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diff --git a/38297-h/38297-h.htm b/38297-h/38297-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9383c25 --- /dev/null +++ b/38297-h/38297-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,15603 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of The History of Antiquity (Vol. VI.), by Max Duncker. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; + } /* page numbers */ + + .bbt {border-bottom: solid 1px; border-top: solid 1px; margin-top: 5em; margin-bottom: 5em;} + .bl {border-left: solid 2px;} + .bt {border-top: solid 2px;} + .br {border-right: solid 2px;} + .bbox {border: solid 2px;} + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .u {text-decoration: underline;} + + .caption {font-weight: bold;} + + .footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;} + + .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;} + .poem br {display: none;} + + .notebox {border: solid 2px; padding: 1em; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; background: #CCCCB2;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of Antiquity, by Max Duncker + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The History of Antiquity + Vol. VI. (vol. VI. of VI.) + +Author: Max Duncker + +Translator: Evelyn Abbott + +Release Date: December 13, 2011 [EBook #38297] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF ANTIQUITY *** + + + + +Produced by Adrian Mastronardi and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="notebox"> +<p><b>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:</b> Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end +of the chapters in this HTML version. Obvious errors in punctuation have been +silently corrected. Other than that, printer's inconsistencies in spelling, +hyphenation, and ligature usage have been retained.</p> +</div> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + + + + + +<h5>THE</h5> + +<h1>HISTORY OF ANTIQUITY.</h1> + +<h5>FROM THE GERMAN</h5> + +<h6>OF</h6> + +<h4>PROFESSOR MAX DUNCKER,</h4> + +<p> </p> +<h6>BY</h6> + +<h3>EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., LL.D.,<br /> +<small><i>FELLOW AND TUTOR OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD.</i></small></h3> + +<p> </p> +<h4>VOL. VI.</h4> + + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<h4>LONDON:<br /> +<big>RICHARD BENTLEY & SON, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,</big><br /> +Publishers in Ordinary to Her Majesty the Queen.<br /> +1882.</h4> + + +<div class="bbt"> +<h5>Bungay:</h5> + +<h6>CLAY AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS.</h6> +</div> + + + + +<h2>CONTENTS.</h2> + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr><td colspan='2'><br /><br /><big><a href="#BOOK_VIII">BOOK VIII.</a> (<i>CONTINUED.</i>)<br /><i>THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES AND PERSIANS.</i></big></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='right'><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER VI.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE FALL OF THE LYDIAN EMPIRE</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER VII.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE SUBJUGATION OF ASIA MINOR</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER VIII.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE FALL OF BABYLON</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER IX.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE KINGDOM OF CYRUS</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_100">100</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER X.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE FALL OF EGYPT</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_131">131</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XI.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE MARCH TO MEROE</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_152">152</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XII.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE DEATH OF CAMBYSES</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_168">168</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XIII.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE RISE OF DARIUS</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XIV.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE REBELLIONS IN THE PROVINCES</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_228">228</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XV.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF DARIUS ON THE INDUS AND THE DANUBE</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_258">258</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XVI.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE CONQUESTS IN AFRICA AND EUROPE</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_299">299</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XVII.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE STATE OF DARIUS</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_315">315</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XVIII.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE FINANCE AND ARMY OF DARIUS</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_344">344</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XIX.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE COURT OF DARIUS</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_368">368</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER XX.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>RETROSPECT</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_398">398</a></td></tr> +</table></div> + +<div class="bbt"> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> + +<h3><a name="BOOK_VIII" id="BOOK_VIII"></a>BOOK VIII. (<i>CONTINUED.</i>)</h3> + + +<h2>THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES AND<br /> +PERSIANS.</h2> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span></p> +</div> + +<h1>EASTERN IRAN.</h1> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<h3>THE FALL OF THE LYDIAN EMPIRE.</h3> + + +<p>After the fall of Nineveh, Media, Babylonia, and +Lydia had continued to exist side by side in peace +and friendship. The successful rebellion of Cyrus +altered at one blow the state of Asia. He had not +been contented with winning independence for the +Persians; he had subjected Media to his power. In +the place of a friendly and allied house, the kings +of Lydia and Babylonia saw Astyages deprived of +his throne, and Media in the hands of a bold and +ambitious warrior. Nebuchadnezzar of Babylonia +would hardly have allowed the sovereignty of the +table-land of Iran to pass out of the power of a near +kinsman into that of Cyrus without offering some +resistance; but he was no longer alive to prevent or +revenge the overthrow of his brother-in-law. His son +Evil-merodach had also come by his death before +Astyages succumbed to the arms of Cyrus, and after +a short reign Neriglissar left the kingdom to a boy +(III. 392). On the other hand, the Lydian empire +was in its fullest vigour. We are acquainted with +the successes which fell to the lot of Alyattes after +his alliance with Media; we saw with what rapidity +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>his son Crœsus brought to a happy conclusion the +long struggle against the Greek cities of the coast. +His kingdom now embraced the whole of Asia Minor, +as far as the Halys; the Lycians alone remained +independent in their small mountain canton. Loved +and honoured by his people, as Herodotus indicates, +Crœsus saw his complete and compact empire in the +greatest prosperity; his treasury was full to overflowing; +his metropolis was the richest city in Asia +after Babylon. The Lydian infantry were excellent +and trustworthy; the cavalry were dreaded; in past +days they had measured themselves with success +against the Medes.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Thus in the third or fourth +year of his reign, in the pride of his position, surrounded +by inexhaustible treasures and the most +splendid magnificence, on his lofty citadel at Sardis, +Crœsus could declare himself, against the opinion +of the Athenian Solon, the man most favoured by +fortune (III. 458). Two years afterwards Astyages, +whose wife Aryanis was Crœsus' sister, was overthrown. +Crœsus had reason enough to take the field +for his brother-in-law, and anticipate the danger which +might arise for Lydia out of this change in the East. +He might hope that his example would set the Babylonians +in motion against the usurper of the Median +throne, and cause the Medes themselves to revolt +against their new master. But he appears to have +been afraid of embarking in an uncertain and dangerous +war at a great distance from his own borders. +It was not clear that victory at the first onset would +imply lasting success, and Lydia had no attack to +fear so long as Cyrus was occupied in establishing +his new dominion in Media, and engaged in +conflicts in the East and North. In Sardis it might<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> +be assumed that the usurper would find great difficulties +in his way. Herodotus represents Sandanis, +a distinguished Lydian, as asking Crœsus whether +he would take the field against men who clad themselves +in leather, and did not eat what they liked, +but what they had, and lived in a rugged country—who +drank water and not wine, and had not even +figs or any other thing that was pleasant? What +could the king, if victorious, take from them, when +they had nothing? On the other hand, if conquered, +he had much to lose, and if the Persians once tasted +any of the good things of Lydia, they would never +be driven out of the land again.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Crœsus hesitated. +It was of the greatest importance for Cyrus that +Lydia and Babylonia should not interfere in favour +of Astyages and the Medes, that they remained +inactive during the revolution, and allowed him to +establish his dominion in Media without disturbance, +to direct his aim unimpeded against the neighbours +of Media, and to subjugate without opposition the +Parthians, Hyrcanians, and Cadusians.</p> + +<p>The manner in which war eventually broke out +between Lydia and Persia, the course of the war, and +the fortune which overtook Crœsus, are narrated by +Herodotus in the following manner: "Solon had +scarcely left Crœsus (III. 454, note 3) when the latter +saw in a dream the vision which portended the fate +of his son. He had two sons: one was deaf and dumb, +but the other, Attys, was greatly distinguished above +all his companions. The dream told him that he +would lose this son by an iron spear-head. In alarm +Crœsus found a wife for his son, would not allow him +to go out with the army as before, and removed into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> +the armoury all the armour which was in the chambers, +that nothing might fall upon him. At the time when +Crœsus was occupied with the marriage of Attys, a +Phrygian came to Sardis, Adrastus by name, the son +of Gordius, the grandson of Midas, who had unintentionally +killed his brother, and had been banished +by his father, and Crœsus received him. At the +same time a great boar appeared on the Mysian +Olympus, which ravaged the lands of the Mysians, +and as they could not master it, they sent messengers +to Crœsus praying him to allow Attys and +some chosen youths to come with dogs to set them +free from the monster. Crœsus would not let his +son go, for he had just been married. But the son +complained to his father: Previously he had won +great glory in war, and in the chase, now he was +kept back from both; how would men look upon him +in the market-place?—in what light would he appear +to the citizens and his young wife? Crœsus told +him the dream, but Attys replied that the boar had +no hands, and no iron point: Crœsus therefore +allowed him to go, and bade Adrastus accompany +his son and watch over him. Adrastus promised to +bring back his son uninjured, so far as lay in his +power, in return for the kindness which Crœsus had +shown him. The boar was surrounded on Olympus, +and javelins thrown at it from every side; the spear +of Adrastus missed the boar and hit Attys. Thus +was the dream of Crœsus fulfilled. Adrastus went +with the corpse to Crœsus, and besought him to slay +him as a sacrifice to the dead. But Crœsus replied +that Adrastus had made recompense enough in condemning +himself to death. He had his son buried +with proper honours; but Adrastus slew himself on +the grave."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p> + +<p>"Two years were spent by Crœsus in mourning +for his son. Then the destruction of the empire of +Astyages by Cyrus, and the growing power of the +Persians, put an end to the mourning, and caused +him to consider whether he could check the rise of +the Persians before they became great. With this +thought in his mind, he determined to test the oracles, +both those of the Greeks and that in Libya, and +ascertain whether they could tell the truth; to the +oracle which he found truthful, he would propose the +question, whether he should undertake a campaign +against the Persians. So he sent to the oracles of +the Greeks, to Miletus, Delphi, Abae, and Trophonius, +to the sanctuary of Amphiaraus at Thebes, and to +Dodona, to the temple of Ammon in Libya, bidding +his messengers inquire on the hundredth day after +their departure from Sardis, what Crœsus, the son of +Alyattes, the king of Lydia, was doing on that day. +The answers were to be written down, and brought +back to him. What the other oracles said no one +has narrated, but when the Lydians came into the +temple at Delphi and propounded their question, +the priestess answered: 'I know the number of the +sand, and the measure of the sea; I understand the +dumb, and hear him who speaks not. The scent +of the hard-shelled tortoise comes into my nostrils +which is being cooked in brass with lamb's flesh; brass +is below, and brass is above.' The Lydians wrote +this down, and returned to Sardis; and when the other +messengers came back, Crœsus opened their letters. +He paid no attention to the rest, but when he came +to the answer from Delphi he recognised the power +of the god, and saw that the Delphic oracle alone had +been aware of what he was doing. For on the day +appointed he had cooked the flesh of a tortoise and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> +lamb in a brazen vessel, covered with a brazen lid, +thinking that it would be impossible to discover or +invent such a thing. What answer was brought back +from Amphiaraus I cannot say, for it is nowhere +recorded, but Crœsus is said to have considered this +oracle as truthful. Then Crœsus won the favour of +the god of Delphi by great sacrifices. He offered +3000 victims of every kind, and erected a great pile +of wood on which he burned couches covered with +gold and silver, golden goblets, purple robes and +garments, in the hope that he would thereby gain the +favour of the god yet more, and bade the Lydians +sacrifice to their deity whatever each possessed. And +as the sacrifice left behind an enormous mass of +molten gold, Crœsus caused bricks to be made, six +palms in length, three in breadth, and one in depth; +in all there were 117 bricks. Of these, four were of +the purest gold, each two and a half talents in +weight; and the rest of white gold (<i>i. e.</i> of mingled +gold and silver), each two talents in weight. In +addition, there was a golden lion which weighed ten +talents. When these were finished, Crœsus sent +them to Delphi, and added two very large mixing-bowls, +one of gold, weighing eight talents and a half +and twelve minæ, and one of silver, the work of +Theodorus of Samos, as the Delphians say, and I +believe it, for it is the work of no ordinary artificer; +four silver jars, and two vessels for holy water, one +of gold and the other of silver, circular casts of +silver, a golden statue of a woman, three cubits high, +and the necklace and girdles of his queen. All these +things he sent to Delphi, and to Amphiaraus a golden +shield and a spear, of which both the stem and the +point were of gold."