necessary result of a system of natural philosophy +based on assumptions, largely illustrated indeed, but not +corroborated by the observation of phenomena, with no +verification of experiment or ascertainment of special laws, +there is throughout the poem the utmost hardihood of +assertion and inference on many points, on which modern +science clearly proves this system to have been as much in +error as it was possible to be. It is strange to note how +inadequate an idea Lucretius had of the vastness and complexity +of the problem which he professed to solve. He has +no real conception of the progressive advance of knowledge, +and of the necessity of patiently building on humble foundations. +The striking lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Namque alid ex alio clarescet nec tibi caeca</p> +<p>Nox iter eripiet quin ultima naturai</p> +<p>Pervideas: ita res accendent lumina rebus<a id="footnotetagxii26" name="footnotetagxii26"></a><a href="#footnotexii26"><sup>26</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>look rather like an unconscious prophecy of the future progress +of science than an account of the process of enquiry exhibited +in the book.</p> + +<p>A few out of many erroneous assertions about physical facts, +in regard to some of which the opinions of Lucretius are +behind the science even of his own time, may be noticed. +Thus, at i. 1025, the existence of the Antipodes is denied. Again, +in Book iii. the mind is stated to be a material substance, +seated in the centre of the breast, composed of very minute +particles, the relative proportions of which determine the characters +both of men and animals. Lucretius shows a close and +subtle observation of facts that establish the interdependence +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page330" id="page330"></a>[page 330]</span> +of mind and body, but no suspicion of that interdependence +being connected with the functions of the brain and nervous +system. His whole account of the <i>mundus</i>, of the earth at rest +in the centre, and of the rolling vault of heaven, with its sun +and moon and stars—'trembling fires in the vault'—all no +larger than they appear to our eyes, is given without any +notion of the inadequacy of his data to bear out his conclusions. +The science which satisfied Epicurus was on astronomical +and meteorological questions behind that attained +by the mathematicians of Alexandria: and thus some of +the conclusions enunciated by Virgil in the Georgics are +nearer the truth than those accepted by Lucretius. While +enlarging on the variety and subtlety in the combinations of +his imaginary atoms, he has no adequate idea of the variety +and subtlety in the real forces of Nature. His observation of +the outward and visible appearances of things is accurate and +vivid: there is often great ingenuity as well as a true apprehension +of logical conditions in his processes of reasoning both +from ideas and from phenomena: yet most of his conclusions +as to the facts of Nature, which are not immediately perceptible +to the senses, are mere fanciful explanations, indicating, +indeed, a lively curiosity, but no real understanding +of the true conditions of the enquiry. The root of his error +lies in his not feeling how little can be known of the processes +and facts of Nature by ordinary observation, without the +resources of experiment and of scientific method built upon +experiment.</p> + +<p>The weak points of this philosophy, the mistaken aim +and incomplete method of enquiry, the real ignorance of facts +disguised under an appearance of systematic treatment, the +unproductiveness of the results for any practical accession to +man's power over Nature, are quite obvious to any modern +reader, who, without any special study of physical science, +cannot help being familiar with information which is now +universally diffused, but which was beyond the reach of the +most ardent enquirers and original thinkers of antiquity. But +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page331" id="page331"></a>[page 331]</span> +the amount of information possessed by different ages, or by +different men, is no criterion of their relative intellectual +power. The mental force of a strong and adventurous thinker +may be recognised struggling even through these mists of +error. The weakness of the system, interpreted by Lucretius, +is the necessary weakness of the childhood of knowledge. +But along with the weakness and the ignorance there are +also the keen feeling, the clear eye, and the buoyant fancies +of early years,—the germs and the promise of a strong +maturity.</p> + +<p>The full light in which ancient poetry, history, and mental +philosophy can still be read, makes us apt to forget that a +great part even of the intellectual life of antiquity has left +scarcely any record of itself. Of one aspect of this intellectual +life Lucretius is the most complete exponent. The +genius of Plato and Aristotle has been estimated, perhaps, as +justly in modern as in ancient times. But the great intellectual +life of such men as Democritus, Empedocles, or +Anaxagoras, escapes our notice in the more familiar studies of +classical literature. The work of Lucretius reminds us of the +intensity of thought and feeling, the clearness and minuteness +of observation, with which the earliest enquiries into Nature +were carried on. In some respects the general ignorance +of the times enhances our sense of the greatness of individual +philosophers. Each new attempt to understand the +world was an original act of creative power. The intellectual +strength and enthusiasm displayed by the poet himself may be +regarded as some measure of the strength of the masters, who +filled his mind with affection and astonishment.</p> + +<p>The history of the physical science of the ancients cannot, +indeed, be regarded as so interesting or important as that of +their metaphysical philosophy. And this is so, not only +on account of the comparative scantiness of their real acquisitions +in the one as compared with the ideas and method +which they have contributed to the other, and with the masterpieces +which they have added to its literature; but still more +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page332" id="page332"></a>[page 332]</span> +on this account, that in physical knowledge new discovery +supplants the place of previous error or ignorance, and can be +understood without reference to what has been supplanted; +whereas the power and meaning of philosophical ideas is +unintelligible, apart from the knowledge of their origin and +development. The history of physical science in ancient +times affords satisfaction to a natural curiosity, but is not +an indispensable branch of scientific study. The history of +ancient mental philosophy, on the other hand,—the source not +only of most of our metaphysical ideas and terms, but of many +of the most familiar thoughts and words in daily use,—is the +basis of all speculative study. Yet among the various kinds +of interest which this poem has for different classes of modern +readers this is not to be forgotten, that it enables a student of +science to estimate the actual discoveries, and, still more, the +prognostications of discovery attained by the irregular methods +of early enquiry. The school of philosophy to which Lucretius +belonged was distinguished above other schools for the +attention which it gave to the facts of Nature. Though he +himself makes no claim to original discovery, he yet shows a +philosophical grasp of the whole system which he adopted, +and a rigorous study of its details. He does not, like Virgil, +merely reproduce some general results of ancient physics, +to enhance the poetical conception of Nature: as he is +not satisfied with those general results about human life +and the origin of man, which amused a meditative poet +and practical epicurean like Horace. He was a real student +both of the plan of Nature and of man's relation to it. Out of +the stores of his abundant information the modern reader may +best learn not only the errors but also the happy guesses and +pregnant suggestions of ancient science.</p> + +<p>To the general reader there is another aspect, in which it is +interesting to compare these germs of physical knowledge with +some tendencies of scientific enquiry in modern times. The +questions, vitally affecting the position of man in the world, +which are discussed or raised by Lucretius in the course of his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page333" id="page333"></a>[page 333]</span> +argument, are parallel to certain questions which have risen +into prominence in connexion with the increasing study of +Nature. Most conspicuous among these is the relation of +physical enquiry to religious belief. Expressions such as this,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Impia te rationis inire elementa viamque</p> +<p>Indugredi sceleris,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>show that scientific enquiry had to encounter the same +prejudice in ancient as in modern times. The insufficiency +and audacity of human reason were reprobated by the antagonists +of Lucretius as they often are in the present day. +Ancient religion denounced those who investigated the origin +of sun, earth, and sky, as</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Immortalia mortali sermone notantes<a id="footnotetagxii27" name="footnotetagxii27"></a><a href="#footnotexii27"><sup>27</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The views of Lucretius as to the natural origin of life, and the +progressive advance of man from the rudest condition by +the exercise of his senses and accumulated experience,—his +denial of final causes universally, and specially in the human +faculties,—his resolution of our knowledge into the intimations +of sense,—his materialism and consequent denial of immortality,—and +his utilitarianism in morals,—all present +striking parallels to the opinions of one of the great schools of +modern thought. At v. 875 there is a passage concerning the +preservation and destruction of species, originally suggested by +Empedocles,—which shows that the idea of the struggle for +existence and of the survival of those species best fitted for the +conditions of that struggle was familiar to ancient thinkers. It +is there observed that those species alone have escaped +destruction which possess some natural weapon of defence, or +which are useful to man. Of others that could neither live by +themselves nor were maintained by human protection, it is +said—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Scilicet haec aliis praedae lucroque iacebant</p> +<p>Indupedita suis fatalibus omnia vinclis,</p> +<p>Donec ad interitum genus id natura redegit<a id="footnotetagxii28" name="footnotetagxii28"></a><a href="#footnotexii28"><sup>28</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page334" id="page334"></a>[page 334]</span> + +<p>The attempt to trace the origin of all supernatural belief to the +impressions made by dreams, the explanation given of the +first manifestation of the humaner sentiments, of the beginning +of language, and of the whole condition of 'primitive man,' +are in conformity with the teaching of the most popular +exponent of the doctrine of evolution in the present day.</p> + +<p>But altogether apart from the truth and falsehood, the right +and wrong tendencies of his system of philosophy, our feeling +of personal interest in the poet is strengthened by noting +the power of reasoning, observation, and expression put forth +by him through the whole course of his argument. The +pervading characteristic of Lucretius is the 'vivida vis animi.' +The freshness of feeling and vividness of apprehension denoted +by the words,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i16"> Mente vigenti</p> +<p class="i2">Avia Pieridum peragro loca,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>are as remarkable in the processes of his intellect as of his +imagination.</p> + +<p>The passionate intensity of his nature has left its impress on +the enunciation of his physical as well as of his moral +doctrines. He has a thoroughly logical grasp of his subject +as a whole. He shows the capacity of unfolding it and +marshalling all his arguments in symmetrical order, and +of arranging in due subordination vast masses of details. +Vigour in acquiring and tenacity in retaining the knowledge +of facts are combined with a high organising faculty. He has +also, beyond any other Roman writer, a power of analysing +and comprehending abstract ideas, such as that of the infinite, +of space and time, of causation and the like, and of keeping +the consequences involved in these ideas present to his mind +through long-sustained processes of reasoning. He alone +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page335" id="page335"></a>[page 335]</span> +among his countrymen possessed, if not the faculty of original +speculation, the genuine philosophic impulse, and the powers +of mind demanded for abstruse and systematic thinking.</p> + +<p>This vigour of understanding is displayed in many processes +of deductive reasoning, in the power of seizing some general +principle underlying diverse phenomena, in the use of analogies +by which he illustrates the argument and advances from known +to unknown causes and from things within the cognisance of +our senses to those beyond their range, and in the clearness +and variety of his observation.</p> + +<p>His system cannot be called either purely inductive or +purely deductive, though it is more of the former than of the +latter. He argues with great force both from a large and +varied mass of facts to general laws and from general principles +to facts involved in them. The best examples of his power of +following abstract ideas into their consequences may be found +in the first two books, where he establishes the existence of +vacuum, the infinity of space and of the atoms, the limitations +of the form of the atoms and the like. The reasoning at +i. 298-328 where the existence of invisible bodies is established +affords a good instance of his power of recognising a common +principle involved in a great number and variety of phenomena.</p> + +<p>The vigour with which he reasons from known to unknown +facts and causes may be judged most fairly by his arguments +on the progress of society, where he is more on an equality +with modern speculation. He discards, altogether, as might +be expected, the fancies concerning a heroic or a golden age, +and assumes as his data the facts of human nature as observed +in his own day. The grounds from which he starts, his +method of reasoning, and the nature of his conclusions remind +a reader of the positive tendencies of Thucydides, as they are +displayed in the introduction to his history. The importance +of personal qualities, such as beauty, strength, and power of +mind, in the earliest stage of civil society, the influence +of accumulated wealth at a later period, the causes of the +establishment and overthrow of tyrannies and of the rise +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page336" id="page336"></a>[page 336]</span> +of commonwealths in their room, are all set forth with a +degree of strong sense and historical sagacity, such as no +other Roman writer has shown in similar investigations. +The inferiority even of Tacitus in his occasional digressions +into the philosophy of history is very marked. On such topics, +where the data were accessible to the natural faculties of +observation and inference, and where conclusions were sought +which, without aiming at definite certainty, should yet be true +in the main, the reader of Lucretius has no sense of that +wasted ingenuity which he often feels in following the investigations +into some of the primary conditions of the atoms, +the component elements of the soul, the process by which +the world was formed, or the causes of electric or volcanic +phenomena.</p> + +<p>Lucretius makes a copious, and often a very happy use, of +analogies, both in the illustration of his philosophy, and +in passages of the highest poetical power. Some of the +most striking of the former kind have already been noticed +as sources of error, or at least of disguising ignorance, in his +reasoning, viz. those founded on the supposed parallel between +the world and the human body; others again are employed +with force and ingenuity in support of various positions +in his argument. Among these may be mentioned his +comparison of the effect of various combinations of the same +letters in forming different words, with that of the various +combinations of similar atoms in forming different objects in +nature. So too the ceaseless motion of the atoms is brought +visibly before the imagination by the analogy of the motes +dancing in the sunbeam. There is something striking +in the comparison of the human body immediately after +death to wine 'cum Bacchi flos evanuit,' and again, in that of +the relation of body and soul to the relation of frankincense and +its odour—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i12"> E thuris glaebis evellere odorem</p> +<p class="i2">Haud facile est quin intereat natura quoque eius<a id="footnotetagxii29" name="footnotetagxii29"></a><a href="#footnotexii29"><sup>29</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page337" id="page337"></a>[page 337]</span> + +<p>But this faculty of his understanding is in general so united +with the imaginative feeling through which he discerns +the vital identity of the most diverse manifestations of +some common principle, that it can best be illustrated in +connexion with the poetical, as distinct from the logical, merits +of the work.</p> + +<p>So also it is difficult to separate his faculty of clear, exact, +and vivid observation from his poetical perception of the +life and beauty of Nature. His powers of observation were, +however, stimulated and directed by scientific as well as +poetic interest in phenomena. From the wide scope of +his philosophy he was led to examine the greatest variety of +facts, physical as well as moral. His sense of the immensity +of the universe led him to contemplate the largest and widest +operations of Nature,—such as the movements of the heavenly +bodies, the recurrence of the seasons, the forces of great +storms, volcanoes, etc.; while, again, the theory of the +invisible atoms drew his attention to the minutest processes of +Nature, in so far as they can be perceived or inferred without +the appliances of modern science. Thus, for instance, in a +long passage beginning—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Denique fluctifrago suspensae in litore vestes<a id="footnotetagxii30" name="footnotetagxii30"></a><a href="#footnotexii30"><sup>30</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>he shows by an accumulation of instances that there are many +invisible bodies, the existence of which is inferred from +visible effects. In other places he draws attention to the +class of facts which have been the basis of the modern science +of geology,—such as the mark of rivers slowly wearing away +their banks,—of walls on the sea-shore mouldering from +the long-continued effects of the exhalations from the sea,—of +the fall of great rocks from the mountains under the wear and +tear of ages.</p> + +<p>Again, the argument is frequently illustrated by observation +of the habits of various animals. In these passages +Lucretius shows the curiosity of a naturalist, as well as the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page338" id="page338"></a>[page 338]</span> +sympathetic feeling and insight of a poet. How graphic, for +instance, is his description of dogs following up the scent of +their game—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Errant saepe canes itaque et vestigia quaerunt<a id="footnotetagxii31" name="footnotetagxii31"></a><a href="#footnotexii31"><sup>31</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>How happily their characteristics are struck off in the line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>At levisomna canum fido cum pectore corda<a id="footnotetagxii32" name="footnotetagxii32"></a><a href="#footnotexii32"><sup>32</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The various cries and habits of birds are often observed and +described, as—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Et validis cycni torrentibus ex Heliconis</p> +<p>Cum liquidam tollunt lugubri voce querellam<a id="footnotetagxii33" name="footnotetagxii33"></a><a href="#footnotexii33"><sup>33</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and again—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Parvus ut est cycni melior canor ille gruum quam</p> +<p>Clamor in aetheriis dispersus nubibus austri<a id="footnotetagxii34" name="footnotetagxii34"></a><a href="#footnotexii34"><sup>34</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The description of sea-birds,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i20"> Mergique marinis</p> +<p class="i2">Fluctibus in salso victum vitamque petentes<a id="footnotetagxii35" name="footnotetagxii35"></a><a href="#footnotexii35"><sup>35</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>recalls the vivid and natural life of those that haunted the isle +of Calypso—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i22"> <ins title="Greek: tanyglôssoi te korônai"> +τανύγλωσσοί τε κορῶναι</ins></p> +<p class="i2"><ins title="Greek: einaliai têsin te thalassia erga memêlen"> +εἰνάλιαι τῇσίν τε +θαλάσσια ἔργα +μέμηλεν</ins><a id="footnotetagxii36" name="footnotetagxii36"></a><a href="#footnotexii36"><sup>36</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His lively personal observation and active interest in the casual +objects presented to his eyes in the course of his walks are seen +in such passages as—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i18">Cum lubrica serpens</p> +<p class="i2">Exuit in spinis vestem; nam saepe videmus</p> +<p class="i2">Illorum spoliis vepres volitantibus auctas<a id="footnotetagxii37" name="footnotetagxii37"></a><a href="#footnotexii37"><sup>37</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is also much truth and liveliness of observation in +his notices of psychological and physiological facts; as in those +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page339" id="page339"></a>[page 339]</span> +passages where he establishes the connexion between mind +and body, and in his account of the senses. With what a +graphic touch does he paint the outward effects of death<a id="footnotetagxii38" name="footnotetagxii38"></a><a href="#footnotexii38"><sup>38</sup></a>, the +decay of the faculties with age, and the madness that overtakes +the mind—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Adde furorem animi proprium atque oblivia rerum,</p> +<p>Adde quod in nigras lethargi mergitur undas<a id="footnotetagxii39" name="footnotetagxii39"></a><a href="#footnotexii39"><sup>39</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the bodily waste, produced by long-continuous speaking—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Perpetuus sermo nigrai noctis ad umbram</p> +<p>Aurorae perductus ab exoriente nitore<a id="footnotetagxii40" name="footnotetagxii40"></a><a href="#footnotexii40"><sup>40</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the reflex action of the senses, produced by the nervous strain +of witnessing games and spectacles for many days in succession; +the insensibility to the pain of the severest wounds in the +excitement of battle! In his account of the plague of Athens, +in which he enters into much greater detail than Thucydides, +he displays the minute observation of a physician, as well as the +profound thought of a moralist.</p> + +<p>The 'vivida vis' of his understanding is apparent also in the +clearness and consecutiveness of his philosophical style. +His complaint of 'the poverty of his native tongue' is directed +against the capacities of the Latin language for scientific, not +for poetical expression—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nunc et Anaxagorae scrutemur Homoeomerian</p> +<p>Quam Grai memorant nec nostra dicere lingua</p> +<p>Concedit nobis patrii sermonis egestas<a id="footnotetagxii41" name="footnotetagxii41"></a><a href="#footnotexii41"><sup>41</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>That language, which gives admirable expression to the dictates +of common sense and to the dignified emotions which inspire +the conduct of great affairs, is ill adapted both for the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page340" id="page340"></a>[page 340]</span> +expression of abstract ideas and for maintaining a long process +of connected argument. Lucretius has occasionally to meet +the first difficulty by the adoption of Graecisms, and the +second by some sacrifice of artistic elegance. Thus he uses +<i>omne</i> for +<ins title="Greek: to pan">τὸ πᾶν</ins> (II. 1108), <i>esse</i>, again, for +<ins title="Greek: to einai">τὸ εἶναι</ins>, and the like. +Something of a formal and technical character appears in the +links by which his argument is kept together, as in the +constantly recurring use of certain connecting particles, such as +the 'etenim,' 'quippe ubi,' 'quod genus,' 'amplius hoc,' +'huc accedit,' and the like. Virgil has retained some of the +most striking of these connecting formulae, such as 'contemplator +item,' 'nonne vides,' etc.; but, as was natural in a poem +setting forth precepts and not proofs, he uses them much more +sparingly and with more careful selection. As used by +Lucretius, they add to our sense of the vividness of the book, +of the constant personal address of the author, and of his +ardent polemical tone. They also keep the framework of the +argument more compact and distinct: but they bring into +greater prominence the artistic mistake of conducting an +abstract discussion in verse. The very merits of the work +considered as an argument,—its clearness, fullness, and +consecutiveness,—detract from the pleasure which a work +of art naturally produces. But the style cannot be too highly +praised for its logical coherence and lucid illustration. The +meaning of Lucretius can never be mistaken from any ambiguity +in his language. There are difficulties arising from the uncertainty +of the text, difficulties also from our unfamiliarity with +his method and principles, or with the objects he describes, but +none from confusion in his ideas or his reasoning, or from a +vague or unreal use of words.</p> + +<h4>II.—<span class="sc">The Speculative Ideas in Lucretius.</span></h4> + +<p>But it is in his grasp of speculative ideas, and in his +application of them to interpret the living world, that the +greatness of Lucretius as an imaginative thinker is most +apparent. The substantial truth of all the ancient philosophies +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page341" id="page341"></a>[page 341]</span> +lay in the ideas which they attempted to express and embody, +not in the symbols by which these ideas were successively +represented. Lucretius has a place among the few adventurous +thinkers of antiquity who attained to high eminences of +contemplation, which were hidden from the mass of their +contemporaries, and which, in the breadth of view afforded by +them, are not far below the higher levels of our modern +conceptions of Nature and human life. And there came to +him, as to the earlier race of thinkers, that which comes +so rarely to modern enquiry, the fresh and poetical sense +of surprise and keen curiosity, as at the first discovery of a new +country, or the first unfolding of some illimitable prospect.</p> + +<p><span class="ind1b">(1) In the philosophy</span> of Lucretius the world is conceived as +absolutely under the government of law. The starting-point +of his system—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nullam rem e nilo gigni divinitus unquam,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>is an inference from the recognition of this condition. There +is no need to prove its truth: it is openly revealed in all the +processes of Nature. This fact of universal order is indeed +supposed to result from the eternal and immutable properties +of the atoms and from the original limitation in their varieties: +but the idea of law is prior to, and the condition of, all the +principles enunciated in the first two books, in regard to the +nature and properties of matter. In no ancient writer do we +find the certainty and universality of law more emphatically +and unmistakably expressed than in Lucretius. This is the +final appeal in all controversy. The superiority of Epicurus +is proclaimed on the ground of his having discovered the fixed +and certain limitations of all existence—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Unde refert nobis victor quid possit oriri,</p> +<p>Quid nequeat, finita potestas denique cuique</p> +<p>Quanam sit ratione atque alte terminus haerens<a id="footnotetagxii42" name="footnotetagxii42"></a><a href="#footnotexii42"><sup>42</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page342" id="page342"></a>[page 342]</span> + +<p>Following on his steps the poet himself professes to teach—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i22"> Quo quaeque creata</p> +<p class="i2">Foedere sint, in eo quam sit durare necessum,</p> +<p class="i2">Nec validas valeant aevi rescindere leges<a id="footnotetagxii43" name="footnotetagxii43"></a><a href="#footnotexii43"><sup>43</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In another place he says—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Et quid quaeque queant per foedera naturai</p> +<p>Quid porro nequeant, sancitum quandoquidem extat<a id="footnotetagxii44" name="footnotetagxii44"></a><a href="#footnotexii44"><sup>44</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>All knowledge and speculative confidence are declared to rest +on this truth—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Certum ac dispositumst ubi quicquit crescat et insit<a id="footnotetagxii45" name="footnotetagxii45"></a><a href="#footnotexii45"><sup>45</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Superstition, the great enemy of truth, is said to be the result +of ignorance of 'what may be and what may not be.' This is +the thought which underlies and gives cogency to the whole +argument. The subject of the poem is 'maiestas cognita +rerum,'—the revelation of the majesty and order of the universe. +The doctrine proclaimed by Lucretius was, that creation was +no result of a capricious or benevolent exercise of power, but +of certain processes extending through infinite time, by means +of which the atoms have at length been able to combine and +work together in accordance with their ultimate conditions. +The conception of these ultimate conditions and of their +relations to one another involves some more vital agency than +that of blind chance or an iron fatalism<a id="footnotetagxii46" name="footnotetagxii46"></a><a href="#footnotexii46"><sup>46</sup></a>. The 'foedera +naturai' are opposed to the 'foedera fati.' The idea of law +in Nature, as understood by Lucretius, is not, necessarily, +inconsistent with that of a creative will determining the original +conditions of the elemental substances. Though the ultimate +principles of Lucretius are incompatible with a belief in +the popular religions of antiquity, his mode of conceiving +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page343" id="page343"></a>[page 343]</span> +the operation of law in the universe is not irreconcileable +with the conceptions of modern Theism.</p> + +<p>The idea of law not only supports the whole fabric of his +physical philosophy, but moulds his convictions on human life +and imparts to his poetry that contemplative elevation by +which it is pervaded. It is from this ground that he makes +his most powerful assault on the strongholds of superstition. +Nature is thus declared to be free from the arbitrary and +capricious agency of the gods:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Libera continuo dominis privata superbis<a id="footnotetagxii47" name="footnotetagxii47"></a><a href="#footnotexii47"><sup>47</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Man also is under the same law, and is made free by his +knowledge and acceptance of this condition. A sense of +security is thus gained for human life; a sense of elevation +above its weakness and passions, and the courage to bear +its inevitable evils<a id="footnotetagxii48" name="footnotetagxii48"></a><a href="#footnotexii48"><sup>48</sup></a>. This absolute reliance on law does not +act upon his mind with the depressing influence of fatalism. +Although the fortunes of life and the phases of individual +character are said to be the results of the infinite combinations +of blind atoms, yet man is made free by knowledge and the +use of his reason. Notwithstanding the original constitution +of his nature, arising out of influences over which there +is no control, he still has it in his power to live a life worthy of +the gods:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Illud in his rebus videor firmare potesse,</p> +<p>Usque adeo naturarum vestigia linqui</p> +<p>Parvola, quae nequeat ratio depellere nobis</p> +<p>Ut nil inpediat dignam dis degere vitam<a id="footnotetagxii49" name="footnotetagxii49"></a><a href="#footnotexii49"><sup>49</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>From these high places of his philosophy,—'the "templa +serena" well-bulwarked by the learning of the wise'<a id="footnotetagxii50" name="footnotetagxii50"></a><a href="#footnotexii50"><sup>50</sup></a> he +derives not only a sense of certainty in thought and security +in life, but also his wide contemplative view, and his profound +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page344" id="page344"></a>[page 344]</span> +feeling of the majesty of the universe. The idea of universal +law enables him to apprehend in all the processes of Nature +a presence which awakens reverence and enforces obedience. +This idea imparts unity of tone to the whole poem, informs +its language, and seems to mould the very rhythm of its +verse.</p> + +<p><span class="ind1b">(2) But a closer view</span> brings another aspect of the world +into light; viz. the interdependence of all things on one another. +There is not only fixed order, but there is also infinite +mobility in Nature. The sum of all things remains unchanged, +though all individual existences decay and perish. So too the +sum of force remains the same<a id="footnotetagxii51" name="footnotetagxii51"></a><a href="#footnotexii51"><sup>51</sup></a>. There is no rest anywhere; +all things are continually changing and passing into one +another; decay and renovation form the very life and being of +all things. Nothing is ever lost. 'Nature repairs one thing +from another, and allows of no birth except through the death +of something else':—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Haud igitur penitus pereunt quaecumque videntur,</p> +<p>Quando alid ex alio reficit natura nec ullam</p> +<p>Rem gigni patitur nisi morte adiuta aliena<a id="footnotetagxii52" name="footnotetagxii52"></a><a href="#footnotexii52"><sup>52</sup></a>?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>As the 'ever-during peace' at the heart of all things is +supposed to result from the eternal and immutable properties +of the atoms, this 'endless agitation' arises out of their +unceasing motion through infinite space. There are two +kinds of motion,—the one tending to the renewal,—the other, +to the destruction of things as they now exist. The maintenance +of our whole system depends on the equilibrium of +these opposing forces—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sic aequo geritur certamine principiorum</p> +<p>Ex infinito contractum tempore bellum<a id="footnotetagxii53" name="footnotetagxii53"></a><a href="#footnotexii53"><sup>53</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is thus seen to be not only absolute order, but +also infinite change in the processes of Nature. Decay and +renovation, death and life, support the existing creation in +unceasing harmony. The imagination represents this process +under the impressive symbol of an endless battle, in which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page345" id="page345"></a>[page 345]</span> +now one side now the other gains some position, but neither, +as yet, can become master of the field—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nunc hinc nunc illic superant vitalia rerum,</p> +<p>Et superantur item<a id="footnotetagxii54" name="footnotetagxii54"></a><a href="#footnotexii54"><sup>54</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>This symbol is the poetical form of the old philosophical +distinction of +<ins title="Greek: auxêsis">αὔξησις</ins> and +<ins title="Greek: phthora">φθορά</ins>. It is another form of the +<ins title="Greek: eris">ἔρις</ins> and +<ins title="Greek: philia">φιλία</ins> which to the imagination of Empedocles +appeared to pervade the universe. The idea of a constant +battle imparts to the infinite and all-pervading movement +of Nature the interest and the life of human passion on the +grandest and widest sphere of action. The greatness of the +thought makes each particular object in Nature pregnant with +a deeper meaning, associates trivial and ordinary phenomena +with a sense of imaginative wonder, and throws an august +solemnity around the familiar aspects of human life. The +passage in which this principle is most powerfully announced +at ii. 575, etc., swells into deeper and grander tones, as the +real human pathos involved in this strife of elements is made +manifest. This struggle of life and decay is no mere war of +abstractions: it is the daily and hourly process of existence. +Birth and death are the fulfilment of this law. 'The old order +changeth, yielding place to new'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Cedit enim rerum novitate extrusa vetustas<a id="footnotetagxii55" name="footnotetagxii55"></a><a href="#footnotexii55"><sup>55</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>'New nations wax strong, while the old are waning away; the +generations of living things are changed within a brief space, +and, like the runners in a race, pass on the torch of life'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Augescunt aliae gentes, aliae minuuntur,</p> +<p>Inque brevi spatio mutantur saecla animantum</p> +<p>Et quasi cursores vitai lampada tradunt<a id="footnotetagxii56" name="footnotetagxii56"></a><a href="#footnotexii56"><sup>56</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Man also must resign himself to the universal law, and accept +his life not as a thing to be possessed for ever, but only to be +used for a time—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sic alid ex alio numquam desistet oriri</p> +<p>Vitaque mancipio nulli datur, omnibus usu<a id="footnotetagxii57" name="footnotetagxii57"></a><a href="#footnotexii57"><sup>57</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page346" id="page346"></a>[page 346]</span> + +<p>Under this law of universal decay and restoration, we see the +rains of heaven lost in the earth, but passing into new life +in the fruits from which all living things are supported—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Hinc alitur porro nostrum genus atque ferarum,</p> +<p>Hinc laetas urbes pueris florere videmus,</p> +<p>Frondiferasque novis avibus canere undique silvas<a id="footnotetagxii58" name="footnotetagxii58"></a><a href="#footnotexii58"><sup>58</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Or we see the waters of a river lost in the sea and returning +through the earth to their original source, and again flowing in +a fresh stream along the channel first formed for them—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8"> Inde super terras fluit agmine dulci</p> +<p class="i2">Qua via secta semel liquido pede detulit undas<a id="footnotetagxii59" name="footnotetagxii59"></a><a href="#footnotexii59"><sup>59</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Under the same law the earth is seen to be the parent of all +things and their tomb (v. 259); the sea, which loses its +substance through evaporation and the subsidence of its +waters, is found to be ever renewed by its native sources +and the abundant tribute of rivers (v. 267; i. 231; vi. 608); +the air is ever giving away and receiving back its substance; +the sun ('liquidi fons luminis'), moon, and stars, are ever +losing and ever renewing their light. The day on which +the 'long-sustained mass and fabric of the world' will pass +away, leaving only void space and the viewless atoms, is +destined to come suddenly through the termination of this +long balanced warfare:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Denique tantopere inter se cum maxima mundi</p> +<p>Pugnent membra, pio nequaquam concita bello,</p> +<p>Nonne vides aliquam longi certaminis ollis</p> +<p>Posse dari finem? vel cum sol et vapor omnis</p> +<p>Omnibus epotis umoribus exsuperarint;</p> +<p>Quod facere intendunt, neque adhuc conata patrantur<a id="footnotetagxii60" name="footnotetagxii60"></a><a href="#footnotexii60"><sup>60</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page347" id="page347"></a>[page 347]</span> + +<p><span class="ind1b">(3) It is to be observed</span>, also, how vividly Lucretius realises +and how steadfastly he keeps before his mind the ideas of the +eternity and infinity of the primordial atoms and of space. +These conceptions support him in his antagonism to the +popular religion, and deepen the feeling with which he +contemplates human life and Nature. Our world of earth, +sea, and sky is only one among infinite other systems. It +stands to the universe in much the same proportion as any +single man to the whole earth—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Et videas caelum summai totius unum</p> +<p>Quam sit parvula pars et quam multesima constet</p> +<p>Nec tota pars, homo terrai quota totius unus<a id="footnotetagxii61" name="footnotetagxii61"></a><a href="#footnotexii61"><sup>61</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It was the glory of Epicurus that he first passed beyond the +empyrean that bounds our world—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Atque omne immensum peragravit mente animoque<a id="footnotetagxii62" name="footnotetagxii62"></a><a href="#footnotexii62"><sup>62</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The immensity of the universe is incompatible with the constant +agency and interference of the gods,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quis regere immensi summam, quis habere profundi</p> +<p>Indu manu validas potis est moderanter habenas<a id="footnotetagxii63" name="footnotetagxii63"></a><a href="#footnotexii63"><sup>63</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>This negative idea is, at least, a step in advance towards a +higher conception of the attributes of Deity. The infinity +and complexity of the universe protest against the limited +and divided powers, as the natural feelings of human nature +protest against the moral qualities attributed to the gods of +the Pagan mythology.</p> + +<p>The power of these conceptions is also seen in the poet's +deep sense of the littleness of human life. Such pathetic +expressions of the shortness and triviality of each man's +mortal span, as that,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Degitur hoc aevi quodcumquest<a id="footnotetagxii64" name="footnotetagxii64"></a><a href="#footnotexii64"><sup>64</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page348" id="page348"></a>[page 348]</span> + +<p>are called forth by the ever-present thought of the Infinite and +the Eternal. But this thought, if associated with a feeling of +the pathos of human life does not lead Lucretius into cynicism +or despair. It rather elevates him and fortifies him to suppress +all personal complaint in the presence of ideas so stupendous. +His imagination expands in contemplating the objects either +of thought or of sight, which produce the impression of +immensity,—such as the vast expanse of earth, sea and +sky,—or of great duration,—such as the 'aeterni sidera +mundi' or the 'validas aevi vires.' Thus, as much of the +majesty of his poetry may be connected with his contemplative +sense of law, much of its pervading life with his sense of the +mobility of Nature, so the sublimity of many passages may be +resolved into the influence of the ideas of immensity, both of +time and space, on his imagination.</p> + +<p><span class="ind1b">(4) Another aspect of things</span> vividly realised by Lucretius +is that of their individuality. It was in the atomic philosophy, +that the thought of 'the individual' first rose into prominence. +The meaning of the word 'atom' is simply 'individual.' The +sense of each separate existence is not merged in the conception +of law, of change, or of the immensity of the universe. +The atoms are not only infinite in number, they are also +varied in kind and powerful in solid singleness,—'solida +pollentia simplicitate.' From their variety and individuality +the variety and individuality in Nature emerge. No two +classes and no two single objects are exactly alike. Between +any two of the birds that gladden the sea-shore, the river +banks, or the woods, there is some difference in outward +appearance—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Invenies tamen inter se differre figuris<a id="footnotetagxii65" name="footnotetagxii65"></a><a href="#footnotexii65"><sup>65</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Each individual of a flock is different from every other, and +by this difference only can the mother recognise her offspring. +This sense of individuality intensifies the pathos of many +passages in the poem. By regarding each being as having +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page349" id="page349"></a>[page 349]</span> +an existence of its own, the poet enters with sympathy into +the feelings of all sentient existence,—of dumb animals as +well as of human creatures. The freshness and distinctness +of all his pictures from Nature are the result of an eye trained +by his philosophy to see each thing not only as part of the +universal life, but as existing in and for itself.</p> + +<p><span class="ind1b">(5) The thought, also</span>, of the infinite subtlety of combination +in the elements and forces of the world acts powerfully +on his imagination. The individuality of things depends on +the fact that no two are composed of exactly the same +elements, combined in the same way. The infinity of the +elements, the immensity of the spaces in which they meet, +and the infinite possibilities in their modes of combination +result in the endless variety of beauty and wonder which +the world presents to the eye. The epithet 'daedala,' by +which this subtlety is expressed is applied not only to +Nature, but to the earth as the sphere in which the elements +are most largely mixed, and the creative forces most +powerfully active. The varied loveliness of the world,—the +'varii lepores,' by which the eye is gratified and relieved,—are +the result of the variety in the elements and the infinite +subtlety in their modes of combination. Their invisibility and +inscrutable action enhance the imaginative sense of the power +and beauty resulting from these causes.</p> + +<p><span class="ind1b">(6) The abstract properties</span> of the atoms, discussed in the +first two books, so far from being arbitrary assumptions, +without any relation to actual existence, are thus found +to be the conditions which explain the order, life, immensity, +individuality, and subtlety manifested in the universe. +These conceptions, which bridge the chasm between +the particles of lifeless matter and the living world, unite in +the more general conception of Nature. What then is +involved in this conception—the dominant conception of +the poem in its philosophical as well as its imaginative +aspects? Something more than the subsidiary conceptions +mentioned above. There is, in the first place, all that is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page350" id="page350"></a>[page 350]</span> +involved in the unity of an organic whole. But to this whole +the imagination of the poet seems, in some passages, to attach +attributes scarcely reconcileable with the mechanical principles +of his philosophy. In emancipating himself from the +religious traditions of antiquity, Lucretius did not altogether +escape from the power of an idea, so deeply rooted in the +thought of past ages, as to seem to be an integral element +of human consciousness. It is against the limitations which +the ancient mythology imposed on the idea of Divine agency, +rather than against the idea itself, as it is understood in modern +times, that his philosophy protests. To Nature his imagination +attributes not only life, but creative and regulative power. +There would be more truth in calling this conception pantheistic +than atheistic. But the sense of will, freedom, +individual life, is so strong in Lucretius, that we think of the +'natura daedala rerum' rather as a personal power, with +attributes in some respects analogous to those of man, than +as a being in whose existence all other life is merged. +Though this figurative attribution of personal qualities to +great natural forces cannot be pressed as evidence of philosophical +belief, yet as it shows, on the one hand, an unconscious +survival of the state of mind which gave birth to mythology, +so it seems to be the unconscious awakening of a spiritual +conception of a creative and sustaining power in the universe.