</p> + +<p>"Crœsus bade the envoys who carried these gifts<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> +ask the oracles, whether he should march against the +Persians, or collect allies. The answer of both oracles +was to the same effect: they told him, that if he +went against Cyrus he would destroy a great empire, +and at the same time advised him to find out who +were the most powerful among the Greeks, and take +them as allies. Crœsus was greatly delighted when +he received this answer; in the certainty that he +would overthrow the empire of Cyrus, he sent again +to Delphi and presented each Delphian with two +staters. The Delphians in return bestowed on the +Lydians for all future time the right to consult the +priestess first, the best seats, freedom from contributions, +and the citizenship of Delphi to any Lydian +who should wish to become a Delphian. Crœsus +inquired of the oracle for the third time: whether his +reign would be of long continuance, and the priestess +replied: 'When a mule becomes king of the Medes, +then, O soft-footed Lydian, fly from the pebbly Hermus; +stay not, and take no shame to be a coward.' +Then Crœsus was yet more delighted, for he thought +that a mule would never rule over the Medes instead +of a man, and therefore neither he nor his descendants +would lose their power. Then he inquired who were +the most mighty among the Hellenes, and when he +found that the greatest part of the Peloponnesus was +subject to the Lacedæmonians, he sent messengers +with presents to Sparta to conclude an alliance. The +Lacedæmonians were filled with joy; they knew the +oracle which had been given to Crœsus, and made +him a friend and ally, as they had previously received +many kindnesses at his hands."</p> + +<p>"Crœsus now marched to Cappadocia in the hope +of crushing Cyrus and the Persians; he also intended +to add Cappadocia to his kingdom, but above<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> +all he wished to take vengeance on Cyrus, who +had defeated his brother-in-law Astyages, and had +got him in his power. When he came to the Halys, +which was the boundary between the Lydian and +the Persian kingdoms, he crossed the river by the +bridges, and came into the part of Cappadocia, which +is called Pteria (this region, the strongest in the +whole country, lies towards Sinope and the Pontus +Euxinus). There he pitched his camp, desolated the +land, took the city of the Pterians, and enslaved the +inhabitants, conquered the neighbouring cities, and +drove out the Syrians, who had done him no harm +whatever. But Cyrus collected his army, adding to +it all the nations in his march, and took up a position +against Crœsus. Previous to setting out, he had +sent heralds to the Ionians, and requested them to +revolt from Crœsus. To this request the Ionians did +not listen. Then Cyrus encamped opposite Crœsus, +and the two armies tried their strength in the land +of Pteria. A fierce battle was fought; many fell on +both sides; neither was victorious, and when night +came they desisted from the battle. Crœsus found +that his force was not strong enough; his army was +inferior in numbers to that of the enemy, and when +Cyrus did not venture to attack him on the next day, +he returned to Sardis. His object was to summon +the Egyptians, for he had made a treaty with Amasis +the king of Egypt before entering into terms with +the Lacedæmonians, to send to the Babylonians—for +with them also and their king Labynetus he had +made an alliance—and to call on the Lacedæmonians +to join him at a fixed time. After uniting these, +and collecting all his forces, he intended, as soon as +the winter was over, to march out against the Persians. +So when he arrived at Sardis he sent heralds<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> +to his allies, bidding them assemble in the fifth +month at Sardis, and dismissed all the mercenaries +in the army which had fought against Cyrus. He +did not expect that Cyrus, who had contended in +the battle without success, would march against Sardis. +When Crœsus retired immediately after the battle in +Pteria, and it was discovered that the Lydian forces +were to be disbanded, Cyrus saw that it would be +much to his advantage to march upon Sardis with all +speed, before the Lydian army could be collected a +second time. He was so rapid in his movements, that +he announced his own arrival to Crœsus."</p> + +<p>"Though in great difficulties, inasmuch as things +had turned out contrary to his expectations, Crœsus +led out the Lydians to battle. And at that time +there was no braver and more warlike nation in +Asia. They fought on horseback, armed with long +lances, and were excellent riders. The armies met +in the large open plain before Sardis. The cavalry +of Crœsus caused alarm to Cyrus, and on the advice +of Harpagus the Mede, he collected all the camels +which carried the food and baggage of the army, took +off their burdens, and had them mounted by armed +men. These he placed before the army, then followed +the infantry, and after them the Persian horse. He +bade them not to slay Crœsus, even though he should +seek to defend himself when taken captive. When +the battle broke out, the Lydian horses were alarmed +at the sight and smell of the camels, and turned, and +so the hopes of Crœsus were destroyed. Yet the +Lydians did not lose their courage; they sprang from +their horses and met the Persians on foot. At length, +when many had fallen on both sides, the Lydians +fled; they were driven into the walls, and besieged by +the Persians. Crœsus thought that the siege would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> +occupy a long time, and sent fresh messengers to his +confederates, and also to the Lacedæmonians, bidding +them come as soon as possible. When they arrived +at Sparta three hundred Spartans had been slain by +the Argives, yet they determined to send assistance; +their men were armed and ready to sail, when there +came a second message that Sardis was captured, and +Crœsus a prisoner."</p> + +<p>"Sardis had been invested fourteen days when +Cyrus announced to his army that the man who first +climbed the walls should receive presents. Attempts +were made, but as they failed, they were given up. +Nevertheless Hyroeades, a Mardian, determined to +climb the citadel at a place where no watch had been +set. It was never supposed possible that the city +could be taken on this side, for the mountain fell +precipitously down towards Mt. Tmolus, and storming +was impossible. On the previous day Hyroeades had +seen a Lydian, whose helmet had fallen down, descend +after it, and then climb back with it. He also +ascended, others followed, and when sufficient Persians +were on the top, Sardis was taken and the whole city +plundered. After the citadel had been captured a +Persian rushed at Crœsus, whom he did not know, +to cut him down. When the dumb son of Crœsus +saw this, through fear and horror he broke out into +speech, and cried out: 'Man, do not slay Crœsus.' +And ever after he was able to speak."</p> + +<p>"The Persians led Crœsus to Cyrus, who caused a +great pyre to be built, and Crœsus to be led to it +in chains with twice seven Lydian boys; whether it +was that he intended to offer the firstlings of the +victory to some god, and discharge a vow, or whether +he knew that Crœsus was eminent for piety, and +wished to see if a god would protect him from being<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> +burnt alive. When Crœsus was on the pyre, the +words of Solon came into his mind, in his distress, +that no one among living men was to be accounted +happy. When this occurred to him, he sighed deeply +after a long silence, and called out thrice, Solon! +On hearing this Cyrus commanded the interpreters +to ask Crœsus whom he was calling upon. At first +he was silent; on being pressed, he said: 'On him, +whose words I count it above great treasures that +all rulers should hear.' As what he said was unintelligible, +the question was put to him again, and +when they insisted on hearing the whole, he told +them, while the pyre was being kindled at the outer +edge, what Solon the Athenian had said to him. When +Cyrus heard this from the interpreters he reflected +that he, a man, was condemning to the flames a man +of no less power than himself; in fear of vengeance, +and considering that there was nothing certain among +men, he changed his mind, and gave orders to quench +the fire, and bring down Crœsus and those with him. +When all attempted in vain to quench the flames, +Crœsus, according to the Lydian account, called on +Apollo, entreating him to aid him now if he had ever +offered pleasant gifts, and save him in his extremity. +When Crœsus was praying in tears to the god, the +sky, which had been clear and still, was suddenly +covered with clouds; a storm burst upon them, and +the fire was quenched by torrents of rain. And Cyrus +then saw that Crœsus was a man beloved by the gods, +and asked him why he had marched against his land, +and made him his enemy instead of his friend? +Crœsus replied, that he had been induced to do this +by his own bad fortune and the good fortune of Cyrus. +The god of the Hellenes had urged him to take the +field against Cyrus. Then Cyrus caused the fetters<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> +to be struck off him, and placed him near himself. +When Crœsus saw the Persians plundering the city, +he inquired of Cyrus: 'What is all this multitude +doing with so much eagerness?' Cyrus answered: +'They are plundering your city and treasures.' He +replied: 'They are mine no longer; it is your property +which they are plundering and sacking. The Persians, +courageous by nature, are poor; if you allow them to +plunder and carry off much booty, it may be that the +man who gains the most will rebel against you. If +it pleases you, do as I advise. Place your body-guard +at the gates, and bid them take from the plunderers +what they are carrying out, and tell them that a +tenth must be offered to Zeus. You will escape their +ill-will, and they will gladly obey you.' This advice +pleased Cyrus. He followed it, and promised Crœsus +to grant him a favour in return."</p> + +<p>"The favour which Crœsus asked was this: Cyrus +must allow him to send the fetters, which he wore, to +the Delphic god, and ask whether it was his manner +to deceive those who showed him kindness. Cyrus +granted the prayer with a smile, and promised that he +would not refuse a further request. So Lydians went +with the fetters to Delphi, and asked the god whether +he was not ashamed to have urged Crœsus to make +war upon Cyrus, who had taken much spoil from him; +and at the same time they showed the fetters. The +priestess answered, as it is recorded, that even a god +could not escape his destiny; Crœsus was paying +the penalty for his fifth ancestor, who had seized a +throne which did not belong to him. The god had +endeavoured to bring it to pass that the punishment +should not fall on Crœsus but on his children, but +he had only been able to defer the capture of Sardis +for three years; let Crœsus know that he had been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> +taken captive three years later than was ordained. +Moreover, the god had sent him help when on the +pyre. It was announced that he would destroy a great +empire if he went against Cyrus, but what empire +was not said. Nor had Crœsus understood the response +about the mule. Cyrus was the mule, the son of a +Persian father and Median mother, a subject and his +mistress. When Crœsus heard this, he saw that he +and not the god was in fault."</p> + +<p>Only a meagre excerpt remains of the account +given by Ctesias of the conflict of Cyrus and Crœsus. +The king of the Sacæ, Amorges, marched with Cyrus +against Crœsus and Sardis. When the Lydians were +shut up in the city, Crœsus, deceived by the portents +of the gods, gave his son as a hostage to Cyrus, and +when he subsequently sought to deceive him in the +negotiations, Cyrus caused the son to be slain before +the father's eyes. The mother, when she saw the +execution of her son, threw herself down from the +turrets of the walls. Then Cyrus, on the advice of +Oebares, caused wooden figures of Persians to be +placed on long poles and laid against the turrets, that +the Lydians might be filled with terror at the sight +of them. In this way the citadel, and the city itself, +was taken. Crœsus fled for refuge into the temple +of Apollo, where Cyrus caused him to be placed in +chains, but though seals were set on them, and +Oebares was commissioned to keep watch, the fetters +were three times removed from Crœsus in a miraculous +manner. Then those who had been put in +chains with him were beheaded, as though they had +conspired to liberate their king, and Cyrus brought +Crœsus into the palace and caused yet heavier chains +to be put upon him; but the fetters again fell to the +ground, this time amid thunder and lightning. At<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> +length Cyrus liberated Crœsus, showed him great +kindness, and presented him with the large city of +Barene, near Ecbatana, which had been garrisoned by +5000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>Polyaenus relates that Crœsus, after his defeat in +Cappadocia by Cyrus, withdrew his troops in the +night by a pass. This pass he then filled with a +quantity of timber, to which he set fire in order to +check the pursuit of the Persians. When the armies +met a second time for battle, Cyrus rendered the +numerous cavalry of the Lydians, in which they +trusted, useless by placing camels opposite them. Thus +they were at once put to flight, and trod down the +infantry, so that Cyrus was again victorious. At +Sardis Crœsus once more tried the fortune of battle. +As his Greek allies delayed their coming, he provided +the strongest and tallest Lydians with Greek +armour. The sight of the strange arms checked the +Persians. They were terrified by the sound of the +spears striking against the brazen shields, and the +glitter of the shields caused their horses to take +fright and turn. They retired, and Cyrus concluded +a treaty for three days with Crœsus, in which he +was to withdraw his forces from Sardis. But as soon +as it was night he turned his army again upon +Sardis, and attacked the city unexpectedly. The +ascent of the walls by scaling ladders was successful, +yet Crœsus maintained the citadel and defended it +bravely in the deceptive hope that his allies would +arrive. Then Cyrus caused the relatives of those who +were with Crœsus in the citadel to be seized and +bound, and brought before the walls; and he announced +to their kinsmen on the towers that if the +citadel were given up the captives would be set at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> +liberty, if not they would all be hanged. This induced +the Lydians in the citadel to open the gates. But +in another passage Polyaenus repeats the version of +Ctesias about the capture of the city. Cyrus caused +figures in Persian clothing, and wearing beards, with +quivers on their shoulders and bows in their hands, to +be placed on tall poles of equal length, and in the +night these were laid against the walls of the citadel +so that the figures rose above the wall. At break of +day Cyrus attacked the part of the city underneath +the citadel. The attacks were beaten off, but on +turning round some Lydians saw the figures above +the citadel, and thinking that it had been stormed by +the Persians, they fled, and Cyrus took Sardis by +storm.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>In Xenophon the Persians and Medes are contending +against Babylonia. On the representation of +the king of Babylon that those two nations would +subjugate all the world, unless measures were taken to +prevent them, Crœsus marches out to aid the king,<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> +with an army of 40,000 horse, and about 150,000 +light-armed infantry and bowmen. But the united +army of the Lydians and Babylonians, though it +reached nearly 60,000 cavalry and more than 200,000 +infantry,<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> was defeated. Cyrus turned his steps towards +Lydia, and Crœsus collected a new army on the +Pactolus of Lydians, Phrygians, Paphlagonians, and +Lycaonians, who were joined by the Cilicians and +Cappadocians. The Egyptians and Cyprians came +on board ship; envoys went to Lacedæmon to ask +for troops. With this army Crœsus marched to meet +Cyrus at Thymbrara. Here the battle took place. +Cyrus had placed two archers on each of the camels;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> +these were ranged opposite the enemy's cavalry, and +even from a distance the Lydian horses sought to +avoid the camels; some turn round, others rear, and +press upon each other. So the Persians succeeded in +overthrowing the disorganised cavalry. But the +battle had to be fought out with the javelin, lance, +and sword; the Persians were not victorious without +great bloodshed. Crœsus flies to Sardis, the Lydians +alone remain faithful, the rest of his army disperses. +Cyrus pursues him on the next morning, and at once +invests Sardis. In the very night after the camp was +pitched before Sardis, Chaldæans (<i>i. e.