</p> + +<p>This new and more vital conception which supersedes the +old mythological modes of thought is not altogether independent +of them. Lucretius still interprets the world by +analogies and illustrations which attach personal attributes to +different phases and forces of Nature. Thus he speaks of +Aether as the fructifying father, of Earth as the great mother of +all living things. But the survival of the mythological conception +of the universe, blended indeed with other modes of +imaginative thought, appears most conspicuously in the famous +invocation to the poem,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Aeneadum genetrix, hominum divomque voluptas,</p> +<p>Alma Venus.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page351" id="page351"></a>[page 351]</span> + +<p>The mysterious power there addressed is identified with the +Alma Venus of Italian worship,—the abstract conception of the +life-giving impulse, the operations of which are most visible in +the new birth of the early spring,—and with the Aphrodite of +Greek art and poetry,—the concrete and passionate conception +of the beauty and charm which most fascinate the senses. +But if nothing more was meant in the opening lines of the +poem than a fanciful appeal to one of the Deities of the popular +belief, it might with justice be said that some of the finest +poetry in Lucretius directly contradicted his sincerest convictions. +But the language in which she is addressed clearly +proves that the 'Alma Venus' of the invocation is not an independent +capricious power, separate from the orderly action of +Nature. She is emphatically addressed as a Power, present +through all the world,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i16"> Caeli subter labentia signa</p> +<p class="i2">Quae mare navigerum quae terras frugiferentis</p> +<p class="i2">Concelebras.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>She is not only omnipresent, but all-creative,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6"> Per te quoniam genus omne animantum</p> +<p>Concipitur,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and all-regulative—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quae quoniam rerum naturam sola gubernas, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Thus under the name, and with some of the attributes of the +Goddess of Mythology, the genial force of Nature,—'Natura +Naturans' as distinct from the 'rerum summa,' or 'Natura +Naturata,'—is apprehended as a living, all-pervading energy, +the cause of all life, joy, beauty, and order in the world, the +cause too of all grace and accomplishment in man. To this +mysterious Power, from which all joy and loveliness are silently +emanating, the poet, (remembering at the same time that the +friend to whom he dedicates his poem claims especially to be +under the protection of that Goddess with whom she is +identified), prays for inspiration,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quo magis aeternum da dictis, diva, leporem<a id="footnotetagxii66" name="footnotetagxii66"></a><a href="#footnotexii66"><sup>66</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page352" id="page352"></a>[page 352]</span> + +<p>Here, as in earlier invocations of the Muse, there is a +recognition of the truth that the feeling, the imagery, and the +words of the poet come to him in a way which he does not +understand,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: hêmeis de kleos oion akouomen, oude ti idmen"> +ἡμεῖς δὲ κλέος οἶον +ἀκούομεν, οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν</ins>,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and by the gift of a Power which he cannot command. +Like Goethe, Lucretius seems to feel that his thoughts +and feelings pass into form and musical expression under the +influence of the same vital movement which in early spring +fills the world with new life and beauty. But still true to +his philosophy, and remembering the Empedoclean thought<a id="footnotetagxii67" name="footnotetagxii67"></a><a href="#footnotexii67"><sup>67</sup></a>, +which recurs with impressive solemnity in his argument, +that this life-giving energy is inseparably united with a +destructive energy, and seeing at the same time before his +imagination the figures and colouring of some great masterpiece +of Greek art, he embodies his conception in a passionately +wrought picture of the loves of Aphrodite and Ares, and concludes +with a prayer that the gracious Power whom he invokes +would prevail on the fierce God of War to grant a time of peace +to his country.</p> + +<p>If to regard this passage as merely an artistic ornament +of the poem would be unjust to the sincerity of Lucretius as a +thinker, to regard it merely as a piece of elaborate symbolism +would be still more unjust to his genius as a poet. It +is a truth both of thought and of imaginative feeling that +there is a pervading and puissant energy in the world, manifesting +itself most powerfully in animate and inanimate creation, +when the deadness of winter gives place to the genial warmth +of spring,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i16"> Tibi rident aequora ponti</p> +<p class="i2">Placatumque nitet diffuso lumine caelum;—</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page353" id="page353"></a>[page 353]</span> + +<p>manifesting itself also in the human spirit in the form of genius, +calling into life new feelings and fancies of the poet, and shaping +them into forms of imperishable beauty. Whether consistently +or inconsistently with the ultimate tenets of his philosophy, the +poet, in this invocation, seems to recognise, behind these manifestations +of unconscious energy, the presence of a conscious +Being with which his own spirit can hold communion, and from +which it draws inspiration. With similar inconsistency or +consistency a modern physicist speaks of 'the impression of joy +given in the unfolding of leaf and the spreading of plant as irresistibly +suggesting the thought of a great Being conscious of +this joy.'</p> + +<p>But this puissant and joy-giving energy, personified in the +'Alma Venus genetrix,' is only one of the aspects which the +'Natura daedala rerum' of Lucretius presents to man. She +seems to stand to him rather in the position of a task-mistress +than of a beneficent Being, ministering to his wants. The Gods +receive all things from her bounty,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Omnia suppeditat porro Natura,<a id="footnotetagxii68" name="footnotetagxii68"></a><a href="#footnotexii68"><sup>68</sup></a>—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and the lower animals who 'wage no foolish strife with her' have +their wants also abundantly satisfied:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14"> Quando omnibus omnia large</p> +<p class="i2">Tellus ipsa parit Naturaque daedala rerum<a id="footnotetagxii69" name="footnotetagxii69"></a><a href="#footnotexii69"><sup>69</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But to man she is the cause of evil as well as of good; of shipwrecks, +earthquakes, pestilence, and untimely death, as well as +of all beauty and delight. Sometimes he seems to hear her +speaking to him in the tones of stern reproof,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Denique si vocem rerum Natura repente, etc.<a id="footnotetagxii70" name="footnotetagxii70"></a><a href="#footnotexii70"><sup>70</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Again he sees her rising up before him like the old Nemesis of +Greek religion, and trampling with secret irony on the pride +and pomp of human affairs,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Usque adeo res humanas vis abdita quaedam</p> +<p>Opterit et pulchros fascis saevasque secures</p> +<p>Proculcare ac ludibrio sibi habere videtur<a id="footnotetagxii71" name="footnotetagxii71"></a><a href="#footnotexii71"><sup>71</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page354" id="page354"></a>[page 354]</span> + +<p>It is this large conception of Nature which seems to bring the +abstract doctrines of Lucretius into harmony with his poetical +feelings and his human sensibilities. The poetry of the living +world is thus breathed into the dry bones of the Atomic system +of Democritus. The unity which the mind strains to grasp in +contemplating the universe is thus made compatible with the +perception of individual life in everything. The pathos and +dignity of human life are enhanced by the recognition of our +dependence on this great Power above and around us. The +contemplation of this Power affects the imagination with +a sense of awe, wonder, and majesty. But with this contemplative +emotion a still deeper feeling seems to mingle. +Throughout the poem there is heard a deep undertone of +solemnity as from one awakening to the apprehension of +a great invisible Power,—'a concealed omnipotence,'—in the +world. As the imagination of Lucretius is immeasurably more +poetical, so is his spirit immeasurably more reverential than that +of Epicurus. If by the analysis of his understanding he seems +to take all mystery and sanctity out of the universe, he restores +them again by the synthesis of his imagination. If his work +seems in some places to 'teach a truth he could not learn,' +this is to be explained partly by the fact that he sometimes +leaves the beaten road of Epicureanism for the higher and less +defined tracts,—'avia loca,'—along which the mystic enthusiasm +of Empedocles had borne him. But partly it may be explained +by the fact that the poetic imagination, which was in him the +predominant faculty, asserts its right to be heard after the +logical understanding has said its last word. The imagination +which recognises infinite life and order in the world unconsciously +assumes the existence of a creative and governing +Power, behind the visible framework of things. Even the germ +of such a thought was more elevating than the popular +idolatry and superstition. The recognition of the majesty +of Nature enables Lucretius to contemplate life with a sense +both of solemnity and security, while it imparts a more +elevated feeling to his enjoyment of the beauty of the world. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page355" id="page355"></a>[page 355]</span> +The belief which he taught and by which he lived is neither +atheistic nor pantheistic; it is not definite enough to be +theistic. It was like the twilight between the beliefs that +were passing away, and that which rose on the world after +his time,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: êmos d' out' ar pô êôs, eti d' amphilykê nyx"> +ἦμος δ' οὔτ' ἄρ πω ἠώς, ἔτι δ' +ἀμφιλύκη νύξ</ins>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotexii1" name="footnotexii1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii1"><sup>1</sup></a> 'First, +by reason of the greatness of my argument, and because I set the +mind free from the close-drawn bonds of superstition; and next because, on +so dark a theme, I compose such lucid verse, touching every point with the +grace of poesy.'—i. 931-34.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii2" name="footnotexii2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii2"><sup>2</sup></a> Of Leucippus, +with whose name the theory is also associated, very little +is known.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii3" name="footnotexii3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii3"><sup>3</sup></a> 'This terror of the soul, +therefore, and this darkness must be dispelled, +not by the rays of the sun or the bright shafts of day, but by the outward +aspect and harmonious plan of nature.'—i. 146-48.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii4" name="footnotexii4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii4"><sup>4</sup></a> i. 445-56.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii5" name="footnotexii5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii5"><sup>5</sup></a> 'The original atoms are, +therefore, of solid singleness, composed of the +smallest particles in close and compact union, not kept together by any +meeting of these particles, but rather powerful by their eternal singleness, +from which nature allows no loss by violence or decay, storing them as the +seeds of all things.'—i. 609-14.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii6" name="footnotexii6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii6"><sup>6</sup></a> ii. 297-302.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii7" name="footnotexii7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii7"><sup>7</sup></a> ii. 549.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii8" name="footnotexii8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii8"><sup>8</sup></a> ii. 575-76.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii9" name="footnotexii9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii9"><sup>9</sup></a> 'If we are to suppose the existence +of an eternal substance, at the basis +of all things, on which the safety of the whole universe rests, lest you find +creation resolved into nonentity.'—ii. 862-64.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii10" name="footnotexii10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii10"><sup>10</sup></a> 'So soon as the deep rest of +death hath fallen upon a man, and the +mind and the life have departed from him, there is no loss in his whole +frame to be perceived, either in appearance or in weight. Death still +presents everything that was before, except the vital sense and the warm +heat.'—iii. 211-15.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii11" name="footnotexii11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii11"><sup>11</sup></a> 'For, not only would all reason +come to nought, even life itself would +immediately be overthrown, unless you dare to trust the senses.'—iv. 507-8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii12" name="footnotexii12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii12"><sup>12</sup></a> i. 135.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii13" name="footnotexii13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii13"><sup>13</sup></a> 'Since nothing in our body has +been produced in order that we might +be able to put it to use, but what has been produced creates its own use.'—iv. 834-35.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii14" name="footnotexii14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii14"><sup>14</sup></a> 'And love impaired their strength, +and children, by their coaxing ways, +easily broke down the proud temper of their fathers.'—v. 1017-18.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii15" name="footnotexii15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii15"><sup>15</sup></a> vi. 60-1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii16" name="footnotexii16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii16"><sup>16</sup></a> E.g. i. 54; v. 154.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii17" name="footnotexii17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii17"><sup>17</sup></a> Macaulay.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii18" name="footnotexii18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii18"><sup>18</sup></a> E.g. i. 694.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii19" name="footnotexii19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii19"><sup>19</sup></a> iv. 478-79.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii20" name="footnotexii20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii20"><sup>20</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">In quae corpora si nullus tibi forte videtur</p> +<p class="i6">Posse animi iniectus fieri, procul avius erras.—ii. 739-40.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii21" name="footnotexii21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii21"><sup>21</sup></a> 'But it is necessary that the atoms, +in the act of creation, should +exercise some secret, invisible faculty.'—i. 778-79.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii22" name="footnotexii22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii22"><sup>22</sup></a> 'Since on all sides, through all the +pores of aether, and, as it were, all +round through the breathing-places of the mighty world, a free exit and +entrance is given to the atoms.'—vi. 492-94.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii23" name="footnotexii23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii23"><sup>23</sup></a> 'As feathers, and hair, and bristles +are first formed on the limbs +of beasts and the bodies of birds, so the young earth then first bore +herbs and plants, afterwards gave birth to the generations of living things.'—v. 788-91.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii24" name="footnotexii24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii24"><sup>24</sup></a> 'So more and more, the sweat oozing +from the salt body, increased the +sea and the moving watery plains by its flow.'—v. 487-88.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii25" name="footnotexii25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii25"><sup>25</sup></a> 'Since neither its veins can support +adequate nourishment, nor does +Nature supply what is needful.'—ii. 1141-42.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii26" name="footnotexii26"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii26"><sup>26</sup></a> 'For one thing will grow clear +after another: nor shall the darkness +of night make thee lose thy way, before thou seest, to the full, the furthest +secrets of Nature: so shall all things throw light one on the other.'—i. +1115-17.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii27" name="footnotexii27"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii27"><sup>27</sup></a> 'Dishonouring immortal things +by mortal words.'—v. 121.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii28" name="footnotexii28"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii28"><sup>28</sup></a> 'They, doubtless, became the +prey and the gain of others, unable to break +through the bonds of fate by which they were confined, until Nature caused +that species to disappear.'—v. 875-77.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Professor Wallace (Epicureanism, p. 114) in commenting on this passage +adds, 'Of course in this there is no implication of the peculiarly Darwinian +doctrine of descent, or development of kind from kind, with structure +modified and complicated to meet changing circumstances.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii29" name="footnotexii29"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii29"><sup>29</sup></a> iii. 327-28.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii30" name="footnotexii30"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii30"><sup>30</sup></a> i. 305.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii31" name="footnotexii31"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii31"><sup>31</sup></a> iv. 705.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii32" name="footnotexii32"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii32"><sup>32</sup></a> 'Dogs, lightly sleeping, +with faithful heart.'—v. 864.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii33" name="footnotexii33"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii33"><sup>33</sup></a> 'When from the strong +torrents of Helicon the swans raise their liquid +wailing with doleful voice.'—iv. 547-48.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii34" name="footnotexii34"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii34"><sup>34</sup></a> 'As the low note of the +swan is sweeter than the cry of the cranes, far-scattered +among the south-wind's skiey clouds.'—iv. 181-82.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii35" name="footnotexii35"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii35"><sup>35</sup></a> 'And gulls among the sea-waves, +seeking their food and pastime in the +brine.'—v. 1079-80.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii36" name="footnotexii36"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii36"><sup>36</sup></a> Od. v. 66.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii37" name="footnotexii37"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii37"><sup>37</sup></a> 'And likewise, +when the lithe serpent casts its skin among the thorns; +for often we notice the briers, with their light airy spoils hanging to them.'—iv. 60-2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii38" name="footnotexii38"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii38"><sup>38</sup></a> iii. 213-15.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii39" name="footnotexii39"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii39"><sup>39</sup></a> 'Consider, too, +the special madness of the mind, and forgetfulness of +things; consider its sinking into the black waves of lethargy.'—iii. 828-29.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii40" name="footnotexii40"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii40"><sup>40</sup></a> 'Unbroken speech prolonged from +the first light of dawn till the +shadows of the dark night.'—iv. 537-38.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii41" name="footnotexii41"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii41"><sup>41</sup></a> 'Now, too, let us examine + the "Homoeomeria" of Anaxagoras, as the +Greeks call it, though the poverty of our native speech does not admit of +its being named in our language.'—i. 830-33.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii42" name="footnotexii42"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii42"><sup>42</sup></a> 'Whence returning victorious +he brings back to us tidings of what may +and what may not come into existence: on what principle, in fine, the +power of each thing is determined and the deeply-fixed limit of its being.'—i. 75-77.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii43" name="footnotexii43"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii43"><sup>43</sup></a> 'According to what condition +all things have been created, what +necessity there is that they abide by it, and how they may not annul +the mighty laws of the ages.'—v. 56-58.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii44" name="footnotexii44"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii44"><sup>44</sup></a> 'Since it is absolutely decreed, +what each thing can and what it cannot +do by the conditions of nature.'—i. 586.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii45" name="footnotexii45"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii45"><sup>45</sup></a> 'It is fixed and ordered where +each thing may grow and exist.'—iii. 787.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii46" name="footnotexii46"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii46"><sup>46</sup></a> ii. 254.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii47" name="footnotexii47"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii47"><sup>47</sup></a> ii. 1091.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii48" name="footnotexii48"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii48"><sup>48</sup></a> vi. 32.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii49" name="footnotexii49"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii49"><sup>49</sup></a> 'This, in these circumstances, +I think I can establish, that such faint +traces of our native elements are left beyond the powers of our reason to +dispel, that nothing prevents us from leading a life worthy of the gods.'—iii. +319-22.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii50" name="footnotexii50"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii50"><sup>50</sup></a> ii. 8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii51" name="footnotexii51"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii51"><sup>51</sup></a> ii. 297-99.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii52" name="footnotexii52"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii52"><sup>52</sup></a> i. 262-64.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii53" name="footnotexii53"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii53"><sup>53</sup></a> ii. 573-74.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii54" name="footnotexii54"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii54"><sup>54</sup></a> ii. 575-76.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii55" name="footnotexii55"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii55"><sup>55</sup></a> iii. 964.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii56" name="footnotexii56"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii56"><sup>56</sup></a> ii. 77-79.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii57" name="footnotexii57"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii57"><sup>57</sup></a> 'So one thing shall never cease +being born from another, and life is +given to no man as a possession, to all for use.'—iii. 970-71.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii58" name="footnotexii58"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii58"><sup>58</sup></a> 'Hence, moreover, the race of man +and the beasts of the forest are fed; +hence we see cities glad with the flower of their children, and the leafy woods +on all sides loud with the song of young birds.'—i. 254-56.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii59" name="footnotexii59"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii59"><sup>59</sup></a> v. 271-72.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii60" name="footnotexii60"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii60"><sup>60</sup></a> 'Finally, +since the vast members of the world, engaged in no holy +warfare, so mightily contend with one another, see'st thou not that some end +may be assigned to their long conflict, either when the sun and every mode +of heat, having drunk up all the moisture, shall have gained the day, which +they are ever tending to do but do not yet accomplish?' etc.—v. 380-85.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii61" name="footnotexii61"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii61"><sup>61</sup></a> 'And that you may see how very small +a part one firmament is of the +whole sum of things, how small a fraction it is, not even so much in proportion +as a single man is to the whole earth.'—vi. 650-52.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii62" name="footnotexii62"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii62"><sup>62</sup></a> 'And traversed the whole +boundless region of space, in mind and +spirit.'—i. 74.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii63" name="footnotexii63"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii63"><sup>63</sup></a> 'Who can order the infinite mass? +who can hold with a guiding hand +the mighty reins of immensity?'—ii. 1095-96.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii64" name="footnotexii64"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii64"><sup>64</sup></a> ii. 16.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii65" name="footnotexii65"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii65"><sup>65</sup></a> ii. 348.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii66" name="footnotexii66"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii66"><sup>66</sup></a> i. 28.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii67" name="footnotexii67"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii67"><sup>67</sup></a> Lucretius, in other places +where he introduces pictures or stories from +the ancient mythology, as at ii. 600, etc., iii. 978, etc., iv. 584, etc., +treats them as symbolising some facts of Nature or human life. Occasionally, +as at v. 14, etc., he deals with them in the spirit of Euhemerism. He never +uses them, as Virgil, Horace, and Ovid do, merely as materials for artistic +representation.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii68" name="footnotexii68"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii68"><sup>68</sup></a> iii. 23.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii69" name="footnotexii69"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii69"><sup>69</sup></a> v. 233-4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexii70" name="footnotexii70"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii70"><sup>70</sup></a> ii. 931, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnotexii71" name="footnotexii71"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxii71"><sup>71</sup></a> v. 1233-5.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page356" id="page356"></a>[page 356]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER XIII.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">The Religious Attitude and Moral Teaching of Lucretius.</span></h3> + +<p>Lucretius does not enforce his moral teaching on the +systematic plan on which his physical philosophy is discussed. +His view of human life is sometimes presented as it arises in +the regular course of the argument, at other times in highly +finished digressions, interspersed throughout the work with the +view apparently of breaking its severe monotony. These +passages might be compared to the lyrical odes in a Greek +drama. They afford relief to the strained attention, and +suggest the close and permanent human interest involved +in what is apparently special, abstract, and remote. There +is no necessary connexion between the atomic theory of +philosophy, and that view of the end and objects of life which +Lucretius derived from Epicurus. Although the moral attitude +of Epicurus was, in some respects, anticipated by Democritus, +Epicureanism really started from independent sources, viz. +from the later development of the ethical teaching of Socrates, +and from the personal circumstances and disposition of +Epicurus. By the ordinary Epicurean his philosophy was +valued chiefly as affording a basis for the denial of the +doctrines of Divine Providence and of the immortality of the +soul. But there is a wide difference between ordinary +Epicureanism and that solemn view of human life which was +revealed to the world in the poem of Lucretius. The power +which his speculative philosophy exercised over his mind was +one cause of this difference. Although there is no necessary +connexion between his philosophical convictions and his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page357" id="page357"></a>[page 357]</span> +ethical doctrines, yet the elevation of feeling which he has +imparted to the least elevated of all the moral systems +of antiquity may be in part accounted for by the influence of +ideas derived from the philosophy of Democritus.</p> + +<p>Epicureanism, in its original form, was the expression of a +character as unlike as possible to that of Lucretius. It arose +in a state of society and under circumstances widely different +from the social and political condition of the last phase of the +Roman Republic. It was a doctrine suited to the easy social +life which succeeded to the great political career, the energetic +ambition, and the creative genius which ennobled the great +age of Athenian liberty. It was essentially the philosophy of the +<ins title="Greek: rheia zôontes"> +ῥεῖα ζώοντες</ins>, who found in refined and regulated pleasure, +in friendliness and sociability, a compensation for the loss of +political existence, and of the sacred associations and ideal +glories of their ancestral religion. Human life, stripped of its +solemn meaning and high practical interest, was supposed to +be understood and realised, and brought under the control of +a comfortable and intelligible philosophy. Pleasure was the +obvious end of existence; the highest aim of knowledge was +to ascertain the conditions under which most enjoyment could +be secured; the triumph of the will was to conform to these +conditions. All violent emotion, all care and anxiety, whatever +impaired the capacity of enjoyment or fostered artificial +desire, was to be controlled or resisted, as inimical to the +tranquillity of the soul. The philosophers of the garden taught +and acted on the practical truth, that pleasure depended +on the mind more than on external things; that a simple +life tended more to happiness than luxury<a id="footnotetagxiii1" name="footnotetagxiii1"></a><a href="#footnotexiii1"><sup>1</sup></a>; that excess of +every kind was followed by reaction. They inculcated +political quiescence as well as the abnegation of personal +ambition. As death was 'the end of all,' life was to be +temperately enjoyed while it lasted, and resigned when necessary, +with cheerful composure.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page358" id="page358"></a>[page 358]</span> + +<p>Such a philosophy would scarcely be thought capable of +having given birth to any form of serious and elevated poetry. +Its natural fruit was the refined, cheerful, and witty new +comedy of Athens. Yet the genius of Lucretius and of +Horace expressed these doctrines in tones of dignity and +beauty, which have been denied to more ennobling truths. +The philosophy of pleasure thus makes its appeal to the +poetical susceptibility, as well as to the ordinary temperament +of men. It might have been thought also that no philosophy +would have been less attractive to the dignity of the nobler +type, or to the coarser texture of the common type of Roman +character. Yet among the Romans of the last age of the +Republic, Epicureanism was a formidable rival to the more +congenial system of Stoicism, and was professed by men of +pure character and intellectual tastes as well as by men like +the Piso Caesoninus, of whom both Cicero and Catullus have +left so unflattering a portrait. These two systems, although +antagonistic in their view and aim, yet had this common +adaptation to the Roman character, that they held out a +definite plan of life, and laid down precepts by which that +life might be attained. The strength of will and singleness +of aim, characteristic of the Romans, their love of rule and +impatience of speculative suspense, inclined and enabled +them to embrace the teaching of those schools whose tenets +were most definite and most readily applicable to human +conduct. To a Greek philosopher the interest of conforming +his life to any system arose in a great measure from the +freedom and exercise thereby afforded to his intellect. Thus +Epicurus, in denying the power of luxury to give happiness, +says,—'These are not the things which form the life of +pleasure,'—' +<ins title="Greek: alla nêphôn logismos kai tas aitias exereunôn pasês haireseôs kai phygês,"> +ἀλλὰ νήφων λογισμὸς +καὶ τὰς αἰτίας +ἐξερευνῶν πάσης +αἱρέσεως καὶ φυγῆς</ins>, +<ins title="Greek: kai tas doxas exelaunôn,">καὶ τὰς +δόξας ἐξελαύνων</ins>, +<ins title="Greek: aph' hôn pleistos tas psychas katalambanei thorybos"> +ἀφ' ὧν πλεῖστος τὰς +ψυχὰς καταλαμβάνει +θόρυβος</ins> <a id="footnotetagxiii2" name="footnotetagxiii2"></a><a href="#footnotexiii2"><sup>2</sup></a>.' +To a Roman, on the other hand, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page359" id="page359"></a>[page 359]</span> +such a scheme of life was recommended by the new power +which was thus imparted to the will. Greek philosophy has +sometimes been reproached as the cause of the corruption of +Roman character and the decay of Roman religion. But it +would be more true to say that, to the higher natures at least, +philosophy supplied the place of the ancient principles of duty, +which had long since decayed with the decay of patriotism +and religion. The idea of regulating life by an ideal standard +afforded a broader aim and a more humane and liberal sphere +of action to that self-control and constancy of will, out of +which, in combination with absolute devotion to the State, +the ancient Roman virtue had been formed. But still it is +true that the principles of Epicureanism were difficult to +reconcile with some of the conditions, both good and bad, +of Roman character. While fostering the humaner feelings +and more social tastes, and so softening the primitive rudeness +and austerity, these doctrines tended to discourage +national and political spirit, by withdrawing the energies of +the will from outward activity to the regulation of the inner +life. The attitude both of Stoicism and Epicureanism was +one of resistance on the part of the will to outward influences;—the +one system striving to attain entire independence of +circumstances, the other to regulate life in accordance with +them, so as to secure the utmost positive enjoyment, and +the utmost exemption from pain. The political passions of +the last age of the Republic inclined men of thought and +leisure to that philosophy which seemed best fitted to meet +and satisfy—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>'The longing for confirmed tranquillity</p> +<p>Inward and outward.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But while Epicureanism was a natural refuge from the passions +of a revolutionary era, Stoicism was a fortress of inward strength +to the few who, at the fall of the Republic, resisted the manifest +tendency of things, and, in a later age, to those who strove +to maintain the dignity of Roman citizens under the degradation +of the early Empire.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page360" id="page360"></a>[page 360]</span> + +<p>But the profession of Epicureanism, in the last age of the +Republic, was not confined to men like Atticus and Lucretius +who stood aloof from public life. The existence of Cassius, +who acted and suffered for the same cause as the Stoic Cato, +shows that political apathy, although theoretically required by +this philosophy, was not essential to a Roman Epicurean. +Lucretius, though animated by an ardent spirit of proselytism, +does not desire that Memmius should forget his duties as a +citizen and statesman. The denial of the Divine interference +in human affairs and of the doctrine of a future state was the +essential bond of agreement among the adherents of Epicureanism. +The religious unsettlement of the age assumed in +them a positive form. They were the Sadducees of Rome, +who escaped from the perplexity as well as from the most +elevating influences of life, by moulding their feelings and +conduct on the firm conviction, that while man was master of +his happiness in this world, he had nothing either to hope or +fear after death.</p> + +<p>It seems a strange result of the moral confusion of that time +to find the enthusiasm of Lucretius springing from this denial +of what from the days of Plato have been regarded as the +highest hopes of mankind. No writer of antiquity was more +profoundly impressed by the serious import and mystery of +life. Yet he appears as the unhesitating advocate of all the +tenets of this philosophy, and denies the foundations of +religious belief with a zeal more like religious earnestness +than the spirit of any other writer of antiquity. Without +conscious deviation from the teaching of his master, he reproduces +the calm unimpassioned doctrines of Epicurus, in +a new type,—earnest, austere, and ennobled; enforcing them +not for the sake of ease or for the love of pleasure, but in the +cause of truth and human dignity. Pleasure is indeed recognised +by him as the universal law or condition of existence—'dux +vitae dia voluptas,'—the great instrument of Nature +through which all life is created and maintained. But the +real object of his teaching is to obtain not active pleasure, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page361" id="page361"></a>[page 361]</span> +but peace and a 'pure heart.' 'For life,' he says, 'may go +on without corn or wine, but not without a pure heart—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>At bene non poterat sine puro pectore vivi.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>All that Nature craves is that the body should be free +from actual pain, and that the mind, undisturbed by fear +and anxiety, should be open to the influence of natural +enjoyment—'</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i24">Nonne videre</p> +<p class="i2">Nil aliud sibi naturam latrare, nisi ut, cui</p> +<p class="i2">Corpore seiunctus dolor absit, mente fruatur</p> +<p class="i2">Iucundo sensu cura semotu' metuque<a id="footnotetagxiii3" name="footnotetagxiii3"></a><a href="#footnotexiii3"><sup>3</sup></a>?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Although in different places he indicates a genuine appreciation +of the charms of art,—in the form of music, paintings, +statues, etc.,— yet he expresses or implies an independence +of all the adventitious stimulants to enjoyment. The only +needful pleasure is that which Nature herself bestows on a +mind free from care, passion, violent emotion, restless discontent, +and slothful apathy.</p> + +<p>Although no new principle or maxim of conduct appears +in his teaching, the view of human life presented by Lucretius +was really something new in the world. A strong and +deep flood of serious thought and feeling was for the first +time poured into the shallow channel of Epicureanism. The +spirit in which Lucretius contemplated the world was different +from that of any other man of antiquity; especially different +from that of his master in philosophy. To the one human +life was a pleasant sojourn, which should be temperately +enjoyed and gracefully terminated at the appointed time: +to the other it was the more sombre and tragic side of +the august spectacle which all Nature presents to the contemplative +mind. Moderation in enjoyment was the practical +lesson of the one: fortitude and renunciation were the +demands which the other made of all who would live +worthily.</p> + +<p>This difference in the spirit, rather than the letter, of their +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page362" id="page362"></a>[page 362]</span> +philosophy is to be attributed in some degree to this, that +Lucretius was a Roman of the antique type of Ennius, +born with the passionate heart of a poet, and inheriting the +resolute endurance of the great patrician families. Partly +too, as was said before, the effect of the speculative philosophy +which he embraced was to deepen and strengthen +that mood of imaginative contemplation, which he shares, +not with any of his countrymen, but with a few great +thinkers of the world. It is his philosophical enthusiasm +which distinguishes the teaching of Lucretius from the +meditative and practical wisdom which has made Horace +the favourite Epicurean teacher and companion of modern +times. Partly too, as was said in a former chapter, this new +aspect of Epicureanism in Lucretius may be attributed to the +reaction of his nature from the confusion of the times in which +he lived.</p> + +<p>It is not indeed possible to learn whether the passions of +his age first drove him to Epicureanism, or whether the +doctrines of that philosophy, adopted on speculative grounds, +may not rather have led him to regard his age in the spirit of +contemplative isolation, which he has described in the well-known +passage—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Suave, mari magno turbantibus aequora ventis, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His philosophy may have been forced on him by personal +experience, or the intimations of experience may have assumed +their form and colour from the nature of his philosophy. But +the memories of his youth and the experience of things +witnessed in his manhood did undoubtedly colour all his +thoughts and feelings on human life. Some of the forms of +evil against which he contends had never been so prominently +displayed before. Yet all these considerations afford only a +partial explanation of the character of his practical philosophy. +There were other Roman Epicureans, contemporary with him +and later, and none are known to have been in any way like +him. Although his nature was made of the strong Roman +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page363" id="page363"></a>[page 363]</span> +fibre; although his mind had been deeply imbued with +the spirit of Greek philosophy; although his view of life +was necessarily coloured by the action of his times; yet +all these considerations go but a little way to explain his +attitude of mind and the work which he accomplished in +the world. Over all these considerations this predominates, +that he was a man of great original and individual force, +and one who in power and sincerity of thought and feeling +rose higher than any other above the level of his age and +country.</p> + +<p>The moral teaching of the poem was rather an active +protest against various forms of evil than the proclamation +of a positive good. The happiness which the philosophic life +promised is described in vague outline, like the delineation +given of the calm and passionless existence of the Gods. +Epicureanism appears here in antagonism to the prejudice and +ignorance, the weakness and the passions of human nature, +rather than in its hold of any positive good. Hence it is that +the tones of Lucretius might in many places be mistaken +for those of a Stoic rather than an Epicurean. In their +resistance to the common forms of evil these systems were +at one. Perhaps, too, in the positive good at which he aimed, +the spirit of Lucretius was more that of a Stoic than he imagined. +His sense of human dignity was much more powerful than his +regard for human enjoyment. Yet his philosophy enabled him, +along with the strength of Stoicism, to cherish humaner sympathies. +While his earnest temper, his scorn of weakness, his +superiority to pleasure were in harmony with the militant rather +than the quiescent attitude of each of these philosophies, his +humanity and tenderness of feeling and the enjoyment which +he derived from Nature and art were more in harmony with +the better side of Epicureanism than with the formal teaching +of the Porch.</p> + +<p>The evils of life, for the cure of which Lucretius considers +his philosophy available, appeared to him to spring not out of +man's relation to Nature, but out of the weakness of his reason +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page364" id="page364"></a>[page 364]</span> +and the corruption of his heart. The great service of Epicurus +consisted not only in revealing the laws of Nature, but in laying +his finger on the secret cause of man's unhappiness. Observing +the insufficiency of all external goods to bestow peace and contentment, +he saw that the evil lay in the vessel into which these +blessings were poured:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Intellegit ibi vitium vas efficere ipsum</p> +<p>Omniaque illius vitio corrumpier intus,</p> +<p>Quae conlata foris et commoda cumque venirent;</p> +<p>Partim quod fluxum pertusumque esse videbat,</p> +<p>Ut nulla posset ratione explerier umquam;</p> +<p>Partim quod taetro quasi conspurcare sapore</p> +<p>Omnia cernebat, quaecumque receperat, intus<a id="footnotetagxiii4" name="footnotetagxiii4"></a><a href="#footnotexiii4"><sup>4</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The evils which vitiate our happiness are the cowardice which +dares not accept the blessings of life, the weakness which repines +at what is inevitable, the restless desires which cannot enjoy +the present and crave for what is beyond their reach, the apathy +and insensibility to natural enjoyment, which are the necessary +consequence of luxurious indulgence. Thus the aim of his +moral teaching was to purify the heart from superstition, from +the fear of death, from the passions of ambition and of love, +from all artificial pleasures and desires.</p> + +<p>The greatest of these evils and the mainspring of all human +misery is superstition. It is this which surrounds life with the +gloom of death—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Omnia suffundens mortis nigrore<a id="footnotetagxiii5" name="footnotetagxiii5"></a><a href="#footnotexiii5"><sup>5</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Against the arbitrary and cruel power, supposed to be exercised +by the Gods, Lucretius proclaimed internecine war. The fear +of this power is denounced, not as a restraint on natural inclination, +but as a base and intolerable burden, degrading life, confounding +all genuine feeling, corrupting our ideas of what is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page365" id="page365"></a>[page 365]</span> +holiest and most divine. The pathetic story of the sacrifice of +Iphigenia is told to enforce the antagonism between the exactions +of religious belief and the most sacred human affections. +Every line of the poem is indirectly a protest against the +religious errors of antiquity. At occasional intervals this +protest is directly uttered, sometimes with indignant irony, +at other times with the profoundest pathos. The first feeling +breaks forth in the passage at vi. 380, etc., where he argues +against the fancies which attribute thunder to the capricious +anger of the Gods. 'Why is it,' he asks, 'that the bolts +pass over the guilty and often strike the innocent? Why are +they idly spent on desert places? Is this done by the Gods +merely in the way of practice and exercise for their arms? +Why is it that Jupiter never hurls his bolts in a clear sky? +Does he descend into the clouds in order that his aim may be +surer? Why does he cast his bolts into the sea? What +charge has he against the waves and the waste of waters?</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i28"> Quid undas</p> +<p class="i2">Arguit et liquidam molem camposque natantis<a id="footnotetagxiii6" name="footnotetagxiii6"></a><a href="#footnotexiii6"><sup>6</sup></a>?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Why is it that he often destroys and disfigures his own temples +and images?'</p> + +<p>Elsewhere, however, he is moved by a feeling deeper than +scorn,—a feeling of true reverence, springing from a high ideal +of the attitude which it became man to maintain in presence of +a superior nature. There is no passage in the poem in which +he speaks more from the depths of his heart than in the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>O genus infelix humanum, talia divis</p> +<p>Cum tribuit facta atque iras adiunxit acerbas!</p> +<p>Quantos tum gemitus ipsi sibi, quantaque nobis</p> +<p>Volnera, quas lacrimas peperere minoribu' nostris!</p> +<p>Nec pietas ullast velatum saepe videri</p> +<p>Vertier ad lapidem atque omnis accedere ad aras</p> +<p>Nec procumbere humi prostratum et pandere palmas</p> +<p>Ante deum delubra nec aras sanguine multo</p> +<p>Spargere quadrupedum nec votis nectere vota,</p> +<p>Sed mage pacata posse omnia mente tueri<a id="footnotetagxiii7" name="footnotetagxiii7"></a><a href="#footnotexiii7"><sup>7</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page366" id="page366"></a>[page 366]</span> + +<p>The terrors of the popular mythology are denounced as a +violation of the majesty of the Gods, as well as the cause +of infinite evil to ourselves,—not indeed because any thought +or act of ours has the power to rouse the Divine anger, but +from the effect that these feelings have on our own minds. +'No longer can we approach the temples of the Gods with +a quiet heart, nor receive into our minds the intimations of +the Divine nature in peace'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nec delubra deum placido cum pectore adibis,</p> +<p>Nec de corpore quae sancto simulacra feruntur</p> +<p>In mentes hominum divinae nuntia formae</p> +<p>Suscipere haec animi tranquilla pace valebis<a id="footnotetagxiii8" name="footnotetagxiii8"></a><a href="#footnotexiii8"><sup>8</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>This passage and others in the poem imply that Lucretius both +believed in the existence of Gods, and conceived of them +as revealing themselves through direct impressions to the +mind of man, and filling it with solemn awe and peace. +But the account which he gives of their eternal existence is +vague and poetical, and might almost be regarded as a symbolical +expression of what seemed to him most holy and +divine in man. The highest aim of man is to 'lead a life +worthy of the Gods': the essential attribute of the divine life +is 'peace.' The Gods are said to consist of the finest and +purest essence, to be exempt from death, decay, and wasting +passions, to be supplied with all things by the liberal +bounty of Nature, and to dwell for ever in untroubled serenity +above the darkness and the storms of our world. Their abode +in the spaces betwixt different worlds—(the 'intermundia' as +they are called by Cicero),—is described in words almost +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page367" id="page367"></a>[page 367]</span> +literally translated from the description of the Heaven of +the Odyssey—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Apparet divum numen sedesque quietae</p> +<p>Quas neque concutiunt venti nec nubila nimbis</p> +<p>Aspergunt neque nix acri concreta pruina</p> +<p>Cana cadens violat semperque innubilus aether</p> +<p>Integit, et large diffuso lumine rident<a id="footnotetagxiii9" name="footnotetagxiii9"></a><a href="#footnotexiii9"><sup>9</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>They reveal themselves to man in dreams and waking visions +by images of ampler size and more august aspect than that +of our mortal condition. Fear and ignorance have assigned +to these unchanging forms the functions of creating and +governing the world, and out of this fear have arisen all +over the earth temples and altars, along with the festivals +and the solemn rites of superstition. But the Gods are +neither the arbitrary tyrants nor the beneficent guardians +of the world. Why should they have done anything for +the benefit of man? How can he add to or detract from +their eternal happiness? Shall we suppose them weary +of their existence, and infected with a human passion for +change?—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>At, credo, in tenebris vita ac maerore iacebat,</p> +<p>Donec diluxit rerum genitalis origo.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Whence could they have obtained the idea of creation, +whence gathered the secret powers of matter—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Si non ipsa dedit specimen natura creandi?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Against the old argument from final causes he opposes that +drawn from the imperfections of the world, such as the waste +of Nature's resources on vast tracts of mountain and forest, +on desolate marshes, rocks, and seas,—the enmity to man +of other occupants of the earth,—the malign influences of +climate and the seasons,—the feebleness of infancy,—the +devastations of disease,—the untimeliness of early death<a id="footnotetagxiii10" name="footnotetagxiii10"></a><a href="#footnotexiii10"><sup>10</sup></a>.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page368" id="page368"></a>[page 368]</span> + +<p>While his belief in the Gods is thus expressed in vague +outline and poetical symbolism, yet it is clear that as he +recognised a secret, orderly, and omnipotent power in Nature, +so also he recognised the ideal of a purer and serener life than +that of earthly existence. These two elements in all true +religion, a reverential acknowledgment of a universal power +and order, and a sense of a diviner life with which man +may have communion, were part of the being of Lucretius. +His denial of supernatural beliefs extended not only to all the +fables and false conceptions of ancient mythology, but to +the doctrine of a Divine Providence recompensing men, +here or hereafter, according to their actions. The intensity +of his nature led him to identify all religion with the cruel +or childish fables of the popular faith. The certainty with +which he grasped the truth of the laws and order of Nature +was incompatible with the only conception he could form of a +Divine action on the world. His deep sense of human rights +and deep sympathy with human feeling rebelled against a +belief in Powers exercising a capricious tyranny over the world, +and exacting human sacrifice as a propitiation of their offended +majesty. His reverence for truth and his sense of the power +and mystery of Nature led him to scorn the virtue attributed to +an idolatrous and formal worship. This attitude of religious +isolation, not more from his own time than from the subsequent +course of thought, in a man of unusual sincerity and earnestness +of feeling, is certainly among the most impressive phenomena +of ancient literature. The spirit in which he denies the +beliefs of the world is far from resembling the triumph of +a cold philosophy over the religious associations of mankind. +He is moved even to a kind of poetical sympathy with some of +the ceremonies and symbols of Paganism. A sense of religious +awe,—a sympathetic recognition of the power of religious +emotion over the hearts of men,—is expressed, for instance, in +the lines which describe the procession of Cybele through the +great cities and nations of the world. While guarding himself +against the pollution of a base idolatry, he yet acknowledges +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page369" id="page369"></a>[page 369]</span> +not only the power of religious associations to entwine themselves +with human affections, but the intrinsic power of the +truths symbolised in that worship; viz. the truth of the +majesty of Nature, and of the duties arising from the elemental +affections to parents and country. In regard to all his +religious impressions his intensity of feeling and imagination +seems to place him on a solitary height, nearly as far apart +from the followers of his own school as from their adversaries<a id="footnotetagxiii11" name="footnotetagxiii11"></a><a href="#footnotexiii11"><sup>11</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>The same strength of heart and mind characterises that +passage of sustained and impassioned feeling, in which +Lucretius encounters the thought of eternal death. The vast +spiritual difference between the Roman poet and the Greek +philosopher is apparent when we contrast the cold, unsympathetic +language of the epistle to Menœceus with the fervent +and profoundly human tones of the third book of the poem of +Lucretius. Epicurus escapes from the fear of death through a +placid indifference of feeling, an easy contentment with the +comforts of this life, a sense of relief in getting rid of 'the +longing for immortality' ( +<ins title="Greek: ton tês athanasias pothon"> +τὸν τῆς ἀθανασίας πόθον</ins>). Lucretius, +while realising the full pathos and solemnity of the thought +of death, preaches submission to the inexorable decree of +Nature with a stern consistency and a proud fortitude combating +the suggestions of human weakness.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page370" id="page370"></a>[page 370]</span> + +<p>The whole of the third book is devoted to this part of his +subject, and the argument of the fourth is to a great extent +supplementary to that of the third book. The physical doctrine +enunciated and illustrated in the first half of the third +book is the materiality of the soul and its indissoluble +connexion with the body. The practical consequence of this +doctrine, viz. that death is nothing to us, is there enforced in a +long passage<a id="footnotetagxiii12" name="footnotetagxiii12"></a><a href="#footnotexiii12"><sup>12</sup></a> of sustained power and solemnity of feeling. +First, we are made to realise the entire unconsciousness in +death throughout all eternity. 'As it was before we were +born, so shall it be hereafter. As we felt no trouble in the +past at the clash of conflict between Roman and Carthaginian, +when all the world shook with alarm, so nothing can touch us +or move us then—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Non si terra mari miscebitur et mare caelo<a id="footnotetagxiii13" name="footnotetagxiii13"></a><a href="#footnotexiii13"><sup>13</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It is but the trick of our fancy which suggests the thought +of any kind of suffering after all consciousness has ceased—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nec radicitus e vita se tollit et eicit</p> +<p>Sed facit esse sui quiddam super inscius ipse<a id="footnotetagxiii14" name="footnotetagxiii14"></a><a href="#footnotexiii14"><sup>14</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Men feel that the sadness of death lies in the separation +from wife, and children, and home; in the extinction which a +single day has brought to all the blessings and the gains of +a lifetime. But they forget that along with these blessings +is extinguished all desire and longing for them. So, too, men +"spice their fair banquets with the dust of death." They say, +"our joy is but for a season; it will soon be past, nor ever +again be recalled,"—as if forsooth any want or any desire can +haunt that sleep from which there is no awaking—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14"> Nec quisquam expergitus exstat,</p> +<p class="i2">Frigida quem semel est vitai pausa secuta<a id="footnotetagxiii15" name="footnotetagxiii15"></a><a href="#footnotexiii15"><sup>15</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Nature herself might utter this reproof to all weak complaining: +"Thou fool, if thy life hath given thee joy, and all its blessings +have not been poured into a leaky vessel, why dost thou +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page371" id="page371"></a>[page 371]</span> +not leave the feast like a satisfied guest, and take thy rest +contentedly? But if all has hitherto been to thee vanity +and vexation of spirit, why seek to add to thy trouble? I can +devise or frame no new pleasure for thee. "There is no new +thing under the sun"—"eadem sunt omnia semper."' To the +weak complaint of age, Nature would speak with sterner voice: +'Away hence with thy tears and thy complainings. It is +because, unable to enjoy the present, thou art ever weakly +longing for what is absent, that death has come on thee +unsatisfied.' 'This would be, indeed, a just charge and +reproof. For the old order is ever yielding place to new; and +life is given to no man in possession, to all men for use. The +time before we were born is a mirror to us of what the future +shall be. Is there any gloom or horror there? Is there not a +deeper rest than any sleep?'</p> + +<p>'The terrors of the unseen world are but the hell which +fools make for themselves out of their passions<a id="footnotetagxiii16" name="footnotetagxiii16"></a><a href="#footnotexiii16"><sup>16</sup></a>. The torments +of Tantalus, of Tityus, of Sisyphus, and the Danaides, +are but symbols of the blind cowardice and superstition, of the +craving passions, of the ever-foiled and ever-renewed ambition, +of the thankless discontent with the natural joy and beauty of +the world, which curse and degrade our mortal existence. +The stories of Cerberus and the Furies, and of the tortures +of the damned are creations of a guilty conscience, or the +projections into futurity of the experiences of earthly punishment.'</p> + +<p>Other consolations are suggested by the thoughts of those +who have gone before us. Echoing the stern irony of +Achilles—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: alla, philos, thane kai su; tiê olophyreai houtôs?"> +ἀλλά, φίλος, θάνε καὶ +σύ' τίη ὀλοφύρεαι οὕτως</ins>;</p> +<p><ins title="Greek: katthane kai Patroklos, hoper seo pollon ameinôn"> +κάτθανε καὶ Πάτροκλος, +ὅπερ σέο πολλὸν ἀμείνων</ins><a id="footnotetagxiii17" name="footnotetagxiii17"></a><a href="#footnotexiii17"><sup>17</sup></a>—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>he reminds us that better and greater men than we have died,—kings +and soldiers, poets and philosophers, the mightiest +equally with the humblest. In the spirit, and partly too in the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page372" id="page372"></a>[page 372]</span> +words of Ennius, he enforces the thought that 'Scipio, the +thunderbolt of war, the terror of Carthage, gave his bones to +the earth as if he were the meanest slave.' 'Why, then, +should one whose life is half a sleep, who is the prey of weak +fears and restless discontent, complain that he too is subject to +the common law? What is this wretched love of life, which +makes us tremble at every danger? Death cannot be avoided; +no new pleasure can be forged out by longer living. This evil +of our lot is not inflicted by Nature, but by our own craving +hearts, which cannot enjoy, and are yet ever thirsting for +longer life<a id="footnotetagxiii18" name="footnotetagxiii18"></a><a href="#footnotexiii18"><sup>18</sup></a>.'</p> + +<p>The power of the whole of this passage depends partly +on the vividness of feeling and conception with which the +thought is realised, partly on the august and solemn associations +with which it is surrounded. Such graphic touches as +these—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Frigida quem semel est vitai pausa secuta<a id="footnotetagxiii19" name="footnotetagxiii19"></a><a href="#footnotexiii19"><sup>19</sup></a>;—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p>Cum summo gelidi cubat aequore saxi<a id="footnotetagxiii20" name="footnotetagxiii20"></a><a href="#footnotexiii20"><sup>20</sup></a>;—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p>Urgerive superne obtritum pondere terrae<a id="footnotetagxiii21" name="footnotetagxiii21"></a><a href="#footnotexiii21"><sup>21</sup></a>,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and again, the life, truth, and tenderness of the picture +presented in the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Iam iam non domus accipiet te laeta, neque uxor</p> +<p>Optima nec dulces occurrent oscula nati</p> +<p>Praeripere et tacita pectus dulcedine tangent<a id="footnotetagxiii22" name="footnotetagxiii22"></a><a href="#footnotexiii22"><sup>22</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>bring home to the mind, in startling distinctness, the old +familiar contrast between the 'cold obstruction' of the grave +and 'the warm precincts of the cheerful day.' But the +horror and pain of the thought of death are lost in a feeling of +august resignation to the universal law. Though the fact +is made present to our minds in its sternest reality, yet it is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page373" id="page373"></a>[page 373]</span> +encompassed with the pomp and majesty of great associations. +It suggests the thought of the most momentous crisis in +history—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ad confligendum venientibus undique Poenis<a id="footnotetagxiii23" name="footnotetagxiii23"></a><a href="#footnotexiii23"><sup>23</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>of the regal state of kings and mighty potentates—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Inde alii multi reges rerumque potentes</p> +<p>Occiderunt, magnis qui gentibus imperitarunt<a id="footnotetagxiii24" name="footnotetagxiii24"></a><a href="#footnotexiii24"><sup>24</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>of the simpler and more impressive grandeur of the great men +of old, such as the 'good Ancus,' the mighty Scipio, Homer, +'peerless among poets,' the sage Democritus, Epicurus, 'the +sun among all the lesser luminaries.' Lastly, we are reminded +of the universal law of Nature, that the death of the old is the +condition of the life of the new—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sic alid ex alio nunquam desistet oriri<a id="footnotetagxiii25" name="footnotetagxiii25"></a><a href="#footnotexiii25"><sup>25</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Even if the spirit of the poet cannot be said to rise +buoyantly above the depressing and paralysing influence of +this conviction, yet he draws a higher lesson from it than +the maxim of 'Eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.' He +understands the epicurean precept of 'carpe diem' in a sense +more befitting to human dignity. The lesson which he +teaches is the need of conquering all weakness, sloth, and irresolution +in life. This life is all that we have through eternity; +let it not be wasted in unsatisfied desires, insensibility to +present and regrets for absent good, or restless disquiet for the +future; let us understand ourselves and our position here, +bear and enjoy whatever is allotted to us during our few years +of existence. We are masters of ourselves and of our fortunes, +so far at least as to rise clearly above the degradation of ignorance +and misery.</p> + +<p>The practical use of the study of Nature, according to +Lucretius, is, first, to inspire confidence in the room of an +ignorant and superstitious fear of supernatural power; and, +secondly, to show what man really needs, and so to clear +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page374" id="page374"></a>[page 374]</span> +the heart from all artificial desires and passions. All that +is wanted for happiness in this world is a mind free from error, +and a heart neither incapable of natural enjoyment (fluxum +pertusumque) nor vitiated by false appetite<a id="footnotetagxiii26" name="footnotetagxiii26"></a><a href="#footnotexiii26"><sup>26</sup></a>. Of the errors +to which man is liable superstition and the fear of death are +the most deeply seated. Of the artificial desires and passions, +on the other hand, the most destructive are the love of power +and of riches, and the sensual appetite for pleasure. In +the opening lines of the second book the strife of ambition, +the rivalries of rank and intellect in the warfare of +politics are contrasted with the serene life of philosophy, +as darkness, error, and danger with light, certainty, and +peace—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed nil dulcius est, bene quam munita tenere</p> +<p>Edita doctrina sapientum templa serena,</p> +<p>Despicere unde queas alios passimque videre</p> +<p>Errare atque viam palantis quaerere vitae,</p> +<p>Certare ingenio, contendere nobilitate,</p> +<p>Noctes atque dies niti praestante labore</p> +<p>Ad summas emergere opes rerumque potiri<a id="footnotetagxiii27" name="footnotetagxiii27"></a><a href="#footnotexiii27"><sup>27</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Yet to be the master of armies and of navies, or to be clothed +in gold and purple, gives not that exemption from the real +terrors and anxieties of life which the power of reason only can +bestow—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quod si ridicula haec ludibriaque esse videmus,</p> +<p>Re veraque metus hominum curaeque sequaces</p> +<p>Nec metuunt sonitus armorum nec fera tela,</p> +<p>Audacterque inter reges rerumque potentis</p> +<p>Versantur neque fulgorem reverentur ab auro</p> +<p>Nec clarum vestis splendorem purpureai,</p> +<p>Quid dubitas quin omni' sit haec rationi' potestas?</p> +<p>Omnis cum in tenebris praesertim vita laboret<a id="footnotetagxiii28" name="footnotetagxiii28"></a><a href="#footnotexiii28"><sup>28</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page375" id="page375"></a>[page 375]</span> + +<p>The desire of power and station leads to the shame and +misery of baffled hopes, of which the toil of Sisyphus is +the type, and also to the guilt which deluges the world in +blood, and violates the most sacred ties of Nature<a id="footnotetagxiii29" name="footnotetagxiii29"></a><a href="#footnotexiii29"><sup>29</sup></a>. While +failure in the struggle is degradation, success is often only the +prelude to the most sudden downfall. Weary with bloodshed, +and with forcing their way up the hostile and narrow road of +ambition<a id="footnotetagxiii30" name="footnotetagxiii30"></a><a href="#footnotexiii30"><sup>30</sup></a>, men reach the summit of their hopes only to be +hurled down by envy as by a thunderbolt<a id="footnotetagxiii31" name="footnotetagxiii31"></a><a href="#footnotexiii31"><sup>31</sup></a>. They are slaves +to ambition, merely because they cannot distinguish the true +from the false, because they cannot judge of things as they +really are, apart from the estimate which the world puts upon +them—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quandoquidem sapiunt alieno ex ore petuntque</p> +<p>Res ex auditis potius quam sensibus ipsis.<a id="footnotetagxiii32" name="footnotetagxiii32"></a><a href="#footnotexiii32"><sup>32</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The love of riches and of luxurious living, which had begun +to corrupt the Roman character in the age of Lucilius, had +increased to gigantic dimensions in the last age of the Republic. +By no aspect of his age was Lucretius more repelled +than by this. No doctrine is enforced in the poem with more +sincerity of conviction than that of the happiness and dignity +of plain and natural living, the vanity of all the appliances +of wealth, and their inability to give real enjoyment either to +body or mind. In a well-known passage at the beginning of +the second book he adapts an ideal description from Homer's +account of the palace of Alcinous to the costly magnificence +and splendour of Roman banquets, with which he contrasts +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page376" id="page376"></a>[page 376]</span> +the pleasure of gratifying simple tastes, in fine weather, among +the beauties of Nature—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Praesertim cum tempestas adridet et anni</p> +<p>Tempora conspergunt viridantis floribus herbas<a id="footnotetagxiii33" name="footnotetagxiii33"></a><a href="#footnotexiii33"><sup>33</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>With fervid sincerity he announces the truth that 'to the +man who would govern his life by reason plain living and +a contented spirit are great riches'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quod siquis vera vitam ratione gubernet,</p> +<p>Divitiae grandes homini sunt vivere parce</p> +<p>Aequo animo<a id="footnotetagxiii34" name="footnotetagxiii34"></a><a href="#footnotexiii34"><sup>34</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Moderation, independence, and self-control are the virtues +which Horace derives from his philosophy. He knew how to +enjoy both the luxury of the city and the simple fare of +the country. Lucretius is more alive to the dangers of +pampering the body and enervating the mind. He is more +active in his resistance to the common forms of indulgence: +he shows more truly simple tastes, stronger capacity of natural +enjoyment. He is vividly sensible of the apathy and <i>ennui</i> +produced by the luxury and inaction of his age. Others +among the Roman poets, with more or less sincerity and +consistency, appear to long for a return to more natural ways, +and paint their ideals of the purity and simplicity of country +life. But no writer of antiquity is less of an idealist than +Lucretius: there is no writer, ancient or modern, whose words +are more truthful and unvarnished. There is no romance or +self-deception in what he longs for. There may be some +anticipation of the spirit of Rousseau in Virgil, and still more +in Tibullus, but none whatever in Lucretius. The privations +and rude misery of savage life are painted in as sombre colours +as the satiety and discontent of his own age. It would be +difficult to name any writer, ancient or modern, by whom the +lesson of 'plain living and high thinking' was more worthily +inculcated.</p> + +<p>The passion of love, which, in its more violent phases, was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page377" id="page377"></a>[page 377]</span> +seen to be a prominent motive in the comedy of Plautus, +became a very powerful influence in actual life during the last +years of the Republic and the early years of the Empire. +Extreme license in the pursuit of pleasure was common among +men and women of the highest rank: but, over and above +this, the poetry of Catullus and of the elegiac poets of the +Augustan age shows that in the case of young men of fashion +and literary accomplishment (and these were often combined) +intrigue and temporary <i>liaisons</i> had become the absorbing +interest and occupation of life. With these claims of passion +and sentiment, apparently so alien to the ancient strength and +dignity of the Roman character, Lucretius felt no sympathy. +No writer has shown a profounder reverence for human +affection. In his eyes the crowning guilt of superstition is the +cruel violation of natural ties exacted by it: the chief bitterness +of death is the thought of eternal separation from wife +and children: the first civilising influence acting on the world +is traced to the power of the blandishments of children over +the savage pride of strength. The pathos of the famous +passage, at Book ii. 350, attests his sympathy with the sorrow +caused by the disruption of natural ties, even in the lower +animals. Other casual expressions, as in that line of profound +feeling—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Aeternumque daret matri sub pectore volnus<a id="footnotetagxiii35" name="footnotetagxiii35"></a><a href="#footnotexiii35"><sup>35</sup></a>;—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>or such pictures, as that at iii. 469, of friends and relatives surrounding +the bed of one who has sunk into a deep lethargy—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i16"> Ad vitam qui revocantes</p> +<p class="i2">Circumstant lacrimis rorantes ora genasque<a id="footnotetagxiii36" name="footnotetagxiii36"></a><a href="#footnotexiii36"><sup>36</sup></a>,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>show how strong and real was his regard for the great elemental +affections of human nature. But, on the other hand, he is +austerely indifferent to the follies and the idealising fancies of +lovers. With satirical and not fastidious realism he strips +passion of all romance, and exhibits it as a bondage fatal alike +to character and independence, to peace of mind and to self-respect. +But it is the weakness, not the immorality of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page378" id="page378"></a>[page 378]</span> +licentious passion which he condemns. And it would be +altogether an anachronism to attribute to a writer of that age +sentiments on this subject in harmony either with the austere +virtue of the primitive Romans, or with the moral standard of +modern times. It is not the indulgence of inclination, but its +excess and perversion, by which the happiness and dignity +of life are placed in another's power, which he condemns.</p> + +<p>In order to perceive the limitation of the view of the evils +of human life and of their remedy presented by Lucretius, +it is not necessary to contrast it with the higher aspects of +moral and religious thought in modern times. It is clear that +owing to some idiosyncrasy, the result perhaps of some +accident of his early years, and fostered by seclusion in +later years from the common ways of life, he greatly exaggerates +the influence of the terrors of the ancient religion over +the world. There is little trace, either in the literature<a id="footnotetagxiii37" name="footnotetagxiii37"></a><a href="#footnotexiii37"><sup>37</sup></a> or in +the sepulchral inscriptions of the Romans, of that 'fear of +Acheron'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Funditus humanam qui vitam turbat ab imo</p> +<p>Omnia suffendens mortis nigrore neque ullam</p> +<p>Esse voluptatem liquidam puramque reliquit.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page379" id="page379"></a>[page 379]</span> + +<p>The answer of Cicero to the exaggerated pretensions of +Epicureanism seems to express the common sense of his age, +'Where can you find an old woman fatuous enough to believe +what you forsooth would have believed, if you had not studied +physical science<a id="footnotetagxiii38" name="footnotetagxiii38"></a><a href="#footnotexiii38"><sup>38</sup></a>?' The passionate protest of Lucretius seems +more applicable to times of religious persecution, and to extreme +forms of fanaticism in modern times, than to the tolerant spirit +and the not unkindly superstition of the Greek and Roman +world, as they are known in its literature. But if the experience +of the modern world gives a still more startling significance +to the words—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>that experience also enables us better to understand the blindness +of Lucretius to the purifying and consoling power which +even ancient religion was capable of exercising. Though not +insensible to the poetical charm of some of the old mythological +fancies, and to the solemnising effect of impressive +ceremonials, he can see only the baser influences of fear in +man's whole attitude to a supernatural Power. His ordinary +acuteness of mind seems to desert him in that passage<a id="footnotetagxiii39" name="footnotetagxiii39"></a><a href="#footnotexiii39"><sup>39</sup></a> where +he resolves the passions of ambition and avarice into the fear +of death, and that again into the dread of eternal punishment.</p> + +<p>The limitation of his philosophy is also apparent in +his want of sympathy with the active duties and pursuits +of life. He can see only different modes of evil in the +busy interests of the world. War, politics, commerce, +appeared to him a mere struggle of personal passion with +a view to personal aggrandisement. A life of peace, not +of energetic action, was his ideal. In eternal peace he placed +the supreme happiness of the Gods: a state of peaceful contemplation—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed mage pacata posse omnia mente tueri—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>he regards as the only true religion for man: the 'mute and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page380" id="page380"></a>[page 380]</span> +uncomplaining' peace of the grave reconciles him to the +thought of everlasting death. The inadequacy of his philosophy +may thus be traced partly to his vivid impressibility +of imagination, which made him too exclusively sensible of +the awe produced on man's spirit by the mystery of the +universe, partly to his defective sympathy with the active +interests and duties of life. Partly, too, the bent of his mind +towards material observation and enquiry had some share +in determining his convictions. In dwelling on the outward +appearances of decay and death, he seems to have shut his +eyes to those inward conditions of the human spirit which +to Plato, Cicero, and Virgil appeared the witnesses of immortality. +The inability to form the definite conception of a God +without human limitations, as well as his strong sense of +the imperfection of the world, forced upon him the absolute +denial of any Divine providence over human affairs.</p> + +<p>Yet a modern reader, without accepting the conclusions +of his philosophy, may sympathise with much of his spirit. In +his firm faith in the laws which govern the universe, he +will recognise a great position established, as essential to +the progress of religious as of scientific thought. He will see, +in the earnest intensity of his feeling and the sincerity of +his expression, a spirit akin to the purer kinds of religious +fervour in modern times. In no other writer, ancient or +modern, will he find a profounder sense of human dignity, +of the supreme claims of affection, of the superiority of a +natural to a conventional life. From the direct exhortation +and the indirect teaching of Lucretius, he may learn such +lessons as these,—that it is man's first business to know +and obey the laws of his being,—that the sphere of his +happiest activity is to be found in contemplation rather than +in action,—that his well-being consists in valuing rightly +the real blessings of life rather than in following the illusions +of fancy or of custom,—in reverencing the sanctity of family +life,—and in cherishing a kindly sympathy with all living +things. If there was nothing especially new in the views +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page381" id="page381"></a>[page 381]</span> +which he enunciated, the power of realising the common +conditions of life, the passionate effort not only to rise himself +above human weakness, but to redeem the whole race of man +from the curse of ignorance, and the force of imaginative +sympathy with which he executed this part of his task were, +perhaps, something altogether new in the world.</p> + +<p>The same 'vivida vis' with which he observes natural +phenomena characterises his insight into human character and +passion. He penetrates below the surface of life with the +searching insight of a great satirist, and sees more clearly into +the hearts of men, and has a more subtle perception of the +secret springs of their unhappiness, than any of his countrymen. +The aim of his satire is not to make men seem objects of +ridicule or scorn, but to restore them to the dignity which they +had forfeited through weakness and ignorance. The observation +of Horace is wider and more varied, but it ranges much +more over the surface of life. He has neither the same sense +of the mystery of our being, nor the same sympathy with the +common conditions of mankind.</p> + +<p>The power of truthful moral painting which Lucretius +exercises is seen in that passage in which he reveals the +secret of the 'amari aliquit,' 'amid the very flowers of +love,'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Aut cum conscius ipse animus se forte remordet</p> +<p>Desidiose agere aetatem lustrisque perire,</p> +<p>Aut quod in ambiguo verbum iaculata reliquit</p> +<p>Quod cupido adfixum cordi vivescit ut ignis,</p> +<p>Aut nimium iactare oculos aliumve tueri</p> +<p>Quod putat in voltuque videt vestigia risus<a id="footnotetagxiii40" name="footnotetagxiii40"></a><a href="#footnotexiii40"><sup>40</sup></a>:</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and in that in which he describes the satiety and restlessness +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page382" id="page382"></a>[page 382]</span> +which is the avenging nemesis of an opulent and luxurious +society,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Exit saepe foras magnis ex aedibus ille,</p> +<p>Esse domi quem pertaesumst, subitoque revertit,</p> +<p>Quippe foris nilo melius qui sentiat esse.</p> +<p>Currit agens mannos ad villam praecipitanter,</p> +<p>Auxilium tectis quasi ferre ardentibus instans;</p> +<p>Oscitat extemplo, tetigit cum limina villae,</p> +<p>Aut abit in somnum gravis atque oblivia quaerit,</p> +<p>Aut etiam properans urbem petit atque revisit<a id="footnotetagxiii41" name="footnotetagxiii41"></a><a href="#footnotexiii41"><sup>41</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is always poetry and pathos in the satire of Lucretius. +There is no trace in him of the malice or the love of detraction +which is seldom wholly absent from satiric writing. The +futility of human effort is the burden of his complaint<a id="footnotetagxiii42" name="footnotetagxiii42"></a><a href="#footnotexiii42"><sup>42</sup></a>: and +this (as has been pointed out by M. Martha) is the explanation +of the pathetic recurrence of the word 'nequicquam' in so +many passages of his poem. His scorn and indignation +are shown only in exposing the impostures which men mistake +for truths. There is thus infinite compassion for the common +lot of man blended with the irony of the passage in which he +represents the aged husbandman complaining of the general +decay of piety as the cause of the failure of the earth to respond +to his labours. His direct and realistic power of expression +enhances his power as a moral painter and teacher. Though +the writings of Horace supply many more quotations applicable +to various situations in life, and expressed in equally apposite +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page383" id="page383"></a>[page 383]</span> +language, yet such lines as these in the older poet seem to +come from the heart of one ever 'sounding a deeper and more +perilous way' over the sea of human life, than suited the more +worldly wisdom of Horace,—</p> + +<div class="poem" style="line-height: 180%;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum<a id="footnotetagxiii43" name="footnotetagxiii43"></a><a href="#footnotexiii43"><sup>43</sup></a>.—</p> +<p>Cur non ut plenus vitae conviva recedis<a id="footnotetagxiii44" name="footnotetagxiii44"></a><a href="#footnotexiii44"><sup>44</sup></a>?—</p> +<p>Vitaque mancipio nulli datur omnibus usu<a id="footnotetagxiii45" name="footnotetagxiii45"></a><a href="#footnotexiii45"><sup>45</sup></a>.—</p> +<p>Surgit amari aliquit quod in ipsis floribus augat<a id="footnotetagxiii46" name="footnotetagxiii46"></a><a href="#footnotexiii46"><sup>46</sup></a>.—</p> +<p>Nam verae voces tum demum pectore ab imo</p> +<p>Eiciuntur et eripitur persona, manet res<a id="footnotetagxiii47" name="footnotetagxiii47"></a><a href="#footnotexiii47"><sup>47</sup></a>.—</p> +<p>Divitiae grandes homini sunt vivere parce</p> +<p>Aequo animo<a id="footnotetagxiii48" name="footnotetagxiii48"></a><a href="#footnotexiii48"><sup>48</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Many other lines and expressions of similar force will occur to +every reader familiar with Lucretius. As his ordinary style +brings the outward aspects of the world vividly before the mind, +so the language in which his moral teaching is enforced, or the +result of his moral observation is expressed, stamps powerfully +on the mind important and permanent truths of human nature. +His thoughts are uttered sometimes with the impressive dignity +of Roman oratory, sometimes with the nervous energy, not +without flashes of the vigorous wit, of Roman satire. There +are occasionally to be heard also higher and deeper tones than +those familiar to classical poetry. His burning zeal and indignation +against idolatry, and the scorn with which he exposes the +impotence of false gods—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Cur etiam loca sola petunt frustraque laborant?</p> +<p>An tum bracchia consuescunt firmantque lacertos<a id="footnotetagxiii49" name="footnotetagxiii49"></a><a href="#footnotexiii49"><sup>49</sup></a>?—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>show some affinity of spirit to the prophets of another race and +an earlier time. The 'grandeur of desolation' uttered in the +reproof of Nature,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam tibi praeterea quod machiner inveniamque,</p> +<p>Quod placeat, nil est: eadem sunt omnia semper<a id="footnotetagxiii50" name="footnotetagxiii50"></a><a href="#footnotexiii50"><sup>50</sup></a>,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>recalls the old words of the Preacher—'The thing that hath +been, it is that which shall be; and that which is done, is that +which shall be done: and there is no new thing under the sun.'</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotexiii1" name="footnotexiii1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii1"><sup>1</sup></a> Cf. Juv. xiv. 319:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quantum Epicure tibi parvis suffecit in hortis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii2" name="footnotexiii2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii2"><sup>2</sup></a> 'But the sober exercise of reason, +investigating the causes why we choose +or avoid anything, and banishing those opinions which cause the greatest +trouble in the soul.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii3" name="footnotexiii3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii3"><sup>3</sup></a> ii. 16-19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii4" name="footnotexiii4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii4"><sup>4</sup></a> 'Thereupon he perceived that the +vessel itself caused the evil, and that +all external gains and blessings whatsoever were vitiated within through its +fault, partly because he saw that it was so unsound and leaky that it could +never be filled in any way, partly because he discerned that it tainted +inwardly everything which it had received as it were with a nauseous flavour.'—vi. +17-23.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii5" name="footnotexiii5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii5"><sup>5</sup></a> iii. 39.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii6" name="footnotexiii6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii6"><sup>6</sup></a> vi. 404-5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii7" name="footnotexiii7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii7"><sup>7</sup></a> 'O miserable race of man when they +imputed to the Gods such acts as +these, and ascribed to them also angry passions. What sorrow did they then +prepare for themselves, what deep wounds for us, what tears for our +descendants. For there is no holiness in being often seen, turning round +with head veiled, in presence of a stone, and in drawing nigh to every altar; +nor in lying prostrate in the dust, and uplifting the hands before the temples +of the Gods; nor in sprinkling altars with the blood of beasts, and in ever +fastening up new votive offerings, but rather in being able to look at all +things with a mind at peace.'—v. 1194-1203.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii8" name="footnotexiii8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii8"><sup>8</sup></a> vi. 75-78.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii9" name="footnotexiii9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii9"><sup>9</sup></a> 'The holy presence of the Gods is revealed, +and their peaceful dwelling-places, +which neither the winds beat upon, nor the clouds bedew with rain; +nor does snow, gathered in flakes by keen frost, and falling white, invade +them; ever the cloudless ether enfolds them, and they are radiant with far-spread +light.'—iii. 18-22.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii10" name="footnotexiii10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii10"><sup>10</sup></a> v. 145-225.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii11" name="footnotexiii11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii11"><sup>11</sup></a> The feelings with which +Lucretius contemplates the solemn procession +of Cybele may be illustrated by the following passage, quoted by Mr. Morley +in his Life of Diderot, vol. ii. p. 65: 'Absurd rigorists do not know the +effect of external ceremonies on the people: they can never have seen the +enthusiasm of the multitude at the procession of the Fête Dieu, an enthusiasm +that sometimes even gains me. I have never seen that long file of priests in +their vestments, those young acolytes clad in their white robes, with broad +blue sashes engirdling their waists, and casting flowers on the ground before +the Holy Sacrament, the crowd, as it goes before and follows after them, +hushed in religious silence, and so many with their faces bent reverently to +the ground: I have never heard the grave and pathetic chant, as it is led by +the priests and fervently responded to by an infinity of voices of men, of +women, of girls, of little children, without my inmost heart being stirred, and +tears coming into my eyes. There is in it something, I know not what, that +is grand, solemn, sombre, and mournful.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii12" name="footnotexiii12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii12"><sup>12</sup></a> From 830 till the end.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii13" name="footnotexiii13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii13"><sup>13</sup></a> iii. 842.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii14" name="footnotexiii14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii14"><sup>14</sup></a> iii. 877-8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii15" name="footnotexiii15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii15"><sup>15</sup></a> iii. 929-30.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii16" name="footnotexiii16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii16"><sup>16</sup></a> Hic Acherusia fit +stultorum denique vita.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii17" name="footnotexiii17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii17"><sup>17</sup></a> Iliad xxi. 106-7.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii18" name="footnotexiii18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii18"><sup>18</sup></a> iii. 830-1094.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii19" name="footnotexiii19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii19"><sup>19</sup></a> iii. 930.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii20" name="footnotexiii20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii20"><sup>20</sup></a> iii. 892.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii21" name="footnotexiii21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii21"><sup>21</sup></a> iii. 893.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii22" name="footnotexiii22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii22"><sup>22</sup></a> 'Soon shall thy home receive +thee no more with glad welcome, nor thy +true wife, nor thy dear children run to snatch the first kiss, touching thy heart +with silent gladness.'—iii. 894-96.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii23" name="footnotexiii23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii23"><sup>23</sup></a> iii. 833.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii24" name="footnotexiii24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii24"><sup>24</sup></a> iii. 1027-8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii25" name="footnotexiii25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii25"><sup>25</sup></a> iii. 970.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii26" name="footnotexiii26"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii26"><sup>26</sup></a> Compare the metaphorical +expressions at vi. 20-4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii27" name="footnotexiii27"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii27"><sup>27</sup></a> 'But there is no greater +joy than to hold high aloft the tranquil abodes, +well bulwarked by the learning of the wise, whence thou mayest look down +on other men, and see them wandering every way, and lost in error, seeking +the road of life; mayest mark the strife of genius, the rivalries of rank, the +struggle night and day with surpassing effort to reach the highest place, and +be master of the State.'—ii. 48-54.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii28" name="footnotexiii28"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii28"><sup>28</sup></a> 'But if we see that all this +is but folly and a mockery, and, in real truth, +the fears of men and their dogging cares dread not the clash of arms nor the +fierce weapons of warfare, and boldly mix with kings and potentates, nor +fear the splendour of gold or the bright glare of purple robes, canst thou +doubt that it is the force of reason on which all this depends, especially since +all our life is in darkness and tribulation?'—ii. 48-55.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii29" name="footnotexiii29"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii29"><sup>29</sup></a> iii. 70.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii30" name="footnotexiii30"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii30"><sup>30</sup></a> v. 1131.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii31" name="footnotexiii31"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii31"><sup>31</sup></a> v. 1125.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii32" name="footnotexiii32"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii32"><sup>32</sup></a> 'Since they take their +wisdom from the lips of others, and pursue their +object in accordance rather with what they hear than with what they really +feel.'—v. 1133-4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii33" name="footnotexiii33"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii33"><sup>33</sup></a> ii. 33.