</i> Gordyæans, +Carduchians)<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>, and Persians climb the fortifications +where they seem to be steepest. They were led by a +Persian, who having formerly been the slave of one +on the watch in the citadel, knew the place where the +rocks could be climbed from the river. The Lydians +abandoned the walls, as soon as they saw the citadel +taken. Crœsus shut himself up in his palace, and +asked for quarter. Cyrus had him brought into his +presence, and said that it was not his intention to +abandon to his soldiers the richest city in Asia after +Babylon, but they must have some reward for their +efforts and dangers which they had undergone. Crœsus +replied that the sack of the city would destroy the +sources of wealth, the woven stuffs and industry of the +place; if it were spared the Lydians would gladly bring +the best of what they had, and in a year's time the city +would once more be in great prosperity. Then Cyrus +asked Crœsus how it came to pass that he who was +such a zealous servant of Apollo, and did everything +by his direction, had fallen into calamity. Crœsus +replied that he had brought upon him the aversion of +the god by putting it to the test whether his an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span>nouncements +were true. He believed indeed that +he had appeased his wrath by rich presents of gold +and silver, and when he lost his youthful son he had +further asked how he could most happily pass the +rest of his life, and the god had answered, "By +knowing thyself, thou wilt live happily." He had +regarded this condition of happiness as a very easy +one; a man might have some difficulty in learning to +know others, but himself he could know quite easily. +"But I did not know myself," Crœsus continues in +Xenophon, "when I fancied that I was equal to you +in war; you are descended from the gods, from a +series of kings, and from your youth have been +exercised in brave deeds. My ancestor was a slave +who became king. Now I know myself." Cyrus +allowed him to retain his wife and daughters, gave +him servants and entertainment, and took him with +him wherever he went, either because he held the +advice of Crœsus to be useful, or because this seemed +to him the safest thing to do.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<p>Only fragments have come down to us of Diodorus' +narrative of the fall of Crœsus; in some respects these +agree with the account of Herodotus; more frequently +they differ from it. He may have borrowed from +Ephorus.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Diodorus began with the death of Attys +by the javelin of the Phrygian Adrastus. Crœsus +at first threatens to have Adrastus burnt alive, but +forgives his offence when he offers his own life for +it. But he voluntarily slays himself at the tomb of +Attys. Diodorus then gives an account of the oracles—the +first, which Crœsus received at Delphi before +the war on behalf of his dumb son,—Crœsus was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> +foolish in wishing to hear the much-desired voice of +his child; he would speak in a day of disaster—the +second, about the consequences of crossing the Halys; +the third, about the mule. Crœsus sent Eurybatus of +Ephesus with gold, apparently to Delphi, but in +reality to the Peloponnesus, in order to receive as +many Hellenes as possible into his pay; but Eurybatus +passed over to Cyrus, and revealed everything +to him. This act of treachery was held in such +detestation by the Greeks, that to his day a villain +was called Eurybatus. When Cyrus had reached the +passes of Cappadocia with his united forces he sent +heralds to Crœsus, to discover his forces, and to tell +him that Cyrus would pardon his former offences +and nominate him satrap of Lydia, if he would +appear at his gates and there proclaim himself a +servant like the rest. Crœsus replied that Cyrus and +the Persians would sooner endure to be his slaves, +as in former times they had been the servants of +the Medes; as regarded himself, he had never obeyed +the order of another person. When Crœsus had +been taken captive, and the flames of the pyre +quenched, Diodorus represents Crœsus putting to +Cyrus the question which we find in Herodotus +(p. 14), about the sacking of the city; Cyrus puts +an end to the plundering, and orders the possessions +of the inhabitants to be brought into the palace. +We are further told, that as the rain had suddenly +come down and quenched the flames, Cyrus regarded +Crœsus as a pious man. Moreover, he kept Solon's +saying in mind; he held Crœsus in honour, and made +him his adviser, regarding one who had associated +with so many wise men as being himself prudent +and able.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span></p> + +<p>Justin's excerpt from Pompeius Trogus gives a +brief account of the fall of the Lydian kingdom. +When Cyrus had reduced the greater part of the +nations which had previously been subject to the +Medes, Crœsus, the king of Lydia, whose power and +wealth were then very great, came to the help of +the Babylonians. He was conquered and retired +into his kingdom. When Cyrus had settled his +quarrel with Babylon, he engaged in war with Lydia. +He easily put to flight the Lydian army, already +dispirited by the previous defeat. Crœsus himself +was captured. "But the less the danger of the war, +the milder was the use made of the victory. To +Crœsus was given his life, portions of his property, +and the city of Barka, where he lived a life, which, +if not that of a king, approached nearly to royal +magnificence."<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> + +<p>The end only of the account of Nicolaus of +Damascus, containing the story of the intended +burning of Crœsus, has come down to us. Cyrus, we +are told, had great sympathy with the misfortune of +Crœsus, but the Persians insisted that he should be +burnt as an enemy. A great pyre was erected at the +foot of a hill. Cyrus marched out with all his army; +a great multitude of natives and foreigners gathered +together. When Crœsus and fourteen Lydians were +brought out in chains, all the Lydians broke out into +sighs and lamentations, and beat their heads, so that +the weeping and wailing of men and women was +greater now than it had been at the capture of the +city. This showed what affection Crœsus inspired +among his subjects. "They tore their garments, and +thousands of women ran weeping forward. Crœsus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> +advanced without tears, and with a firm countenance, +and when he reached Cyrus he asked with a loud +voice that his son might be brought to him. This +was done. The son embraced his father, and said +with tears: 'Woe is me, my father. Of what avail +was your piety; when will the gods help us? Have +they granted me speech only to bewail our misfortunes?' +Turning to the Persians he said: 'Burn +me also; I am no less your enemy than my father.' +But Crœsus checked him with these words: 'I alone +determined on the war, and no one else of the +Lydians; therefore I alone must pay the penalty.' +When numerous servants of the Lydian women had +brought rich garments and ornaments of every kind +to be burned with him, Crœsus kissed his son and +the Lydians who were standing by, and ascended the +pyre; but the son raised his hands to heaven and +cried aloud: 'King Apollo, and all ye gods to whom +my father has done honour, come now to our help, +that the piety of mankind may not be destroyed with +Crœsus.' His friends could hardly restrain him from +casting himself on the pyre. But on a sudden Herophile, +the sibyl of Ephesus, appeared, and descended +from the height, and cried: 'Ye fools, what injustice +is this? Supreme Zeus, and Phœbus, and glorious +Amphiaraus will not permit it. Obey the truthful +sayings of my words, that the god may not visit your +frenzy with grievous destruction.' Cyrus caused the +oracle to be interpreted to the Persians that they +might desist from their purpose, but they set the +pile on fire with torches on every side. Then Crœsus +called thrice on the name of Solon, and Cyrus wept, +that he should be compelled by the Persians to do an +unrighteous act, and burn a king who was no less in +honour than himself. When the Persians looked on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> +Cyrus and saw his distress, they changed their minds, +and the king bade those who were near him put out +the fire. But the pile was on fire and no one could +quench it. Then Crœsus called on Apollo for help, +because his enemies wished to save him and could +not. From the morning the day had been cloudy, +but without rain, but when Crœsus had prayed, +dark clouds rolled up from every side, lightning +and thunder followed fast, and the rain poured down +in such streams that not only was the pyre quenched +but men could hardly withstand the storm. A +purple canopy was quickly spread over Crœsus, but +the Persians, terrified at the storm, the darkness, +and the panic which had come upon the horses +owing to the tempest, were seized with fear of the +gods. They thought of the saying of the sibyl and +the commands of Zoroaster, cast themselves on the +earth, and cried for pardon. From this date the rule +of Zoroaster, which had existed among the Persians +for a long time, not to burn their dead nor pollute +fire in any way, was strictly observed. Cyrus led +Crœsus into the palace, treated him as a friend, seeing +that he was a pious man, and bade him ask without +hesitation for any favour that he chose. Crœsus +asked that he might send his fetters to Delphi and +ask the god, why he had deceived him by his responses +and driven him into war, when he had sent +him such trophies; the messengers were also to ask +whether the gods of the Greeks paid no heed to the +gifts which they received. Cyrus granted this request +with a smile and said that he would not refuse +Crœsus even a greater favour; he made him his +friend, and when he left Sardis, restored his wives and +children, and took him as a companion. Some say +that he would have made him viceroy of Sardis, if<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> +he had not been afraid that this would induce the +Lydians to revolt."<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> + +<p>We have already noticed how deep was the impression +made on the Greeks by the greatness and +splendour of the Lydian kingdom. Lydia was the +power of the East with which they first came into +immediate contact, the first Oriental court which +they had before their eyes. A king of Lydia had +subjugated the great cities of the coast; his wide +dominion, power, and wisdom were the admiration +of the Greeks; his glory and treasures excited their +astonishment; he had shown himself kindly and +gracious towards them, and sent the richest gifts to +their gods—and this king it was who fell by a sudden +overthrow from his splendid position. He succumbed +to a foreign and distant nation, whose name up to +that time was hardly known to Greece, and his fall +brought with it distress and mischief for the Greeks +of the west coast of Asia Minor. This sudden fall of +Crœsus was a striking event, and most disastrous for +the Greeks, the more striking owing to the unexpected +and rapid nature of the change. How could so +brave, wise, and religious a ruler fall from the summit +of fortune into the deepest distress, and come by a +mischance which brought disaster not only on himself +and his kingdom, but also on the Greek cities? How +could this be the result of an undertaking begun on +the authority of the god of Delphi? These questions +forced themselves on the Greeks of Anatolia, and +beyond the sea, and their legends were at pains to +solve the problem. In the mind of Herodotus the +solution was the punishment which sooner or later +overtakes every unrighteous act. Gyges, the ancestor +of Crœsus, had robbed the ancient royal family of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> +Lydians, the race of Sandon, of their throne. It was +the vengeance for this crime which overtook Crœsus. +It was a widely-spread and favourite story among the +Greeks, how Solon of Athens, unmoved by the successes, +the prosperity, and splendour of Crœsus, had +warned him in his proud citadel at Sardis of the +mutability of human things, and preferred to his +brilliant position as a sovereign the modest lot of a +life well spent in the performance of duty. We have +observed (III. 458) that this narrative is not without +some basis of fact. Could there be a more impressive +illustration of the saying of Solon than the fate which +had overtaken Crœsus? The tradition of the Greeks, +especially of the Delphian priesthood, was aware of +several oracular responses which had been given to +Crœsus. Herodotus' point of view led him to believe +that no one, though warned by portents, dreams, and +oracles, could escape the doom which hung over him. +In this fact lay the justification of the Delphian +oracle in regard to the prophecies given to Crœsus. +It had announced what was correct, but owing to +the blindness sent upon him by fate, Crœsus had not +been able to understand its meaning.</p> + +<p>Guided by these views, Herodotus represents misfortune +as coming on Crœsus in one blow upon another +immediately after he had displayed the splendour +of his empire to Solon, and in foolish vainglory +had declared himself to be the most fortunate of men. +That Crœsus had two sons, one a youth of promise, +the other dumb, and that he lost the former in the +bloom of his youth, are facts mentioned by Xenophon +as well as Herodotus.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> A dream indicates to +Crœsus the death which is destined for his noble son; +and the means which he adopts to avert the death<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> +serve to bring it about. Adrastus, who first slays his +own brother, then the son of Crœsus, and at length +slays himself on the young man's grave, is called a +scion of the old Phrygian royal family of Midas and +Gordius; hence there is a close connection between +the fall of the Phrygian and Lydian houses. The +Greeks worshipped Nemesis Adrastea, <i>i. e.</i> the doom +which none can escape, on the Granicus, and on a +mountain near Cyzicus.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> In the tradition of the +Lydians, Attys was their first king, whom Herodotus +calls the son of the god Manes; according to the +legend of the Phrygians and Lydians, he had been +slain by a boar.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> As we saw, the Phrygians +mourned each year for the death of Attys, who had +been carried off in the bloom of youth (I. 532). +When death had overtaken this son, Crœsus sent to +Delphi to ascertain whether his remaining son should +ever receive the gift of speech; and the answer was +returned that he would speak on a day of great +misfortune. Thus the prescience of the Delphic +priestess is brought forward in the most emphatic +manner.</p> + +<p>The overthrow of Astyages caused Crœsus to +examine a whole series of oracles that he might +ascertain whether they knew what was hidden from +men, before he inquired whether he should march +against Cyrus. Before this examination, Crœsus had +sought and received many prophecies at Delphi, and +now he tests not this oracle only, but many others. +The mixture of belief and scepticism which would +give rise to such an examination is not in itself incredible, +but the manner in which the test is carried +out in the narrative of Herodotus, or rather of the +Delphian priesthood, is wholly beyond belief. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> +frivolous question—what was the king of the Lydians +doing on a certain day—the drift of which was so +obvious, would certainly be left unanswered by any +oracle of repute which was believed to receive revelations +from the gods. If we consider the nature of +the Delphic prophecy, which claimed rather to announce +the responses of Apollo than to bring to +light the past or the future; the religious solemnity +of the ceremonies, which they who would consult the +oracle had to perform; the small number of the days +on which the priestess spoke, we may be quite sure +that the priests would have rejected the question. +Herodotus cannot give the answers of the other +oracles—not even the answer of Amphiaraus (which +is also mentioned in the account of Nicolaus), and +yet this oracle must have stood the test no less +than Delphi, for Crœsus sent presents to it, and laid +before it his second question. To Apollo of Miletus, +whose answer to the first question Herodotus does +not know, and of whom the second question is not +asked, Crœsus dedicates exactly the same gifts as +those sent to Apollo of Delphi after he had stood the +test. Hence it is quite clear that the supposed examination +of the oracles is merely a story invented +by the Greeks to glorify the Delphic shrine. Crœsus +fell, in spite of the splendid presents he had made to +the Delphic god, on whose advice he had acted; in +order to maintain the divine wisdom of the oracle +against this charge, it must be proved to have knowledge +of the most secret things. And it is true that +Crœsus had put the oracle to the test, though in +another manner, by following up the answer to his +question whether he should go against the Persians, +with a second question—whether his empire would +continue. The story how splendidly Delphi had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> +stood the test then received an apparently certain +foundation in the hexameters about the lamb's flesh +and tortoise, which was subsequently manufactured +in Delphi in the name of the priestess.</p> + +<p>The narrative of the campaign in Herodotus is +obviously intended to put Crœsus in the wrong, and +burden him with guilt of his own in addition to the +offence of his ancestor. Sandanis warns him in vain +(p. 5). Cyrus has done nothing to injure Crœsus, +and therefore Crœsus is the aggressor. He crosses +the Halys, invades the territory of Cyrus, in order to +conquer Cappadocia and avenge Astyages on Cyrus; +he causes the land of the Cappadocians to be desolated; +and Herodotus lays stress on the fact that this +nation was quite innocent. Guilt is followed by incapacity, +after the indecisive battle. Crœsus disbands +his army for the singular reason that it "was inferior +in numbers to that of Cyrus." He is then surprised +in Sardis; the citadel is naturally ascended in the +very place where in old days king Meles omitted to +carry the lion which was to make the walls of Sardis +impregnable, because he thought it unnecessary, the +place being inaccessible. (I. 561). Crœsus is saved +from instant death, because the deaf and dumb son +receives his speech on a day of misfortune, as Delphi +had announced. The son can not only speak, but +knows how to address his father by name. The +favour of the gods, who turn again to Crœsus when +he has expiated the guilt of Gyges and himself by +his overthrow, is shown in this miracle, and more +plainly still on the funeral pyre. The wisdom of +the Greeks, and of Solon, is set in the clearest light, +when Crœsus in his deepest distress, on the brink +of a terrible death, remembers the warning once +given him by Solon. If such a recollection forms<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> +the most brilliant evidence of the insight of the +Greeks, it might also give the motive for the rescue +of Crœsus.</p> + +<p>The occurrences on and at the pyre partake so +strongly of the miraculous that Herodotus himself +is puzzled. What reason could Cyrus, whose gentleness +Herodotus himself extols, have for condemning +Crœsus to a death by fire, and with him fourteen +Lydian youths? Herodotus knows that fire is a god +in the eyes of the Persians, and that corpses could +not be burnt.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> He says: "Cyrus either wished to +offer first-fruits to some god, or to fulfil a vow, or +to ascertain whether Apollo would assist the pious +Crœsus." When narrating the astonishing incidents +which took place on the pyre, he drops the positive +tone, and continues the story with "the Lydians say." +The pyre is already kindled when the question is +asked by the interpreters, What is the meaning of +the cry "Solon"? Crœsus is at first obstinately +silent, then answers obscurely; and only after long +pressure tells of his meeting with Solon, which could +not be done very briefly if it was to be made intelligible +to Cyrus, and the narrative had to be +translated by the interpreters, as Herodotus himself +relates. Then Cyrus is seized with remorse for the +execution he has commanded, and the attempt is +made to quench the pyre. Impossible as all this is, +Crœsus at the last moment confesses that Solon is +right, and Solon's deep insight moves the heart of +the great sovereign of the Persians, and rescues the +once prosperous but now fallen king.</p> + +<p>In his minute account of the cremation, which, in +his rhetorical manner, he connects with the recovery +of speech by the deaf and dumb son, Nicolaus of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> +Damascus felt difficulties like those in Herodotus. +The law bidding the Persians not to pollute fire, nor to +"burn the dead," is well known to him. He removes +the contradiction by representing the cremation as +taking place against the will of Cyrus, and remarks +that after this incident the regulation was more +strictly observed. In his story also the change is +made by the mention of Solon's name. When Cyrus +had ascertained what Solon had said to Crœsus, he +began to weep, and saw that he had done wrong, and +the pain of their king touches the heart of the +Persians. This movement is assisted in Nicolaus by +the sibyl of Ephesus; in which no doubt he follows the +legend of Ephesus; Crœsus had made large presents +to the temple of Artemis in that city (III. 451).</p> + +<p>In Herodotus, as in Diodorus and Nicolaus, it is +the rain, by which the pyre is quenched, which causes +Cyrus to continue his gentle treatment of Crœsus. +Moreover, the excellent advice, which Crœsus with +immediate prudence gives, for putting an end to the +plunder of Sardis, and other matters in Herodotus, in +Diodorus, and Xenophon, co-operate in influencing +Cyrus to hold such a wise man in respect. Xenophon +knows, or at any rate says, nothing of the burning of +Crœsus. Ctesias knows nothing of it: in his account +miracles of another kind are vouchsafed to the imprisoned +Crœsus by Apollo in his temple; the triple +loosing of the bonds, and their final removal with +thunder and lightning, determine Cyrus to set him +at liberty and make provision for him.</p> + +<p>Lastly, it was incumbent on Herodotus and the +Greek narratives to justify the Delphian oracle with +regard to the responses given to Crœsus. In Herodotus +and Nicolaus this justification is introduced and +pointed by the sending of the fetters, which Crœsus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> +had worn, as the first-fruits of the promised victory +to Delphi, and the question whether it was the manner +of the Greek gods to deceive those who had done +them kindness. Following, no doubt, the legend of +the Delphic priesthood, Herodotus then gives the +defence of the priestess, that Crœsus had not rightly +understood the oracles,—though as we shall see, he +had understood them correctly enough. The priestess +further tells Crœsus, that he was destined to pay the +penalty for the offence, which his ancestor Gyges had +committed against Candaules, though the Delphic +oracle had sanctioned this crime and carried it out. +Then destiny has to bear the blame. No man can +escape his doom; the god of Delphi had deferred +the fall of Crœsus for three years, and saved him +from the flames of the funeral pyre. The god of +Delphi had thus announced the truth (to prove this +Cyrus is made the son of a Median mother), and had +shown his gratitude for the gifts of Crœsus by delaying +his overthrow, and rescuing him from the flames, +as Crœsus must himself confess. Xenophon dwells +yet more on the justification. Crœsus had placed +himself in the wrong with the god, by putting it to +the test whether he could tell the truth; then he +hopes that he has appeased him by rich presents, +but he misunderstands the further response of the god, +"that he will be happy when he knows himself," for +in descent, bravery, and generalship he holds himself +the equal of Cyrus. In Herodotus and Nicolaus the +gift of speech to the deaf and dumb son, the quenching +of the pyre,—in Herodotus also the delay of +destiny, and in Ctesias, the miraculous loosing of the +fetters,—are proofs that the dedicatory gifts of Crœsus +and his piety had not been in vain. They could +not avert his doom, but they had alleviated it; the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> +god of the Greeks, whom he serves, has at the last +saved him from the most cruel fate, and brought it +about that Crœsus ends his days, if not as a ruler, +yet in peace and dignity.</p> + +<p>In spite of all the national and individual points +of view which mark Herodotus' account of the fall of +Crœsus, and the legends which he has woven into it, +and used for his own purposes—the fanciful colours +which stamp it as fabulous—it nevertheless contains +a nucleus of historical truth, and we can give it a +place before the rest as a narrative of facts. We +have seen above how suddenly the successful rebellion +of Cyrus put an end to the close relations between +Babylonia, Lydia, and Media; how Lydia was +touched by this change, how clearly the intervention +of Lydia was needed, and what reasons could induce +Crœsus to defer it. Crœsus was obviously brought +to abandon his delay by the successes which Cyrus +achieved in establishing his dominion over the Medes, +and extending it to North and South, but above all +by his conquests in the West and the advance of the +Persian border to the Halys. Herodotus' account +shows us very clearly that Cappadocia had become +subject to Cyrus. When, on a previous occasion, +the Medes reached the Halys, Alyattes, the father of +Crœsus, had taken up arms; was he to fall short of +this example, in the presence of a power which had +grown up more rapidly and threatened greater +danger than the Medes? As Herodotus told us, it +was his intention to attack Cyrus before he became +too powerful. We may conclude with certainty from +what Herodotus relates, that Crœsus did not hide +from himself the importance and difficulty of the +undertaking. Above all he sought to win the favour +of Sandon the national deity (I. 564). The Lydians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> +offered large burnt-sacrifices to this deity, their sun-god; +on a huge pyre they burnt numerous victims, +gold and silver vessels, and costly robes in his honour. +Herodotus tells us that Crœsus bade the Lydians +sacrifice from their own stores on that occasion; hence +the great sacrifice, the gold of which Crœsus dedicated +to the god of Miletus and Delphi, was a national +offering, which Crœsus presented to Sandon. We have +already shown that the Greeks recognised in the sun-god +of the Lydians their own Apollo and Hercules, +while the Lydians found their solar deity in the Apollo +of the Greeks. When Gyges undertook to overthrow +the old royal family which claimed to spring from this +sun-god, and could not succeed in his attempt, an +answer was sought from the sun-god of Delphi. The +god of the Greeks then dethroned the descendants of +the Lydian deity. In the year 556 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> Crœsus had +already sent to Delphi, and given dedicatory offerings +to the god of Delphi and to the Ismenian Apollo at +Thebes; and at the present time, when he had +resolved to enter on a severe struggle for his throne +and kingdom, he called to mind the god, to whose +oracle his house owed its position; he would now +receive by his favour both kingdom and crown. So +Apollo of Miletus and Delphi received silver and gold +which had been consecrated by the fire. The bricks +into which it was formed were intended to bear the +lion which was also fashioned out of the same gold—the +symbol of the burning sun, the image of the Lydian +god. The four golden bricks formed the uppermost +steps. The total amount of the gold dedicated at Delphi +and Miletus reached 270 talents. For the presents +at Miletus Crœsus used the property of Sadyattes, +which he had confiscated at the beginning of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> +reign, dedicated, and applied as an offering.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> When +Crœsus sent the gifts to Delphi, he inquired of the +oracle, as Gyges had previously done. At this time—about +140 years before Crœsus—the question had been +who was to ascend the throne of Lydia; now the +question was, whether the descendant of Gyges would +maintain it in the conflict against Persia. The answer +of the priestess, which Aristotle and Diodorus have +preserved in metre,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>—"That Crœsus by crossing the +Halys would destroy a great kingdom"—is genuine, +and was certainly given in the meaning that Crœsus +should undertake the war and would destroy the +kingdom of his opponent. The object of Crœsus +in asking the question was to know whether he +would be fortunate in his attack on Persia. If it +was the object of the priesthood to give a dubious +answer to this question, they could not possibly have +answered the further question—whether he should +take allies to help him,—with the command that +he must take the "most powerful of the Hellenes." +At that time the Spartans were beyond all question +the most powerful of the Hellenes. How could the +priests of Delphi, who owing to the close connection +in which they stood to Sparta were well aware that +the oracle would be a law to that state, send the +Spartans to defeat and destruction, if they foresaw +such a thing?<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> That at Delphi, owing to the impression +made on the Greeks by the power, greatness, +and splendour of the Lydian empire, the remote and +unknown Persians were underrated is quite probable, +and indeed sufficiently proved by the subsequent +embassy of the Spartans to Cyrus. The first response<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> +did not entirely remove the doubts of Crœsus, so he +asked a second time—"whether his dominion would +continue long," and this question received a thoroughly +satisfactory answer, <i>i. e.</i> an answer which, in the +obscure form purposely adopted by oracles, deferred +the defeat of the Lydians to distant times, and +impossible conditions.</p> + +<p>Crœsus had not waited for the oracle to provide +himself with sufficient support in his undertaking. Yet +it suited him to enter into negotiations with the +Spartans, who after a series of successful contests +against the Pisatae, Argos, and some cantons of +Arcadia, had obtained the foremost place in the +Peloponnesus. At an earlier time Crœsus had sent +the Spartans a considerable present for the erection +of a statue of Apollo, and their grateful feeling +towards him would certainly be strengthened by the +authority of the Delphian oracle, whose response was +known to the Spartans, as Herodotus expressly states +(p. 9). Even in Xenophon's account they declared +themselves ready to send auxiliary troops to Sardis.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> +Crœsus did not stop here: he sent Eurybatus to +obtain yet more troops in Hellas. Herodotus told +us that Crœsus was in league with Egypt and Babylonia +against Persia before he made the treaty with +Sparta. Amasis, king of Egypt, had determined to +support Crœsus, perhaps in return for the service +which Gyges had once rendered to Psammetichus, +when he sent soldiers to aid him against his fellow-princes, +the vassals of Assyria (III. 301). The attitude +of Babylonia must be decisive. If Lydia and Babylonia, +who were both equally threatened by the new +power, united in a firm military alliance, they might +hope to contend successfully with the prince of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> +Persians. At Babylon, after the accession of Nabonetus +in the year 555 <small>B.C.</small>, the royal power was again +in strong hands. According to Herodotus, there +was a league between Crœsus and Nabonetus against +Persia. Xenophon represents Crœsus as coming to +the aid of the king of Babylon. Justin states that +Cyrus was at war with Babylon when Crœsus attacked +him; Cyrus drove him back, came to terms with +Babylonia, and carried the war to Lydia. From all +this we may assume that Lydia and Babylonia were +united, and that they undertook the war against +Persia in common.</p> + +<p>Crœsus then might consider that careful preparations +had been made for his enterprise, when in +the year 549 <small>B.C.</small>, and as we may pre-suppose with +certainty, in the spring of the year, he took the +field.