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii34" name="footnotexiii34"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii34"><sup>34</sup></a> v. 1117-19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii35" name="footnotexiii35"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii35"><sup>35</sup></a> ii. 638.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii36" name="footnotexiii36"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii36"><sup>36</sup></a> iii. 468-9.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii37" name="footnotexiii37"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii37"><sup>37</sup></a> A passage in the Captivi +of Plautus (995-7), shows that these +terrors did appeal to the imagination in ancient times, and thus might +powerfully affect the happiness of persons of specially impressible natures, +although they do not seem to have often interfered with the actual enjoyment +of life,—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Vidi ego multa saepe picta quae Acherunti fierent</p> +<p class="i6">Cruciamenta: verum enimvero nulla adaequest Acheruns</p> +<p class="i6">Atque ubi ego fui in lapicidinis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Professor Wallace in his 'Epicureanism' (p. 109) writes, 'Whatever +may have been the case in earlier ages of Greece, there is no doubt +that in the age of Epicurus, the doctrine of a judgment to come, and +of a hell where sinners were punished for their crimes, made a large +part of the vulgar creed.... Orphic and other religious sects had enhanced +the terrors of the world below,' etc. Cicero, however, is a +better witness than Lucretius of the actual state of opinion among +his educated contemporaries. The exaggerated sense entertained by +Lucretius of the influence of such terrors among the class for whom +his poem was written is a confirmation of his having acted on the maxim +<ins title="Greek: lathe biôsas">λάθε βιώσας</ins>.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii38" name="footnotexiii38"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii38"><sup>38</sup></a> Tusc. Disp. i. 21.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii39" name="footnotexiii39"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii39"><sup>39</sup></a> iii. 59, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii40" name="footnotexiii40"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii40"><sup>40</sup></a> 'Either when his mind is +stung with the consciousness that he is +wasting his life in sloth, and ruining himself in wantonness; or because +from the shafts of her wit she has left in him some word of double +meaning, which seizes on his passionate heart and burns there like a +fire; or because he fancies that she casts about her eyes too much or +gazes at another, and marks the traces of a smile on her countenance.'—iv. +1135-40.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii41" name="footnotexiii41"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii41"><sup>41</sup></a> 'Oft-times, weary of home, +the lord of some spacious mansion issues +forth abroad, and suddenly returns, feeling that it is no better with him +abroad. Driving his horses, he speeds in hot haste to his country house, as +if his house were on fire and he was hurrying to bring assistance. +Straightway he begins to yawn, so soon as he has reached his threshold, or +sinks heavily into sleep and seeks forgetfulness, or even with all haste +returns to the city.'—iii. 1060-67.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii42" name="footnotexiii42"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii42"><sup>42</sup></a> E.g. v. 1430-34:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Ergo hominum genus incassum frustraque laborat</p> +<p class="i6">Semper et in curis consumit inanibus aevom,</p> +<p class="i6">Nimirum quia non cognovit quae sit habendi</p> +<p class="i6">Finis et omnino quoad crescat vera voluptas.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii43" name="footnotexiii43"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii43"><sup>43</sup></a> i. 101.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii44" name="footnotexiii44"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii44"><sup>44</sup></a> iii. 938.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii45" name="footnotexiii45"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii45"><sup>45</sup></a> iii. 971.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii46" name="footnotexiii46"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii46"><sup>46</sup></a> iv. 1134.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii47" name="footnotexiii47"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii47"><sup>47</sup></a> iii. 57-8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii48" name="footnotexiii48"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii48"><sup>48</sup></a> v. 1116.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiii49" name="footnotexiii49"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii49"><sup>49</sup></a> vi. 396-7.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnotexiii50" name="footnotexiii50"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiii50"><sup>50</sup></a> iii. 944-5.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page384" id="page384"></a>[page 384]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER XIV.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">The Literary Art and Genius of Lucretius.</span></h3> + +<p>It remains to consider the poem of Lucretius as a work +of literary art and genius. Much indeed of what may be +said on the subject of his genius has necessarily been anticipated +in the chapters devoted to the consideration of his +personal characteristics, his speculative philosophy, and his +moral teaching. The 'multa lumina ingenii' are most +conspicuous in those passages of his poem which best +illustrate the range and distinctness of his observation, the +grandeur and truth of his philosophical conceptions, the +passionate sympathy with which he strove to elevate and +purify human life. But, at the same time, the most manifest +defects of the poem, considered as a work of art, +spring from the same source as its greatness considered +as a work of genius, viz. the diversity and conflicting aims +of the faculties employed on its production. Although, +perhaps, from a Roman point of view, the practical purpose +which reduces the mass of miscellaneous details to unity, +and the success with which he encounters the difficulties +both of matter and language, might entitle the poem to +be regarded as a work 'multae artis,' yet, when tested by +the canons either of Greek or of modern taste, it fails +in the most essential conditions of art,—the choice of subject +and the form of construction. The title of the poem is +indeed taken from a Greek model, the poem of Empedocles, +'<ins title="Greek: peri physeôs">περὶ φύσεως</ins>': and the form of a personal address to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page385" id="page385"></a>[page 385]</span> +Memmius, in which Lucretius has embodied his teaching, +was suggested by the personal address of the older poet to +the 'son of Anchytus.' But although Aristotle acknowledges +the poetical genius of Empedocles by applying to him the +epithet +<ins title="Greek: Homêrikos">Ὁμηρικός</ins>, he denies to his composition the title of +a poem. The work of Empedocles and the kindred works +of Xenophanes and Parmenides are inspired not by the +passion of art but by the enthusiasm of discovery. They +are to be regarded rather as philosophical rhapsodies than +as purely didactic poems, like either the 'Works and Days' +of Hesiod or the writings of the Alexandrine School. They +were written in hexameter verse partly because that was +the most familiar vehicle of expression in the first half of +the fifth century <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and partly because it was the vehicle +most suited to the imaginative conceptions of Nature which +arose out of the old mythologies. But in the time of Lucretius +a prose vehicle was more suited than any form of verse +for the communication of knowledge in a systematic form. +The conception of Nature was no longer mystical or purely +imaginative as it had been in the age of Empedocles. Thus +the task which Lucretius had to perform was both vaster +and more complex than that of the early +<ins title="Greek: physiologoi">φυσιολόγοι</ins>. +He had to combine in one whole the prosaic results of later scientific +observation and analysis with the imaginative fancies of the +dawn of ancient enquiry. He professes to make both +conducive to the practical purpose of emancipating and +elevating human life; but a great part of his argument is as +remote from all human interest as it is from the ascertained +truths of science.</p> + +<p>All life and Nature were to his spirit full of imaginative +wonder, but they were believed also to be susceptible of +a rationalistic explanation. And the greater part of the +work is devoted to give this explanation. This large infusion +of a prosaic content necessarily detracts from the +artistic excellence and the sustained interest of the poem. +Lucretius speaks of the difficulty which he had to encounter +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page386" id="page386"></a>[page 386]</span> +in gaining the ear of his countrymen, in the +lines,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6"> Quoniam haec ratio plerumque videtur</p> +<p class="i2">Tristior esse quibus non est tractata, retroque</p> +<p class="i2">Volgus abhorret ab hac<a id="footnotetagxiv1" name="footnotetagxiv1"></a><a href="#footnotexiv1"><sup>1</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>And the unattractiveness of much of his theme is not +diminished when the real discoveries of science have shown +how illusory are his processes of investigation, and how +false are many of his conclusions. He has made his poetry +ancillary to his science, instead of compelling, as Virgil, +Dante, and Milton have done, a subject, susceptible of +purely artistic treatment, to assimilate the stores of his +knowledge. His theme—'maiestas cognita rerum,'—is too +vast and complex to be brought within the compass and +proportions of a single work of art. The processes of minute +observation and reasoning employed in establishing his +conclusions are alien from the movement of the imagination. +The connecting links of the argument are suggestive of the +labour of the workman, not of the finished perfection of +the work. And while some of the ideas of science may +be so applied to the interpretation of the outward world, +as to act on the imaginative emotions with greater power +than any mere description of the forms and colours of +external things, yet the pleasure with which processes of +investigation are pursued is quite distinct from the pleasure +derived from poetic intuition into the secret life of Nature and +man. If it be the condition of a great poem to produce the +purest and noblest pleasure by its whole conception and +execution, the poem of Lucretius fails to satisfy this condition. +It is in spite of its design and proportions,—in spite of +the fact that long parts of the work neither interest the feelings +nor satisfy the reason, that the poem still speaks with impressive +power to the modern world.</p> + +<p>And while the whole conception of the work, as regards +both matter and method of treatment, necessarily involves +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page387" id="page387"></a>[page 387]</span> +a large interfusion of prosaic materials with the finer product +of his genius, it must be added that there is considerable +inequality of execution even in its more inspired +passages. A few consecutive passages show indeed the +finest sense of harmony, and are finished in a style not much +inferior to that of Virgil. Such, for instance, are the opening +lines:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Aeneadum genetrix, hominum divomque voluptas, etc.;—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and again the lines in the introduction to Book iii.:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Apparet divum numen sedesque quietae, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But long passages seem rather to revert to the roughness +of Ennius than to approach the smooth and varied cadences of +Virgil. Though the imaginative effect of single expressions is +generally more forcible than in any Latin poet, yet the composition +of long paragraphs is apt to overflow into prosaic +detail, or to display the qualities of logical consecutiveness or +close adherence to fact rather than those of skilled accomplishment +and conformity with the principles of beauty. In +common with the older race of Roman poets he exhibits that +straining after verbal effects by means of alliteration, assonances, +asyndeta, etc., which marks the ruder stages of literary +development. The Latin language, although beginning to +feel the quickening of a new life, had not yet been formed +into its more exquisite modulations, nor learned the power +of suggesting delicate shades of meaning and the new strength +derivable from the reserved use of its resources. All these +causes,—the vast and miscellaneous range, and the abstruse +character of his subject, the dryness and futility of much +of the argument, the frequent subordination of poetry to +science, the inadequacy of the Latin language as a vehicle +of thought and its imperfect development as an organ of +poetry,—prevented the poem from ever obtaining great +popularity in ancient times, and have denied to it in modern +times anything like the large influence which has been +enjoyed in different ages and countries by Virgil, Horace, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page388" id="page388"></a>[page 388]</span> +and Ovid. Even the more ardent admirers of the poem +are tempted to pass from one to another of the higher ranges +and more commanding summits, which swell gradually or +rise abruptly out of the general level over which he leads +them, rather than to follow him through all the windings of his +argument.</p> + +<p>Yet it is only after the poem has been mastered in its +details that we realise its full effect on the imagination. +It is only then that we understand the complete greatness +of the man, as a thinker, a teacher, and a poet. The most +familiar beauties reveal a deeper meaning when they are seen +to be not mere resting places in the toilsome march of his +argument, but rather commanding positions, successively +reached, from which the widest contemplative views of the +realms of Nature and human life are laid open to us. As we +follow closely in his footsteps, through all his processes +of observation, analysis, and reasoning, we feel, that he +too, like the older Greeks, is borne along by a strong +enthusiasm,—the philosophical +<ins title="Greek: erôs">ἔρως</ins> of Plato,—different from, +but akin to, the impulses of poetry. That marvellous intensity +of feeling in conjunction with the operations of the intellect, +which the Greeks regarded as a kind of divine possession, and +which Lucretius, by the use of such phrases as 'divinitus +invenientes', ascribes to the earliest enquirers, animates all his +interpretation of the facts and laws of Nature. The speculative +passion imparts life to the argumentative processes which +are addressed to the understanding, while it adds a fresher +glory or more impressive solemnity to those aspects of +the subject by which the imagination is most powerfully +moved.</p> + +<p>Again, although his rhythm, even at its best, falls far short +of the intricate harmony and variety of Virgil, and, in its more +level passages, scarcely aims at pleasing the ear at all, yet there +is a kind of grandeur and dignity even in its monotony, varied, +as that is, by deeper and more majestic tones whenever +his spirit is stirred by impulses of awe, wonder, and delight. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page389" id="page389"></a>[page 389]</span> +There is always a sense of life and onward movement in the +flow of his verse. Often there is a kind of cumulative force +revealing a more powerful emotion of heart and imagination as +his thoughts and images press on one another in close and +ordered sequence. Thus, for instance, the effect of the lines +describing the religious impressions produced on the early +inhabitants of the world by the grand and awful aspects of +Nature, depends, not on any harmonious variation of sounds, +but on the swelling and culminating power with which the +whole passage breaks on the ear,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>In caeloque deum sedes et templa locarunt,</p> +<p>Per caelum volvi quia nox et luna videtur,</p> +<p>Luna dies et nox et noctis signa severa</p> +<p>Noctivagaeque faces caeli flammaeque volantes,</p> +<p>Nubila sol imbres nix venti fulmina grando</p> +<p>Et rapidi fremitus et murmura magna minarum<a id="footnotetagxiv2" name="footnotetagxiv2"></a><a href="#footnotexiv2"><sup>2</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In many passages it may be noticed how much is added to the +rhythmical effect by the force or weight of the concluding line, +as at iii. 870-893, by the rugged grandeur of the line,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Urgerive superne obtritum pondere terrae,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>at ii. 569-580, by the sad and solemn movement of the +close,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ploratus mortis comites et funeris atri,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and at i. 101, by the line of cardinal significance, which ends +a passage of most finished power and beauty,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The music of Lucretius is altogether his own. As he was the +first among his countrymen who contemplated in a reverential +spirit the majesty of Nature and the more solemn meaning of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page390" id="page390"></a>[page 390]</span> +life, so he was the first to call out the full rhythmical majesty +and deep organ-tones of the Latin language, to embody in +sound the spiritual emotions stirred by that contemplation.</p> + +<p>The poetical style of Lucretius is, like his rhythm, a true +and powerful symbol of his genius. Though his diction is +much less studied than that of Virgil, yet his large use of +alliterations, assonances, asyndeta<a id="footnotetagxiv3" name="footnotetagxiv3"></a><a href="#footnotexiv3"><sup>3</sup></a>, etc., shows that he consciously +aimed at producing certain effects by recognised +rhetorical means. The attraction which the artifices of rhetoric +had for his mind is as noticeable in his style as a similar +attraction is in the speeches of Thucydides. But neither +Lucretius nor Thucydides can be called the slave of rhetorical +forms. In both writers recourse is had to them for the +legitimate purpose of emphasising thought, not for that of +disguising its insufficiency. The use of such phrases, for +instance, as 'sed casta inceste,' 'immortalia mortali sermone +notantes,' 'mors immortalis,' etc., is no mere play of words, but +rather the tersest phrase in which an impressive antithesis +of thought can be presented. The mannerisms of his style, if +they show that he was not altogether emancipated from archaic +rudeness, afford evidence also of the prolific fertility of his +genius. The amplitude and unchecked volume of his diction +flow out of the mental conditions, described in the lines,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Usque adeo largos haustus e fontibu' magnis</p> +<p>Lingua meo suavis diti de pectore fundet.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>And he had not only the 'suavis lingua diti de pectore'; +he had also the 'daedala lingua,'—the formative energy which +shapes words into new forms and combinations. The frequent +<ins title="Greek: hapax legomena">ἅπαξ λεγόμενα</ins> in his poem and his abundant use of compound +words, such as <i>fluctifragus</i>, <i>montivagus</i>, <i>altitonans</i>, etc., +most of +which fell into disuse in the Augustan age, were products of +the same creative force which enabled Plautus and Ennius to +add largely to the resources of the Latin tongue. In him, +more than in any Latin poet before or after him, we meet with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page391" id="page391"></a>[page 391]</span> +phrases too full of imaginative life to be in perfect keeping with +the more sober tones and tamer spirit of the national literature. +Thus his language never became trite and hackneyed, and, as +we read him, no medium of after-associations is interposed +between his mind and our own.</p> + +<p>But it is not in individual phrases, however fresh and powerful, +but in continuous passages, that the power of his style +is best seen. The processes of his mind are characterised +by continuity, consistency, and a kind of gathering intensity of +movement. The periods of Virgil delight us by their intricate +harmony; those of Lucretius impress us by their continuous +and hurrying impetus. The long drawn out charm of the one +is indicative of the deep love which induced him to linger over +every detail of his subject: the force and grandeur of the other +are the outward signs of the inward wonder and enthusiasm by +which his spirit was borne rapidly along. Virgil's movement +displays the majesty of grace and serenity; that of Lucretius +the majesty of power, and largeness of mind.</p> + +<p>Thus although the poetical style of Lucretius shows the +traces of labour and premeditation, and of occasional imitation +both of foreign and native models, it is more than that of any +other Latin poet, the immediate creation of his own genius. +The 'ingenuei fontis,' by which his imagination was so abundantly +fed, found many spontaneous outlets, and were not +checked in their speed or stained in their purity by the +artificial channels in which he sometimes forced them to flow. +If the loving labour, so prodigally bestowed upon the task +of finding words and rhythm<a id="footnotetagxiv4" name="footnotetagxiv4"></a><a href="#footnotexiv4"><sup>4</sup></a> adequate to his great theme, +explains some peculiarities of his diction, the qualities which +have made the work immortal are due to his noble singleness +of heart and sincerity of nature, and to the openness and +sensibility with which his imagination received impressions, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page392" id="page392"></a>[page 392]</span> +the penetrative force with which it saw into the heart of things, +and the creative energy with which it shaped what it received +and discerned into vivid pictures and symbols.</p> + +<p>He has, in the first place, the freshness of feeling, the living +sense of the wonder of the world, which is a great charm in the +older poets of all great literatures,—in Homer, Dante, Chaucer;—and +this sense he communicates by words used in their +simplest and directest meaning. The life which animates and +gladdens the familiar face of earth, sea, and sky,—of river, +wood, field, and hill-side,—is vividly and immediately reproduced +in such lines as these:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i10">Caeli subter labentia signa</p> +<p class="i2">Quae mare navigerum quae terras frugiferentis</p> +<p class="i2">Concelebras<a id="footnotetagxiv5" name="footnotetagxiv5"></a><a href="#footnotexiv5"><sup>5</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Denique per maria ac montis fluviosque rapacis</p> +<p class="i2">Frondiferasque domos avium camposque virentis<a id="footnotetagxiv6" name="footnotetagxiv6"></a><a href="#footnotexiv6"><sup>6</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Frondiferasque novis avibus canere undique silvas<a id="footnotetagxiv7" name="footnotetagxiv7"></a><a href="#footnotexiv7"><sup>7</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Nam saepe in colli tondentes pabula laeta</p> +<p class="i2">Lanigerae reptant pecudes quo quamque vocantes</p> +<p class="i2">Invitant herbae gemmantes rore recenti<a id="footnotetagxiv8" name="footnotetagxiv8"></a><a href="#footnotexiv8"><sup>8</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Nec tenerae salices atque herbae rore vigentis</p> +<p class="i2">Fluminaque illa queunt summis labentia ripis<a id="footnotetagxiv9" name="footnotetagxiv9"></a><a href="#footnotexiv9"><sup>9</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>So, too, he makes us realise, with a quickening and expanding +emotion, which seems to bring us nearer to the core of Nature, +the majesty of the sea breaking on a great expanse of shore,—the +solemn stillness of midnight,—the invisible agency by +which the clouds form the pageantry of the sky,—the active +noiseless energy by which rivers wear away their banks,—by +the use of words that seem exactly equivalent to the thing +which they describe,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Quam fluitans circum magnis anfractibus aequor</p> +<p class="i2">Ionium glaucis aspargit virus ab undis<a id="footnotetagxiv10" name="footnotetagxiv10"></a><a href="#footnotexiv10"><sup>10</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8">Severa silentia noctis</p> +<p class="i2">Undique cum constent<a id="footnotetagxiv11" name="footnotetagxiv11"></a><a href="#footnotexiv11"><sup>11</sup></a>.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page393" id="page393"></a>[page 393]</span> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Ut nubes facile interdum concrescere in alto</p> +<p class="i2">Cernimus et mundi speciem violare serenam</p> +<p class="i2">Aera mulcentes motu<a id="footnotetagxiv12" name="footnotetagxiv12"></a><a href="#footnotexiv12"><sup>12</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Pars etiam glebarum ad diluviem revocatur</p> +<p class="i2">Imbribus et ripas radentia flumina rodunt<a id="footnotetagxiv13" name="footnotetagxiv13"></a><a href="#footnotexiv13"><sup>13</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The changing face of Nature is to his spirit so full of power +and wonder, that it needs no poetical adornment, but is left to +tell its own tale in the plainest language. If words are a true +index of feeling, it would be difficult to name any poet by +whom the living presence and full being of Nature were more +immediately apprehended, nor has any one caught with more +fidelity the intimations of her hidden life, as they betray themselves +in her outward features and motions.</p> + +<p>With similar fidelity and directness of language he communicates +to his reader the spell of awe and wonder by which +his own spirit is possessed in presence of the impressive facts +of human life. No subtlety of reflexion nor grandeur of +illustrative imagery could enhance the effect of the thought of +the dead produced by the austere plainness of the words,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Morte obita quorum tellus amplectitur ossa,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ossa dedit terrae proinde ac famul infimus esset.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>By no pomp of description could a deeper sense of religious +solemnity be created than by the lines describing the silent +influence of the procession of Cybele on the minds of her +devotees,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ergo cum primum magnas invecta per urbis</p> +<p>Munificat tacita mortalis muta salute<a id="footnotetagxiv14" name="footnotetagxiv14"></a><a href="#footnotexiv14"><sup>14</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The undying pain of a great sorrow,—the paralysis of all human +effort in the face of new and terrible agencies of death,—the +blessedness and pathos of the purest human affections,—the +ecstatic delight derived from the revelation of great truths—imprint +themselves permanently on the imagination through +the august simplicity of the phrases,</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page394" id="page394"></a>[page 394]</span> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Aeternumque daret matri sub pectore volnus<a id="footnotetagxiv15" name="footnotetagxiv15"></a><a href="#footnotexiv15"><sup>15</sup></a>,—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8">tacito mussabat medicina timore<a id="footnotetagxiv16" name="footnotetagxiv16"></a><a href="#footnotexiv16"><sup>16</sup></a>,—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8">tacita pectus dulcedine tangent<a id="footnotetagxiv17" name="footnotetagxiv17"></a><a href="#footnotexiv17"><sup>17</sup></a>—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">His ibi me rebus quaedam divina voluptas</p> +<p class="i2">Percipit adque horror<a id="footnotetagxiv18" name="footnotetagxiv18"></a><a href="#footnotexiv18"><sup>18</sup></a>.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His language has the further power of producing a vague +sense of sublimity, where the cause of the feeling is too vast or +undefined to be distinctly conceived or visibly presented to +the mind. The very sound of his words seems sometimes +to be a kind of echo of the voices by which Nature produces +a strange awe upon the imagination. Such, for instance, are +these lines and phrases—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Altitonans Volturnus et auster fulmine pollens<a id="footnotetagxiv19" name="footnotetagxiv19"></a><a href="#footnotexiv19"><sup>19</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i16"> Nec fulmina nec minitanti</p> +<p class="i2">Murmure compressit caelum<a id="footnotetagxiv20" name="footnotetagxiv20"></a><a href="#footnotexiv20"><sup>20</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Murmura magna minarum<a id="footnotetagxiv21" name="footnotetagxiv21"></a><a href="#footnotexiv21"><sup>21</sup></a>, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The sublimity of vagueness and vastness is present in the +language of these lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Impendent atrae formidinis ora superne<a id="footnotetagxiv22" name="footnotetagxiv22"></a><a href="#footnotexiv22"><sup>22</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p>Sustentata ruet moles et machina mundi<a id="footnotetagxiv23" name="footnotetagxiv23"></a><a href="#footnotexiv23"><sup>23</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p>Aut cecidisse urbis magno vexamine mundi<a id="footnotetagxiv24" name="footnotetagxiv24"></a><a href="#footnotexiv24"><sup>24</sup></a>.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p>Non si terra mari miscebitur et mare caelo<a id="footnotetagxiv25" name="footnotetagxiv25"></a><a href="#footnotexiv25"><sup>25</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>While no other ancient poet brings before the mind more +forcibly and immediately the living presence of the outward +world and the solemn meaning of familiar things, there is none +whose language seems to respond so sensitively to the vague +suggestions of an invisible and awful Power omnipresent in +the universe.</p> + +<p>The creative power of imagination which gives new life +to words and thoughts is also present in many vivid and +picturesque expressions, either scattered through the main +argument, or shining in brilliant combinations in the more +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page395" id="page395"></a>[page 395]</span> +elaborate parts of the work. By this more imaginative use of +language, the poet can illustrate his ideas by subtle analogies, +or embody them in visible symbols, or endow the objects he +describes with the personal attributes of will and energy. +Thus, for instance, the penetrating subtlety of the mind in +exploring the secrets of Nature becomes a visible force in the +curious felicity of the expression (i. 408), 'caecasque latebras +insinuare omnis.' The freedom and boundless range of the +imagination is suggested with picturesque effect in the familiar +expression—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Avia Pieridum peragro loca nullius ante</p> +<p>Trita solo<a id="footnotetagxiv26" name="footnotetagxiv26"></a><a href="#footnotexiv26"><sup>26</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>while the calm serenity of the contemplative mind is symbolised +in such figurative expressions as 'sapientum templa +serena'; 'humanum in pectus templaque mentis'; and the +stormy tumult of the passions and the perilous errors of +life become vividly present to the imagination by means of the +analogies pictured in the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Volvere curarum tristis in pectore fluctus<a id="footnotetagxiv27" name="footnotetagxiv27"></a><a href="#footnotexiv27"><sup>27</sup></a>,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Errare atque viam palantis quaerere vitae<a id="footnotetagxiv28" name="footnotetagxiv28"></a><a href="#footnotexiv28"><sup>28</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>What life and energy again are imparted to external things and +abstract conceptions by such expressions as these:—'flammai +flore coorto'; 'avido complexu quem tenet aether'; 'caeli tegit +impetus ingens'; 'circum tremere aethera signis'; 'semina quae +magnum iaculando contulit omne'; 'vagos imbris tempestatesque +volantes'; 'concussaeque cadunt urbes dubiaeque minantur'; +'simulacraque fessa fatisci'; 'sol lumine conserit +arva'; 'lucida tela diei'; 'placidi pellacia ponti'; 'vivant +labentes aetheris ignes'; 'leti sub dentibus ipsis'; 'leti +praeclusa est ianua caelo,' etc.</p> + +<p>A similar power of imagination is shown in his more +elaborate use of analogies, in his symbolical representation +of ideas, and in his power of painting scenes from Nature and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page396" id="page396"></a>[page 396]</span> +from human life. Few great poets have been more sparing in +the use of mere poetical ornament. The grandest imagery +which he strikes out, and the finest pictures which he paints +are immediately suggested by his subject. The earnestness of +his speculative and practical purpose restrains all exuberance +of fancy. Thus his imaginative analogies are more often latent +in single expressions than drawn out at length. But the few +which he has elaborated, 'stand out with the solidity of the +finest sculpture<a id="footnotetagxiv29" name="footnotetagxiv29"></a><a href="#footnotexiv29"><sup>29</sup></a>,' to embody some deep or powerful thought +for all time. They are suggested not by outward resemblance, +but by an identity which the imagination discerns in the innermost +meaning of the objects compared with one another. +The strong emotion attending on the presence of some great +thought calls up before the inward eye some scene or action, +which, if actually witnessed, would produce a similar effect +upon the mind. Thus the thought of the chaotic confusion +which the universe would present, on the supposition that the +original atoms were limited in number, calls up the image +of the most impressive and awful devastation, wrought by +Nature upon the works of man.</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed quasi naufragiis magnis multisque coortis</p> +<p>Disiectare solet magnum mare transtra guberna</p> +<p>Antemnas proram malos tonsasque natantis,</p> +<p>Per terrarum omnis oras fluitantia aplustra</p> +<p>Ut videantur et indicium mortalibus edant,</p> +<p>Infidi maris insidias virisque dolumque</p> +<p>Ut vitare velint, neve ullo tempore credant,</p> +<p>Subdola cum ridet placidi pellacia ponti,</p> +<p>Sic tibi si finita semel primordia quaedam</p> +<p>Constitues, aevom debebunt sparsa per omnem</p> +<p>Disiectare aestus diversi materiari,</p> +<p>Numquam in concilium ut possint compulsa coire</p> +<p>Nec remorari in concilio nec crescere adaucta<a id="footnotetagxiv30" name="footnotetagxiv30"></a><a href="#footnotexiv30"><sup>30</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page397" id="page397"></a>[page 397]</span> + +<p>It is through the penetrating intuition of his imagination into +the deepest meaning of the two phenomena, and his sensibility +to the pathos and the strangeness involved in each of them, +that he sees the birth of every child into the world under the +well-known image of the shipwrecked sailor—'saevis proiectus +ab undis.' Other analogies, suggested rather than elaborately +drawn out, express an inward or spiritual, not an outward +or bodily resemblance. Or rather the thing illustrated is +a thought or a mental act, the illustration a scene or action, +visible to the eye, suggestive of the same power in Nature, and +calculated to rouse the same emotions in the mind. Thus he +compares the life transmitted in succession through the nations +of the world to the torch passed on by the runners in the torch-race; +or he illustrates his calm contemplation of the struggles +of life from the heights of his Epicurean philosophy, by the +vision of the dangers of the sea, as seen from some commanding +position on the land.</p> + +<p>Although few of his descriptions from Nature are capable +of being transferred to canvas, yet he shows in his treatment +of mythological subjects, and in his personification of great +natural phenomena, that purely pictorial faculty, in virtue +of which Catullus and Ovid have inspired the imagination +and directed the hand of some of the great painters of +modern times. Such, for instance, is the representation of +the sacrifice of Iphigenia, suggested indeed, in some of its +features, by an earlier poet, but executed with original power. +Such too are the pictures of Venus and Mars in the invocation +to the poem, and that of Pan—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Pinea semiferi capitis velamina quassans<a id="footnotetagxiv31" name="footnotetagxiv31"></a><a href="#footnotexiv31"><sup>31</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page398" id="page398"></a>[page 398]</span> + +<p>By this power of vision he presents that superstition against +which all the weight of his argument is directed, not as an +abstraction, but as a real palpably existing Power of evil—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quae caput a caeli regionibus ostendebat</p> +<p>Horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans<a id="footnotetagxiv32" name="footnotetagxiv32"></a><a href="#footnotexiv32"><sup>32</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>So, too, in his vivid account of the orderly procession of the +seasons, he invests the freshness and the beauty of spring with +the charm of personal and human attributes in the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>It ver et Venus, et veris praenuntius ante</p> +<p>Pennatus graditur zephyrus, vestigia propter</p> +<p>Flora quibus mater praespargens ante viai</p> +<p>Cuncta coloribus egregiis et odoribus opplet<a id="footnotetagxiv33" name="footnotetagxiv33"></a><a href="#footnotexiv33"><sup>33</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But it is in describing actual scenes and actual aspects +of human life that Lucretius chiefly employs his power of +poetical conception and expression. He looks upon the world +with an eye which discerns beneath the outward appearances +of things the presence of Nature in her attributes both of +majesty and of genial all-penetrating life,—as at once the +'Magna mater' and the 'alma mater' of all living things<a id="footnotetagxiv34" name="footnotetagxiv34"></a><a href="#footnotexiv34"><sup>34</sup></a>. +She appears to his imagination not as an abstraction, or a vast +aggregate of forces and laws, but as a living Power, whose +processes are on an infinitely grander scale, but are yet +analogous to the active and moral energies of man. He shows +the same sympathy with this life of Nature, the same vivid +sense of wonder and delight in her familiar aspects, the same +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page399" id="page399"></a>[page 399]</span> +imaginative perception of her secret agency, which led the +early Greek mind to people the world with the living forms of +the old mythology, and which have been felt anew by the +great poets of the present century. All natural life is thus endowed +with a poetical interest, as being a new manifestation of +the creative energy, which is the fountain of all beauty and +delight in the world.</p> + +<p>The minutest phenomena and the most gigantic forces, the +changes of decay and renovation in all outward things, the +growth of plants and trees, the habits of beasts rioting in a +wild liberty over the mountains,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quod in magnis bacchatur montibu' passim<a id="footnotetagxiv35" name="footnotetagxiv35"></a><a href="#footnotexiv35"><sup>35</sup></a>,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>or tended by the care and ministering to the wants of man; +the life and enjoyment of the birds that gladden the early +morning with their song by woods and river-banks, or that seek +their food and pastime among the sea-waves;—these, and +numberless other phenomena, are all contemplated and described +by an eye quickened by the poetical sense of manifold +and inexhaustible energy in the world.</p> + +<p>It is not so much the beauty of form and colour, as the +appearance of force and life which he reproduces. He has +not, like Catullus, the pure delight of an artist in painting +outward scenes. He does not express, like Virgil, the charm +of old associations attaching to famous places. It is the +association of great laws, not of great memories, which moves +him in contemplating the outward world. Neither has he +invested any particular place with the attraction which Horace +has given to his Sabine home, and Catullus to Sirmio. But +no ancient or modern poet has expressed more happily the +natural enjoyment of beholding the changing life and familiar +face of the world. No other writer makes us feel with more +reality the quickening of the spirit, produced by the sunrise or +the advent of spring, by living in fine weather or looking on +fair and peaceful landscapes. The freshness of the feeling +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page400" id="page400"></a>[page 400]</span> +with which outward scenes inspire him is one of the great +charms of the poem, especially as a relief to the pervading +gravity of his thought. More than any poet, except Wordsworth, +he seems to derive a pure and healthy joy from the +common sights and sounds of animate and inanimate Nature. +No distempered fancies or regrets, no vague longings for some +unattainable rapture, coloured the natural aspect which the +world presented to his eyes and mind.</p> + +<p>In the descriptions of Lucretius, as in those of Homer, +there is always some active movement and change represented +as passing before the eye. What power and energy there are, +for instance, in that of a river-flood,—(like one of equal force +and truth in Burns's 'Brigs of Ayr,')—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nec validi possunt pontes venientis aquai</p> +<p>Vim subitam tolerare: ita magno turbidus imbri</p> +<p>Molibus incurrit validis cum viribus amnis<a id="footnotetagxiv36" name="footnotetagxiv36"></a><a href="#footnotexiv36"><sup>36</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>How naturally is the pure and sparkling life of brooks and +springs brought before the mind in the passage at v. 269<a id="footnotetagxiv37" name="footnotetagxiv37"></a><a href="#footnotexiv37"><sup>37</sup></a>, +already quoted,—and again, in these lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Denique nota vagi silvestria templa tenebant</p> +<p>Nympharum, quibus e scibant umori' fluenta</p> +<p>Lubrica proluvie larga lavere umida saxa,</p> +<p>Umida saxa, super viridi stillantia musco,</p> +<p>Et partim plano scatere atque erumpere campo<a id="footnotetagxiv38" name="footnotetagxiv38"></a><a href="#footnotexiv38"><sup>38</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In this representation of the sea-shore—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Concharumque genus parili ratione videmus</p> +<p>Pingere telluris gremium, qua mollibus undis</p> +<p>Litoris incurvi bibulam pavit aequor harenam<a id="footnotetagxiv39" name="footnotetagxiv39"></a><a href="#footnotexiv39"><sup>39</sup></a>,—</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page401" id="page401"></a>[page 401]</span> + +<p>there is the same suggestion of quiet ceaseless movement, +as in a line of the Odyssey representing the same phase of +Nature—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: laïngas poti cherson apoplynespe thalassa"> +λαΐγγας πότι χέρσον +ἀποπλύνεσπε θάλασσα</ins>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is the same sense of active life in all his pictures of +the early morning; as, for instance,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Primum aurora novo cum spargit lumine terras</p> +<p>Et variae volucres nemora avia pervolitantes</p> +<p>Aera per tenerum liquidis loca vocibus opplent,</p> +<p>Quam subito soleat sol ortus tempore tali</p> +<p>Convestire sua perfundens omnia luce,</p> +<p>Omnibus in promptu manifestumque esse videmus<a id="footnotetagxiv40" name="footnotetagxiv40"></a><a href="#footnotexiv40"><sup>40</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>And again,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Aurea cum primum gemmantis rore per herbas</p> +<p>Matutina rubent radiati lumina solis</p> +<p>Exhalantque lacus nebulam fluviique perennes,</p> +<p>Ipsaque ut interdum tellus fumare videtur;</p> +<p>Omnia quae sursum cum conciliantur, in alto</p> +<p>Corpore concreto subtexunt nubila caelum<a id="footnotetagxiv41" name="footnotetagxiv41"></a><a href="#footnotexiv41"><sup>41</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Two other passages (at iv. 136 and vi. 190), in which the +movements and shifting pageantry of the clouds are described, +may be compared with a more elaborate passage in the Excursion, +in which Wordsworth has represented a similar spectacle<a id="footnotetagxiv42" name="footnotetagxiv42"></a><a href="#footnotexiv42"><sup>42</sup></a> +wrought by 'earthly Nature,'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>'Upon the dark materials of the storm.'</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page402" id="page402"></a>[page 402]</span> + +<p>Nowhere does he present pictures of pure repose. The +philosophical idea of ceaseless motion and change animates to +his eye every aspect of the world. Every separate description +in the poem possesses the charm of freshness and faithfulness, +and of relevance to the great ideas of his philosophy. +His living enjoyment in the outward world, and his sympathy +with all existence, both fed and were fed by his trust in +speculative ideas. The poetical descriptions which adorn and +illustrate his argument are like the sublime and beautiful +scenes which refresh and reward the adventurous discoverer of +distant lands.</p> + +<p>Some passages, illustrative of philosophical principles, blend +the movements of animal and human life with descriptions of +natural scenery. The lines at ii. 352-366, describing the cow +searching for her calf, which has been sacrificed at the altar, +combine many characteristics of the poetical style of Lucretius. +There is the literal—almost too minute faithfulness of reproduction—as +in the line—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Noscit humi pedibus vestigia pressa bisulcis<a id="footnotetagxiv43" name="footnotetagxiv43"></a><a href="#footnotexiv43"><sup>43</sup></a>;—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the active life of the whole representation, too full of movement +for a picture, yet flashing the objects on the inward eye with +graphic pictorial power; the ever fresh charm of some familiar +scene, called up by the lines already referred to,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nec tenerae salices atque herbae rore vigentes</p> +<p>Fluminaque illa queunt summis labentia ripis;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the pathos and respect for every mode of natural feeling +denoted in such expressions as 'desiderio perfixa iuvenci'; +and, lastly, the power of investing the most common things +with the majesty of the laws which they express and illustrate. +This passage is adduced as a proof and illustration of the +varieties in form of the primordial atoms. In a passage, +immediately preceding, the perpetual motion of the atoms, +going on beneath an appearance of absolute rest, is illustrated +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page403" id="page403"></a>[page 403]</span> +by two pictures, one taken from the jubilant life of the animal +creation—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam saepe in colli tondentes pabula laeta<a id="footnotetagxiv44" name="footnotetagxiv44"></a><a href="#footnotexiv44"><sup>44</sup></a>, etc.;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the other taken from the pomp of human affairs, and the gay +pageantry of armies—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Praeterea magnae legiones cum loca cursu</p> +<p>Camporum complent belli simulacra cientes,</p> +<p>Fulgor ibi ad caelum se tollit totaque circum</p> +<p>Aere renidescit tellus supterque virum vi</p> +<p>Excitur pedibus sonitus clamoreque montes</p> +<p>Icti reiectant voces ad sidera mundi</p> +<p>Et circumvolitant equites mediosque repente</p> +<p>Tramittunt valido quatientes impete campos<a id="footnotetagxiv45" name="footnotetagxiv45"></a><a href="#footnotexiv45"><sup>45</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The truth and fulness of life in this passage are immediately +perceived, but the element of sublimity is added by the thought +in the two lines with which the passage concludes, which reduces +the whole of this moving and sounding pageant to stillness and +silence—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Et tamen est quidam locus altis montibus unde</p> +<p>Stare videntur et in campis consistere fulgor<a id="footnotetagxiv46" name="footnotetagxiv46"></a><a href="#footnotexiv46"><sup>46</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>As Lucretius was the first poet who revealed the majesty +and wonder of the Natural world, so he restored the sense +of awe and mystery, felt by the earlier Greek poets, to the +contemplation of human life. In dealing with the problem of +human destiny, he has sounded deeper than any of the other +ancient poets of Italy: but others have sympathised with a +greater variety of the moods of life, and have allowed its +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page404" id="page404"></a>[page 404]</span> +lights and shadows to play more easily over their poetry. The +thought both of the dignity and the littleness of our mortal +state is ever present to the mind of Lucretius. His imagination +is involuntarily moved by the pomp and grandeur of affairs, +while his strong sense of reality keeps ever before him the conviction +of the vanity of outward state, the weariness of +luxurious living, and the miseries of ambition. Thus his +imaginative recognition of the pomp and circumstance of war +brings out by the force of contrast his deeper conviction of +the littleness and impotence of man in the presence of the +great forces of Nature—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Summa etiam cum vis violenti per mare venti</p> +<p>Induperatorem classis super aequora verrit</p> +<p>Cum validis pariter legionibus atque elephantis,</p> +<p>Non divom pacem votis adit ac prece quaesit</p> +<p>Ventorum pavidus paces animasque secundas, etc.