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> He crossed the Halys, and directed his course<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> +to the commanding plateau of Pteria, which Herodotus +rightly regards as the strongest position in +those regions. He took Pteria, and the neighbouring<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> +cities, and laid waste the land, with the view no +doubt of making it impossible for the Persian army to +support itself. There he remained, either because he +shrank from going further, and seeking a decisive +conflict at a distance from his own borders, or because +he expected a diversion on the part of the Babylonians.</p> + +<p>The attack of Crœsus was unexpected by Cyrus. +He was also engaged with another enemy. These +conclusions we may draw from the fact that it was +autumn according to Herodotus before the armies +stood opposite each other. Herodotus further remarks +that Babylon, the Bactrians, and the Sacæ caused +Cyrus to return out of Asia Minor.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> By lingering in +Cappadocia Crœsus had given Cyrus time to collect +his army and add to it the troops of the countries +through which he passed on his march to the West. +With his usual circumspection he sought to avail +himself of the weak points in his enemy. He sent +ambassadors to the Greek cities subject to Crœsus, +on the West coast, to urge them to revolt that he +might raise up enemies in the rear of the Lydians. +Crœsus awaited the attack of the Persians in the +neighbourhood of the conquered Pteria. Herodotus +tells that the contest was severe. In spite of the +considerable superiority of numbers on the Persian +side, the Lydians did not give way. The battle was +not decided, when night came on. In truth the +victory was with the Lydians, whose bravery made +such an impression on Cyrus that he would not renew +the battle. But the timidity of Crœsus put in his +hands all the advantages of a victory. After the +bloody day it seemed better to Crœsus, as is the case +with men of weaker mould, not to risk everything, +but to put off the final decision; he thought it safer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> +to retire, in order to strengthen his army and so fight +with equal numbers. Under the supposition that +Cyrus would not venture to advance "as the winter +was at the gate," he retired to Lydia. He intended +to use the winter for collecting the forces of his +confederates at Sardis. He requested Nabonetus of +Babylon, the Lacedæmonians and the Pharaoh, to +embark their forces on the Syrian coast, the Laconian +Gulf, and at the mouths of the Nile, in time for them +to reach Sardis in the fifth month, <i>i. e.</i> in the early +spring. To the want of resolution which had suggested +the thought of retreat, Crœsus, when returning, +added another great act of folly. He disbanded "the +mercenaries" of his army (Alyattes had made use of +hired soldiers), bidding them come again to Sardis in +the spring, and returned home with the Lydians +alone. Such a series of blunders could not go unpunished +in the presence of a general like Cyrus. In +no case could he remain in the devastated country of +the Cappadocians. He must go either forwards or +backwards. To choose the latter was voluntarily to +abandon the advantages which the retreat of Crœsus +offered. Yet he did not content himself with slowly +following the unexpected retreat of the Lydians. He +appears to have been informed of the plans of Crœsus +by Eurybatus of Ephesus, whose treason is not only +mentioned by Diodorus after Ephorus, but alluded to +by Plato, Demosthenes, and Aeschines.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> By a rapid +march upon the enemy's metropolis Cyrus intended +to cripple the Lydian forces, hit Crœsus in the very +centre of his power, and bring the war to an end at a +blow. He came so quickly, that, as Herodotus says, +he announced his own arrival. The sudden appear<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span>ance +of the Persian army in the neighbourhood of +Sardis completely startled and terrified Crœsus. He +retired in order to be able to place in the field a +number of warriors equal to the army of Cyrus, and +now he was compelled to shut himself up in the walls +of Sardis or fight with far smaller numbers than took +the field at Pteria. He chose the latter, and awaited +the attack on the plain of the Hermus, which was +large enough to provide a field for his excellent +cavalry.</p> + +<p>Though he had a great advantage in his forces, +and in the consciousness of his superiority to his +enemy, Cyrus omitted no means for securing the +victory. He had experienced at Pteria the attack +of the Lydian horse, their superiority to his own +cavalry, in spite of the practice in riding which the +Persians underwent from their youth up, and the +excellence of the Median horse. To render useless +the attack of these horsemen, Cyrus caused the camels +which carried the baggage and supplies of his army to +be mounted, and placed them in the first line. This +arrangement is mentioned not only by Herodotus but +also by Xenophon. No doubt the Lydian horse +would be frightened by the noise and unwonted aspect +of these animals. Though robbed of their best arm +and mode of fighting, the Lydians nevertheless resolved +to dismount and carry on the battle on foot. They +pressed courageously on the Persians, and could only +be driven into the gates of Sardis after a bloody battle. +Crœsus was now limited to the walls of his city, and +compelled to defend them. He hoped to be able to hold +the city till his confederates should come, to whom +on the approach of Cyrus he had sent with appeals +for immediate assistance. But on the fourteenth day +after the investment of the city, as Herodotus main<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span>tains, +Cyrus brought matters to a decision. Then the +Mardian climbed the steep rock on the Pactolus, on +which the citadel lay, at a place where no guard was +set, the citadel and city were taken, and Crœsus +became a prisoner. A picture at Pompeii exhibits +Cyrus before his tent, and Harpagus beside him, at +the moment when Crœsus is brought forward.</p> + +<p>Herodotus' narrative of the ascent of the citadel of +Sardis is confirmed by a precisely analogous incident +which took place more than three centuries later. +Antiochus III. had besieged his brother-in-law Achæus +for more than a year in Sardis, and in vain. All +hope of taking the city except by starvation was +given up, when Lagoras, a Cretan, observed that the +walls must be left without a guard where the citadel +and the city met. At this point the walls rose on +steep rocks above a cleft into which the besieged threw +from the towers their dead along with the carcasses of +beasts of burden and horses. As the birds of prey +when they had eaten the corpses settled on the walls, +Lagoras concluded that no guards were stationed there. +By night he examined whether it was quite impossible +to climb up and plant scaling-ladders there. When he +discovered a ravine by which this seemed practicable, +he acquainted the king. The necessary preparations +were made; in the night, towards morning, when the +moon had set, Lagoras with sixteen companions climbed +up the rocks; 2000 men were ready to support him. +The spur on which the wall lay was so steep that +even when the morning broke a jutting piece of rock +prevented the garrison from seeing what was going +on, and when Antiochus led his army against the Persian +gate the garrison went to meet them. Meanwhile +the assailants by means of two ladders scaled the +walls close against the citadel and opened the nearest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> +door; the confusion which ensued put the city in the +hands of Antiochus after a short struggle. Yet Achæus +maintained the citadel; by a secret steep and dangerous +path in the rear he was able to keep up a communication +with Ptolemy Philopator of Egypt, and +finally he attempted to escape by this means, but he was +betrayed and fell into the hands of Antiochus (213 <small>B.C.</small>).<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> + +<p>Crœsus determined not to survive the great overthrow +and sudden disaster which he had brought upon +Lydia by his campaign. The Lydians had become +the slaves of the Persians, but it might be possible to +appease the wrath of Sandon, from whom all this +misfortune must have come; it might be that the +god would again show favour to his people, turn aside +their misfortune and slavery, and raise up the kingdom +from the depths. In vain had Crœsus attempted by +lavish presents to win the favour of Sandon-Apollo; +there still remained the last great sacrifice. So he +resolved to offer himself as a peace-offering for his +land and people. In this way he might succeed in +laying the foundation of the future liberation and rise +of Lydia, in conquering by his death his successful +opponent. The sacrifice of the heir to the throne and +of the king himself in his purple to avert the anger of +the sun-god was not unknown in Semitic rites. Zimri +of Israel had burnt himself with his citadel in Tirzah; +Ahaz of Judah, when defeated by the Damascenes, had +sacrificed his son as a burnt-offering; Manasses of +Judah "caused his son to pass through the fire in the +valley of Ben Hinnom" (III. 43, 209); the last king +of Asshur had burnt himself with his palace in the year +607 <small>B.C.</small>; Hamilcar, the son of Hanno, threw himself +into the flames of the sacrificial fire in order to turn +the battle of Himera. Cyrus had no reason for pre<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span>venting +the death of his opponent, if he chose to die. +Though he was offering himself as a sacrifice to his +gods, these gods were false in the eyes of the Persians—they +were evil spirits or demons. The Persian king +could quite understand the resolution of Crœsus not to +outlive the fall of a prosperous and mighty kingdom, +and to escape a long imprisonment, and would probably +look on it as worthy of a brave man. Still less +could he object to the wish of a king to die in his +royal robes. That the cremation was a sacrifice and +not an execution is further proved by the circumstance +that Crœsus is accompanied by twice seven youths. +It could never have entered the mind of Cyrus to +seize and execute fourteen youths, but they might +be quite ready to sacrifice themselves with their king. +The seventh planet belonged to Adar-Sandon, <i>i. e.</i> +to the angry sun-god, and Crœsus had sat on the +throne fourteen years. The gifts also which the +Lydian women bring or send to the pyre (costly robes +and ornaments of every kind, as was customary in +the great sacrifices of Sandon), are a distinct proof of +a peace-offering. In the picture at Pompeii Crœsus +has laurel branches round his head, and a wand +of laurel in his right hand, and this marks him out, +though in the Greek manner, as dedicated to Sandon; +a vase in the Louvre presents him seated on the pyre, +in a royal robe, with a crown of laurel on his head. +In his left hand he holds a sceptre, with the right he +is pouring libations from a goblet, while a servant +is sprinkling with water the already burning pyre.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> +But the sun-god would not accept the royal sacrifice +and peace-offering. It was no favourable sign that +the weather was gloomy (χειμών) +on that day, as +Nicolaus, who here, no doubt, follows Xanthus the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> +Lydian, tells us, though no rain had fallen. The pyre +was kindled; Crœsus prayed that Sandon would +graciously accept the offering—the invocation of the +god by Crœsus with tears Herodotus gives on the +authority of the Lydians<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>—but the prayer is not +heard; a storm of rain descends, and the pyre is +quenched. This was an unmistakable sign, the +clearly-pronounced decision of the god, that he did +not and would not accept the sacrifice. Crœsus +must abandon his purpose.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<p>At no time can Cyrus have had the intention of +doing any further injury to the captive king of the +Lvdians. Herodotus told us that before the battle at +Sardis he bade his soldiers spare Crœsus. And he +would be the more inclined to show favour and grace +to a man whose death heaven had openly prevented. +As Ctesias told us (p. 16), he allotted to Crœsus the +city of Barene, near Ecbatana, as a residence or means +of support. Ptolemy mentions the city of Uarna in +the neighbourhood of Ragha, and the Avesta speaks of +Varena in the same region.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> After that day Crœsus +submitted to his fate; we find him at the court of +Cyrus as well as at that of Cambyses in an honourable<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> +position; both Cyrus and his successor at times apply +to him for advice.</p> + +<p>The convulsion which Cyrus had caused in the +Median empire might have ended with placing the +Persians at the summit instead of the Medes, and +establishing the power of Cyrus within the old borders +of the Median kingdom. Had Lydia and Babylonia +resolved to recognise this change; had they reasons +for the assumption that Cyrus would not go beyond +these limits, the old relation of the three powers +might have been renewed, though it would not have +been confirmed by the bonds of alliance. But Lydia +no less than Babylonia believed that they were +threatened by the advance of Cyrus. At the time +when Crœsus attacked him, Cyrus certainly did not +intend to proceed to the West beyond the borders of +Cappadocia. This is proved by the fact that he kept +within the Halys after the conquest of that country. +He must establish his power in the East before he +could extend his views to the distant West and Asia +Minor. It was Babylon which at that time was +threatened, if not actually attacked, by Cyrus. The +advance of the Persians to the West, which Crœsus +intended to prevent by his attack, was really caused +by it. He brought on the storm which he sought +to allay before it burst upon him. By attempting +to check the advance of Cyrus in the midst of Asia +he invited him to Sardis. The dominion of the +Mermnadæ was at an end; Crœsus had lost it 140 +years after his ancestor Gyges had won it. It is +seldom that a sovereign is hurled so suddenly as +Crœsus from the summit of power and prosperity; +that the splendour of a high and glorious position +stands in such close and striking proximity to the +deepest humiliation. There is hardly any instance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> +of a warlike and brave nation passing so suddenly +and utterly into obscurity as the Lydians; and never +has so ancient, so flourishing, and powerful a kingdom, +while yet in the period of its growth, been so swiftly +overthrown, never to rise again.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Herod. 1, 74, 79, 155; Xenoph. "Cyri inst." 7, 2, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Herod. 1, 71; and equally from the Persian point of view, +Xenophon, "Cyri inst." 6, 2, 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers." 4; Fragm. 31, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Polyaen. "Strateg." 7, 6, 3, 19; 7, 8, [Woelfflin].</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Cyri inst." 1, 5, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Cyri inst." 2, 1, 5, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 5, 5, 17. Vol. I. 257.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Cyri inst." 2, 1, 5; 6, 2, 8, 9; 7, 2, 15 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> I draw this conclusion from the story of Eurybatus, which +was told by Ephorus; Fragm. 100, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Excerpt. Vatic, p. 26; "De virtute et vitiis," p. 553. [=9, 31 ff.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Justin, 1, 7. Lucian ("Contemplat." 9) represents Cyrus as +conquering Babylonia and then marching against Lydia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> [Nic. Damasc. Frag. 68, ed. Müller.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> "Cyri inst." 7, 2, 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Strabo, p. 575, 587.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Pausan. 7, 17, 9. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Herod. 1, 131; 3, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Marmor Parnium, ep. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Boeckh, "Staatshaushaltung" 1. 10, 11; H. Stein on Herod. 1, 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Aristot. "Rhetor." 3, 5; Diod. Exc. Vatic. p. 25, 26[=9, 31].</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Herod. 1, 69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> "Cyri inst." 6, 2, 10, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> The Parian marble mentions a mission of Crœsus to Delphi in the +year 556. The date of the year for the capture of Sardis is destroyed, +and cannot be even approximately restored, as the nearest dates are +either mutilated or destroyed. The dates in Eusebius are derived +from Apollodorus, who in turn draws from Eratosthenes. Eusebius +puts the testing of the oracles in Olymp. 57,3 = 550 <small>B.C.</small>, the march +of Cyrus against Crœsus in Ol. 57,4 = 549 <small>B.C.</small>, the capture of Crœsus +in Ol. 58,3 = 546 <small>B.C.</small> Jerome represents Crœsus as beginning the +war in Ol. 57,3 = 550 <small>B.C.</small> and puts his capture in Ol. 58,1 = 548 <small>B.C.</small> +According to the statement of Syncellus (1,455, ed. Bonn.), Crœsus +was defeated in the 14th year of Cyrus, which would give 547 <small>B.C.</small>, if +with Eusebius, who allows Cyrus to reign 31 years, we put his accession +in 560 <small>B.C.</small> (V. p. 381 <i>n.</i>). The interval of three years which Eusebius +(549-546) and two years which Jerome (550-548) places between +the beginning of the war and the capture of Crœsus, appears to +be due to the three years for which, according to Herodotus, Apollo +delayed the overthrow of Crœsus; the presents came to Delphi +three years before the fall (Herod. 1, 91). According to Herodotus +the campaign occupies only one summer and autumn. The temple +of Delphi was burned down in 548 <small>B.C.</small> (Ol. 58,1; Pausan. 10, 5, +13), and as Herodotus represents the temple as intact at the time +when Crœsus sent to Delphi after his fall, this must have taken +place before 548 <small>B.C.</small>, and therefore Crœsus must have been conquered +by Cyrus in 549 <small>B.C.</small> If the justification of the oracle in Herodotus is +merely an invention of the priests, yet in things so well known the +existing circumstances could not be left out of sight. It is certain that +if the presents of Crœsus had been injured by the burning of the +temple before his fall, this evil omen would not have been left +out of sight by the legend, or by Herodotus, who himself saw and +mentions the lion of Crœsus at Delphi which had been injured by the +fire (1, 50). I have therefore no scruple in putting the fall of the +Lydian kingdom in the year 549 <small>B.C.</small> Though the reign given by +Herodotus for Crœsus, fourteen years and fourteen days, may have +arisen out of the fourteen Lydian boys who wished to be sacrificed +with their king (p. 12), yet Eusebius, Jerome, and Syncellus put +the reign of Crœsus at 15 years. It may therefore be regarded as an +established fact that his reign ended in the fifteenth year. According +to Herodotus (1, 64, 65), it might seem as though he were of opinion +that Crœsus sought allies in Hellas at the time when Pisistratus was +tyrant for the third time over Athens. But this would be an error due +to Herodotus' habit of anticipation. We can only be concerned with +the second tyranny of Pisistratus, which belongs to the years 550 and +549 <small>B.C.</small> Against the argument here used—that the priests could not +leave out of sight the actual circumstances in things so widely known, +even in their inventions, Büdinger objects: "The chronological relations +in Lydian-Persian history were neither various nor generally +known, when Herodotus visited Delphi." The objection would be +pertinent if the legend of the priests had only been manufactured +during Herodotus' stay at Delphi, and for his use. This is not tenable. +The fall of Crœsus was an event which deeply moved the Hellenic +world, and created the most lively astonishment; the responses of +Delphi had allured him to war; the oracle must at once justify itself +if it were not to lose considerably in its authority. The justification +must, therefore, have been invented at once; in the cities of Anatolia +it would be best known at that time how and when the Mede came +into the land with the fall of Crœsus +(πηλίκος +ἦσθ’ +ὅθ’ ὁ Μῆδος +ἀφίκετο; +Xenophanes in Athenaeus, p. 54), and it was also known everywhere +how long before the great presents of Crœsus had come to Miletus and +Delphi. This must be noticed by the Delphian priests. But, as I +have expressly said, I have not laid any great stress on this fact, but +on the burning of the temple in 548 <small>B.C.</small>, for that is the only certain +point which can be gained. It does not seem possible to me to make +Xenophon's account of the Lydian and Babylonian wars of Cyrus in the +Cyropaedia a reason for placing the overthrow of Crœsus in 541 <small>B.C.</small> +and putting back the beginning of the third tyranny of Pisistratus to +that date in order to suit this account. There are also reasons of fact +against such a date, which are given elsewhere.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Herod. 1, 153.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Plat. "Protagoras," p. 327. Demosth. "De Corona," 24; Aesch. +"in Ctesiph." 137, and the Scholia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Polyb. 7, 15; 8, 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Raoul Rochette, "Mémoires de l'institut," 17, 2, p. 278 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Herod. 1, 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Büdinger objects to this view that the Lydian tradition, which +would be favourable to Crœsus, could not possibly convert the merit +of such a sacrifice into an execution. Whether the tradition of the +Lydians was favourable or not to Crœsus is not handed down; that +the Greeks were favourable to him we know for certain. It is the +tradition of the Greek cities—favourable to Crœsus and unfavourable +to Cyrus—which we have in the account of Herodotus. The rescue of +Crœsus and the wisdom of Solon were the points of view given in the +Greek tradition and guiding it. If Nicolaus of Damascus has used +Xanthus, and his account rests on a combination of the Greek and +Lydian tradition—it is precisely in his account that the sacrifice, and +the prevention of it by rain, comes out more clearly than in Herodotus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Steph. Byzant. +Βαρήνη. The Barce of Justin (1, 7) must be the +same city. [Barene in Jeep's ed.] Ptolem. 6, 2, 8; "Vend." 1, 68.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + +<h3>THE SUBJUGATION OF ASIA MINOR.</h3> + + +<p>However unexpected the attack of the Lydians had +been by the ruler of the Medes and Persians, however +inconvenient the war with them, he had brought it to +a rapid and prosperous decision. Though he had entertained +no thought of conquests in the distant West +before Crœsus took up arms against him, he resolved +to maintain the advantage which the war had brought +him to such a surprising extent. Great as was the +distance between Sardis and Pasargadae, Lydia was +to be embodied in his empire, and the Ægean was to +form its western boundary. His army took up winter +quarters in Lydia; from Sardis he arranged in person +the new government of the land, and the fate of the +nations which had been subject to the Lydians. We +do not know whether the Phrygians, Bithynians, and +Paphlagonians submitted to the change of dominion +without resistance. Æschylus represents Cyrus as +subjugating Phrygia. According to Xenophon, Phrygia +was reduced by Cyrus as he returned from Sardis; +the Paphlagonians submitted voluntarily, like the +Cilicians; this was the reason why no satraps were sent +there, yet the fortresses were occupied with Persian +garrisons, and the Paphlagonians and Cilicians had to +pay tribute and perform service in war.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Cilicia had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> +not been subject to the Lydians; ever since the +irruption of the Scyths had broken the cohesion of the +Assyrian power, her princes were independent, though +they had paid tribute to Assurbanipal (III. 166, 178), +They bore the standing title of Syennesis. More than +sixty years previously Nabopolassar of Babylon and +Syennesis of Cilicia had brought about peace and +alliance between Cyaxares of Media and Alyattes of +Lydia (V. 295). That Cilicia now voluntarily submitted +to Cyrus, if it had not done so previously, +can be concluded with certainty from the fact that +we subsequently find kings named Syennesis at the +head of Cilicia, who are bound to pay tribute to the +Persian empire and render service in war.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<p>Cyrus met more vigorous resistance in the west +of Asia Minor. The Lycians, who maintained their +independence against the Lydians in their mountains +to the south, were not inclined to submit to the +Persians, nor were their neighbours in the south-west, +the Carians. The cities of the Greeks, who possessed +the entire western coast, hesitated which course to +take. After their ancestors had set foot on this coast, +400 years previously, they had succeeded in maintaining +their ground for a century and a half against the +rising power of the Lydians under the Mermnads; +indeed it was during this period that they had +extended their trade and colonisation, and risen to +be a second naval power beside the Phenicians,—the +centre of a commerce, which on the one hand included +the Black Sea and the Maeotis, and on the other +almost all the Mediterranean—which included in its +empire Cyprus and Sicily and Corsica, Egypt and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> +the mouths of the Po and Rhone, and even extended +to the banks of the Bætis. Along with the trade +and wealth of these cities, poetry had burst into +a new bloom, plastic art and architecture were +eagerly cultivated, the foundations were laid for +Greek science, natural history, geography, history, +and philosophy. Life was pleasant and luxurious; +no doubt the morals of the Lydians had found their +way into the cities, but the old vigour still remained +in the inhabitants by sea and land. At last they had +succumbed to Crœsus, not because they did not know +how to fight, but because they had not followed the +advice of Thales of Miletus, who urged them to carry +on the war in common, and place at their head a +council with dictatorial powers (III. 450). But the +supremacy of Crœsus, to which they did not submit +for much more than a decade, had not been of an +oppressive character. It had left the cities unchanged +in their internal trade, and in fact had increased +rather than destroyed it. Crœsus had contented +himself with yearly tributes from the cities, and +we have seen to what a large extent Greek art and +manners found protection, favour, and advancement +at the court of Crœsus. Now these cities suddenly +found themselves in the presence of a power of +which they had hardly heard the name, and which +had prostrated with a mighty blow the kingdom +of Crœsus. As they were not pledged to provide +soldiers for the king of the Lydians, they had looked +on in irresolute neutrality during the war. And they +had paid no heed to the request of Cyrus that they +would join his side. Previously it might have been +to their interest to weaken the power of Lydia, in +order to regain their full independence, but when +Cyrus marched upon Sardis it became much more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> +imperative to prevent a stronger power from taking +the place of the Lydians. A diversion on the part of +the Greek cities when Cyrus was besieging Sardis, +would have delayed the fate of the city, and might +have rendered possible the arrival of the allies. But +they had done nothing, and now found themselves +alone in the presence of the conqueror. Their danger +prompted them to offer submission to the king of the +Persians on the same terms as those on which they +had served Crœsus. Cyrus rejected the offer which +the ambassadors of the Ionian and Aeolian cities +brought to Sardis. Mere recognition of his supremacy +and payment of tribute he did not consider sufficient +to secure the obedience of cities so remote, and he +was strong enough to insist on a more dependent +relation without great efforts. But ever cautious +and provident, he took means to separate the cities. +To Miletus, the strongest, he offered a continuance +of the relations in which she had stood to Lydia. +When Miletus, "from fear," as Herodotus remarks, +accepted these conditions, Cyrus had already won +the victory. The cities were divided, robbed of their +strongest power and natural head.</p> + +<p>Conscious that their submission on the conditions +proposed had been refused, the cities of the Ionian +tribe took counsel at their old common place of +sacrifice on the shore of the sea, opposite Samos, +under Mount Mycale. Miletus, it is true, was absent; +but among the Ionians there was far too much +pride, far too great a sense of freedom, to offer +unconditional submission to Cyrus. The defection +of Miletus seemed to be compensated when ambassadors +of the cities of the Aeolian tribe appeared +on the same day as the Ionians, which had never +occurred before, and declared their common resolution<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> +"to follow the Ionians wherever they led."<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> It was +resolved to fortify the cities, to make a resistance to +the Persians, and for this object to call as quickly as +possible on the mother country for help. A common +embassy of the Ionian and Aeolian cities went to Sparta, +in order to ask aid of the Dorians there, the leading +state in the peninsula. But in vain did Pythermus +of Phocaea, the mouthpiece of the embassy, put on +his purple robe in order to manifest the importance +and wealth of the cities, when the ephors introduced +the legation before the common assembly. Though +the Spartans at that time were at the height of their +power, and had promised help to Crœsus, though +the ships had been equipped and the contingent was +ready to embark when the news came of the capture +of Sardis, Sparta now refused to send aid, regardless +of the fate of her countrymen. She merely resolved +to despatch ambassadors to Cyrus with the request +that he would leave the Greek cities in peace. A +ship of fifty oars carried the embassy to Asia, with +the real object, as Herodotus supposes, of ascertaining +the position of affairs in Ionia and with Cyrus. It +landed at Phocaea. Lacrines, the spokesman of the +ambassadors, found Cyrus in Sardis, and there warned +him in Sparta's name, "to do no harm to any Hellenic +city, for Sparta would not allow such conduct to go +unpunished." Without the support of an army this +warning was an empty and foolish threat, which +Cyrus treated as it deserved.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> + +<p>There must have been some urgent necessity which +summoned Cyrus to the East before he subjected the +Lydians, Carians, and Greeks of the coast. Herodotus +tells us that he intended to conquer Babylon, the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span>Bactrian nation, the Sacæ and Egyptians. In the +early spring he set out with the bulk of his army to +Ecbatana.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Crœsus was in his train. He had given +the government of Lydia to Tabalus, a Persian, but +the management of the revenues to Pactyas, a +Lydian.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> He may have thought that Lydia was +more peaceable than it really was, or more reconciled +to its fate by his gentle treatment of Crœsus, and +the nomination of a Lydian as manager of the taxes. +The dominion of the Persians had come upon the +Lydians suddenly; they refused to recognise the +superior power of their rulers, and could not finally +accept the rapid change which had so suddenly +overthrown their ancient kingdom and their fame +in arms. So far from being subdued, they hardly +considered themselves seriously beaten. The rapid +and decisive action, in which they had been defeated, +might appear to them rather a fortunate surprise, than +a victory won by the Persians. It was Pactyas, whom +Cyrus had made manager of the revenues, who raised +the standard of revolt. He collected the Lydians, +and induced the inhabitants of the coast, i. e. the +cities of the Greeks, to join him. Tabalus could not +resist in the open field the sudden outburst of +rebellion. When Pactyas marched against Sardis, +he was compelled to shut himself up in the citadel, +and was there besieged. While yet on his march +Cyrus received the news of the revolt. Yet his +presence in upper Asia was so necessary that he did +not return in person; he sent Mazares, a Mede, with +a part of the army, to bring the Lydians once more +to obedience. The rebellion appears to have been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> +undertaken in haste without sufficient preparations, +and Pactyas was not the man to lead it with energy. +He did not venture to await the arrival of Mazares; +the citadel of Sardis was delivered; Tabalus was free; +the rebellion was crushed; Pactyas fled to the Greeks +on the coast, to Cyme, the leading city of the +Aeolians. When Mazares demanded that he should +be given up, the oracle of Apollo at Miletus twice +ordered the Cymæans, in answer to their repeated +inquiry, to surrender him. The priests of that temple, +the Branchidæ, well knew that the arrangement which +their city had made with Cyrus, pledged her to carry +out the wishes of the Persians. The Cymæans did not +obey even the second response, but first took Pactyas +in safety to Mytilene in Lesbos, and when they found +that the Mytileneans were ready to give him up, +they took him to Chios. But the Chians, though, +like the Lesbians, they had nothing to fear from the +Persians in their island, nevertheless surrendered him.