<a id="footnotetagxiv47" name="footnotetagxiv47"></a><a href="#footnotexiv47"><sup>47</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>If his reason acknowledges only inward strength as the attribute +of human dignity, yet his imagination feels the outward spell +that swayed the Roman genius, through the symbols of power +and authority, through great spectacles, and in impressive +ceremonials.</p> + +<p>But it is with more heart-felt sympathy, and with not less +imaginative emotion, that he recognises the deep wonder and +the infinite pathos of human life. There is perhaps no +passage in any poet which reveals more truthfully that union +of feelings in meditating on the strangeness and sadness of our +mortal destiny than the well-known passage describing the +birth of every infant into the world—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tum porro puer, ut saevis proiectus ab undis</p> +<p>Navita, nudus humi iacet, infans, indigus omni</p> +<p>Vitali auxilio, cum primum in luminis oras</p> +<p>Nixibus ex alvo matris natura profudit,</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page405" id="page405"></a>[page 405]</span> +<p>Vagituque locum lugubri complet, ut aecumst</p> +<p>Cui tantum in vita restet transire malorum<a id="footnotetagxiv48" name="footnotetagxiv48"></a><a href="#footnotexiv48"><sup>48</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>With what truth and <i>naiveté</i> is the complaint of the +husbandman over his ineffectual labour and scanty returns +echoed!—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Iamque caput quassans grandis suspirat arator</p> +<p>Crebrius incassum manuum cecidisse labores,</p> +<p>Et cum tempora temporibus praesentia confert</p> +<p>Praeteritis, laudat fortunas saepe parentis</p> +<p>Et crepat, anticum genus ut pietate repletum</p> +<p>Perfacile angustis tolerarit finibus aevom,</p> +<p>Cum minor esset agri multo modus ante viritim<a id="footnotetagxiv49" name="footnotetagxiv49"></a><a href="#footnotexiv49"><sup>49</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His feeling is profoundly solemn, as well as infinitely tender. +Above all the tumult of life, he hears incessantly the funeral +dirge over some one departed, and the infant wail of a newcomer +into the troubles of the world,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i12">mixtos vagitibus aegris</p> +<p class="i2">Ploratus mortis comites et funeris atri<a id="footnotetagxiv50" name="footnotetagxiv50"></a><a href="#footnotexiv50"><sup>50</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His tone can, indeed, be stern and indignant, as well as +tender and melancholy: it is never morbid or effeminate. +His tenderness is that of a thoroughly masculine nature. +Some signs of the same mood may be discovered in the +fragments of Ennius; but the feeling of Lucretius springs +from a more sympathetic heart and a more contemplative +imagination.</p> + +<p>His imagination, which depicts so forcibly the intimations of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page406" id="page406"></a>[page 406]</span> +experience, is able to hear him beyond the known and familiar +regions of life. As it enables him to pass—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>extra flammantia moenia mundi—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and to behold the dawn of creation, and even the blank +desolation which will follow on the overthrow of our system, so +it has enabled him to realise with vivid feeling the primeval +condition of man upon the world. Yet even in these daring +enterprises of his fancy he adheres strictly to the conclusions +of his philosophical system, and shows that sincerity and truthful +adherence to fact are as inseparable from the operations of +his creative faculty as of his understanding and moral nature.</p> + +<p>His excellences are so different from those of Virgil that +the question need not be entertained, whether the rank of the +greatest of Roman poets is or is not to be awarded to him. +If each nation must be considered the best judge of its own +poets, it will be admitted that Lucretius would have found few +Roman voices to support his claim to the first or even the +second place. The strongest support which he could have +received would have been Virgil's willing acknowledgment of +the powerful spell which the genius of his predecessor had +exercised over him. Both the artistic defects and the profound +feeling and imaginative originality of his work were calculated +to alienate both popular favour and critical opinion in the +Rome of the Empire. The poem has a much deeper significance +for modern than it had for ancient times. Lucretius +stands alone as the great contemplative poet of antiquity. He +has proclaimed with more power than any other the majesty of +Nature's laws, and has interpreted with a truer and deeper +insight the meaning of her manifold life. Few, if any among +his countrymen, felt so strongly the mystery of man's being, or +have indicated so passionate a sympathy with the real sorrows +of life, and so ardent a desire to raise man to his proper +dignity, and to support him in bearing his inevitable burden. +If he has, in large measure, the antique simplicity and grandeur +of character, he has much also in common with the spirit and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page407" id="page407"></a>[page 407]</span> +genius of modern times. He contemplates human life with a +profound feeling, like that of Pascal, and with a speculative +elevation like that of Spinoza. The loftier tones of his poetry +and the sustained effort of mind which bears him through his +long argument remind us of Milton. His sympathy with +Nature, at once fresh and large, is more in harmony with the +feeling of the great poets of the present century than with the +general sentiment of ancient poetry. In the union of poetical +feeling with scientific passion he has anticipated the most +elevated mode of the study of Nature, of which the world has +as yet seen only a few great examples. His powers of observation, +thought, feeling, and imagination, are characterised by a +remarkable vitality and sincerity. His strong intellectual and +poetical faculty is united with some of the rarest moral qualities,—fortitude, +seriousness of spirit, love of truth, manly tenderness +of heart. And if it seems that his great powers of heart, +understanding, and genius led him to accept and to teach +a philosophy, paralysing to the highest human hope and +energy, it is to be remembered that he lived at a time when +the truest minds may well have despaired of the Divine government +of the world, and must have honestly felt that it was well +to be rid, at any cost, of the burden of Pagan superstition.</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotexiv1" name="footnotexiv1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv1"><sup>1</sup></a> i. 943-45.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv2" name="footnotexiv2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv2"><sup>2</sup></a> 'And they placed the dwelling-places +and mansions of the gods in the +heavens, because it is through the heavens that the night and the moon are +seen to sweep—the moon, the day, and night, and the stern constellations +of night, the torches of heaven wandering through the night, and flying +meteors, the clouds, the sun, the rains, the snow, the winds, lightning, +hail, the rapid rattle, the threatening peals and murmurs of the thunder.'—v. 1188-93.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv3" name="footnotexiv3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv3"><sup>3</sup></a> Cf. Munro, Introduction, ii. pp. 311, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv4" name="footnotexiv4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv4"><sup>4</sup></a> Cf.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quaerentem dictis quibus et quo carmine demum</p> +<p class="i6">Clara tuae possim praepandere lumina menti</p> +<p class="i6">Res quibus occultas penitus convisere possis.</p> + + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i40"> i. 143-5.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv5" name="footnotexiv5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv5"><sup>5</sup></a> i. 2-4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv6" name="footnotexiv6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv6"><sup>6</sup></a> i. 17-18.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv7" name="footnotexiv7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv7"><sup>7</sup></a> i. 256.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv8" name="footnotexiv8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv8"><sup>8</sup></a> ii. 317-19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv9" name="footnotexiv9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv9"><sup>9</sup></a> ii. 362-63.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv10" name="footnotexiv10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv10"><sup>10</sup></a> i. 718-19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv11" name="footnotexiv11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv11"><sup>11</sup></a> iv. 460-61.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv12" name="footnotexiv12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv12"><sup>12</sup></a> iv. 136-38.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv13" name="footnotexiv13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv13"><sup>13</sup></a> v. 255-56.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv14" name="footnotexiv14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv14"><sup>14</sup></a> ii. 624-25.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv15" name="footnotexiv15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv15"><sup>15</sup></a> ii. 639.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv16" name="footnotexiv16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv16"><sup>16</sup></a> vi. 1179.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv17" name="footnotexiv17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv17"><sup>17</sup></a> iii. 896.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv18" name="footnotexiv18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv18"><sup>18</sup></a> iii. 28-30.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv19" name="footnotexiv19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv19"><sup>19</sup></a> v. 745.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv20" name="footnotexiv20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv20"><sup>20</sup></a> i. 68-9.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv21" name="footnotexiv21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv21"><sup>21</sup></a> v. 1193.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv22" name="footnotexiv22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv22"><sup>22</sup></a> vi. 254.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv23" name="footnotexiv23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv23"><sup>23</sup></a> v. 96.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv24" name="footnotexiv24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv24"><sup>24</sup></a> v. 340.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv25" name="footnotexiv25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv25"><sup>25</sup></a> iii. 842.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv26" name="footnotexiv26"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv26"><sup>26</sup></a> i. 926-27.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv27" name="footnotexiv27"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv27"><sup>27</sup></a> vi. 34.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv28" name="footnotexiv28"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv28"><sup>28</sup></a> ii. 10.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv29" name="footnotexiv29"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv29"><sup>29</sup></a> Prévost Paradol, +<i>Nouveaux Essais de Politique et de Littérature</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv30" name="footnotexiv30"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv30"><sup>30</sup></a> 'But as when there +have been at the same time many and mighty shipwrecks, +the mighty sea is wont to drive in all directions the rowers' benches, +rudders, sailyards, prows, masts, and floating oars, so that along all the +coasts of land there may be seen the tossing flag-posts of ships, to warn +mortals that they shun the wiles, and force, and craft of the faithless sea, +nor ever trust the treacherous alluring smile of the calm ocean; so if once +you will suppose any finite number of elements, you will find that the many +surging forces of matter must disperse and drive them apart through all +time, so that they never can meet and gather into union, nor stay in union +and wax in increase.'—ii. 552-64.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv31" name="footnotexiv31"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv31"><sup>31</sup></a> iv. 587.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv32" name="footnotexiv32"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv32"><sup>32</sup></a> i. 64-5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv33" name="footnotexiv33"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv33"><sup>33</sup></a> 'Then comes forth the Spring and Venus, +and the harbinger of Spring +steps on before them, the winged Zephyr; and near their footsteps, Mother +Flora, scattering her treasures before her, fills all the way with glorious +colours and fragrance.'—v. 737-40.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv34" name="footnotexiv34"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv34"><sup>34</sup></a> Cp. 'Keats has, above all, +a sense of what is pleasurable and open in +the life of Nature; for him she is the <i>Alma Parens</i>: his expression has, +therefore, more than Guérin's, something genial, outward, and sensuous. +Guérin has above all a sense of what there is adorable and secret in the life +of Nature; for him she is the <i>Magna Parens</i>; his expression has, therefore, +more than Keats', something mystic, inward, and profound.' <i>Essays in +Criticism</i>, by M. Arnold, p. 130. <i>Third Edition.</i></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv35" name="footnotexiv35"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv35"><sup>35</sup></a> v. 842.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv36" name="footnotexiv36"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv36"><sup>36</sup></a> 'Nor can the strong bridges +endure the sudden force of the rushing +water: in such wise, swollen by heavy rain, the stream with mighty force +dashes upon the piers.'—i. 285-87.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv37" name="footnotexiv37"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv37"><sup>37</sup></a> 'Percolatur enim virus,' etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv38" name="footnotexiv38"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv38"><sup>38</sup></a> 'Finally, in their wandering +they made their dwelling in the familiar +woodland grottoes of the nymphs, from which they marked the rills of +water laving the dripping rocks, made slippery with their abundant flow,—dripping +rocks, with drops oozing out above the green moss,—and gushing +forth and forcing their way over the level plain.'—v. 944-52.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv39" name="footnotexiv39"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv39"><sup>39</sup></a> 'And in like manner we see shells +paint the lap of the earth, where +with its soft waves the sea beats on the porous sand of the winding shore.'—ii. +374-76.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv40" name="footnotexiv40"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv40"><sup>40</sup></a> 'When the dawn first sheds its new +light over the earth, and birds of +every kind, flying over the pathless woods through the delicate air, fill all +the land with their clear notes, the suddenness with which the risen sun +then clothes and steeps the world in his light, is clear and evident to all +men.'—ii. 144-49.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv41" name="footnotexiv41"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv41"><sup>41</sup></a> 'Just as when first the morning +beams of the bright sun glow all +golden through the grass gemmed with dew, and a mist arises from meres +and flowing streams; and as even the earth itself is sometimes seen to +steam; then all these vapours gather together above, and taking shape, as +clouds on high, weave a canopy beneath the sky.'—v. 460-66.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv42" name="footnotexiv42"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv42"><sup>42</sup></a> Excursion, Book ii:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'The appearance, instantaneously disclosed,' etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv43" name="footnotexiv43"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv43"><sup>43</sup></a> ii. 356.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv44" name="footnotexiv44"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv44"><sup>44</sup></a> ii. 317.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv45" name="footnotexiv45"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv45"><sup>45</sup></a> 'Besides when mighty legions +fill the plains with their rapid movement, +raising the pageantry of warfare, the splendour rises up to heaven, and all +the land around is bright with the glitter of brass, and beneath from the +mighty host of men the sound of their tramp arises, and the mountains, +struck by their shouting, re-echo their voices to the stars of heaven, +and the horsemen hurry to and fro on either flank, and suddenly charge +across the plains, shaking them with their impetuous onset.'—ii. 323-30.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv46" name="footnotexiv46"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv46"><sup>46</sup></a> 'And yet there is some place +in the lofty mountains whence they +appear to be all still, and to rest as a bright gleam upon the plains.'—ii. +331-32.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv47" name="footnotexiv47"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv47"><sup>47</sup></a> 'When, too, the utmost force +of a violent gale is sweeping the admiral +of some fleet over the seas, along with his mighty legions and elephants, +does he not court the protection of the Gods with vows, and in his +terror pray for a calm to the storm, and for favouring gales?'—v. 1226-30.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv48" name="footnotexiv48"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv48"><sup>48</sup></a> 'Moreover, the babe, +like a sailor cast ashore by the cruel waves, lies +naked on the ground, speechless, in need of every aid to life, when first +nature has cast him forth by great throes from his mother's womb; and +he fills the air with his piteous wail, as befits one whose doom it is to pass +through so much misery in life.'—v. 222-27.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexiv49" name="footnotexiv49"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv49"><sup>49</sup></a> 'And now, shaking his head, +the aged peasant laments, with a sigh, +that the toil of his hands has often come to naught; and, as he compares +the present with the past time, he extols the fortune of his father, and harps +on this theme, how the good old race, full of piety, bore the burden of their +life very easily within narrow bounds, when the portion of land for each +man was far less than now.'—ii. 1164-70.</p> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnotexiv50" name="footnotexiv50"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxiv50"><sup>50</sup></a> ii. 569-70.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page408" id="page408"></a>[page 408]</span> + +<h2 style="margin-top: 3em;">CHAPTER XV.</h2> + +<h3><span class="sc">Catullus.</span></h3> + +<p> +Lucretius and Catullus were regarded by their contemporaries +as the greatest poets of the last age of the Republic<a id="footnotetagxv1" name="footnotetagxv1"></a><a href="#footnotexv1"><sup>1</sup></a>. +They alone represent the poetry of that time to the modern +world. Although born into the same social rank, and acted +upon by the dissolving influences, the intellectual stimulus, and +the political agitation of the same time, no poets could be +named of a more distinct type of genius and character. The +first has left behind him only the record of his impersonal +contemplation. His life was passed more in communion with +Nature than in contact with the world: his experiences of +happiness or sorrow entered into his art solely as affording +materials for his abstract thought. The second has stamped +upon his pages the lasting impression of the deepest joy and +pain of his life, as well as of the lightest cares and fancies that +occupied the passing hour. Intensely social in his temper and +tastes, he lived habitually the life of the great city and the +provincial town, observing and sharing in all their pleasures, +distractions, and animosities, and only escaping, from time to +time, for a brief interval to his country houses on the Lago di +Garda and in the neighbourhood of Tivoli. He seems to +have had no other aim in life than that of passionately enjoying +his youth in the pleasures of love, in friendly intercourse +with men of his own rank and age, in the practice of his art, +and the study of the older poets, by whom that art was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page409" id="page409"></a>[page 409]</span> +nourished. All his poems, with the exception of three or four +works of creative fancy and one or two translations, have for +their subject some personal incident, feeling, or character. +Nearly all have some immediate relation to himself, and give +expression to his love or hatred, his admiration or scorn, his +happiness or misery. There is nearly as little in them of +reflexion on human life as of meditative communion with +Nature; but, as individual men and women excited in him +intense affection or passion, so certain beautiful places and +beautiful objects in Nature charmed his fancy and sank into +his heart. He shows himself, spiritually and intellectually, the +child of his age in his ardent vitality, in the license of his life +and satire, in the fierceness of his antipathies; and also in his +eager reception of the spirit of Greek art, his delight in the +poets of Greece and the tales of the Greek mythology, in his +striving after form and grace in composition, and in the +enthusiasm with which he anticipates the joy of travelling +among 'the famous cities of Asia.' In all our thoughts of him +he is present to our imagination as the 'young Catullus'—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8">hedera iuvenalia vinctus</p> +<p class="i2">Tempora.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>More than any great ancient, and than any great modern +poet, with the exception, perhaps, of Keats, he affords the +measure of what youth can do, and what it fails to do, in +poetry. Although the exact age at which he died is disputed, +yet the evidence of his poems shows that he did not outlive the +boyish heart. In character he was even younger than in +actual age. Nearly all his work was done between the years +61 and 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>; and most of it, apparently, with little effort. +Born with the keenest capacities of pleasure and of pain, +he never learned to regulate them: nor were they, seemingly, +united with such enduring vital power as to carry him past the +perilous stage of his career, so as to enable him with maturer +power and more concentrated industry to employ his genius +and accomplishment on works of larger scope, more capable of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page410" id="page410"></a>[page 410]</span> +withstanding the shocks and chances of time, than the small +volume which, by a fortunate accident, has preserved the +flower and bloom of his life, and the record of all the +'sweet and bitter' which he experienced at the hands of that +Power—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quae dulcem curis miscet amaritiem.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The ultimate preservation of his poems depended on a +single copy, which, after being lost to the world for four +centuries, was re-discovered in Verona, the poet's birthplace, +during the fourteenth century. As that copy was again lost, +the text has to be determined from the conflicting testimony of +later copies, only two of which are considered by the latest +critics to be of independent value. There is thus much more +uncertainty, and much greater latitude for conjecture, as to the +actual words of Catullus, than in the case of almost any other +Roman poet. As lines not found in this volume are attributed +to him by ancient authors, and as he appears to allude to the +composition of love poems in his first youth<a id="footnotetagxv2" name="footnotetagxv2"></a><a href="#footnotexv2"><sup>2</sup></a> which must have +been written before the earliest of the Lesbia-poems, it may be +inferred that we do not possess all that he wrote. It has been +generally assumed that the dedicatory lines to Cornelius +Nepos, with which the volume opens, were prefixed by the +poet to the collected edition of his poems which we now +possess; but Mr. Ellis, following Bruner, has shown that that +poem may more probably have been prefixed to a smaller and +earlier collection. The lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i20">Namque tu solebas</p> +<p class="i2">Meas esse aliquid putare nugas, etc.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>imply that earlier poems of Catullus were well known for some +time before the writing of this dedication; and allusions in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page411" id="page411"></a>[page 411]</span> +more than one of the poems<a id="footnotetagxv3" name="footnotetagxv3"></a><a href="#footnotexv3"><sup>3</sup></a> prove that the poems of an +earlier date must have been in circulation before those in +which these allusions occur were written. In the time of +Martial, a small volume, probably chiefly consisting of the +Lesbia-poems, was known as the 'Passer Catulli<a id="footnotetagxv4" name="footnotetagxv4"></a><a href="#footnotexv4"><sup>4</sup></a>.' It may be +inferred that, as he wrote his poems from his earliest youth +till his death, he gave them to the world at various stages +of his career. He may have combined in these libelli some of +the elegiac epigrams with his iambics and phalaecians, just as +Martial, who regarded him as his master, did afterwards. +Even some of the longer poems, such as the Janua or the +Epithalamia, may have formed part of these collections. The +attention which he attracted from men eminent in social rank +and literature,—such as Hortensius, Manlius Torquatus, Memmius, +etc.,—shows that his genius was soon recognised: and +his eager craving for sympathy and appreciation would naturally +prompt him to bring his various writings immediately before +the eyes of his contemporaries. It seems likely, therefore, +that this final collection from several shorter collections +already in circulation was made some time after the poet's +death<a id="footnotetagxv5" name="footnotetagxv5"></a><a href="#footnotexv5"><sup>5</sup></a>; that some poems were omitted which were not thought +worthy of preservation, and, possibly, that some may have then +been added which had not previously been given to the world. +It would be difficult to believe that poems expressive of the +most passionate love and the bitterest scorn of the same person +could have appeared for the first time in the same collection.</p> + +<p>This collection consists of about 116 poems<a id="footnotetagxv6" name="footnotetagxv6"></a><a href="#footnotexv6"><sup>6</sup></a>, written in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page412" id="page412"></a>[page 412]</span> +various metres, and varying in length from epigrams of only +two lines to an 'epyllion' which extends to 408 lines. The +poems numbered from i to lx, are short lyrical or satiric +pieces, written in the phalaecian, glyconic, or iambic metres, +and devoted almost entirely to subjects of personal interest. +The middle of the volume is occupied by the longer poems—numbered +lxi to lxviii<sup>b</sup>—of a more purely artistic and mostly +an impersonal character, written in the glyconic, galliambic, +hexameter, and elegiac metres. The latter part of the volume +is entirely occupied by epigrammatic or other short pieces in +elegiac metre, varying in length from two to twenty-six lines. +Many of the epigrams refer to the persons who are the subject +of the short lyric and iambic pieces. There is no attempt +to arrange the poems in anything like chronological order. +Thus, among the first twelve poems, ii, iii, v, vii, ix, xii, are +probably to be assigned to the years 61 and 60 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, while iv, +x, xi, certainly belong to the last three years of the poet's life. +It is difficult to imagine on what principle the juxtaposition of +certain poems was determined. Probably, in some cases, it +may have been on the mere mechanical one of filling up the +pages symmetrically by poems of suitable length. Sometimes +we find poems of the same character, or referring to the same +person, grouped together, and yet varied by the insertion of +one or two pieces related to the larger group by contrast rather +than similarity of tone. Thus the passionate exaltation of the +earlier Lesbia-poems is first relieved by a poem (iv) written in +another metre, and appealing to a much calmer class of +feelings, and next varied by one (vi) written in the same +metre, and suggested by a friend's amour, which in its meanness +and obscurity serves as a foil to the glory and brightness +of the good fortune enjoyed by the poet. Yet this clue does +not carry us far in determining the principle, if indeed there +was any principle, on which either the short lyrical poems or</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page413" id="page413"></a>[page 413]</span> +the elegiac epigrams were arranged. These various poems +were written under the influence of every mood to which he +was liable; and, like other passionate lyrical poets, he was +susceptible of the most opposite moods. The most trivial +incident might give rise to them equally with the greatest joy or +the greatest sorrow of his life. As he felt a strong need to +express, and had a happy facility in expressing his purest and +brightest feelings, so he felt no shame in indulging, and knew +no restraint in expressing, his coarsest propensities and bitterest +resentments: and he evidently regarded his worst moods no +less than his best as legitimate material for his art. Thus +pieces more coarse than almost anything in literature are +interspersed among others of the sunniest brightness and +purity. The feelings with which we linger over the exquisite +beauty of the 'Sirmio,' and are stirred by the noble inspiration +of the 'Hymn to Diana,' receive a rude shock from the two +intervening poems, characterised by a want of reticence and +reserve not often paralleled in the literature or the speech of +civilised nations. In a poet of modern times a similar collocation +might be supposed indicative of a cynical bitterness of +spirit—of a mind mocking its own purest impulses. But +Catullus is too genuine and sincere a man, too natural in his +enjoyments, and too healthy in all his moods, to be taken as +an example of this distempered type of genius. It seems +more likely, as is conjectured by recent commentators<a id="footnotetagxv7" name="footnotetagxv7"></a><a href="#footnotexv7"><sup>7</sup></a>, that +the present collection was made (perhaps at Verona) in a +comparatively late age, when the knowledge of the circumstances +of Catullus and the intelligent appreciation of his +poems was lost.</p> + +<p>These poems, whether good or bad, serious or trivial, are all +written with such transparent sincerity that they bring the poet +before us almost as if he were our contemporary. They make +him known to us in many different moods,—in joy and grief, +in the ecstasy and the despair of love, in the frank outpouring +of affection and the enjoyment of social intercourse, in the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page414" id="page414"></a>[page 414]</span> +bitterness of his scorn and animosity, in the license of his +coarser indulgences. They enable us to start with him on +his travels; to enjoy with him the beauty of his home on +the Italian lakes; to pass with him from the life of letters +and idle pleasure and the brilliant intellectual society of +Rome to the more homely but not more virtuous ways and +the more commonplace people of his native province; to join +with him in ridiculing some affectation of an acquaintance, or +to feel the contagion of his admiration for genius or wit in +man, grace in woman, or beauty in Nature. In the glimpses +of him which we get in the familiar round of his daily life, we +seem to catch the very turn of his conversation<a id="footnotetagxv8" name="footnotetagxv8"></a><a href="#footnotexv8"><sup>8</sup></a>, to hear his +laugh at some absurd incident<a id="footnotetagxv9" name="footnotetagxv9"></a><a href="#footnotexv9"><sup>9</sup></a>, to see his face brighten as he +welcomes a friend from a distant land<a id="footnotetagxv10" name="footnotetagxv10"></a><a href="#footnotexv10"><sup>10</sup></a>, to mark the quick +ebullition of anger at some slight or rudeness<a id="footnotetagxv11" name="footnotetagxv11"></a><a href="#footnotexv11"><sup>11</sup></a>, or to be +witnesses of his passionate tears as something recalls to him +the memory of his lost happiness, or makes him feel his +present desolation<a id="footnotetagxv12" name="footnotetagxv12"></a><a href="#footnotexv12"><sup>12</sup></a>. His impressible nature realises with +extraordinary vividness of pleasure and pain experiences +which by most people are scarcely noticed. To be rightly +appreciated, his poems must be read with immediate reference +to the circumstances and situations which gave rise to them. +We must take them up with our feelings attuned to the mood +in which they were written. Hence, before attempting to +criticise them, we must try, by the help of internal and any +available external evidence, to determine the successive stages +of his personal and literary career, and so to get some idea of +the social relations and the state of feeling of which they were +the expression.</p> + +<p>There is some uncertainty as to the exact date of his birth +and death. The statement of Jerome is that he was born at +Verona in the year 87 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and that he died at Rome, at the +age of thirty, in the year 57 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> But this last date is contradicted +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page415" id="page415"></a>[page 415]</span> +by allusions in the poems to events and circumstances, +such as the expeditions of Caesar across the Rhine +and into Britain, the second Consulship of Pompey, the +preparations for the Eastern expedition of Crassus, which +belong to a later date. The latest incident which Catullus +mentions is the speech of his friend Calvus, delivered in +August 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> against Vatinius<a id="footnotetagxv13" name="footnotetagxv13"></a><a href="#footnotexv13"><sup>13</sup></a>. A line in the poem, +immediately preceding that containing the allusion to the +speech of Calvus,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Per consulatum perierat Vatinius,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>was, till the appearance of Schwabe's 'Quaestiones Catullianae,' +accepted as a proof that Catullus had actually witnessed the +Consulship of Vatinius in 47 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> But it has been satisfactorily +shown that that line refers to the boasts in which +Vatinius used to indulge after the conference at Luca, or +after his own election to the Praetorship, and not to their +actual fulfilment at a later time. There is thus no evidence +that Catullus survived the year 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>; and some expressions +in some of his later poems, as, for instance,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Malest Cornifici tuo Catullo,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quid est Catulle? quid moraris emori?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>are thought to indicate the anticipation of approaching death. +But if 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> is to be accepted as the year of his death, one +of Jerome's two other statements, viz. that he was born in the +year 87 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> and that he died at the age of thirty, must be +wrong. Most critics and commentators hold that the first +date is right, and that the mistake lies in the words 'xxx. +aetatis anno.' Mr. Munro, with more probability, believes +the error to lie in the 87 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and that Jerome, 'as so often +happens with him, has blundered somewhat in transferring to +his complicated era the Consulships by which Suetonius would +have dated.' He argues further, that the phrase 'iuvenalia +tempora,' in the passage quoted above from Ovid and written +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page416" id="page416"></a>[page 416]</span> +by him at the age of twenty-five, is more applicable to one +who died at the age of thirty than of thirty-three. A further +argument for believing that the 'xxx. aetatis anno' is right, +and the date 87 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> consequently wrong, is that the age at +which a person died was more easily ascertained than the +date at which he was born, owing to the common practice of +recording the former in sepulchral inscriptions. It is easy +to see how a mistake might have occurred in substituting +the first of the four successive Consulships of Cinna (87 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>) +for the last in 84 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>; but it is not so obvious how the +substitution of xxx. for xxxiii. could have taken place. The +only ground for assuming that the date of 87 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> is more +likely to be right, is that thereby the disparity of age between +Catullus and his mistress Clodia, who must have been born in +95 or 94 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, is somewhat lessened. But when we remember +that she was actually twelve years older than M. Caelius Rufus, +who succeeded Catullus as her lover, and that Cicero in his +defence of Caelius speaks of her as supporting from her +own means the extravagance of her youthful ('adulescentis') +lovers<a id="footnotetagxv14" name="footnotetagxv14"></a><a href="#footnotexv14"><sup>14</sup></a>, there is no more difficulty in supposing that she was +ten than that she was seven years older than Catullus. Moreover, +the brotherly friendship in which Catullus lived with +Calvus, and his earlier intimate relations with Caelius and +Gellius, who were all born in or about the year 82 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, seem +to indicate that he was nearer to them in age than he would +have been if born in 87 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Between the age of twenty and +thirty a difference of five years is not frequent among very +intimate associates, who live together on a footing of perfect +freedom. Again, the expression of the feelings both of love +and friendship in the earlier poems of Catullus—written about +the year 61 or 60 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>—seems more like that of a youth of +twenty-three or four, than of twenty-six or seven, especially +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page417" id="page417"></a>[page 417]</span> +when we remember that, by his own confession, he had +entered at a precociously early age on his career both of +pleasure and of poetry. The date 84 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> accordingly seems +to fit the recorded facts of his life and the peculiar character +of his poetry better than that of 87 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>; and there seems to +be more opening for a mistake in assigning the particular date +of the poet's birth and death, than in recording the number of +years which he lived<a id="footnotetagxv15" name="footnotetagxv15"></a><a href="#footnotexv15"><sup>15</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>It seems, therefore, most probable that he was born in the +year 84 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and that he died at the age of thirty, either late +in 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> or early in 53 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> The much less important, but +still more disputed question as to his 'praenomen,' appears +now to be conclusively settled, in accordance with the evidence +of Jerome and Apuleius, in favour of Gaius, and against +Quintus. In the large number of places in which he speaks +of himself, he invariably calls himself 'Catullus'; and in the +best MSS. his book is called 'Catulli Veronensis liber.' His +Gentile name Valerius is confirmed by Suetonius in his life of +Julius Caesar; and the evidence of inscriptions shows that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page418" id="page418"></a>[page 418]</span> +that name was not uncommon in the district near Verona. +How it happened that this Roman patrician name had spread +into Cisalpine Gaul we do not know; but that the family of +Catullus was one of high consideration in his native district, +and maintained relations with the great families of Rome, is +indicated by the intimate footing on which Julius Caesar lived +with his father, and also by the fact that the poet was received +as a friend into the best houses of Rome,—such as that of Hortensius, +Manlius Torquatus, Metellus Celer,—shortly after his +arrival there. It is quite possible that the last of these, who +was Proconsul in Cisalpine Gaul in 62 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and to whom +Cicero writes when governor of that province, may have lived +on the same footing as Julius Caesar did with Catullus' father +at Verona, and that, in that way, Catullus obtained his first +introduction to his wife Clodia, the Lesbia of the poems. +Although some humorous complaints of money difficulties—the +natural consequences of his fashionable pleasures—occur +in his poems<a id="footnotetagxv16" name="footnotetagxv16"></a><a href="#footnotexv16"><sup>16</sup></a>, yet from the fact of his possessing, in his father's +lifetime, a country house on lake Benacus and a farm on the +borders of the Sabine and the Tiburtine territories, and of his +having bought and manned a yacht in which he made the +voyage from Bithynia to the mouth of the Po, it may be +inferred that he belonged to a wealthy senatorian or equestrian +family. One or two expressions, such as 'se atque suos +omnes,' and again, 'te cum tota gente, Catulle, tua<a id="footnotetagxv17" name="footnotetagxv17"></a><a href="#footnotexv17"><sup>17</sup></a>,' seem to +speak of a large connexion of kinsmen: but we only know of +one other member of his own family, his brother, whose early +death in the Troad is mentioned with very genuine feeling in +several of his poems. The statement of Jerome that he was +born at Verona is confirmed by Ovid and Martial, and by the +poet himself. He speaks of the 'Transpadani' as his own +people ('ut meos quoque attingam'); he addresses Brixia (the +modern Brescia), as—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Veronae mater amata meae;</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page419" id="page419"></a>[page 419]</span> +<p>he speaks of one of his fellow-townsmen, as—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quendam municipem meum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Besides spending his early youth there, we find him, on three +different occasions, retiring thither from Rome, and making a +considerable stay there; first, at the time of his brother's +death, apparently at the very height of his <i>liaison</i> with Clodia; +next, immediately after his return from Bithynia; and again +in the winter of 55-54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, when it is probable that his +interview and reconciliation with Julius Caesar took place. +We find him inviting his friend, the poet Caecilius, to come +and visit him from the newly established colony of Como. +He had his friends and confidants among the youth of +Verona, and he records his intrigues both with the married +women and courtesans of the place<a id="footnotetagxv18" name="footnotetagxv18"></a><a href="#footnotexv18"><sup>18</sup></a>. He took a lively +interest in the humorous scandals of the Province, and +he has made them the subjects of several of his poems,—e.g. +xvii and lxvii. Although his life was too full of social +excitement and human interests to make him dwell much +on natural beauty, yet the pure feeling expressed in the +Sirmio—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Salve, o venusta Sirmio, atque ero gaude;</p> +<p>Gaudete vosque o vividae<a id="footnotetagxv19" name="footnotetagxv19"></a><a href="#footnotexv19"><sup>19</sup></a> lacus undae—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>shows that he derived keen enjoyment from the familiar +loveliness of that 'ocellus' of 'all isles and capes': and in the +illustrative imagery of his more artistic poems we seem to find +traces of the impression made unconsciously on his imagination +by the mountain scenery of Northern Italy<a id="footnotetagxv20" name="footnotetagxv20"></a><a href="#footnotexv20"><sup>20</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>His native district afforded scope for the culture, which was +the serious charm of his life, as well as for the pleasures which +formed a large part of it. It was in the youth of Catullus that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page420" id="page420"></a>[page 420]</span> +the power of Greek studies was first felt by the impressionable +race, half-Italian, half-Celtic, of Cisalpine Gaul, which still +remained outside of Italy, and is called by him 'Provincia.' +Among the men of letters belonging to the last age of the +Republic,—Cato, the grammarian and poet, the great teacher +of the poets of the new generation<a id="footnotetagxv21" name="footnotetagxv21"></a><a href="#footnotexv21"><sup>21</sup></a>, described in lines quoted +by Suetonius as</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i12"> Latina Siren</p> +<p class="i2">Qui solus legit ac facit poetas,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Cornelius Nepos, the friend who early recognised the +genius of Catullus and to whom one of his 'libelli' was +dedicated in the lines now prefixed to the collection,—Quintilius +Varus, probably the Varus of poems x and +xxii, and the friend whose death Horace laments in an +Ode to Virgil, and whose candour as a critic he commends in +the Ars Poetica,—Furius Bibaculus, Cornificius, and Caecilius, +most of whom were among the intimate friends of Catullus, +came from, or resided in, the North of Italy<a id="footnotetagxv22" name="footnotetagxv22"></a><a href="#footnotexv22"><sup>22</sup></a>. In the poem +already mentioned he speaks of the mistress of Caecilius as +being—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i12">Sapphica puella</p> +<p class="i2">Musa doctior,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>an indication that, not only in Rome but even in the northern +province, the finest literary taste and culture was shared by +women. Catullus shows in the earlier stage of his poetic +career his familiarity both with the 'Muse of Sappho,' and +with the more laboured art of Callimachus. His special +literary butt, 'Volusius,' whose poems are ridiculed under the +title of 'Annales Volusi,' was also his 'Conterraneus,' being a +native of the ancient 'Padua,' a town at the mouth of the Po<a id="footnotetagxv23" name="footnotetagxv23"></a><a href="#footnotexv23"><sup>23</sup></a>. +The strength of the impulse first given to literary study in +this age is marked also by the eminent names from the North +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page421" id="page421"></a>[page 421]</span> +of Italy, which belong to the next generation, those of Virgil, +Cornelius Gallus, Aemilius Macer, Livy, etc. There is no +proof that Catullus left his native district in order to complete +his education, though it is not improbable that he may have done +so and come under the instruction of the 'Latina Siren,' with +whom he was later on terms of familiar intimacy (lvi); nor +have we any sure sign of his presence at Rome before the +year 61 <span class="sc">b.c.</span><a id="footnotetagxv24" name="footnotetagxv24"></a><a href="#footnotexv24"><sup>24</sup></a> He tells us that he began his career both +as an amatory poet and as a man of pleasure in his earliest +youth,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Tempore quo primum vestis mihi tradita pura'st,</p> +<p class="i4">Iucundum cum aetas florida ver ageret,</p> +<p class="i2">Multa satis lusi: non est dea nescia nostri,</p> +<p class="i4">Quae dulcem curis miscet amaritiem<a id="footnotetagxv25" name="footnotetagxv25"></a><a href="#footnotexv25"><sup>25</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>One or two of the poems which we still possess may have +been written before Catullus settled in Rome, and before his +genius was fully awakened by his passion for Lesbia: but +the great majority belong to a later date; and if he did +write many love poems before leaving Verona, 'in the pleasant +spring-time of his life,' nearly all, if not all, of them were +omitted from the final collection. Even the 'Aufilena poems,' +which are based on an intrigue carried on at Verona, are +shown, by the lines in c:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Cui faveam potius? Caeli, tibi, nam tua nobis</p> +<p class="i4">Per facta exhibita'st unica amicitia,</p> +<p class="i2">Cum vesana meas torreret flamma medullas,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>to be subsequent to the <i>liaison</i> with Clodia. This last line +can only refer to the one all-absorbing passion of the poet's +life. His own relations to Aufilena, in whose affections +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page422" id="page422"></a>[page 422]</span> +he seems to have tried to supplant his friend Quintius, +were subsequent to the composition of that poem. It is +possible, as Westphal suggests, that the Veronese bride, +'viridissimo nupta flore puella' of the 17th poem, in whom +Catullus evidently took a lively interest, may have been this +Aufilena, at an earlier stage of her career.</p> + +<p>The event which first revealed the full power of his genius, +and which brought the greatest happiness and the greatest +misery into his life, was his passion for 'Lesbia.' After the +elaborate discussions of the question by Schwabe, Munro, +Ellis and others, it can no longer be doubted that the lady +addressed under that name was the notorious Clodia; the +<ins title="Greek: boôpis">βοῶπις</ins> who appears so prominently in the second book of +Cicero's Letters to Atticus, and the 'Medea Palatina' whose +crimes, fascination, and profligacy stand out so distinctly in +the defence of Caelius. We learn first from Ovid that 'Lesbia' +was a feigned name; and the application of that name is easily +intelligible from the admiration which Catullus felt, and which +his mistress probably shared, for the 'Lesbian poetess,' whose +passionate words he addressed to his mistress when he was first +dazzled by her exceeding charm and beauty. Apuleius tells us +further that the real name of 'Lesbia' was Clodia; and the truth +of his statement is confirmed by his mention in the same place +of other Roman ladies, who were celebrated by their poet-lovers,—Ticidas, +Tibullus, and Propertius,—under disguised +names. The statement made there that the real name of the +Cynthia of Propertius was Hostia, is confirmed by the line in +one of his elegies,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Splendidaque a docto fama refulget avo<a id="footnotetagxv26" name="footnotetagxv26"></a><a href="#footnotexv26"><sup>26</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The fact that this Clodia was the sister of P. Clodius Pulcher +is also indicated in the 79th poem of Catullus,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Lesbius est pulcher: quidni? quem Lesbia malit</p> +<p class="i4">Quam te cum tota gente, Catulle, tua.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page423" id="page423"></a>[page 423]</span> +<p>The play on the word <i>pulcher</i> might be illustrated by many +parallel allusions in Cicero's Letters to Atticus. The gratitude +expressed by Catullus to Allius<a id="footnotetagxv27" name="footnotetagxv27"></a><a href="#footnotexv27"><sup>27</sup></a>, a man of rank and position, +for having made arrangements to enable him to meet his +mistress in secret, clearly shows that she could not have +belonged to the class of <i>libertinae</i>, in whose case no such precautions +could have been necessary: and the language of +Catullus in the first period of his <i>liaison</i>—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Ille mi par esse deo videtur;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and again,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i4">Quo mea se molli candida diva pedem</p> +<p class="i2">Intulit,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>is like the rapture of a lover acknowledging the gracious +condescension of a superior, as well as the delight of passion +returned. Of the two kinds of lovers, those who 'allow +themselves to be loved' and are flattered by this tribute to +their superiority, and those who are carried out of themselves +by their idealising admiration of the object of their love, +Catullus, in his earlier and happier time, unquestionably +belonged to the latter. Such a feeling, on the part of a young +provincial poet, although primarily inspired by charms of +person and manner, would naturally be enhanced by the +thought that the lady whom he loved belonged to one of +the oldest and highest patrician houses, and was the wife of one +of the greatest nobles of Rome, who was either actual Consul, +or Consul designate, at the time when she first returned +the poet's passion. The subsequent course of their <i>liaison</i> +affords further corroboration of her identity with the famous +Clodia. The rival against whom the poet's anger is most +fierce and bitter, is addressed by him as Rufus<a id="footnotetagxv28" name="footnotetagxv28"></a><a href="#footnotexv28"><sup>28</sup></a>,—the cognomen +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page424" id="page424"></a>[page 424]</span> +of M. Caelius, who became the lover of Clodia in the +latter part of the year 59, and was defended by Cicero +in a prosecution instigated by her in the early part of 56 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> +The speech of Cicero amply confirms the charges of Catullus +as to the multiplicity of her later lovers. As, therefore, there +seems no reason to doubt, and the strongest reason to accept +the statement of Apuleius that the real name of Lesbia was +Clodia; as the Lesbia of Catullus was, like her, evidently a +lady of rank and of great accomplishment<a id="footnotetagxv29" name="footnotetagxv29"></a><a href="#footnotexv29"><sup>29</sup></a>; as there was no +other Clodia of the family of Clodius Pulcher at Rome, except +the wife of Metellus Celer, to whom the statements made in +the poems of Catullus could apply; and as these statements +closely agree with all that Cicero says of her,—there is no +reasonable ground for doubting their identity. If it is urged, +on the other side, that a lady of the rank and station of Clodia +cannot have sunk so low, as some of the later poems of +Catullus imply, it may be said that all that Catullus in his +jealous wrath imputed to her need not have been true, and also +that other Roman ladies of as high rank and position, both in +the last age of the Republic and in the early Empire, did sink +as low<a id="footnotetagxv30" name="footnotetagxv30"></a><a href="#footnotexv30"><sup>30</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>That the intrigue was carried on and had even reached its +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page425" id="page425"></a>[page 425]</span> +second stage—that of the 'amantium irae'—in the life-time of +Metellus, appears from the 83rd poem,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Lesbia mi praesente viro mala plurima dicit, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Metellus was governor of the Province of Gallia Cisalpina in 62 +<span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and he must have returned to Rome early in 61 to stand +for the Consulship. Catullus may have become known to +Clodia in his absence, and the earliest poem addressed to her, +the translation from Sappho, which is expressive of passionate +and even distant admiration rather than of secure possession, +may belong to the time of her husband's absence. But in the +68th poem, which recalls most vividly the early days of their +love, when they met in secret at the house provided by Allius, +the lines, in which the poet excuses her faithlessness to +himself—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Sed furtiva dedit mira munuscula nocte,</p> +<p class="i4">Ipsius ex ipso dempta viri gremio<a id="footnotetagxv31" name="footnotetagxv31"></a><a href="#footnotexv31"><sup>31</sup></a>—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>clearly imply that these meetings occurred after the return +of Metellus to Rome. The earlier love poems to Lesbia—those +on her pet sparrow, the 'Vivamus, mea Lesbia, atque +amemus,' and the 'Quaeris quot mihi basiationes,'—in all +of which the feeling expressed is one at once of passionate +admiration and of perfect security,—belong probably to the +year 60, or to the latter part of the year 61 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> To this +period may, in all probability, be assigned some of the poet's +brightest and happiest efforts,—the Epithalamium in honour +of the marriage of Manlius and Vinia Aurunculeia<a id="footnotetagxv32" name="footnotetagxv32"></a><a href="#footnotexv32"><sup>32</sup></a>, and the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page426" id="page426"></a>[page 426]</span> +poems ix, xii, xiii, commemorative of his friendship with +Veranius and Fabullus. The words in the last of these—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam unguentum dabo, quod meae puellae</p> +<p>Donarunt Veneres Cupidinesque—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>seem to admit of no other explanation than that they were +written in the heyday of his passion. The lines in the poem, +welcoming Veranius,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Visam te incolumem audiamque Hiberum</p> +<p>Narrantem loca, facta, nationes—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>seem to speak of some adventures encountered in Spain: and +from the fact that three years later the two friends, who are +always coupled together as inseparable by Catullus, went +together on the staff of Calpurnius Piso, the father-in-law +of Caesar, to his Province of Macedonia, it seems a not +unwarranted conjecture<a id="footnotetagxv33" name="footnotetagxv33"></a><a href="#footnotexv33"><sup>33</sup></a> that they were similarly engaged +at this earlier time, and had gone to Spain in the train of +Julius Caesar, and had returned with him to Rome in the +middle of the year 60 <span class="sc">b.c.</span><a id="footnotetagxv34" name="footnotetagxv34"></a><a href="#footnotexv34"><sup>34</sup></a> The twelfth poem, which is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page427" id="page427"></a>[page 427]</span> +interesting as a testimony to the honour and good taste +of Asinius Pollio, then a boy of sixteen, was written somewhat +earlier, while Veranius and Fabullus were still in +Spain.</p> + +<p>The first hint of any rift in the loves of Catullus and Clodia +is contained in the 68th poem, written in the form of a letter to +Manlius<a id="footnotetagxv35" name="footnotetagxv35"></a><a href="#footnotexv35"><sup>35</sup></a>—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quare, quod scribis Veronae turpe Catullo, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Catullus had retired to Verona on hearing of the death of his +brother, and he was for a time so overwhelmed with grief as to +become indifferent both to poetry and love. He is as sincere +and unreserved in the expression of his grief as of his former +happiness, and as completely absorbed by it. He writes +to Hortensius, enclosing, in fulfilment of an old promise, +a translation of the 'Coma Berenices' of Callimachus, but at +the same time expressing his loss of all interest in poetry owing +to his recent affliction,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Etsi me adsiduo confectum cura dolore</p> +<p class="i4">Sevocat a doctis, Ortale, virginibus, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page428" id="page428"></a>[page 428]</span> +In his letter to Manlius, in which he excuses himself on +the same ground for not sending any poetry of his own, +and for not complying with his request to send him some +volumes of Greek poetry, on the ground that his collection of +books was at Rome, he notices, with a feeling almost of +hopeless indifference, a hint conveyed to him by Manlius, +of his mistress' faithlessness<a id="footnotetagxv36" name="footnotetagxv36"></a><a href="#footnotexv36"><sup>36</sup></a>. In the poem written somewhat +later to Allius,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Non possum reticere deae qua me Allius in re, etc.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>in which his grief is still fresh but more subdued, and in which +the full tide of his old passion, as well as his old delight in his +art, returns to him, he speaks lightly of her occasional +infidelities,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Quae tamen etsi uno non est contenta Catullo</p> +<p class="i4">Rara verecundae furta feremus erae.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>If he can no longer be her only lover, he still hopes to be +the most favoured. But he soon finds even this privilege +denied to him. His love-poetry henceforth assumes a different +sound. For a time, indeed, his reproaches are uttered +in a tone of sadness not unmixed with tenderness. Afterwards, +even though his passion from time to time revives with +its old vehemence, and he again becomes the slave of Lesbia's +caprice, his tone becomes angry, hard, and scornful. Finally, +the evidence of her shameless life and innumerable infidelities +with Caelius, Gellius, Egnatius, and 'three hundred others,' +enables him utterly to renounce her. The earlier of the +poems, both of anger and reconciliation, may probably have +been written in the life-time of Metellus, i. e. in 60 or in the +beginning of 59 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> But later in that year Metellus died, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page429" id="page429"></a>[page 429]</span> +suspected of being poisoned by his wife, who, on the ground of +that suspicion, was named by Caelius Rufus, after his passion +had merged in a hatred equal to that of Catullus, by the +terrible <i>oxymoron</i> of 'Clytemnestra quadrantaria.' Her widowhood +gained for her absolute license in the indulgence of her +propensities, and the first use she made of her liberty +was to receive Caelius Rufus into her house on the Palatine. +What her ultimate fate was we do not know, but the language +of Cicero, Caelius, and Catullus show that she could inspire as +deadly hatred as passionate admiration, and that the 'Juno-like' +charm of her beauty, the grace and fascination of her presence, +the intellectual accomplishment which made poets and orators +for a time her slaves, did not save her from sinking into the +lowest degradation.</p> + +<p>The poems representing the second and third stage—that in +which passion and scorn strive with one another—of the +relations to 'Lesbia,' and containing the savage attacks on his +rivals, belong to the years 59 and 58 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>: nor do there appear +to be any other poems of importance referable to this latter +date. One or two poems, in which his final renunciation +is made with much scornful emphasis, belong to a later +date after his return from Bithynia. He went there early in the +year 57 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, on the staff of the Propraetor Memmius, and +remained till the spring of the following year. The immediate +motive for this step may have been his wish to escape +from his fatal entanglement, but the chances of bettering +his fortunes, the congenial society of his friend the poet +Helvius Cinna and other members of the staff, and the +attraction of visiting the famous seats of the old Greek +civilization, were also powerful inducements to a man who +combined a strong social and pleasure-loving nature with +the enthusiasm of a poet and a scholar. His severance +from his recent associations and from the animosities they +engendered was favourable to his happiness and his +poetry. He did not indeed improve his fortunes, owing, +as he says, to the poverty of the province and the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page430" id="page430"></a>[page 430]</span> +meanness of his chief. He detested Memmius, and has +recorded his detestation in the hearty terms of abuse of which +he was a master; and he expresses his joy in quitting, +in the following spring, the dull monotony of the Phrygian +plains and the hot climate of Nicaea. But he had great +enjoyment in his association with his comrades on the Praetor's +staff—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>O dulces comitum valete coetus.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He was attracted to one of them, Helvius Cinna, by warm +admiration for his poetic accomplishment, as well as by +friendship<a id="footnotetagxv37" name="footnotetagxv37"></a><a href="#footnotexv37"><sup>37</sup></a>; and the time spent by them together was probably +lightened by the practice of their art, and the study of +the Alexandrine poets. Although the fame of Cinna did not +become so great as that of Catullus or Calvus, he seems +to have been regarded by the poets of that school in the light +of a master<a id="footnotetagxv38" name="footnotetagxv38"></a><a href="#footnotexv38"><sup>38</sup></a>; and it is probably owing to the example +of his Zmyrna, so highly lauded in the 95th poem of Catullus, +that Catullus composed his Epithalamium of Peleus and +Thetis, Calvus composed his Io, and Cornificius his Glaucus. +A still more remarkable poem of Catullus, the Attis, the +subject of which, so remote not only from Roman but even +Greek life, is identified with the Phrygian highlands and the +seats of the worship of Cybele, probably owes its inspiration as +well as its local colouring to the poet's sojourn in this district. +It is not unlikely that it was during the leisure of the time +spent in Bithynia that these poems were commenced, as +it was during his retirement to Verona after his brother's death +that his longer Elegiac poems were written. The mention of +the 'Catagraphi Thyni' in a later poem is suggestive of +the interest which he took in the novel aspects of Eastern +life opened up to him in the province. But it is in the +poems which are written in the year 56 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, that we chiefly +note the happy effect of the poet's absence from Rome, and of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page431" id="page431"></a>[page 431]</span> +his emancipation from his passion. Some of these poems,—more +especially xlvi, ci, xxxi, and iv,—are among the happiest +and purest products of his genius. They bring him before us +eagerly preparing to start on his journey 'among the famous +cities of Asia,'—making his pious pilgrimage to his brother's +tomb in the Troad,—greeting his beloved Sirmio and the +bright waters of the Lago di Garda on his first return home, +and recalling sometime later to his guests by the shores of the +lake the memories of the places visited, and of the gallant +bearing of his pinnace, 'through so many wild seas,' on +his homeward voyage. Some of the poems written from +Verona—those referring to his intrigue or perhaps his disappointment +with Aufilena, and the invitation to Caecilius +(xxxv), were probably composed about this time, before his +return to Rome. The 'Aufilena' poems belong certainly to a +time later than his passion for Lesbia; and during a still later +visit to Verona—probably that during which he met and +was reconciled to Julius Caesar—Catullus is found engaged in +love-affairs in which Mamurra was his rival. As the invitation +to Caecilius was written after the foundation of Como (<span class="sc">b.c.</span> 59), +it could not have been sent by Catullus during his earlier +sojourns at Verona: and 'the ideas' which he wished to +interchange with the poet who was then engaged in writing a +poem on Cybele—'Dindymi domina,'—to which Catullus +pointedly refers, may well have been those suggested by +his Eastern sojourn, and embodied in the Attis. But soon +afterwards we find him back in Rome, and the lively and most +natural comedy, dramatically put before us in x—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Varus me meus ad suos amores</p> +<p>Visum duxerat e foro otiosum—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>bears the freshest impress of his recent Bithynian experiences. +Poems xxviii and xlviii, inspired by his hatred of Memmius +and his sympathy with the treatment, like to that which he had +himself experienced, which his friends Veranius and Fabullus +had met with at the hands of their chief Piso, probably belong +to a later time, after the return of Piso from his province in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page432" id="page432"></a>[page 432]</span> +55 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Some critics have found the motive of the famous lines +addressed to Cicero—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Disertissime Romuli nepotum</p> +<p>Quot sunt quotque fuere, Marce Tulli—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>in the speech delivered in the early part of 56 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, in defence +of Caelius, of which, from the prominence given in it to the +vices of Clodia, Catullus must have heard soon after his +return to Rome. But the words of the poem hardly justify this +inference. Catullus was not interested in the vindication of +Caelius, who had proved false to him as a friend, and supplanted +him as a rival. And he was himself so perfect a +master of vituperation that he did not need to thank Cicero +for his having done that office for him in regard to Clodia. +Yet the reference to Cicero's eloquence, and to his supremacy +in the law courts—,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tanto pessimus omnium poeta</p> +<p>Quanta tu optimus omnium patronus—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>seems to point to some exercise of Cicero's special talent +as an advocate, for which Catullus was grateful. The great +orator and the great poet, who speaks so modestly of himself +in the contrast he draws between them, may have been brought +together in many ways. They had common friends and +acquaintances—Hortensius, Manlius Torquatus, Sestius, Licinius +Calvus, Memmius, etc.; and they heartily hated the +same persons, Clodia, Vatinius, Piso, and others. The intimate +associates of Catullus shared the political views and +sympathies which the orator had professed at least up to the +year 55 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Cicero, too, was naturally attracted to young +men of promise and genius,—if they did not belong too +prominently to the 'grex Catilinae';—and, like Dr. Johnson in +his relations to Beauclerk and Boswell, he may have valued +their society more for their intellectual vivacity than their +moral virtues<a id="footnotetagxv39" name="footnotetagxv39"></a><a href="#footnotexv39"><sup>39</sup></a>.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page433" id="page433"></a>[page 433]</span> + +<p>The poems written in the last two years of the poet's life do +not indicate any emancipation from the coarser passions and +the fierce animosities of the period immediately preceding +the Bithynian journey. To this later time may be assigned +the famous lampoons on Julius Caesar and Mamurra, the poems +referring to some of his Veronese amours, those addressed +to Juventius, and the reckless, half-bantering, half-savage assaults +on 'Furius and Aurelius,' who were both the butts of his wit +and the sharers of his least reputable pleasures. They seem +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page434" id="page434"></a>[page 434]</span> +to have been needy men, though of some social standing<a id="footnotetagxv40" name="footnotetagxv40"></a><a href="#footnotexv40"><sup>40</sup></a>, +probably of the class of 'Scurrae,' who preyed on his purse +and made loud professions of devotion to him, while they +abused his confidence and his character behind his back. +Some of the poems of his last years, however, are indicative +of a more genial frame of mind and of happier relations with +the world. It was at this time that he enjoyed the intimate +friendship of Licinius Calvus<a id="footnotetagxv41" name="footnotetagxv41"></a><a href="#footnotexv41"><sup>41</sup></a>, to whom he was united by +similarity of taste and of genius, as well as by sympathy in +their personal and political dislikes. Four poems—one certainly +among the very last written by Catullus—are inspired +by this friendship, and all clearly prove that at least this source +of happiness was unalloyed by any taint of bitterness. Two +other poems, the final repudiation of Lesbia, and the bright +picture of the loves of Acme and Septimius, which, by their</p> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page435" id="page435"></a>[page 435]</span> +allusions to the invasion of Britain and to the excitement +preceding the Parthian expedition of Crassus and the Egyptian +expedition of Gabinius, show unmistakeably that they belong +to the last year of his life, afford conclusive evidence that +neither the exhausting passions, the rancorous feuds, nor the +deeper sorrows of his life had in any way impaired the vigour +of his imagination or his sense of beauty. Perhaps the latest +verses addressed by Catullus to any of his friends are those +lines of tender complaint to Cornificius, in which he begs +of him some little word of consolation—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Maestius lacrimis Simonideis.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Malest, me hercule, et est laboriose,</p> +<p>Et magis magis in dies et horas—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>might well have been drawn from him by the rapid advance of +his fatal illness, and the phrase 'lacrimis Simonideis' is suggestive +of the anticipation of death rather than of the misery of +unfortunate love<a id="footnotetagxv42" name="footnotetagxv42"></a><a href="#footnotexv42"><sup>42</sup></a>.</p> + +<p>The length as well as the diction, rhythm, and structure +of the 64th poem—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Peliaco quondam prognatae, etc.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>shows that it was a work of much greater labour and thought +than any of those which sprang spontaneously out of the passion +or sentiment of the moment. Probably in the composition +of this, which he must have regarded as the most serious +and ambitious effort of his Muse, Catullus may have acted +on the principle which he commends so warmly in his lines +on the Zmyrna of Cinna—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Zmyrna mei Cinnae nonam post denique messem</p> +<p class="i4">Quam coepta'st nonamque edita post hiemem,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and have kept it by him for years, elaborating the unfamiliar +poetic diction in which it is expressed, and enlarging its +original plan by the insertion of the long Ariadne episode. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page436" id="page436"></a>[page 436]</span> +It is the only poem of Catullus which produces the impression +of the slow and reflective processes of art as distinct from +the rapidly shaping power of immediate inspiration. From +this circumstance alone we should regard it as a work on which +his maturest faculty was employed. But it has been shown<a id="footnotetagxv43" name="footnotetagxv43"></a><a href="#footnotexv43"><sup>43</sup></a> +that throughout the poem, and more especially in the episode +of Ariadne, there are clear indications that Catullus had read +and imitated the poem of Lucretius, which appeared about +the end of 55 or the beginning of 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> We may therefore +conclude that in the year 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>—the last of his life—Catullus +was still engaged either in the original composition +of his longest poem, or in giving to it the finishing touches. +The concluding lines of the poem—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed postquam tellus scelere est imbuta nefando, etc.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>which are written in a more serious spirit, and with a graver +judgment on human life than anything else he has left, perhaps +indicate the path which his maturer genius might have struck +out for itself, if he had ever risen from the careless freedom of +early youth to the reflective habits and steady labour of riper +years.</p> + +<p>But although longer life might have brought to Catullus +a still higher rank among the poets of the world, the chief +charm of the poems actually written by him arises from the +strength and depth of his personal feelings, and the force, +freshness, and grace with which he has expressed them. +Other Roman poets have produced works of more elaborate +composition, and have shown themselves greater interpreters +of Nature and of human life: none have expressed so directly +and truthfully the great elemental affections, or have uttered +with such vital sincerity the happiness or the pain of the +passing hour. He presents his own simple experience and +emotions, uncoloured by idealising fancy or reflexion, and +the world accepts this as among the truest of all records +of human feeling. The 'spirat adhuc amor' is especially +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page437" id="page437"></a>[page 437]</span> +true of all the poems inspired by his love for Lesbia. It +is by the union of the utmost fire of passion with a heart +capable of the utmost constancy of feeling that he transcends +all other poets of love. We pass with him through every +stage of his passion, from the first rapture of admiration +and the first happiness of possession to the biting words or +scorn in which he announces to Lesbia his final renunciation +of her. We witness the whole 'pageant of his bleeding heart,' +from the fresh pain of the wound on first fully realising her +unworthiness, through the various stages of superficial reconcilement,—the +'amoris integratio' following on the 'amantium +irae<a id="footnotetagxv44" name="footnotetagxv44"></a><a href="#footnotexv44"><sup>44</sup></a>,'—on to the state of torture described by him in +the words 'Odi et amo<a id="footnotetagxv45" name="footnotetagxv45"></a><a href="#footnotexv45"><sup>45</sup></a>,' till at last he obtains his emancipation +by the growth of a savage rancour and loathing in +the place of the passionate love which had tried so long to +sustain itself 'like a wild flower at the edge of the meadow<a id="footnotetagxv46" name="footnotetagxv46"></a><a href="#footnotexv46"><sup>46</sup></a>.' +Among the many poems, written through nearly the whole +of his poetical career, and called forth by this, the most +vital experience of his life, those of most charm and power +are the two on the 'Sparrow of Lesbia' (ii and iii) written +in tones of playful tenderness, not without some touch of +the luxury of melancholy which accompanies and enhances +passion;—the two, v and vii,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Vivamus, mea Lesbia, atque amemus,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quaeris, quot mihi basiationes, etc.,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>written in the very height of his short-lived happiness, in +the wildest tumult and most reckless abandonment of passion, +when the immediate joy is felt as the only thing of any +moment in life; the 8th poem—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Miser, Catulle, desinas ineptire—</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page438" id="page438"></a>[page 438]</span> +<p>in which he recalls the bright days of the past—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Fulsere quondam candidi tibi soles,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and steels his heart against useless regret:—and another +poem written in a different metre, in the same mood, and +apparently after the wounds, which had been partially healed, +had broken out afresh,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Si qua recordanti benefacta priora voluptas, etc.<a id="footnotetagxv47" name="footnotetagxv47"></a><a href="#footnotexv47"><sup>47</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>in which he prays for a deliverance from his passion as from +a foul disease, or a kind of madness;—and lastly, the final +renunciation (xi),—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Furi et Aureli comites Catullo,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>in which scornful irony is combined with an imaginative +power and creative force of expression which he has only +equalled or surpassed in one or two other of his greatest +works,—such as the 'Attis' and the Epithalamium of Manlius. +Other tales of love told by poets have been more +beautiful in their course, or more pathetic in their issue; +none have been told with more truthful realism, or more +desperate intensity of feeling.</p> + +<p>The fame of Catullus, as alone among ancient poets of +love rivalling the traditional glory of Sappho, does not rest +only on those poems which record the varying vicissitudes +of his own experience. His longer and more artistic poems +are all concerned with some phase of this passion, either in +its more beautiful and pathetic aspects, or in its perversion +and corruption. Thus he not only selects from Greek +legends the story of the desertion of Ariadne, of the brief +union of Protesilaus and Laodamia, of the glory and blessedness +of Peleus and Thetis, but he makes the tragic deed of +Attis, instigated by the fanatical hatred of love,—'Veneris +nimio odio,'—the subject of his art. Others of his poems are +inspired by sympathy with the happiness of his friends in the +enjoyment of their love, and with their sorrow when that love +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page439" id="page439"></a>[page 439]</span> +is interrupted by death. The most charming of all his longer +poems is the Epithalamium which celebrates the union of +Manlius with his bride. No truer picture of the passionate +devotion of lovers has ever been painted than that presented +in the few playful and tender but burning lines of the 'Acme +and Septimius.' His own experience did not teach him the +lessons of cynicism. At the close as at the beginning of his +career, he finds in the union of passion with truth and +constancy the most real source of happiness. The elegiac +lines in which he comforts his friend Calvus for the loss of +Quintilia bear witness to the strength and delicacy of his +friendship, and, along with others of his poems, make us feel +that the life of pleasure in that age was not only brightened by +genius and culture, but also elevated by pure affection and +sympathy,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Si quicquam mutis gratum acceptumque sepulchris</p> +<p class="i4">Accidere a nostro Calve dolore potest,</p> +<p class="i2">Quo desiderio veteres renovamus amores</p> +<p class="i4">Atque olim missas flemus amicitias</p> +<p class="i2">Certe non tanto mors immatura dolori est</p> +<p class="i4">Quintiliae, quantum gaudet amore tuo<a id="footnotetagxv48" name="footnotetagxv48"></a><a href="#footnotexv48"><sup>48</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The most attractive feature in the character of Catullus +is the warmth of his affection. No ancient poet has left so +pleasant a record of the genial intercourse of friends, or has +given such proof of his own dependence on human attachment +and of his readiness to meet all the claims which others have +on such attachment. In his gayest hours and his greatest +sorrow, amid his pleasures and his studies, he shows his +thoughtful consideration for others, his grateful recollection +of past kindness, and his own extreme need of sympathy. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page440" id="page440"></a>[page 440]</span> +Perhaps he expects too much from friendship, and, in addressing +his comrades, is too ready to assume that whatever +gives momentary pleasure or pain to 'their own Catullus' must +be of equal importance to them. No poet makes such use of +terms of endearment and affectionate diminutives in writing +both to and of his friends, and of himself in his relation to +them. But if he expected much from the sympathy of his associates, +he possessed in no ordinary measure the capacity of +feeling with and of heartily loving and admiring them. He +often expresses honest and delicate appreciation of the works, +or of the wit, taste, and genius of his friends. The dedication +of his volume to Cornelius Nepos, the lines addressed to Cicero, +the invitation to Caecilius—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Poetae tenero, meo sodali</p> +<p>Velim Caecilio papyre dicas,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the poem in which he recalls to Licinius Calvus a day passed +together in witty talk and the interchange of verses over their +wine, the contrast which he draws between the doom of speedy +oblivion which he pronounces on the 'Annals of Volusius,' and +the immortality which he confidently anticipates for the 'Zmyrna' +of Cinna,—all show that, though fastidious in his judgments, +he was without a single touch of literary jealousy, and that he +felt a generous pride in the fame and accomplishments of men +of established reputation as well as of his own younger compeers. +Nor was his affection limited by literary sympathy. Of none +of his associates does he write more heartily than of Veranius +and Fabullus, young men, apparently enjoying their youth, and +trying to better their fortunes by serving on the staff of some +Praetor or Proconsul in his province. The language of +affection could not be uttered with more cordiality, simplicity, +and grace than in the poem of ten or eleven lines welcoming +Veranius on his return from Spain,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Venistine domum ad tuos Penates</p> +<p>Fratresque unanimos anumque matrem?</p> +<p>Venisti. O mihi nuntii beati.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is not a word in the poem wasted; not one that does +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page441" id="page441"></a>[page 441]</span> +not come straight and strong from the heart. The 'Invitation +to Fabullus' is in a lighter strain, and is written with the +freedom and humour which he could use to add a charm to +his friendly intercourse<a id="footnotetagxv49" name="footnotetagxv49"></a><a href="#footnotexv49"><sup>49</sup></a>, and a sting to his less congenial +relations. Yet through the playful banter of this poem his +delicate and kindly nature betrays itself in the words 'venuste +noster,' and in those lines of true feeling,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed contra accipies meros amores</p> +<p>Seu quid suavius elegantiusve.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>His affection for both comes out incidentally in his remonstrance +with Marrucinus Asinius<a id="footnotetagxv50" name="footnotetagxv50"></a><a href="#footnotexv50"><sup>50</sup></a> for having filched after +dinner, 'in ioco atque vino,' one of his napkins, which he +valued as memorials of the friends who had sent them to him, +and which he endows with some share of the love he felt for +them,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i12"> Haec amem necessest</p> +<p class="i2">Ut Veraniolum meum et Fabullum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The lampoons on Piso and his favourites, Porcius and +Socration, show that those who wronged his friends could +rouse in him as generous indignation as those who wronged +himself.</p> + +<p>Other poems express the pain and disappointment of +a very sensitive nature, which expects more active and disinterested +sympathy from others than ordinary men care +either to give or to receive. Of this sort are his complaint +to Cornificius<a id="footnotetagxv51" name="footnotetagxv51"></a><a href="#footnotexv51"><sup>51</sup></a>,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Malest, Cornifici, tuo Catullo—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and the affectionate reproach which he addresses to Alphenus +(xxx):—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Certe tute iubebas animam tradere, inique, me</p> +<p>Inducens in amorem, quasi tuta omnia mi forent.</p> +<p>Inde nunc retrahis te ac tua dicta omnia factaque</p> +<p>Ventos irrita ferre ac nebulas aerias sinis.</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page442" id="page442"></a>[page 442]</span> +<p>These, and other poems, show that Catullus was quick to +feel any coldness or neglect on the part of his friends, and +exceedingly dependent for his happiness on their sympathy. +But the tone of these poems is quite different from the +resentment which he feels and expresses against those from +whom he had experienced malice or treachery. It does +great injustice to his noblest qualities, to think of him as +one who wantonly attacked or lightly turned against his +friends. No instance of such levity of feeling can be adduced +from his writings. It has been conclusively shown<a id="footnotetagxv52" name="footnotetagxv52"></a><a href="#footnotexv52"><sup>52</sup></a> +that in the third line of the 95th poem there can be no +reference to Hortensius, who, under the name of Hortalus, +is addressed by Catullus in his 65th poem with courteous +consideration: and if 'Furius and Aurelius' are to be regarded, +on the strength of the opening lines of the 11th poem, +as having ever ranked among his devoted friends, then the +poem, instead of being a magnificent outburst of scornful +irony, becomes a mere specimen of bathos. Nothing, on the +other hand, can be more in keeping with the feeling of contemptuous +tolerance which Catullus expresses in his other +poems relating to them, than the pointed contrast between +their hollow professions of enthusiasm and the degrading office +which he assigns to them,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Pauca nuntiate meae puellae</p> +<p class="i8"> Non bona dicta.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Catullus could pass from friendship or love to a state of +permanent enmity and hatred, when he believed that those in +whom he had trusted had acted falsely and heartlessly towards +him: and then he did not spare them. But the duties of +loyal friendship and affection are to him a kind of religion. +Perfidy and falsehood are regarded by him not only as the +worst offences against honour in man, but as sins against the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page443" id="page443"></a>[page 443]</span> +Gods. He lays claim to a good conscience and to the +character of piety, on the ground that he had neither failed in +acts of kindness nor violated his word or his oath in any of his +human dealings:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Si qua recordanti benefacta priora voluptas</p> +<p class="i4">Est homini, cum se cogitat esse pium,</p> +<p class="i2">Nec sanctam violasse fidem, nec foedere in ullo</p> +<p class="i4">Divum ad fallendos numine abusum homines, etc.<a id="footnotetagxv53" name="footnotetagxv53"></a><a href="#footnotexv53"><sup>53</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>That he possessed no ordinary share of 'piety,' in the +Roman sense of the word, appears from the poems which +express his grief for his brother's death. He died in the +Troad; and we have seen how, some years after the event, +Catullus turned aside from his pleasant voyage among the Isles +of Greece and coasts of Asia, to visit his tomb and to offer +upon it the customary funeral gifts. His words in reference to +this great sorrow, in all the poems in which he speaks of it, are +full of deep and simple human feeling. He does not venture +to comfort himself with the hope which he suggests to Calvus, +in the lines on the death of Quintilia, of a conscious existence +after death; but he resolves that his love shall still endure +even after the eternal separation from its object. Yet while +yielding to the first shock of this affliction, so as to become for +the time indifferent to the passion which had swayed his life, +and to the delight which he had taken in the works of ancient +poets and the exercise of his art, he does not allow himself to +forget what was due to living friends. It is characteristic of +his frank affectionate nature, that, while dead to his old +interests in life and literature, he finds his chief comfort in unburthening +his heart to his friends and in writing to them +words of delicate consideration. He cannot bear that, even in +a trifling matter, Hortalus should find him forgetful of a +promise: and he longs to lighten the sorrow of his friend +Manlius, who had written to him in some sudden affliction,—probably +the loss of the bride in whose honour Catullus had, +a short time previously, composed his great Nuptial Ode. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page444" id="page444"></a>[page 444]</span> +Though all other feelings were dead, and neither love could +distract nor poetry heal his grief, his heart was alive to the +memory of former kindness<a id="footnotetagxv54" name="footnotetagxv54"></a><a href="#footnotexv54"><sup>54</sup></a>, to the natural craving for sympathy, +and to the duty of thinking of others.</p> + +<p>Another, and less admirable, side of the nature of Catullus +is reflected in his short satirical poems. These have nothing +in common with the ethical and reflective satire of Lucilius and +Horace: and although the objects of some of them are the +most prominent personages in the State, yet their motive +cannot, in any case, be called purely political. They are like +the lampoons of Archilochus and the early Greek Iambic +writers, purely personal in their object. They are either +the virulent expression of his antipathies, jealousies, and +rancours, or they are inspired by his lively sense of the +ridiculous and by his extreme fastidiousness of taste. The +most famous, most incisive, and least justifiable of these +lampoons are the attacks on Julius Caesar, especially that +contained in the 29th poem,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quis hoc potest videre, quis potest pati,</p> +<p>Nisi impudicus et vorax et alco, etc.—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and in the less vigorous but much more offensive 57th poem.</p> + +<p>Catullus in these poems expresses the animosity which the +'boni' generally entertained towards the chiefs of the popular +party: and his intimacy at this time with Calvus, who was +a member of the Senatorian party, and who lampooned Caesar +and Pompey in the same spirit, may have given some political +edge to his Satire. He was moved also by a feeling of disgust +towards the habits and manners of some of Caesar's instruments +and creatures,—such as Vatinius, Libo, Mamurra, etc. +But the chief motive both of the 29th and the 57th,—the two +poems which Suetonius regarded as attaching an 'everlasting +stigma' to the name of Caesar—is the jealousy of Mamurra,—the +object also of many separate satires,—who, through the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page445" id="page445"></a>[page 445]</span> +favour of the Proconsul and the fortune which he thereby +acquired, was a successful rival of Catullus in his provincial +love affairs. The indignation of Cicero was roused against the +riches of Mamurra on political grounds<a id="footnotetagxv55" name="footnotetagxv55"></a><a href="#footnotexv55"><sup>55</sup></a>: that of Catullus on +the ground that they gave their possessor an unfair advantage +in the race of pleasure:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Et ille nunc superbus et superfluens</p> +<p>Perambulabit omnium cubilia, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Suetonius tells the story, confirmed by the lines in a later poem +of Catullus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Irascere iterum meis iambis</p> +<p>Inmerentibus, unice imperator,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>that Caesar, while staying at his father's house at Verona, +accepted the poet's apology for his libellous verses, and +admitted him the same day to his dinner-table. Had he +attached the meaning to the imputations contained in them, +which Suetonius did two hundred years afterwards, even his +magnanimous clemency could not well have tolerated them. +But, as Cicero tells us in his defence of Caelius, such charges +were in those days regarded as a mere 'façon de parler,' which +if made coarsely were regarded as 'rudeness' ('petulantia'), if +done wittily, as 'polite banter' ('urbanitas'). Caesar must +have looked upon the imputations of the 57th poem as a mere +angry ebullition of boyish petulance: and he showed the same +disregard for imputations made by Calvus, which, though +as unfounded, were not so absolutely incredible and unmeaning. +His clemency to Catullus met with a return similar +to that which it met with at a later time from other recipients +of his generosity. Catullus, though the 'truest friend,' was +certainly not the 'noblest foe.' The coarseness of his attack +may be partly palliated by the manners of the age: but the +spirit in which he returns to the attack in the 54th poem leaves +a more serious stain on his character. He was too completely +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page446" id="page446"></a>[page 446]</span> +in the wrong to be able frankly to forgive Caesar for his +gracious and magnanimous treatment.