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + +<p>The hopes which the Greek cities might have built +upon the rebellion of the Lydians were quickly +broken. The mother country had refused any help. +Sparta would not come to their assistance, and +Athens, torn as she was by internal dissensions, could +not. No one in the cantons of the Greek peninsula +roused themselves to give aid to an important section +of the Greek nation, to the colonies which had outstripped +the mother country in their development, or +strove to save the most vigorous centres of Greek +nationality from subjection to a foreign people, which +had come out of the remote part of Asia. If the voice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> +of a common blood and the sense of nationality failed +to warn the Greeks beyond the sea against giving over +to strangers for plunder such rich and flourishing cities, +was there no one in Hellas who foresaw that if the +establishment of the Persian dominion on the coasts of +Asia Minor were not prevented, and the cities of the +coast with their navy were allowed to fall into the +hands of the Persians, Greece itself would not be safe +from their attack, and they would be able to visit the +coasts of Hellas in Greek ships? Yet even without +assistance the power of the Hellenic cities would have +sufficed for a considerable resistance to the Persians—for +the position of affairs in Asia did not allow Cyrus +to bring any great force against these distant coasts—if +they had been able to understand and take to heart +the lessons of their own past. If they had neglected +to unite their forces against the Lydians, such union +was now doubly necessary. They had learned from +experience the evil of delay, and the danger was +now greater than ever. The Greek cities were in +uncontested possession of the sea,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> and thus in a +position to give help in common to any city which +the Persians might attack. An organisation which +permitted the whole force of the city to be used for +the benefit of each one, would have given a prospect +of successful resistance. But no step whatever was +taken in this direction. Each city turned its attention +to strengthening its own walls, and awaiting the +attack of the Persians.</p> + +<p>After the subjugation of the Lydians, Mazares, as +Herodotus tells us, turned his arms against "those +who had besieged Tabalus along with Pactyas." He +invested Priene, took the city, and reduced the inhabitants +to slavery; then the plain of the Maeander<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> +was laid waste, the city of Magnesia taken, and its +inhabitants enslaved. After the capture of Magnesia +Mazares fell sick and died. Cyrus sent Harpagus the +Mede as his successor. He marched northwards from +the valley of the Maeander; in the first instance +against Phocaea, which appeared to have taken the +leading part in resistance, or at any rate had done +most to gain the help of Sparta; after Miletus it +was the most powerful city of the Ionians. The +trade in the Adriatic and the Tyrrhene sea, on the +coasts of Gallia and Iberia, was in the hands of +the Phocaeans. A strong and magnificent wall, well +built of large stones, surrounded the city, the circuit +of which, as Herodotus says, reached "not a few +stadia." Harpagus invested Phocaea, and threw up +works round the walls; he then sent intelligence +to the Phocaeans that he should be content if they +would pull down but one tower, and solemnly give up +to him the possession of one dwelling. The Phocaeans +must have thought that they could no longer hold +the city or repulse an attack. According to Herodotus, +they answered the offer of Harpagus with +a request that he would allow them a day for consideration, +and for that day would lead his army +from the wall. Harpagus replied that he knew very +well what their intentions were, but he would give +them time for consideration. When Harpagus led his +forces from the wall, the Phocaeans drew their ships +to the sea, put upon them their wives and children, +and everything that they could carry away, even the +images of the gods and the votive offerings, and then +embarked and sailed to Chios. It was their intention +to purchase from the Chians the Oenussæ, islands lying +off Chios, and to settle there. But the Chians refused +to sell them, fearing that their trade would go there.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> +Then the Phocaeans turned their course back to +Phocaea; Harpagus had taken possession of the +empty city and left a garrison in it. This the +Phocaeans cut down; then they sunk a large mass +of iron in the sea, with an oath that they would not +return again to the city till the iron should float, and +shaped their course to the distant Western sea, for +the island of Cyrnus (Corsica), where twenty years +previously they had founded the colony of Alalia. +Harpagus is said to have burnt Phocaea, thus punishing +the houses and temples for the attack on the +garrison.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> After the capture of this city, he besieged +Teos, and gained possession of the walls by means of +the works which he threw up. The Teians then went +on board their ships, one and all, sailed to the north, +and settled on the coast of Thrace opposite Thasos, +where they founded Abdera.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> "So all the Ionians," +says Herodotus, "with the exception of the Milesians, +who had come to terms with Cyrus, fought against +Harpagus, and showed themselves brave warriors, +each for his own city; but Harpagus took them one +after the other by investing them and throwing up +works against the walls. Thus conquered they remained +in their cities, with the exception of those +exiles, and did what they were bid." After the subjugation +of the Ionians, Harpagus turned to the North, +reduced the cities of the Aeolians, and bade their +military forces join his army.</p> + +<p>The line of conquest had now reached the Dorian +cities of the coast, the Carians and Lycians. The +Dorians and Carians made but little resistance.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> +Greeks of Asia had not only been abandoned by their +kinsmen beyond the sea, but also by their gods, or at +any rate by their oracles. As Apollo of Miletus had +bidden the Cymaeans to give up Pactyas, so Apollo +of Delphi bade the Cnidians to desist from making +their city impregnable. Cnidus lay on the western +edge of a long and narrow promontory. The inhabitants +had begun to cut a channel through the land +with a view of securing themselves against the attack +of the Persians. But though a large number of hands +were engaged, the work did not make progress in the +hard rock; and as many of the workmen were injured +the city sent to Delphi to inquire the cause of their +misfortunes. The priestess answered, according to +the Cnidian account: "Ye must not fortify the +Isthmus, nor cut through it; Zeus would have made +it an island if he had wished."<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> The Cnidians desisted, +and surrendered without a struggle to Harpagus on +his approach. Among the Carians, the Pedasians +alone, who had fortified Mount Lida, made a vigorous +resistance; it cost Harpagus much trouble to take +this fortification. The Lycians, who had never been +subject to the kings of the Lydians, marched out +against Harpagus. In the open field they fought +bravely, though few against many. When conquered +and driven into their city Xanthus (Arna, I. 577), +they brought their wives and children, their servants, +and their goods into the citadel and set them +on fire; then they bound themselves by an oath, +fell upon the Persian army, and maintained the conflict +to the last man. Then the remaining towns of +the Lycians, being robbed of their best defenders, submitted. +The Caunians alone, as Herodotus tells us, +followed almost exactly the example of the city of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> +Xanthus.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> Even the sea put no limit to the supremacy +of the Persians. The Greeks of the islands +of Chios and Lesbos voluntarily submitted to them, +though, as Herodotus assures us, "they had nothing +to fear," "for the Persians were not mariners, and the +Phenicians were not their subjects at that time."<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> +The two islands would not give up all hope of the +possession of the districts on the coasts opposite.</p> + +<p>About three years after Cyrus had left Sardis +in the spring of the year 548 <small>B.C.</small> his power in +Lydia was not only firmly founded, but the whole +western coast, with all its harbours and landing-places, +together with two considerable islands, was +subject to him. As Aeschylus tells us, he had reduced +Ionia by force. The East had again overpowered +the colonists of the West on its western edge. +Asia Minor, beyond the Halys, was subjugated to +Cyrus in even greater extent than to Crœsus; in fact +it was wholly in his power.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> He placed two viceroys +over it. One, the viceroy of Phrygia, was to +govern the north-eastern; the other, the viceroy of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> +Lydia, was to govern the south-western half of this +wide region. The first took up his position at +Dascyleum, not far from the shore of the Propontis; +the other in the citadel at Sardis.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> Among the +cities of the Greeks, Priene and Magnesia on the +Maeander had been destroyed, and their inhabitants +enslaved; Phocaea had been burned. The rest had +not been injured by Harpagus after their capture; +he had not placed any Persian governors over them, +nor introduced garrisons. It was not intended in +any way to destroy their nationality or their religious +worship. Their social life, their forms of government, +their autonomy remained; even the common sacrifices +and assemblies of the Ionian cities at Mycale were +permitted to continue. They had only to recognise +the supreme authority of the king of the Persians +and his viceroys, to pay yearly tribute to the king, +the amount of which each city fixed for itself, +and furnish a contingent to the army when called +upon by the viceroy to do so. When the Ionians +again met at the common place of sacrifice for the +first time after their subjugation, Bias of Priene, who +had escaped the destruction of his country, proposed +that all the Ionian cities should follow the example +of the Phocaeans and Teians; that there should be +a general emigration to Sardinia, in order that all +might obtain a new country there. They were then +to form one great community; one city was to be +founded by all in common. Had this proposal been +carried out, the achievements of Cyrus would have +exercised a far deeper influence over the distant West, +than the mere settlement of the Phocaeans in Alalia, +who moreover were not able to maintain themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> +in their new settlement. The centre of Hellenic +colonisation would have been transplanted from East +to West, and the fate of Italy would have been +changed; the Greeks would have retired before the +supremacy of the East in order to establish a strong +insular power among the weak communities of the +West. But the Ionians could not rise to the height +of such a revolution. Among the Greeks, the attachment +to their ancient soil, their homes and temples, +was peculiarly strong. If men could and would forget +independence, the supremacy of the Persians did not +seem very oppressive. It limited the trade of the +Greeks as little as it repressed their social life; on +the contrary, it rather advanced commerce, which +now received the protection of the Persian king +throughout the whole of his wide dominions. The +ruin of Phocaea also aided the trade of Miletus +which had suffered neither war nor siege.</p> + +<p>Yet the cities of the Greeks were essentially +weakened by the war and their subjugation. In +Phocaea, it is true, a community again grew up. Half +of the emigrants, in spite of their solemn vow, were +seized with a longing for their ancient home; they +returned to their desolated city. But for fifty years +after this time the new Phocaea would or could furnish +no more than three ships of war. In Priene also and +Teos sufficient inhabitants gradually assembled to +establish small communities.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> Other circumstances +weighed more heavily even than their natural losses. +Cyrus knew well that it would not be easy to retain +in secure obedience cities so distant in situation, so +important in population and military resources. At +such a distance isolated garrisons would have been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> +exposed to great danger; yet without them the cities +would have closed their gates to the Persians at any +moment, manned their walls, and entered into combinations +beyond the sea. Every rebellion of this +kind made new sieges necessary, and these were the +more difficult as Persia had no fleet, and could only +use the ships of the Greeks. Situated at the extreme +edge of the kingdom, and supported by the opposite +shore of the Ægean, each of the larger cities could +offer a long resistance. With the unerring political +insight which distinguished him, Cyrus saw that he +must gain adherents within the cities, and have on his +side influential interests of sufficient weight to keep +the cities in obedience. Yet he did not aim at supporting +one or other of the parties who contended in the +Greek cities for the leadership of the community; on +the other hand, his favour and that of his viceroys +was given to this or that party-leader. His allegiance +was to be secured and certain advantages were held +out in prospect to the city when led by him. Cyrus +intended to govern the cities of the Greeks by Greeks, +who were not to be his officers, but to rule the +cities as their lords and princes for their own advantage +and profit. By their position, which they owed +to the favour of Persia, and could only maintain with +the help of Persia against their fellow-citizens, by the +interested desire to retain this power in their families +and bequeath it to their children, by the concentration +of the princely authority, as opposed to the +republican institutions and republican spirit of their +cities—which authority rested on the Persian court, +and was closely connected with it—these rulers in +union with the viceroys and their troops must be in a +position to secure the subjection of the cities. Thus +it came to pass that not in Cyme only, the most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> +important city of the Aeolians, but in almost all the +towns of the Greeks, men were raised to power by +the favour and support of the Persian satraps, who +managed the public affairs, and in the place of +autonomous communities came despotisms and principalities, +in reality if not in name. How correct +Cyrus was is proved by the result.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> He was able to +secure the obedience of the Lydians also. He caused +the land to be stripped of its arms, even to the extent +of taking away the cavalry horses,<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> and so abandoned +all thought of forcing the Lydians to serve in his +army. The disuse of arms and the lapse of time +did their work, aided as they were by a vigorous +trade, which in Lydia was due not only to the natural +wealth and the gold of the soil, but to a long-established +and skilful industry. In these pursuits and +a luxurious life the Lydians forgot their old days and +ancient deeds. Persia had never again to contend +with a rebellion of the Lydians.