</p> + +<p>Many of his personal satires are directed against the +licentiousness of the men and women with whom he quarrelled. +Notwithstanding the evidence of his own frequent confessions, +he lays a claim to purity of life in the phrase, 'si vitam puriter +egi<a id="footnotetagxv56" name="footnotetagxv56"></a><a href="#footnotexv56"><sup>56</sup></a>,' and in his strange apology for the freedom of his verses,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam castum esse decet pium poetam</p> +<p>Ipsum, versiculos nihil necesse est<a id="footnotetagxv57" name="footnotetagxv57"></a><a href="#footnotexv57"><sup>57</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>He is absolutely unrestrained both in regard to the imputations +which he makes, and to the choice of the language in which he +conveys them; and in these imputations he spares neither rank +nor sex. It is one of the strangest paradoxes to find a poet +like Catullus, endowed with the purest sense of beauty, and +yet capable of turning all his vigorous force of expression to the +vilest uses. He is coarser in his language than any of the +older poets, and than any of those of the Augustan age. In +the time of the former the traditional severity of the old +Roman life,—'tetrica ac tristis disciplina Sabinorum,'—had +not altogether lost its influence. In the Augustan age, if +there was as much immorality as in the age preceding it, there +was more outward decorum. The licentiousness of that age +expresses itself in tones of refinement; it associates itself +with sentimentalism in literature; it was reduced to system +and carried out as the serious business of life. The coarseness +of Catullus is symptomatic rather of more recklessness than of +greater corruption in society. Impurity is less destructive to +human nature when it vents itself in bantering or virulent +abuse, than when it clings to the imagination, associates itself +with the sense of beauty, and expresses itself in the language of +passion. Though, in his nobler poetry, Catullus is ardent and +impassioned, he is much more free from this taint than Ovid or +Propertius. The errors of his life did not deaden his sensibility, +harden his heart, or corrupt his imagination. It is only +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page447" id="page447"></a>[page 447]</span> +in his careless moods, when he looks on life in the spirit of a +humorist, or in moods of bitterness when his antipathies are +roused, or in fits of savage indignation against some violation +of natural feeling or some prosperous villainy, that he disregards +the restraints imposed by the better instincts of men on +the use of language.</p> + +<p>Many of his Satires, however, are written in a more genial +vein, and are not much disfigured by coarseness or indelicacy +of expression. As he especially valued good taste and courtesy, +wit, and liveliness of mind in his associates, so he is intolerant +of all mean and sordid ways of living, of all stupidity, +affectation, and pedantry. The pieces in which these characteristics +are exposed are marked by keen observation, a lively +sense of absurdity, and sometimes by a boisterous spirit of fun. +They are expressed with vigour and directness; but they want +the subtle irony which pervades the Satires, Epistles, and Odes +of Horace. Among the best of his lighter satires is the poem +numbered xvii:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>O Colonia, quae cupis ponte ludere magno,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>which has some touches of graceful poetry as well as of +humorous extravagance. It is directed against the dulness +and stolid indifference of one of his fellow-townsmen, who, +being married to a young and beautiful girl,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quoi cum sit viridissimo nupta flore puella</p> +<p>(Et puella tenellulo delicatior haedo,</p> +<p>Asservanda nigerrimis diligentius uvis),—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>was utterly careless of her, and insensible to the perils to which +she was exposed. To rouse him from his sloth and stupor, +Catullus asks to have him thrown head over heels—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Munus hoc mihi maximi da, Colonia, risus—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>from a rickety old bridge into the deepest and dirtiest part of +the quagmire over which it was built. In another piece +Catullus laughs at the affectation of one of his rivals, Egnatius,—a +black-bearded fop from the Celtiberian wilds,—who had a +trick of perpetually smiling in order to show the whiteness of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page448" id="page448"></a>[page 448]</span> +his teeth;—a trick which did not desert him at a criminal trial, +during the most pathetic part of the speech for the defence, or +when he stood beside a weeping mother at the funeral pyre of +her only son. In another of his elegiac pieces he gives +expression to the relief felt on the departure for the East of a +bore who afflicted the ears of the polite world by a superfluous +use of his aspirates—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Chommoda dicebat, si quando commoda vellet</p> +<p class="i4">Dicere, et insidias Arrius hinsidias, etc.<a id="footnotetagxv58" name="footnotetagxv58"></a><a href="#footnotexv58"><sup>58</sup></a></p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Just as the ears of men had recovered from this infliction—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i10">Subito affertur nuntius horribilis,</p> +<p class="i2">Ionios fluctus, postquam illuc Arrius isset,</p> +<p class="i4">Iam non Ionios esse, sed Hionios.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Like fastidious and irritable poets of other times (Horace, +Pope, Byron, etc.), Catullus waged internecine war against +pedants, literary pretenders, and poetasters. He remonstrates +in a vein of humorous exaggeration with his friend Licinius +Calvus, for palming off on him as a gift on the Saturnalia +(corresponding to our Christmas presents) a collection of the +works of these 'miscreants' ('impiorum'), originally sent to him +by some pedantic grammarian, in acknowledgment of his +services as an advocate—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Dii magni, horribilem ac sacrum libellum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In the 36th poem he represents Lesbia as offering a holocaust +to Venus of the work of 'the worst of all poets,' 'The Annals +of Volusius,' in quittance of a vow on her reconcilement with +Catullus. In another (xxii), addressed to Varus, probably the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page449" id="page449"></a>[page 449]</span> +fastidious critic whom Horace quotes in the 'Ars Poetica<a id="footnotetagxv59" name="footnotetagxv59"></a><a href="#footnotexv59"><sup>59</sup></a>,' he +exposes the absurdity of one of their friends, who, though +in other respects a man of sense, wit, and agreeable manners, +entertained the delusion that he was a poet, and was never so +happy as when he had surrounded himself with the newest +and finest literary materials, and was plying his uncongenial +occupation. In another he records the nemesis, in the form of +a severe cough, which overtook him for allowing himself to be +seduced by the hopes of a good dinner to read (or perhaps +listen to the reading of) a speech of Cicero's friend and client +Sestius,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Plenam veneni et pestilentiae.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>About one half of the shorter poems, and more than half of +the epigrams, are to be classed among his personal lampoons +or light satiric pieces. Many of these show Catullus to us on +that side of his character, which it is least pleasant or profitable +to dwell on. He could not indeed write anything which did +not bear the stamp of the vital force and sincerity of his +nature: but even his vigour of expression does not compensate +for the survival in literature of the feelings and relations which +are most ignoble in actual life. Yet some of these satiric +pieces have an interest which amply justifies their preservation. +The greatest of all his lampoons, the 29th, has an historical as +well as a literary value. Tacitus, as well as Suetonius, refers to +it. It is not only a masterpiece of terse invective, but, like the +11th, it is a powerful specimen of imaginative irony. The momentous +events of a most momentous era—the Eastern conquests +of Pompey, the first Spanish campaign of Caesar, the subjugation +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page450" id="page450"></a>[page 450]</span> +of Gaul, the invasion of Britain, the revolutionary measures +of 'father-in-law and son-in-law,'—are all made to look as +if they had had no other object or result than that of pampering +the appetites of a worthless favourite. Other lampoons, +such as those against Memmius and Piso, have also an historical +interest. They testify to the republican freedom of speech, +the open expression of which was soon to be silenced for ever. +They enable us to understand how strong a social and political +weapon the power of epigram was in ancient Rome,—a power +which continued to be exercised, though no longer with +republican freedom, under the Empire. The pen of the poet +was employed in the warfare of parties as fiercely as the tongue +of the orator; and although Catullus did not spare partisans of +the Senate, such as Memmius, yet all his associations and +tastes combined to turn his hostility chiefly against the popular +leaders and their tools. The more genial satiric pieces, again, +are chiefly interesting as throwing light on the social and +literary life of Rome and the provincial towns of Italy. They +give us an idea of the lighter talk, the criticism, and merriment +of the younger men in the world of letters and fashion during +the last age of the Republic. If they are not master-pieces of +humour, they are full of gaiety, animal spirits, shrewd observation, +and not very unkindly comment on men and manners.</p> + +<p>Besides the poems which show Catullus in various relations +of love, affection, animosity, and humorous criticism, there are +still a few of the shorter pieces which have a personal interest. +He had the purest capacity of enjoying simple pleasures; and +some of his most delightful poems are vivid records of happy +experiences procured to him by this youthful freshness of +feeling. Three of these are especially beautiful,—the dedication +of his yacht to Castor and Pollux,—the lines written immediately +before quitting Bithynia,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Iam ver egelidos refert tepores,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and the famous lines on Sirmio. They all belong to the same +period of his life, and all show how happy and serene his spirit +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page451" id="page451"></a>[page 451]</span> +became, when it was untroubled by the passions and rancours +of city life. The lines on his yacht—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Phaselus ille quem videtis, hospites,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>express with much vivacity the feelings of affectionate pride +which a strong and kindly nature lavishes not only on living +friends, but on inanimate objects, associated with the memory +of past happiness and adventure. His fancy endows it with +a kind of life from the earliest time when, under the form +of a clump of trees, it 'rustled its leaves' on Cytorus, till +it obtained its rest in a peaceful age on the fair waters of +Benacus. The 46th poem is inspired by the new sense of life +which comes to early youth with the first approach of spring, +and by the eager flutter of anticipation—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Iam mens praetrepidans avet vagari,</p> +<p>Iam laeti studio pedes vigescunt—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>with which a cultivated mind forecasts the pleasure of travelling +among famous and beautiful scenes. But perhaps the most +perfect of his smaller pieces is that in which the love of home +and of Nature, the sense of rest and security after toil and +danger, the glee of a boy and the strong happiness of a man +unite to form the charm of the lines on Sirmio, of which it is as +impossible to analyse the secret as it is to reproduce in another +tongue the language in which it is expressed.</p> + +<p>Catullus is one of the great poets of the world, not so much +through gifts of imagination—though with these he was well +endowed—as through his singleness of nature, his vivid +impressibility, and his keen perception. He received the gifts +of the passing hour so happily, that, to produce pure and +lasting poetry, it was enough for him to utter in natural words +something of the fulness of his heart. His interests, though +limited in range, were all genuine and human. His poems +inspired by personal feeling seem to come from him without +any effort. He says, on every occasion, exactly what he +wanted to say, in clear, forcible, direct language. There +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page452" id="page452"></a>[page 452]</span> +are, indeed, even in his simplest poems, a few strokes of imaginative +expression, as, for instance,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Aut quam sidera multa, cum tacet nox,</p> +<p>Furtivos hominum vident amores<a id="footnotetagxv60" name="footnotetagxv60"></a><a href="#footnotexv60"><sup>60</sup></a>,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and this, written with the feeling and with the application which +Burns makes of the same image,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14"> Velut prati</p> +<p class="i2">Ultimi flos, praetereunte postquam</p> +<p class="i10"> Tactus aratro est<a id="footnotetagxv61" name="footnotetagxv61"></a><a href="#footnotexv61"><sup>61</sup></a>;—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and these two touches of tenderness and beauty, which appear +in a poem otherwise characterised by a tone of careless +drollery,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i14"> Nec sapit pueri instar</p> +<p class="i2">Bimuli, tremula patris dormientis in ulna,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Et puella tenellulo delicatior haedo,</p> +<p>Adservanda nigerrimis diligentius uvis<a id="footnotetagxv62" name="footnotetagxv62"></a><a href="#footnotexv62"><sup>62</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But the great charm of the style in these shorter poems is its +simple directness, and its popular idiomatic ring. It largely +employs, especially in the poems which express his coarser +feelings, common, often archaic and provincial words, forms, +and idioms. There is nothing, apparently, studied about it, no +ornament or involution, no otiose epithets, no subtle allusiveness. +Yet in the poems expressive of his finer feelings it +shows the happiest selection, not only of the most appropriate, +but of the most exquisite words. To no style, in prose or +verse, in any language, could the words 'simplex munditiis' be +with more propriety applied. It has all the ease of refined and +vigorous conversation, combined with the grace of consummate +art. Though this perfection of expression could not have been +attained without study and labour, yet it bears no trace of +them.</p> + +<p>In these smaller poems he shows himself as great a master +of metre as of language. The more sustained power which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page453" id="page453"></a>[page 453]</span> +he has over the flow of his verse, is best exemplified by +the skylark ring of his great Nuptial Ode, by the hurrying +agitation of the Attis, and the stately calm of the Peleus +and Thetis, giving place to a more impassioned movement +in the 'Ariadne' episode. But in his shorter poems, also, +he shows the true gift of the +<ins title="Greek: aoidos">ἀοιδός</ins>—the power of using +musical language as a symbol of the changing impulses of +feeling. Thus the delicate playfulness and tenderness of his +phalaecians,—the lingering long-drawn-out sweetness, and the +calm subdued sadness of the scazon, as exemplified in the +'Sirmio,' and the</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Miser Catulle desinas ineptire,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the 'bright speed' of the pure iambic, so happily answering +to the subject of the 'phaselus,' and its bold impetus as it +is employed in the attack on Julius Caesar—the irregular +but sonorous grandeur of his Sapphic<a id="footnotetagxv63" name="footnotetagxv63"></a><a href="#footnotexv63"><sup>63</sup></a>,—the majesty which in +the Hymn to Diana blends with the buoyant movement of +the glyconic,—all attest that the words and melody of the +poems were born together with the feeling and meaning +animating them. Although his elegiac poems are not written +with the smoothness and fluency which was attained by the +Augustan poets, yet those among them which record his graver +and sadder moods have a plaintive force and natural pathos, +which their roughness seems to enhance. If his epigrammatic +pieces, written in that metre, want the polish and point +to which his brilliant disciple attained under the Empire, +we may believe that Catullus experienced the difficulty which +Lucilius found, and which Horace at last successfully overcame, +of adapting a metre originally framed for the expression +of serious feeling to the commoner interests and experiences +of life.</p> + +<p>The language of Catullus in these shorter poems is his own, +or, where not his own, is drawn from such wells of Latin +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page454" id="page454"></a>[page 454]</span> +undefiled as Plautus and Terence. His metres are happy +applications of those invented or largely used by the earlier +lyric poets of Greece,—Sappho, Anacreon, Archilochus,—and +the later Phalaecus. For the form of some of his longer +poems he has taken, and not with the happiest result, the +Alexandrine poets for his models. But in these shorter +poems, so far as he has had any models, he has tried to +emulate the perfection attained in the older and purer era +of Greek inspiration. But it is not through imitation that he +has attained a perfection of form like to theirs. It is owing to +the singleness and strength of his feeling and impression, +that these poems are so exquisite in their unity and simplicity. +Catullus does not care to present the gem of his own thought +in an alien setting, as Horace, in his earlier Odes at least, has +often done. It is one of the surest notes of his lyrical genius +that, while more modest in his general self-estimate than any +of the great Roman poets, he trusts more implicitly than any of +them to his own judgment and inspiration to find the most +fitting and telling medium for the communication of his +thought. Thus he presents only what is essential, unencumbered +with any associations from older poetry. The form +is indeed so perfect that we scarcely think of it. We feel only +that nothing mars or interrupts the revelation of the poet's +heart and soul. We apprehend, as perhaps we never apprehended +before, some one single feeling of great potency and +great human influence in a poem of some ten or twenty lines, +every word of which adds something to the whole impression. +Thus for instance, in the poems—</p> + +<div class="poem" style="line-height: 180%;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Vivamus, mea Lesbia, atque amemus,—</p> +<p>Acmen Septimius suos amores,—</p> +<p>Verani, omnibus e meis amicis,—</p> +<p>Iam ver egelidos refert tepores,—</p> +<p>Paene insularum Sirmio insularumque,—</p> +<p>Miser Catulle, desinas ineptire,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>we apprehend through a perfectly pure medium, and by a +single intuition, the highest pitch of the passionate love of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page455" id="page455"></a>[page 455]</span> +man and woman, the perfect beauty and joy of self-forgetful +friendship, the eager enthusiasm for travel and adventure, the +deep delight of returning to a beautiful and well-loved home, +the 'sorrow's crown of sorrows' in 'remembering happier things.' +We may see, too, in a totally different sphere of experience, how +Catullus instinctively seizes the moment of supreme intensity +of emotion, and utters what is vitally characteristic of it. He +is not, in any sense, one of the Anacreontic singers of the +pleasures of wine, of whom Horace is the typical example +in ancient times. Neither was he one, who, like Burns, +habitually forgot, in the excitement of good fellowship, the +perils of Bacchanalian merriment. Yet even the drinking +songs of the Scottish poet scarcely realise with more vivacity +the moment of mad elevation when a revel is at its height, +than Catullus has done in the song of seven short lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Minister vetuli puer Falerni</p> +<p>Inger mi calices amariores, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The 'Hymn to Diana' occupies an intermediate place +between the poems founded on personal feelings and the +longer and more purely artistic pieces. Like the first it seems +unconsciously, or at least without leaving any trace of conscious +purpose, to have conformed to the conditions of the +purest art. It is, like them, a perfect whole, one of those, +to quote Mr. Munro, '"cunningest patterns" of excellence, +such as Latium never saw before or after, Alcaeus, Sappho, +and the rest then and only then having met their match<a id="footnotetagxv64" name="footnotetagxv64"></a><a href="#footnotexv64"><sup>64</sup></a>'. It +resembles some of the longer poems in being a creation of +sympathetic imagination, not an immediate expression of personal +feeling. It must have been written for some public +occasion; and the selection of Catullus to compose it would +imply that he was recognised as the greatest lyrical poet in +his lifetime, and that it was written after his reputation was +established. It is a poem not only of pure artistic excellence, +but of imaginative conception, like that exemplified in the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page456" id="page456"></a>[page 456]</span> +'Attis' and the 'Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis.' The +'Diana' of Catullus is not a vague abstraction or conventional +figure, as the Gods and Goddesses in the Odes of Horace +are apt to be. The mythology of Greece received a new +life from his imagination. In this poem he shows too, what +he hardly indicates elsewhere<a id="footnotetagxv65" name="footnotetagxv65"></a><a href="#footnotexv65"><sup>65</sup></a>, that he could identify himself +in sympathy with the national feeling and religion of Rome. +The Goddess addressed is a living Power, blending in her +countenance the human and picturesque aspects of the Greek +Artemis with the more spiritual and beneficent attributes +of the Roman Diana. Yet no confusion or incongruity arises +from the union into one concrete representation of these +originally diverse elements. She lives to the imagination +as a Power who, in the fresh morning of the world, had +roamed in freedom over the mountains, the woods, the +secret dells, and the river-banks of earth<a id="footnotetagxv66" name="footnotetagxv66"></a><a href="#footnotexv66"><sup>66</sup></a>,—and now from +a far away sphere watched over women in travail, increased +the store of the husbandman, and was the especial guardian +of the descendants of Romulus.</p> + +<p>This poem affords a natural transition to the longer and +more purely artistic pieces in the centre of the volume. Yet +with some even of these a personal element is interfused. +The hymn in honour of the nuptials of Manlius, is, like +the short poem on the loves of Acme and Septimius, inspired +by the poet's sympathy with the happiness of a friend. The +68th poem attempts to weave into one texture his own love +of Lesbia, and the romance of Laodamia and Protesilaus. +But in general these poems bring before us a new side of +the art of Catullus. In one way indeed they add to our +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page457" id="page457"></a>[page 457]</span> +knowledge of his personal tastes. The larger place given in +them to ornament and illustration lets us know what objects +in Nature afforded him most delight. His life was too full +of human interest to allow him to devote his art to the celebration +of Nature: yet he could not have been the poet he was +if he had not been susceptible to her influence. And this +susceptibility, indicated in occasional touches in the shorter +poems, finds greater scope in the poems of impersonal art +which still remain to be considered.</p> + +<p>Among the more purely artistic pieces none is more beautiful +than the Nuptial Ode in celebration of the marriage of +his friend Manlius, a member of the great house of the Torquati, +and one of the most accomplished men of his time, with +Vinia Aurunculeia. In this poem Catullus pours forth the +fulness of his heart</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>'In profuse strains of unpremeditated art.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>It is marked by the excellence of his shorter pieces and by +poetical beauty of another order. Resembling his shorter +poems in being called forth by an event within his own +experience, it breathes the same spirit of affection and of +sympathy with beauty and passion. It is written with the +same gaiety of heart, blending indeed with a graver sense +of happiness. The feeling of the hour does not merely +express itself in graceful language: it awakens the active +power of imagination, clothes itself in radiant imagery, and +rises into the completeness and sustained melody of the +highest lyrical art. The tone of the whole poem is one of +joy, changing from the rapture of expectation in the opening +lines to the more tranquil happiness of the close. The passion +is ardent, but, on the whole, free from grossness or effeminate +sentiment. Even where, in accordance with the Roman +marriage customs, he abandons himself for a few stanzas to the +spirit of raillery and banter—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Ne diu taceat procax</p> +<p class="i4">Fescennina locutio<a id="footnotetagxv67" name="footnotetagxv67"></a><a href="#footnotexv67"><sup>67</sup></a>—</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page458" id="page458"></a>[page 458]</span> +<p>he remembers the respect due to the innocence of the bride. +Thoughts of her are associated with the purest objects in +Nature,—with ivy clinging round a tree, or branches of +myrtle,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Quos Hamadryades deae</p> +<p class="i2">Ludicrum sibi roscido</p> +<p class="i4">Nutriunt humore,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>or with a hyacinth growing in some rich man's garden. Like +the eager lover of beauty among our own poets, he sees in +other flowers—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Alba parthenice velut</p> +<p class="i4">Luteumve papaver—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>the symbol of maidens—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>'Whom youth makes so fair and passion so pale.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The grace of trees and the bloom of flowers were prized +by him among the fairest things in Nature. The charm in +woman which most moves his imagination is virgin innocence +unfolding into love, or passion ennobled by truth and constancy +of affection. So too, in the Epithalamium of Peleus +and Thetis, he compares Ariadne in her maidenhood to the +myrtle trees growing on the banks of Eurotas, and to the +bloom of vernal flowers:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quales Eurotae progignunt flumina myrtos</p> +<p>Aurave distinctos educit verna colores<a id="footnotetagxv68" name="footnotetagxv68"></a><a href="#footnotexv68"><sup>68</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In this Ode he expresses not merely, as in the Acme +and Septimius, his sympathy with the joy of the hour. He +recognises in marriage a greater good than in the love for +a mistress. He associates it with thoughts of the power and +security of the household, of the pure happiness of parental +love, of the continuance of a time-honoured name, and of the +birth of new defenders of the State.</p> + +<p>The charm of the poem does not arise from its tone of +feeling and its clear ringing melody alone. The bright spirit +of the day awakens the inward eye which creates pictures +and images of beauty in harmony with itself. The poet +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page459" id="page459"></a>[page 459]</span> +sees Hymenaeus coming from the distant rocks of Helicon, +robed in saffron, and wreathed with fragrant amaracus, in +radiant power and glory, chanting the song with his ringing +voice, beating the ground with his foot, shaking the pine-torch +in his hand. As the doors of the house are opened, and +the bride is expected by the singers outside, by one vivid +flash of imagination he reveals all their eager excitement—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i8"> Viden ut faces</p> +<p class="i2">Splendidas quatiunt comas?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The two pictures, further on in the poem, of a peaceful old +age prolonged to the utmost limit of human life—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Usque dum tremulum movens</p> +<p>Cana tempus anilitas</p> +<p>Omnia omnibus annuit,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and of infancy, awakening into consciousness and affection,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Torquatus volo parvulus</p> +<p class="i2">Matris e gremio suae</p> +<p class="i2">Porrigens teneras manus,</p> +<p class="i2">Dulce rideat ad patrem</p> +<p class="i4">Semihiante labello;</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Sit suo similis patri</p> +<p class="i2">Manlio et facile insciis</p> +<p class="i2">Noscitetur ab omnibus,</p> +<p class="i2">Et pudicitiam suae</p> +<p class="i4">Matris indicet ore<a id="footnotetagxv69" name="footnotetagxv69"></a><a href="#footnotexv69"><sup>69</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>are drawn with the truest and most delicate hand.</p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page460" id="page460"></a>[page 460]</span> + +<p>The whole conception and execution of this poem, as also +of the Attis and of the Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis, +leave no doubt that Catullus was richly endowed with the +vision and the faculty of genius, as well as with impassioned +feeling and the gift of musical expression.</p> + +<p>The poem which immediately follows is also an Epithalamium, +intended to be sung by young men and maidens, +in alternate parts. It is written in hexameter verse, and +in rhythm, thought, and feeling resembles some of the +golden fragments from the Epithalamia of Sappho. The +whole poem sounds like a song in a rich idyll. Its charm +consists in its calm and mellow tone, in the dramatic truth +with which the feelings and thoughts natural to the young +men and maidens are alternately expressed, and especially +in the beauty of its two famous similes. In the first of +these a flower is again the symbol of the bloom and innocence +of maidenhood, growing up apart and safe from +all rude contact. The idea in the concluding lines of the +simile—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Idem cum tenui carptus defloruit ungui,</p> +<p>Nulli illum pueri, nullae optavere puellae,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>may probably have been suggested by a passage in Sappho, +of which these two lines remain,</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Greek: hoian tan hyakinthon en ôresi poimenes andres"> +οἵαν τὰν ὑάκινθον ἐν +ὤρεσι ποιμένες ἄνδρες</ins></p> +<p><ins title="Greek: possi katasteiboisi, chamai de te porphyron anthos"> +ποσσὶ καταστείβοισι, +χαμαὶ δέ τε πόρφυρον ἄνθος</ins>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In the second simile, which is supposed to be spoken by +the young men, the vine growing upon a bare field, scarcely +rising above the ground, unheeded and untended, is compared +to the maid who</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>'Grows, lives, and dies in single blessedness;'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>while the same vine, when wedded to the elm, is regarded +as the symbol of the usefulness, dignity, and happiness which +await the bride.</p> + +<p>The absence of all personal allusion in this poem, and +its resemblance in tone and rhythm to some fragments of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page461" id="page461"></a>[page 461]</span> +the Lesbian poetess, might suggest the idea that it was translated, +or at least imitated, from the Greek. But, on the other +hand, from its harmony with the kind of subject and imagery +in which Catullus most delights, and from the close observation +of Italian Nature, shown in such lines as this—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Iam iam contingit summum radice flagellum,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>it seems more probable that it was an adaptation of the +style of his great model to some occasion within his own +experience, than that it was a mere exercise in translation, +like his 'Coma Berenices.'</p> + +<p>The 'Attis' is the most original of all his poems. As a work +of pure imagination, it is the most remarkable poetical creation +in the Latin language. In this poem Catullus throws himself, +with marvellous power, into a character and situation utterly +alien to common experience, and pours an intense flood of +human feeling and passion into a legend of strange Oriental +fanaticism. The effect of the piece is, in a great measure, +produced by the startling vividness of its language and imagery, +and by the impetuous rush of its metre. Though the poem +may have been partly founded on Greek materials, yet Catullus +has treated the subject in a thoroughly original manner. It is +difficult to believe that any translation could produce that +impression of genuine creative power, which is forced upon +every reader of the Attis. There is nothing at all like the +spirit of this poem in extant Greek literature. No other writer +has presented so life-like an image of the frantic exultation +and fierce self-sacrificing spirit of an inhuman fanaticism; and +of the horror and sense of desolation which the natural man, +more especially a Greek or Roman, would feel in the midst of +the wild and strange scenes described in the poem, when first +awaking to the consciousness of his voluntary bondage, and of +the forfeiture of his country and parents, and the free social +life of former days. A few touches in the poem—as, for +instance, the expressions, 'niveis manibus,' 'roseis labellis,' and +'Ego gymnasii fui flos,'—all introduced incidentally,—force +upon the mind the contrast between the tender youth and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page462" id="page462"></a>[page 462]</span> +beauty of Attis and the fierce power of the passion that +possesses him. The false excitement and noisy tumult of the +evening deepen the sense of the terrible reality and blank +despair of the morning.</p> + +<p>The effect of the whole drama of human passion and agony +is intensified by the vividness of all its pictorial environment;—by +the vision of the wild surging seas, through which the +swift ship and its mad crew were borne, and of the gloom and +horror of the woods that hid the sounding rites of the goddess, +and the tall columns of her temple. With what a powerful and +rapid touch he paints the aspect of sky, earth, and sea in the +early morning—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed ubi oris aurei Sol radiantibus oculis</p> +<p>Lustravit aethera album, sola dura, mare ferum,</p> +<p>Pepulitque noctis umbras vegetis sonipedibus.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>Everything is seen in those sharply-defined forms, which +imprint themselves on the brain in moments of intense excitement +or agony.</p> + +<p>These three poems are composed with the unity and simplicity +of the purest art. Like the shorter poems they have +taken shape under the influence of one powerful motive; and +the feeling with which they were conceived is sustained at its +height through the whole composition. It is more difficult to +find any single motive which combines into unity the original +nucleus of the Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis with the +long episode of the desertion of Ariadne, which interrupts the +continuity of the 64th poem. The form of art to which it +belongs is the 'Epyllion' or heroic idyll, of which several +specimens are found among the poems of Theocritus. This +form was due to the invention of the Alexandrians; and +Catullus in the selection of his subject and in his manner +of treating it takes up the position of an imitator. But there is +no reason to suppose that he is reproducing, still less translating, +any particular work of these poets, or that his contemporaries—Cinna, +Calvus, and Cornificius,—merely reproduced +some Alexandrine original in their Zmyrna, Io, and Glaucus. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page463" id="page463"></a>[page 463]</span> +A comparison of the imagery of this poem with that of the +earlier Epithalamia, and a consideration of the passionate +beauty with which the subject of love and marriage is treated, +favour the conclusion that the style and substance of the poem +are the workmanship of Catullus. It may be doubted whether +any Alexandrine poet, except perhaps Apollonius, whom +Catullus in this poem<a id="footnotetagxv70" name="footnotetagxv70"></a><a href="#footnotexv70"><sup>70</sup></a> often imitates, but does not translate, +had sufficient imagination to produce the original which +Catullus is supposed to have copied. But the plan of the +poem may have been suggested by some Alexandrine model. +The more complicated structure of the 68th poem is fashioned +after a particular style of Greek art: and on entering upon +a new and larger adventure, Catullus may have trusted to the +guidance of those whom he regarded as his masters. The +Alexandrians studied pictorial representation of outward scenes +and of passionate situations, and works of tapestry on which +such representations were wrought were common among their +'deliciae vitae<a id="footnotetagxv71" name="footnotetagxv71"></a><a href="#footnotexv71"><sup>71</sup></a>.' Thus, the mode in which the story of +Ariadne is told is one likely to have occurred to an Alexandrine +poet. It would be also in keeping with the over-subtlety of a +class of poets who owed more to learning than to inspiration, to +combine apparently incongruous parts into one whole by some +obscure link of connexion. Thus Catullus may have intended, +in imitation of Callimachus or some other Alexandrian, to +paint two pictures of the love of an immortal for a mortal,—the +love of Thetis for Peleus, and of Bacchus for Ariadne,—and to +heighten the effect of each by the contrast presented in the +pendent picture. The original good fortune and the unbroken +happiness of Peleus are more vividly realised by the contrast +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page464" id="page464"></a>[page 464]</span> +presented to the imagination in the betrayal and passionate +agitation of Ariadne. The thought of the crowds of mortals +and immortals who come together to celebrate the marriage of +the Thessalian prince brings into greater relief the utter loneliness +of Ariadne, when first discovered by 'Bacchus and his +crew.' Or the original unifying motive of both pictures might +be sought in the concluding lines, written in a graver tone +than anything else in Catullus; and it might be supposed that +he intended by the two pictures of divine favour granted to +mortals (in one of which retribution is exacted for what he +regards as the greatest sin in actual life—a violation of good +faith) to enforce the lesson that it is owing to the sins of the +latter time that the Gods have withdrawn their gracious presence +from the earth. The thought contained in the lines</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Sed postquam tellus scelerest imbuta nefando, etc.,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>is pure and noble, and purely and nobly expressed. These +lines reveal a genuine and unexpected vein of reverence in the +nature of Catullus. The sins which he specifies as alienating +the Gods from men are those most rife in his own time, with +which he has dealt in a more realistic fashion in his satiric +epigrams. All this may, perhaps, be said. But on the other +hand, Catullus is the least didactic of poets. He is also the +least abstract and reflective. We cannot suppose (in the +case of such a writer) all the concrete passionate life of the +poem taking shape in his imagination in order to embody +any idea however noble. The idea was the afterthought, not +the creative germ. Nor can we think that the conception of +the whole poem existed in his mind before, or independently +of, the separate conception of its parts. He was attracted to +both subjects by the charm which the Greek mythology and +the bright spectacle of the heroic age had for his imagination, +by their harmony with the feelings and passions with +which he had most sympathy in real life, and by the scope +which they afforded to his peculiar power as a pictorial artist. +The device of the tapestry, by which the tale of Ariadne +is told, was especially favourable to the exercise of this gift. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page465" id="page465"></a>[page 465]</span> +He looked back upon an ideal vision of the golden morning +of the world, when men were so stately and noble, and women +so fair and true, that even the blessed Gods and Goddesses +deigned to visit them, and to unite with them in marriage. The +original motive of the two poems appears to be purely +imaginative. If there was any intention to give artificial unity +to the poem, by pointing the contrast between a love calm and +happy from the beginning, and one at first passionate and +afterwards betrayed, or between the holiness and nobleness of +an ideal past, and the sin and baseness of the actual present, +that intention was probably not present to the mind of +the poet when he first contemplated his subject, but came to +him in the course of its development.</p> + +<p>It may be said, therefore, that if any principle of unity +is aimed at in the poem, it is one so artificial as rather +to detract from the artistic merit of the composition. There is +a similar want of unity in the 'Pastor Aristaeus' of Virgil, +which was also composed in the manner of the Alexandrine +Epyllion. The Alexandrians seem to have aimed rather at a +combination of diverse effects than at a composition 'simplex +et unum.' They cared much for the elaboration of details, +little for the consistency of the whole. And the same +tendency appears in their imitators. Neither can the poem be +called a successful specimen of narrative. There is scarcely +any story to tell in connexion with the marriage of Peleus. +It is a succession of pictures, not a tale of passion or adventure. +The romance of Theseus and Ariadne is told much less +distinctly and simply than the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice +in Virgil. There is dramatic power in the soliloquy of Ariadne, +as in that of Attis, but the dramatic faculty in Catullus is +rather a phase of his special lyrical gift, which enables him to +identify himself with some single passionate situation, than the +power of giving life to various types of character. The +imaginative excellence of the poem is idyllic rather than epic +or dramatic. There is a wonderful harmony of tone in +his whole conception of the heroic age. He does not attempt +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page466" id="page466"></a>[page 466]</span> +to reproduce the picturesque life represented by Homer, nor +the majestic passions imagined by the Attic tragedians, but he +has his own vision of the stately and beautiful figures belonging +to an ideal foretime,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>O nimis optato saeclorum tempore nati</p> +<p>Heroes, saluete, deum genus.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is a sense of the freshness and brightness of the +early morning in his conception of the time when the first ship, +manned by the flower of Greek warriors, 'broke the silence of +the seas'</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>(Illa rudem cursu prima imbuit Amphitriten),</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and when the Gods and Goddesses of Olympus, the mysterious +Powers over-ruling mortal destiny, and the other beings, half-human, +half-divine, whom Greek imagination so lavishly +created, appeared in their bodily presence to do honour to the +union of a mortal with an immortal. The poem abounds +in pictures, or suggestions of pictures, taken from the world of +divine and human life, and of outward Nature. Such are those +of the Nereids gazing on the Argo—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Emersere feri candenti e gurgite vultus</p> +<p>Aequoreae monstrum Nereides admirantes,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>of Ariadne watching with pale and anxious face the perilous +encounter of Theseus with the Minotaur—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quam tum saepe magis fulgore expalluit auri,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and again, looking on the distant fleet—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Saxea ut effigies bacchantis,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>of the advent of Bacchus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Cum thiaso Satyrorum et Nysigenis Silenis,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>a passage which has inspired one of the masterpieces of +modern art,—of Prometheus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Extenuata gerens veteris vestigia poenae—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>of the aged Parcae—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i4"> infirmo quatientes corpora motu—</p> + </div> </div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page467" id="page467"></a>[page 467]</span> +<p>spinning the thread of human destiny, as with clear-ringing +voice they poured forth their truthful prophecy. So too +the eye of an artist is shown in the description of the scenes in +which the action takes place, and in the illustrative imagery +with which the subject is adorned,—as in the pictures from +mountain and sea scenery at lines 240 and 269; and in that +image of a waste expanse of sea called up in the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Idomeneosne petam montes? a gurgite lato</p> +<p>Discernens ponti truculentum ubi dividit aequor?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>A genuine love of Nature, which his more personal poems +only faintly suggest, appears in the lines describing the +gifts which Chiron brought with him from the plains and +vast mountain chains and river-banks of Thessaly—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Nam quoscumque ferunt campi, quos Thessala magnis</p> +<p>Montibus ora creat, quos propter fluminis undas</p> +<p>Aura parit flores tepidi fecunda Favoni,</p> +<p>Hos indistinctis plexos tulit ipse corollis,</p> +<p>Quo permulsa domus iucundo risit odore<a id="footnotetagxv72" name="footnotetagxv72"></a><a href="#footnotexv72"><sup>72</sup></a>;</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and in the enumeration of the various trees which Peneus, +quitting Tempe,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Tempe quae silvae cingunt super inpendentes,—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>planted before the vestibule of the palace.</p> + +<p>The diction and rhythm of the poem are characterised +by excellences of a quite different sort from those of his +other pieces. Both produce the impression of very careful +study and labour. In no previous work of Latin genius +was so much use made of an artificial poetical diction. +Though this diction has not the <i>naïveté</i> or charm of his +simpler pieces, yet it is very effective in its own way. It +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page468" id="page468"></a>[page 468]</span> +reveals new and unsuspected wealth in the ore of the +Latin language. The old rhetorical artifices of alliteration, +assonance, etc. are used more sparingly than in Lucretius, +yet they do appear, as in the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem" style="line-height: 180%"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Peliaco quondam prognatae vertice pinus,—</p> +<p>Aut tereti tenues tinnitus aere ciebant,—</p> +<p>Putridaque infirmis variabant pectora palmis.—etc., etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>As in the Attis we find such word-formations as <i>sonipedibus</i>, +<i>silvicultrix</i>, <i>nemorivagus</i>, so in this poem we have +<i>fluentisono</i>, +<i>raucisonos</i>, <i>clarisona</i>, <i>flexamino</i>, etc. We recognise his +old partiality for diminutives, as in the</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Frigidulos udo singultus ore cientem,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>and</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p><ins title="Transcriber's Note: original reads 'Luaguidnlosque'">Languidulosque</ins> paret tecum coniungere somnos.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>But there are many peculiarities of style which are scarcely, +if at all, observable in his other poems. New artifices, such as +those familiar to the Greek idyll, of the recurring chime of +the same or similar words, are frequent, as in the lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Vos ego saepe meo vos carmine compellabo;—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i24"> Cui Iupiter ipse</p> +<p class="i2">Ipse suos divom genitor concessit amores;—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Sicine me patriis avectam, perfide, ab oris,</p> +<p class="i2">Perfide, deserto liquisti in litore Theseu?</p> +<p class="i2">Sicine discedens neglecto numine divom;—</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Nulla fugae ratio, nulla spes; omnia muta</p> +<p class="i2">Omnia sunt deserta, ostentant omnia mortem, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The phrases are to a much greater extent cast in a Greek +mould<a id="footnotetagxv73" name="footnotetagxv73"></a><a href="#footnotexv73"><sup>73</sup></a>. The words follow one another in a less natural +order. Ornamental epithets, metaphorical phrases, and the +substitution of abstract for concrete words, occur much more +frequently. Latin poetry creates for itself an artificial diction +by assimilating, to a much greater extent than in any earlier +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page469" id="page469"></a>[page 469]</span> +work of genius, the long-accumulated wealth of Greek poetry. +This was a gain to its resources, opening up and giving +expression to a new range of emotions, but a gain against +which must be set off a considerable loss of freshness and +<i>naïveté</i>.</p> + +<p>The rhythm also is elaborately constructed after a Greek +model,—the model, not of Homer, but of the later poets +who wrote in his metre. It is much more carefully and +correctly finished than the rhythm of Lucretius. Each +separate line has a smoother cadence. The whole movement +is more regular, more calm, and more stately. But with +all the occasional roughness of Lucretius there is much more +life and force in his general movement. It is much more +capable of presenting a continuous thought or action to the +mind. The lines of Catullus seem intended to be dwelt +on separately, and each to bring out some point of detail. +There is generally a pause in the sense at the end of each +line, and thus the lines, when read continuously, produce +an impression of monotony<a id="footnotetagxv74" name="footnotetagxv74"></a><a href="#footnotexv74"><sup>74</sup></a>, which is increased by the frequent +use of spondaic lines. The uniformity of his pauses, and +the sameness of structure in a large number of his hexameters, +enable us to appreciate the great improvement in rhythmical +art which appeared some ten years later in the Bucolics +of Virgil. Yet if Catullus does not, in this his most elaborate +work, equal the natural force of language and rhythm displayed +in his simpler pieces, the poem, as a whole, has a +noble and stately movement, in unison with the noble and +stately pictures of an ideal fore-time which it brings before the +imagination.</p> + +<p>The four longer elegiac pieces which follow add little to +our impression of the art of Catullus. In the 'Epistle to +Manlius'—perhaps owing to the trouble by which his mind +was darkened at the time of its composition—he does not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page470" id="page470"></a>[page 470]</span> +use the elegiac metre, as a vehicle of his personal feelings, +with much force or clearness. There is much more than +in his phalaecians and iambics the appearance of effort, and +there is much greater uncertainty as to his meaning. The +67th poem keeps alive with some vivacity a scandalous story +of his native province which might well have been allowed +to sink into oblivion. In the 'Coma Berenices,' and the +poem addressed to Allius, he again writes under the influence +of his Alexandrian masters. He seems to have regarded +the 'Carmina Battiadae' with the admiration which youthful +genius, not yet sure of its own powers, entertains for culture +and established reputation,—the kind of admiration which +led Burns to imagine that his own early inspiration might +be of less value to the world than 'Shenstone's art.' Like +Burns, too, Catullus is least happy when he gives up his +own language, which he wields easily and powerfully, and +the forms of art which came naturally to him, in deference +to the standard of poetic taste recognised in his day. His +selection of the 'Coma Berenices' as a task in translation, +illustrates the attraction which the union of beauty and passion +with truth and constancy of affection had for his imagination. +The poem to Allius is the most artificially constructed of +all his pieces. He endeavours to unite in it three distinct +threads of interest,—that of his passion for Lesbia, that of the +romance of Laodamia and Protesilaus, and that of his brother's +death in the Troad. Although this triple combination is +accomplished with much mechanical ingenuity<a id="footnotetagxv75" name="footnotetagxv75"></a><a href="#footnotexv75"><sup>75</sup></a>, yet the effect +of the poem as a whole is disappointing, and its motive,—gratitude +for a service which no honourable man, according +to our modern ideas of honour, would have rendered,—does +not make amends for the want of simplicity in its +structure. Yet as written in the heyday of his passion for +Lesbia, and largely inspired by that passion, it has, along +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page471" id="page471"></a>[page 471]</span> +with an Alexandrian superfluity of ornament and illustration, +many beauties of expression and feeling. The passionate +devotion of Laodamia for Protesilaus is conceived with sympathetic +power,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Quo tibi tum casu pulcherrima Laudamia,</p> +<p class="i4">Ereptum est vita dulcius atque anima</p> +<p class="i2">Coniugium<a id="footnotetagxv76" name="footnotetagxv76"></a><a href="#footnotexv76"><sup>76</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>There is an exquisite picture of his own stolen meetings +with his 'candida diva'; and depth and sincerity of affection +are purely and simply expressed in the last two +lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Et longe ante omnes mihi quae me carior ipse'st,</p> +<p class="i4">Lux mea qua viva vivere dulce mihi'st.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>In this poem too, although the application of the image is an +incongruous adaptation of an old Homeric simile, we meet +with a descriptive passage which, more perhaps than any +other in his poems, shows that Catullus was a true lover and +close observer of Nature,—</p> + +<div class="poem"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i2">Qualis in aerii perlucens vertice montis</p> +<p class="i4">Rivos muscoso prosilit e lapide</p> +<p class="i2">Qui cum de prona praeceps est valle volutus</p> +<p class="i4">Per medium sensim transit iter populi,</p> +<p class="i2">Dulce viatori lasso in sudore levamen,</p> +<p class="i4">Cum gravis exustos aestus hiulcat agros<a id="footnotetagxv77" name="footnotetagxv77"></a><a href="#footnotexv77"><sup>77</sup></a>.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p>The perfection attained by Catullus in his best lyrical +poetry, and the power displayed in his longer pieces, are +so high and genuine that we are hardly surprised at the +enthusiasm of those who have ranked him, in respect both of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page472" id="page472"></a>[page 472]</span> +art and genius, foremost among Roman poets. If the +pure essence of poetry could be separated from the whole +spiritual and intellectual being of the poet, much might +be said in favour of that estimate. Others, who think that the +work accomplished by Lucretius, Virgil, and Horace is, both in +quantity and quality, of more lasting value to the world, +cannot forget that had they died at the same early age +as Catullus, their names would have been unknown, or perhaps +remembered as those of Cinna and Cornificius are now. +From the exquisite skill with which Catullus has treated light +and playful themes, he has been sometimes compared to +modern poets who have no other claim to recognition than a +similar facility. But if he is to be compared with any, it +is not with the minor poets, ancient or modern, but with the +greater, that he is to be ranked. The two eminent English +scholars who have made a special study of this poet, and have +done more than almost any others in recent times to elucidate +his meaning and gain for him his just recognition, look upon +him as the equal of Sappho and Alcaeus. Among modern +poets he has been compared to one, most unlike him in all the +outward conditions of his life, and in many of the conditions of +his art,—the poet Burns<a id="footnotetagxv78" name="footnotetagxv78"></a><a href="#footnotexv78"><sup>78</sup></a>. In general intellectual power, in the +breadth of his human sympathies, the modern poet is much +the greater. He is, in all ways, the larger man. But in some +endowments of heart and genius the ancient poet is far from +being the inferior. He was more fortunate in his nearness to +the greatest source of poetic culture, and in the use of a +medium of expression, not of a local and limited influence, but +one which brings him into immediate relation with educated +men of all ages and countries. But in the passionate ardour of +their temperament, and the robustness, too closely allied with +coarseness, of their fibre; in their susceptibility to beautiful +and tender emotions, and the mobility of nature with which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page473" id="page473"></a>[page 473]</span> +they yielded to impulses the most opposite to these; in their +large capacity of love and scorn, of pleasure and pain; in their +genuine sincerity and firm hold on real life; in the keenness of +their satire, and their shrewd observation of the world around +them;—in their simple and direct force of feeling and expression; +in the freshness of their love for the fairer objects in +Nature with which they were most familiar,—they have much +in common. The resemblance of the concluding lines of the +'Final renunciation of Lesbia' to the sentiment of the 'Daisy' +has been already noticed. The scornful advice, conveyed in +the words 'pete nobiles amicos,' finds many an echo in the +tones of the modern poet. The art of both is so inseparably +associated with their lives, that our admiration of it can +hardly help being enhanced or qualified by personal sympathy +with, or dislike of their characters. In the case of Catullus +it must be allowed that if a careless pursuit of pleasure, an +apparent absence of all high aims in life, the too frequent +indulgence in the coarsest language and the vilest imputations, +could alienate our affections from a great poet, his art would +be judged at a disadvantage. But his own frank revelations, +from which we learn his faults, must equally be taken as the +unintended evidence of his nobler and more generous nature. +If his passions led him too far astray, he himself, so far as now +appears, alone suffered from them. There is no trace in him +of the selfish calculation, or the baser falsehood, which renders +'the life of pleasure,' as led by many men, detestable. There +was in his case no 'hardening of all within' as its effect. The +small volume bequeathed by him to the world is in itself a +sufficient result of his few years. If he is in a great degree +unreflective, if he does not consciously realise what are the ends +of life, yet he does not look on life in a spirit of cynicism +or frivolity. Whatever vein of reflection appears in him is not +devoid of reverence and seriousness. His too frequent coarseness +is to be explained by the manners of his age and race; +and the imputations which he makes on his enemies were, in +all probability, never meant to be taken seriously. Although +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page474" id="page474"></a>[page 474]</span> +unfortunate in his love, he has shown a capacity of ardent, self-forgetful, +and constant devotion, that deserved a better object. +He could care for another more than for his own life and +happiness. And he had, in a degree rarely equalled, a virtue +which devoted lovers often want, the truest, kindliest, most +considerate and appreciative affection for many friends. His +very dependence on their sympathy in all his joy and sorrow is +a claim on the sympathy of the world. If to love warmly, +constantly, and unselfishly be the best title to the love of +others, few poets, in any age or country, deserve a kindlier +place in the hearts of men than 'the young Catullus.'</p> + +<p class="footnote1"><a id="footnotexv1" name="footnotexv1"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv1"><sup>1</sup></a> Cf. 'L. Iulium Calidum, +quem post Lucretii Catullique mortem multo +elegantissimum poetam nostram tulisse aetatem vere videor posse contendere.'—Corn. +Nep. Vit. Att. 12.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv2" name="footnotexv2"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv2"><sup>2</sup></a> 'Multa satis lusi.'—lxviii<sup>a</sup>. 17. +The context shows that the 'lusi,'—like +Horace's 'lusit Anacreon,'—refers to the composition of amatory poetry +founded on his own experience. It was for this kind of poetry that Manlius +had applied to him, and he pleads his grief as an excuse for his inability to +write any at that time, although he had written much in his earliest youth.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv3" name="footnotexv3"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv3"><sup>3</sup></a> E.g. xvi. 12; liv. 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv4" name="footnotexv4"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv4"><sup>4</sup></a> Martial iv. 14,—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Sic forsan tener ausus est Catullus</p> +<p class="i8">Magno mittere passerem Maroni.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +Ibid. xi. 6. 16,—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Donabo tibi passerem Catulli.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv5" name="footnotexv5"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv5"><sup>5</sup></a> B. Schmidt conjectures that the collection +as we now have it was made +after books were generally written in parchment. His whole collected +poems would thus be more easily enclosed in a single volume, than when +written on the old papyrus rolls.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv6" name="footnotexv6"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv6"><sup>6</sup></a> Three poems formerly attributed to +Catullus,—those between xvii and +xxi,—are now omitted from all editions. On the other hand, one poem, +lxviii, must, in all probability, be divided into two, and possibly some lines +now attached to others are parts of separate poems.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv7" name="footnotexv7"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv7"><sup>7</sup></a> Cf. B. Schmidt, quoting Bruner, Prolegomena, +p. xcviii.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv8" name="footnotexv8"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv8"><sup>8</sup></a> x. 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv9" name="footnotexv9"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv9"><sup>9</sup></a> xvii. 7; liii. 1; lvi. 1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv10" name="footnotexv10"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv10"><sup>10</sup></a> ix.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv11" name="footnotexv11"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv11"><sup>11</sup></a> xxv, xl, xlii, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv12" name="footnotexv12"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv12"><sup>12</sup></a> Cf. viii, xxxviii, lxv, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv13" name="footnotexv13"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv13"><sup>13</sup></a> liii.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv14" name="footnotexv14"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv14"><sup>14</sup></a> Cf. +'quae etiam aleret adulescentis et parsimoniam patrum suis sumptibus +sustentaret.' Cic. Pro M. Caelio, 16, 38. Gellius, another of her lovers, +was probably about the same age, or a year or two younger than Caelius. +Cf. Schwabe, p. 112, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv15" name="footnotexv15"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv15"><sup>15</sup></a> B. Schmidt supposes that he did not +die till 52 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, and that he must have +been born in 82 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> The reasons he assigns for this belief are not convincing. +He thinks that it was unlikely that Catullus should have been reconciled to +Julius Caesar in the winter of 55-54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, so soon after the offence was +committed, which must have been after the first invasion of Britain by Julius +Caesar in the summer and autumn of 55. He shows that the reconciliation +could not have taken place in the winter of 54-3, as Caesar was absent +in Transalpine Gaul. He supposes therefore that it must have taken place +in the winter of 53-2. He thinks it probable that Catullus' reconciliation +must have taken place about the same time or subsequently to that of Calvus, +who was likely to have influenced Catullus' political action, and that Calvus +could not have desired to be reconciled till after the autumn of 54, when +he prosecuted Vatinius. It seems quite arbitrary to suppose that a considerable +time must have elapsed between the offence and the apology of Catullus. +If Catullus was in Verona in the winter of 55-4, and in his father's house, and +Julius Caesar was then, as was his habit, living on intimate terms with and +enjoying the hospitality of the father of Catullus, that of itself affords an +explanation of their meeting and reconciliation. If Catullus required to be +induced by any one to make an apology, it is more likely that his father's +influence moved him to do so than the example and influence of Calvus.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv16" name="footnotexv16"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv16"><sup>16</sup></a> Cf. x, xiii, xxvi, xli, ciii.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv17" name="footnotexv17"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv17"><sup>17</sup></a> lviii. 3; lxxix. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv18" name="footnotexv18"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv18"><sup>18</sup></a> Cf. cx, xli.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv19" name="footnotexv19"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv19"><sup>19</sup></a> Reading suggested by Munro.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv20" name="footnotexv20"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv20"><sup>20</sup></a> E.g. lxiv. 240-41:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i10">Ceu pulsae ventorum flamine nubes,</p> +<p class="i6">Aerium nivei montis liquere cacumen.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +And this most characteristic feature of Alpine scenery,—lxviii<sup>b</sup>. 17, etc.:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Qualis in aerii perlucens vertice montis</p> +<p class="i8">Rivos muscoso prosilit e lapide, etc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv21" name="footnotexv21"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv21"><sup>21</sup></a> For his influence on the art +of the <ins title="Greek: neôteroi">νεώτεροι</ins> cf. Schmidt, Prolegomena, +p. lxii.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv22" name="footnotexv22"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv22"><sup>22</sup></a> Schmidt believes that Cinna +was a native of Brescia; Prol. lxiii; but he +does not there give his reason for his belief.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv23" name="footnotexv23"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv23"><sup>23</sup></a> Cf. xcv. 7:</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>At Volusi Annales Paduam morientur ad ipsam.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv24" name="footnotexv24"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv24"><sup>24</sup></a> The epigram on Cominius (cviii) +was probably written at Rome, as he +was not of sufficient importance to have made an impression on the people +of Verona. The accusation of C. Cornelius, which excited odium against +him, was made in 65 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> But it does not follow that the poem was written +by Catullus at that time. He may have become acquainted with him later, +and avenged some private pique by reference to the unpopularity formerly +excited by him. There is no direct reference to the trial of Cornelius in +the poem, which appears among others referring to a much later date.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv25" name="footnotexv25"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv25"><sup>25</sup></a> lxviii. 15-18.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv26" name="footnotexv26"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv26"><sup>26</sup></a> In the 'docto avo' we have an +allusion to the author of the 'Istrian +War.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv27" name="footnotexv27"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv27"><sup>27</sup></a> lxviii<sup>b</sup>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv28" name="footnotexv28"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv28"><sup>28</sup></a> The <i>Caelius</i> addressed +in some of the poems is not M. Caelius Rufus, +but a Veronese friend and confidant of Catullus—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Flos Veronensum ... iuvenum.'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote">Caesar, Bell. Civ. i. 2, mentions M. Caelius Rufus simply as M. Rufus, +Cicero in his epistles addresses him as 'mi Rufe.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv29" name="footnotexv29"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv29"><sup>29</sup></a> Among other indications the +vow of Lesbia (xxxvi) throws light on her +literary taste and accomplishment.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv30" name="footnotexv30"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv30"><sup>30</sup></a> On the whole question +compare Mr. Munro's Criticisms and Elucidations, +etc., pp. 194-202.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It has been argued on the other side that public opinion would not have +tolerated the publicity given to an adulterous intrigue, especially one with +a Roman matron so high in rank as the wife of Metellus Celer. But the +state of public opinion in the last years of the Republic is not to be gauged +either by that of an earlier time, or by that existing during the stricter +censorship of the Augustan <i>régime</i>. Catullus himself (cxiii) testifies to what +is known from other sources, the extreme laxity with which the marriage tie +was regarded in the interval between 'the first and second consulships of +Pompey.' Perhaps, however, if Metellus Celer had survived Catullus, the +Lesbia-poems might never have been publicly given to the world. After his +death Clodia by her manner of life forfeited all claim to the immunities of +a Roman matron.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv31" name="footnotexv31"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv31"><sup>31</sup></a> lxviii<sup>b</sup>. 105-6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv32" name="footnotexv32"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv32"><sup>32</sup></a> The poem lxviii—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Quod mihi fortuna casuque oppressus acerbo—</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +was addressed to Manlius just after Catullus had heard of his brother's death, +i. e. probably late in the year 60, or early in the year 59 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> Manlius was +himself suffering then from a great and sudden sorrow. The expressions in +lines 1, 5, 6, 'casu acerbo,' 'sancta Venus,' 'desertum in lecto caelibe,' make it +at least highly probable that this sorrow was the premature death of his +young bride. If this generally accepted opinion is true, the Epithalamium +must have been written some time before 59 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv33" name="footnotexv33"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv33"><sup>33</sup></a> That of Westphal.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv34" name="footnotexv34"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv34"><sup>34</sup></a> Schmidt supposes that poems +ix, xii, xiii belong to a later date, 56 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, +when he thinks that Veranius and Fabullus were with some otherwise unknown +Piso in the Province of Hispania Citerior, and that the poems +xxviii,</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Pisonis comites, cohors inanis,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +and xlvii,</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Porci et Socration, duae sinistrae</p> +<p class="i8">Pisones, etc.,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +belong to the same period.</p> + +<p class="footnote">But not to speak of the fact that the character imputed to Piso, in the +phrase 'duae sinistrae,' and in the words 'vappa,' 'verpa,' 'verpus,' applied +to him, are in exact accordance with that ascribed to him in the virulent +invective of Cicero (In L. Calpurnium Pisonem Oratio), it is difficult to see +how the words in xxviii,</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i22"> Satisne cum isto</p> +<p class="i6">Vappa frigoraque et famem tulistis?</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +could apply to either the climate or the condition of Hispania Citerior at +that time. But they closely coincide with the words of Cicero applied to +the government by Piso of his province of Macedonia (17-40), 'An exercitus +nostri interitus ferro, <i>fame</i>, <i>frigore</i>, pestilentia?' On the other hand, the +words in ix,</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Visam te incolumem audiamque Hiberum</p> +<p class="i6">Narrantem loca, facta, nationes,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +would be applicable to the adventures and dangers of Julius Caesar in further +Spain in 61 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> There is no difficulty in supposing that the two young friends +went together on two different occasions on the staff of two different provincial +governors. The tone of the two different sets of poems is so different, the +one set so bright and happy, the other so savage and bitter, that it is almost +inconceivable that they belong to the same time and the same circumstances.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv35" name="footnotexv35"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv35"><sup>35</sup></a> Schmidt supposes +that the person to whom this letter is written is the +same as the Allius of lxviii<sup>b</sup>; that the lines beginning</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Non possum reticere</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +are a continuation of what used to be thought a separate poem,</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quod mihi fortuna, etc.,</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +that Manlius was the praenomen of Allius, and that he is addressed in the +first part of the poem by the praenomen, in the latter by the gentile name. +But the letter to Manlius clearly indicates the recent loss of his bride, or some +distress connected with his marriage (lines 1, 5, 6), whereas at the end of the +letter to Allius he says, 'Sitis felices et tu simul et tua vita;' lxviii. 155.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv36" name="footnotexv36"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv36"><sup>36</sup></a> There is some uncertainty +both as to the reading and interpretation of +the lines (lxviii. 15-19). The most generally accepted view is that Manlius +had written to let Catullus know that several fashionable rivals were +supplanting him in his absence. Mr. Munro supposes that the letter was +written from Baiae, and that the <i>hic</i> is so to be explained. Another view of +the passage is that Manlius had, without any reference to Clodia, merely +rallied Catullus on leading a dull and lonely life at Verona, a place quite +unsuitable for the pleasures of a man of fashion.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv37" name="footnotexv37"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv37"><sup>37</sup></a> Cf. poems x. 30, etc., and xcv.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv38" name="footnotexv38"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv38"><sup>38</sup></a> Cf. Munro's Criticisms and Elucidations +of Catullus, p. 214.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv39" name="footnotexv39"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv39"><sup>39</sup></a> An entirely different interpretation +has recently been given to this poem +(Schmidt, Prolegomena, xxxix, etc.). It is supposed not to be complimentary, +but bitterly sarcastic. It is said that Catullus could not, except in irony, +have described himself as</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'pessimus omnium poeta;'</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"> +and if those words applied to himself as a poet are irony, so must the words +applied in strong contrast to Cicero as an advocate (tanto—quanto) be +equally ironical. In that case the <i>omnium</i> in the last line must not +be taken in connexion with optimus, but with patronus. Cicero's readiness +to be 'omnium patronus' is sarcastically commented on with immediate +reference to his defence of Vatinius, which startled some of his best friends +among the constitutional party. The formal address 'Marce Tulli' is also +ironical. (If that is so, probably also the 'Romuli nepotum' is used +in mock heroic irony, like the 'Remi nepotum' in lviii.) What then +is the favour for which Catullus writes these ironically complimentary +thanks? Schmidt supposes that Cicero had expressed either publicly +or privately a very poor opinion of Catullus' poems, and that Catullus +revenges himself by professing to agree with him, to be most grateful +for the criticism (gratias tibi maximas Catullus agit), and to repay it +by heaping ironical coals on his head.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It is just possible that the poem might have been so understood in the set +to which Catullus belonged, if we were certain that it was written at +the time when Cicero defended Vatinius. But the general public could +hardly have understood it so, and it is not surprising that it never occurred +to any one to understand it in that sense till within the last year or two. +It is not in keeping with Catullus' straightforward, outspoken vituperation, +nor with the manners of the time (as shown in Cicero's speeches), to write +an epigram which would leave the object of it in doubt whether it was +written in earnest or derision. No doubt Catullus did not seriously think +himself 'the worst of living poets,' worse for instance than Volusius. But +there is an irony of modest self-depreciation, as that of Virgil when he +applies to himself the words 'argutos inter strepere anser olores,' as well as +of insulting banter. The change in the construction of the 'omnium' +in the two consecutive lines would be at least startling. That Catullus, a +young man, not intimate with Cicero, should address him as Marce Tulli is +not perhaps more remarkable than that a young poet of the present day +should in writing to a man of great eminence, twenty years his senior, +address him as Mr. ——. Cicero writes banteringly and good-naturedly to +one of his correspondents, Volumnius, probably a much younger man +(Fam. vii. 32): 'Quod sine praenomine familiariter, ut debebas, ad me +epistolam misisti, primum addubitavi, num a Volumnio senatore esset, +quorum mihi est magnus usus.' There is no reason for supposing that +Cicero ever passed any criticism favourable or unfavourable on Catullus, +though in his letters he twice uses his phrases; and if he did, it was not in +Catullus' way to retaliate without making it perfectly clear what he +was retaliating for. Cicero was constantly in the way of doing kindnesses +to all sorts of people, in the law-courts or by recommending them to some +of his influential friends. He especially says that he had always done what +he could to foster the genius of poets. He was attracted to young men like +Catullus (he was not of the 'grex Catilinae'); and of his friend Calvus +he writes with genuine appreciation. It is more natural as well as more +pleasant to think of these two men of genius, in so far as they came in +contact, having agreeable relations with one another, than to believe that the +poet wrote these apparently straightforward, kindly appreciative lines in +revenge for some real or fancied disparagement of his verses.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv40" name="footnotexv40"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv40"><sup>40</sup></a> Cf. xxiv. 7:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p>Qui? non est homo bellus? inquies. Est.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv41" name="footnotexv41"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv41"><sup>41</sup></a> Two of the four poems +connected with Calvus allude to his antagonism +to Vatinius, which went on actively between the years 56 and 54 <span class="sc">b.c.</span> In +none of them is there any allusion to Lesbia, who was never out of Catullus, +thoughts or his verse till after his Bithynian journey.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv42" name="footnotexv42"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv42"><sup>42</sup></a> Horace contrasts the +'dirge of Simonides' ('Ceae retractes munera +neniae') with the lighter poetry of love.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv43" name="footnotexv43"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv43"><sup>43</sup></a> Cf. Munro's Lucretius, p. 468, +third edition.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv44" name="footnotexv44"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv44"><sup>44</sup></a> lxxii. 5-8:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Nunc te cognovi: quare etsi impensius uror,</p> +<p class="i8">Multo mi tamen es vilior et levior.</p> +<p class="i6">Qui potis est? inquis. Quia amantem iniuria talis</p> +<p class="i8">Cogit amare magis, set bene velle minus.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv45" name="footnotexv45"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv45"><sup>45</sup></a> lxxxv. 1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv46" name="footnotexv46"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv46"><sup>46</sup></a> xi. 23.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv47" name="footnotexv47"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv47"><sup>47</sup></a> lxxvi.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv48" name="footnotexv48"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv48"><sup>48</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Calvus, if those now silent in the tomb</p> +<p class="i8">Can feel the touch of pleasure in our tears</p> +<p class="i6">For those we loved, who perished in their bloom,</p> +<p class="i8">And the departed friends of former years:</p> +<p class="i6">Oh then, full surely thy Quintilia's woe,</p> +<p class="i8">For the untimely fate that bade ye part,</p> +<p class="i6">Will fade before the bliss she feels to know</p> +<p class="i8">How very dear she is unto thy heart.'—Martin.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv49" name="footnotexv49"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv49"><sup>49</sup></a> Compare also his humorous +notice of the compliment which he heard +in the crowd paid to the speech of Calvus against Vatinius—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Dii magni, salaputium disertum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv50" name="footnotexv50"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv50"><sup>50</sup></a> xii.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv51" name="footnotexv51"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv51"><sup>51</sup></a> xxxviii.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv52" name="footnotexv52"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv52"><sup>52</sup></a> Mr. Munro, in his Elucidations +(pp. 209, etc.), shows that the whole +point of the poem consists in the contrast drawn between the 'Zmyrna' +of Cinna and the 'Annals of Volusius.' Baehrens admits the reading +'Hortensius' into the text, but adds in a note on the word, <i>vox corrupta est</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv53" name="footnotexv53"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv53"><sup>53</sup></a> lxxvi. 1-4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv54" name="footnotexv54"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv54"><sup>54</sup></a> Cf. lxviii. 12:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Neu me odisse putes hospitis officium.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv55" name="footnotexv55"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv55"><sup>55</sup></a> Att. vii. 7. 6: +'Placet igitur etiam me expulsum et agrum Campanum +perisse et adoptatum patricium a plebeio, Gaditanum a Mytilenaeo, et +Labieni divitiae et Mamurrae placent et Balbi horti et Tusculanum.'</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv56" name="footnotexv56"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv56"><sup>56</sup></a> lxxvi. 19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv57" name="footnotexv57"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv57"><sup>57</sup></a> xvi. 5-6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv58" name="footnotexv58"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv58"><sup>58</sup></a> lxxxiv. +Cicero also was afflicted by a bore of the same name, who +stayed away from Rome in order 'that he might pass whole days discussing +philosophy with Cicero at Formiae.' The Arrius of this poem is supposed +to be Q. Arrius, Praetor in 73 <span class="sc">b.c.</span>, whom Cicero speaks of as having been +in the habit of acting as a kind of Junior Counsel along with Crassus ('qui +fuit M. Crassi quasi secundarum'), and having, though a man of the lowest +origin and without either culture or natural ability, got into a considerable +practice. The words 'Hoc misso in Syriam' are supposed to imply that he +was sent as a legatus to join Crassus in his Syrian province. The poem +would thus be written about the end of 55 <span class="sc">b.c.</span></p> <p class="author2">Schmidt.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv59" name="footnotexv59"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv59"><sup>59</sup></a> Hor. A. P. 437-38:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quintilio si quid recitares, Corrige, sodes,</p> +<p class="i6">Hoc aiebat et hoc.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote">Schmidt supposes him to be the Alphenus Varus, the Jurist, to whom the +30th poem, written in a tone of tender reproach, is addressed. Catullus does +not seem to address the same person by different names, unless Manius and +Allius are the same. Thus M. Caelius Rufus is addressed as Rufus, the +Caelius addressed in other poems being a native of Verona. As both Alphenus +Varus and Quintilius Varus were natives of Cremona, Catullus was likely to +have known both.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv60" name="footnotexv60"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv60"><sup>60</sup></a> vii. 7-8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv61" name="footnotexv61"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv61"><sup>61</sup></a> xi. 22-24.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv62" name="footnotexv62"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv62"><sup>62</sup></a> xvii. 12-15 and 15-16.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv63" name="footnotexv63"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv63"><sup>63</sup></a> E.g.</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Litus ut longe resonante Eoa</p> +<p class="i16"> Tunditur unda.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv64" name="footnotexv64"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv64"><sup>64</sup></a> 'Criticisms and Elucidations,' etc. +p. 73.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv65" name="footnotexv65"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv65"><sup>65</sup></a> The pride of Roman nationality is, +perhaps, unconsciously betrayed in +such phrases as 'Romuli nepotum,' in the lines addressed to Cicero.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv66" name="footnotexv66"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv66"><sup>66</sup></a> xxxiv. 7-12:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Quam mater prope Deliam</p> +<p class="i8">Deposivit olivam,</p> +<p class="i6">Montium domina ut fores</p> +<p class="i6">Silvarumque virentium</p> +<p class="i6">Saltuumque reconditorum</p> +<p class="i8">Amniumque sonantum.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv67" name="footnotexv67"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv67"><sup>67</sup></a> lxi. 122-46.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv68" name="footnotexv68"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv68"><sup>68</sup></a> lxiv. 89-90.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv69" name="footnotexv69"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv69"><sup>69</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Soon my eyes shall see, mayhap,</p> +<p class="i6">Young Torquatus on the lap</p> +<p class="i6">Of his mother, as he stands</p> +<p class="i6">Stretching out his tiny hands,</p> +<p class="i6">And his little lips the while</p> +<p class="i6">Half open on his father's smile.</p> + </div><div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'And oh! may he in all be like</p> +<p class="i6">Manlius his sire, and strike</p> +<p class="i6">Strangers when the boy they meet</p> +<p class="i6">As his father's counterfeit,</p> +<p class="i6">And his face the index be</p> +<p class="i6">Of his mother's chastity.'—Martin.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv70" name="footnotexv70"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv70"><sup>70</sup></a> Cf. Mr. Ellis's notes on the poem.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv71" name="footnotexv71"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv71"><sup>71</sup></a> Cf. Plaut. Pseud. 147:—</p> + +<div class="poem1"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">Neque Alexandrina beluata conchyliata tapetia.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote">Mr. Ellis, in his Commentary on Catullus, p. 226, mentions that both the +marriage of Peleus and Thetis, and the legend of Ariadne, were common +subjects of ancient art. He points out also that the idea of the quilt +on which the Ariadne story was represented was borrowed from Apollonius, +i. 730-66.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv72" name="footnotexv72"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv72"><sup>72</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'Whate'er of loveliest decks the plain, whate'er</p> +<p class="i6">The giant mountains of Thessalia bear,</p> +<p class="i6">Whate'er beneath the west's warm breezes blow,</p> +<p class="i6">Where crystal streams by flowery margents flow,</p> +<p class="i6">These in festoons or coronals inwrought</p> +<p class="i6">Of undistinguishable blooms he brought,</p> +<p class="i6">Whose blending odours crept from room to room,</p> +<p class="i6">Till all the house was gladdened with perfume.'—Martin.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv73" name="footnotexv73"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv73"><sup>73</sup></a> E.g. +'Argivae robora pubis'—'decus innuptarum'—'funera nec funera,' +etc., etc. Mr. Ellis's commentary largely illustrates the influence exercised +by the phraseology of the Greek poets,—especially Homer, Euripides, +Apollonius—on the poetical diction of Catullus in this poem.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv74" name="footnotexv74"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv74"><sup>74</sup></a> This monotony, +as is pointed out by Mr. Ellis, is, in a great degree, the +result of the coincidence of the accent and rhythmical ictus in the last three +feet of the line.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv75" name="footnotexv75"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv75"><sup>75</sup></a> Westphal, pp. 73-83, +has given an elaborate explanation of the principle +on which the various parts of the poem are arranged and connected with one +another.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv76" name="footnotexv76"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv76"><sup>76</sup></a> The lines immediately +following these are in the worst style of learned +Alexandrinism.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a id="footnotexv77" name="footnotexv77"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv77"><sup>77</sup></a> </p> + +<div class="poem1" style="margin-top: -1em;"> <div class="stanza"> +<p class="i6">'As some clear stream, from mossy stone that leaps,</p> +<p class="i8">Far up among the hills, and, wimpling down</p> +<p class="i6">By wood and vale, its onward current keeps</p> +<p class="i8">To lonely hamlet and to stirring town,</p> +<p class="i6">Cheering the wayworn traveller as it flows</p> +<p class="i8">When all the fields with drought are parched and bare.'—Martin.</p> + </div> </div> + +<p class="footnote2"><a id="footnotexv78" name="footnotexv78"></a><a class="ask" href="#footnotetagxv78"><sup>78</sup></a> This parallel was +first pointed out by the writer of an excellent article on +Catullus in the North British Review, referred to by Mr. Munro in his 'Criticisms +and Elucidations,' p. 234.</p> + +<h3>THE END.</h3> + +<hr class="full" /> + +<a name="transcriber_note"></a> +<table class="tn" summary="tn" align="center" style="margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 5em;"> +<tr> + <td class="note"> + +<h3>Transcriber's Note</h3> + +<p>The transliteration of Greek words is indicated, in the text, by a dashed line underneath the Greek word/s.</p> +<p style="margin-top:-1em;">Scroll the mouse over the Greek word and the Latin text transliteration will appear: +<ins title="Greek: Mesos">Μέσος</ins>.</p> + +<p>Sundry damaged or missing punctuation has been repaired.</p> + +<p>The rest of the corrections are also indicated, in the text, by a dotted line underneath the correction.</p> +<p style="margin-top:-1em;">Scroll the mouse over the word and the original text will <ins title="Transcriber's Note: original reads 'apprear'">appear</ins>.)</p> + +<p>Page 28: 'Neibuhr' corrected to 'Niebuhr' (2nd entry)</p> + +<p>"Niebuhr went so far as to assert that the Romans ..."</p> + +<p>Page 53: Æneas and Aeneas both occurred on this page. Both spellings are correct, but as there is only the single instance of Æneas, with the æ ligature, +and around 30 instances of Aeneas, wihout the ligature, Æneas has been amended to Aeneas. The Æ/æ ligature has not otherwise been used in this book.</p> + +<p>page 148: 'advorsam' is correct; alternative spelling for 'adversam'.</p> + +<p>page 157: 'adoped' corrected to 'adopted'<br /> +"... into the forms which he adopted from Greece." </p> + +<p>page 447: 'dulness' is correct; Oxford Dictionary gives it as an +alternative spelling.</p> + +<p>page 468: 'Luaguidnlosque' corrrected to 'Languidulosque'<br /> +"Languidulosque paret tecum coniungere somnos."</p> + +<a href="#top">Return to Top</a> + +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's The Roman Poets of the Republic, by W. Y. 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