</p> + +<p>The tradition of the Greeks has not omitted to +illustrate the important events of the extension and +establishment of the Persian dominion in Asia Minor +by a series of pointed anecdotes and stories. Among +these is the reply which Cyrus is said to have given +to the Greek cities, when they offered their submission +after the fall of Sardis (p. 50). At that time Cyrus, +as Herodotus tells us, narrated the following story +with reference to their refusal of his first request:—A +flute-player once played to some fishes in the sea in +order to entice them out. As they did not come, he +took them out with a net, and when they leapt about, +he said, Cease dancing now; ye did not dance out of +the water when I played. Diodorus puts the trans<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span>action +later, and with him it is not Cyrus, but +Harpagus, who, as we saw, received the command +against the cities after Mazares, who told the following +apologue to the ambassadors:—He had once asked +a maid of her father in marriage, but the father +betrothed her to a man of greater importance. When +he afterwards found out that the man whom he had +despised as a son-in-law was in favour with the king +he brought him his daughter, and Harpagus took her +not for his wife, but for his concubine. By this +Harpagus meant that as the Greeks had not become +friends of the Persians when Cyrus wished it, they +could not any longer be allies but only servants.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> +When Lacrines brought to Cyrus from the Spartans +the command that he must not attack any Greek +city, Herodotus represents Cyrus as answering, in +the pride of his absolute power, that he had never +been afraid of men who met in the market-places and +deceived each other by speeches and promises. If he +remained in health, they would not have to lament +over the sorrows of the Ionians, but over their own.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> +Here also Diodorus gives another version:—To the +command of the Spartans that he must not attack the +Hellenes in Asia who were their kinsmen, Cyrus +answered, that he would acquaint himself with the +bravery of the Spartans when he sent one of his +servants to subjugate Hellas.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + +<p>The account which Herodotus gives of the negotiations +of Harpagus with the Phocaeans is not historical. +If the resistance of the Phocaeans was so +difficult to overcome that Harpagus descended to +the concession that only one tower need be pulled +down and a single habitation given up to him, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> +Phocaeans had no reason to abandon their city. But if +they were in such a condition that they must abandon +the defence, the lapse of one day would certainly +not suffice for them to get the ships in order, and +put on board the whole population with their goods, +the images of their gods, and the votive offerings. +Still more inconceivable would be the folly of Harpagus +in drawing off his army from the city and thus +allowing the Phocaeans to destroy his siege works, so +that he had to begin them all anew.</p> + +<p>The striking change which took place in the Lydian +character after the suppression of the rebellion under +Pactyas, the contrast between the horse-breeding +Lydians of the Homeric poems, between the mounted +squadrons which once pressed so heavily on the +Greek cities, reduced Asia Minor, and offered such a +brave resistance to the Medes and Persians, and the +peace-loving, effeminate, submissive Lydians of the +fifth century <small>B.C.</small>, was explained by the Greek tradition +after its own manner. When in his return from +Sardis to Ecbatana, Cyrus received the intelligence of +the rebellion of the Lydians, he confided to Crœsus, +as Herodotus tells us, that it seemed to him the best +plan to make all the Lydians slaves. "I have dealt +with them," so Herodotus represents Cyrus as saying, +"as one who spares the children when he has slain the +father. I have captured you who have been more to +them than a father, and left them their city, and now +I wonder that they rebel." Crœsus replied: "What +you say is just, but let your anger pass by; do not +destroy an ancient and guiltless city. What took +place before was my doing, and the guilt lies on my +shoulders; what has happened now is due to Pactyas +to whom you yourself entrusted Sardis. Punish +him, but spare the Lydians. Forbid them to carry<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> +weapons for the future, order them to wear coats +under their mantles, shoes with high heels, and to +train their boys in playing and singing and in trade. +You will soon make them women instead of men, +and they will never revolt or be a source of alarm." +Crœsus gave this advice with the double object of +turning aside the vengeance of Cyrus from the Lydians—for +even such a life was better than slavery—and +of preserving the Lydians for the future from +bringing about their own destruction by new rebellions. +Cyrus followed the advice of Crœsus. This +story is repeated by Polyaenus. When the Lydians +had revolted, Cyrus bade Mazares take away their +weapons and horses, and allow them no longer any +practice in throwing the spear and riding; on the +contrary, he was to compel them to wear women's +clothes, to weave, and play the lute. In this way the +Lydians became the most unwarlike people, though +previously they had been the most warlike.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> The new +dress which Cyrus, on the advice of Crœsus, commanded +the Lydians to wear, was the hereditary dress +of the Lydians (who are called soft-footed in the +response of the Delphic priestess (p. 9), because they +wore shoes), and practice in playing and singing were +old customs of the Lydians which previously had done +no harm to their martial valour. The narrative is +invented, though not by Herodotus, to glorify the +wisdom of Crœsus and give a reason for the clemency +which Cyrus showed after the rebellion—and at the +same time to explain the contrast between the Lydians +of antiquity and their descendants.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Aesch. "Pers." 770; Xenoph. "Cyri inst." 7, 4, 2; 8, 6, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Herodotus, 9, 107, remarks that Xerxes gave the satrapy of +Cilicia to Xenagoras of Halicarnassus; yet even after this date we find +a Syennesis at the head of that country, which in the list of Herodotus +formed the fourth satrapy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Herod. 1, 141, 142, 151, 169.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Herod. 1, 152; Diod. Exc. Vatic. p. 27 = 9, 36, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Herod. 1, 153. In 1, 157, on the other hand, we find "to the +Persians;" cf. 1, 177.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> H. Stein on Herod. 1, 153.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Herod. 1, 161. What is brought forward in the treatise "on the +unfairness of Herodotus" from Charon of Lampsacus against the +historian's statement about the surrender of Pactyas is limited to the +naked fact that he came from Chios into the power of Cyrus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Thucyd. 1, 12, 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Herod. 1, 164, 165; Plutarch, "Aristid." c. 25; Pausan. 7, 5, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> A party of the emigrant Teians is said to have founded Phanagoria; +Scymn. Ch. 886; "Corp. inscrip. Graec." 2, 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Herod. 1, 174.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Herod. <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> The subsequent inhabitants of Xanthus are explained by Herodotus +to be foreigners, except eighty families, who were absent at the +time. He also mentions Caunians about the year 500 <small>B.C.</small> The name +of the city occurs at a later date. On the continuance of the league of +the Lycians, vol. I. p. 575.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Herod. 1, 143, 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> The year 548 <small>B.C.</small> no doubt passed before the revolt of Pactyas. +The Greek cities had time to build or strengthen their walls before +they were attacked. Phocaea entered into negotiations for this object +with the prince of Tartessus after the fall of Crœsus (Herod. 1, 163), +and the great wall of the city was finished, with the assistance of +money furnished by him owing to the approach of the Medes, when +Harpagus attacked it. This attack cannot therefore have taken place +before 547 <small>B.C.</small> The sieges of the Ionian and Aeolian cities occupied at +least a year; the campaign against the Dorian cities, the Carians and +Lycians, must therefore have taken place in 546 <small>B.C.</small>, if not a year +later. Hieronymus puts the battle of Harpagus against Ionia in +Olymp. 58, 3 = 546 <small>B.C.</small></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Oroetes resided at Sardis in the reign of Cambyses and Mithrobates +at Dascyleum; Herod. 3, 120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Herod. 1, 168; Miletus and Samos contended in 440 <small>B.C.</small> for the +possession of Priene.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Herod. 5, 37, 38; Heracl. Pont. fragm. 11, 5, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Justin. 1, 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Excerpt. Vatic. p. 27 = 9, 35, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Herod. 1, 153.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Diod. Excerpt. Vatic. p. 27 = 9, 36, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Herod. 1, 155, 156; Polyaen. "Strateg." 7, 6, 4.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + +<h3>THE FALL OF BABYLON.</h3> + + +<p>When the kingdom of the Lydians had succumbed to +the arms of Cyrus, Babylonia alone was left of the +three states which had joined in the overthrow of +Assyria. It was a region of very considerable extent, +reaching from the Tigris to the coasts of Syria, and +from the foot of the Armenian and Cilician mountains +to the deserts of Arabia; the population was united, +and a strong centre was not wanting. As we saw, +Nebuchadnezzar had not only greatly increased the +agriculture and trade of his kingdom, but had also +erected the strongest barriers for the protection of +his native land and the metropolis. In this he had +only the Median power in view, but owing to the +victory of Cyrus over Astyages a stronger power had +taken the place of Media, and neither his wisdom nor +his energy had descended to his successors. After a +reign of two years his son Evilmerodach fell by the +hand of his own brother-in-law, Neriglissar, who sat +but four years on the throne which he had thus +acquired. The boy whom Neriglissar left behind was +murdered by the conspirators who in the year 555 +<small>B.C.</small> elevated Nabonetus to the throne. Of this king +we only know that he did not belong to the race of +Nabopolassar. Neriglissar had continued the fortifi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span>cation +of the metropolis, and Nabonetus completed +the walls which were intended to enclose the two +parts of the city of Babylon on the east and west of +the Euphrates towards the river. He continued the +buildings of Nebuchadnezzar at the temples at Ur +(Mugheir), and restored the ancient temple of Bilit +(Mylitta) at that place. His inscriptions entreat the +god Sin that his works may continue as the heavens, +and commend his first-born son Belshazzar (Bil-sarussur) +to the favour of the moon-god. To the city +of Tyre he gave a new king, Hiram of the race of +Ethbaal, in the year 551 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> + +<p>We cannot ascertain what position Nabonetus took +up towards the growing power of Cyrus. According +to the statement of Trogus Pompeius, Babylon was at +war with Cyrus, when Crœsus went to her aid. Cyrus +repelled this attack, came to terms with Babylonia, +and carried on war against Asia Minor. Xenophon +represents Crœsus as beginning the war against Cyrus +at the request of the king of Babylon (p. 17). +Herodotus, as has been mentioned above, repeatedly +assures us that Crœsus was in league with the king of +Babylon, whom he calls Labynetus (p. 20). As we +saw, Cyrus left Sardis and Asia Minor in the spring +of 548 <small>B.C.</small>, before the nations of the western coast, +the Carians and Lycians, had been subjugated; and +Herodotus remarks that he intended to march against<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> +Babylon. For Babylonia there could certainly be no +more favourable moment for carrying on the war with +the Persians than the time at which Cyrus lay opposite +the army of Crœsus at Pteria in Cappadocia, +before he advanced upon Sardis. A march of the +Babylonian army up the river Euphrates would have +cut off the communications of the Persian army with +their own home, and compelled Cyrus to abandon the +Lydians and to turn upon Babylon. We do not know +whether Nabonetus looked idly on at the fall of Crœsus +in spite of the league, or whether a second Persian +army compelled him to leave events to take their +course in Asia Minor, or whether Cyrus, on his return +to Ecbatana, after the overthrow of Crœsus, as Herodotus +tells us, marched against Nabonetus. All that +we know from Herodotus is that Harpagus subdued +lower Asia, <i>i. e.</i> Asia Minor, and Cyrus himself upper +Asia, passing from one nation to another without any +exception.</p> + +<p>"The greater part of their achievements," Herodotus +continues, "I will omit; I will only narrate that feat +which cost the most trouble and is the most worthy +of notice. When Cyrus had reduced the whole of the +continent he attacked the Assyrians. Now Assyria +had many other large cities, but the most famous and +strongest of them was Babylon, where their kings +dwelt after the destruction of Nineveh. Labynetus +was ruler of the Assyrians, and against him Cyrus +marched." According to this more exact statement, +Cyrus did not march against Babylon directly after +the Lydian war, but only "when the whole of upper +Asia had been reduced to subjection." That Elam +and the land between the lower Tigris and the +mountains of Persia was subject to Cyrus before he +attacked Babylonia, follows from the statements of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> +a prophet of the Jews.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> Berosus says quite distinctly: +"When Cyrus had subjugated the whole +of Asia, he set out with a great power from Persia +against Babylon in the seventeenth year of the reign +of Nabonetus."<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> We can establish the correctness +of this date from other sources, and prove that the +war between Babylon and Persia, which Herodotus +sets himself to describe in the words quoted, took +place ten years after the Lydian war. Yet it remains +doubtful whether Babylonia and Persia had already +met in arms, before, during, or immediately after the +Lydian war. So much only is certain, that if a collision +of this kind had previously taken place, it was indecisive. +Nor can we make it clear what motives +caused Nabonetus to allow Cyrus to attack Babylonia +at a time most convenient to himself; whether this +attitude was due to the experience of previous +failures, or to a feeling of confidence that the natural +and artificial barriers of the Babylonian land offered a +better prospect of success under any circumstances, +than an attack on Persia.</p> + +<p>We have already seen how faithfully the Jews, +whom Nebuchadnezzar had transported to Mesopotamia +and Babylonia in the year 597 <small>B.C.</small>, and +again in 586 <small>B.C.</small> when he conquered and destroyed +Jerusalem, clung to their God and their religion +(III. 395). They cherished the firm hope that the +judgment which had fallen on Judah and Jerusalem +would come to an end, and Jehovah's anger would +turn, when the purification was completed; that the +kingdom of David would be restored, and Babylon +punished for all that it had done to Jerusalem. +Since the times of Hosea and Isaiah, the prophets +of the Israelites had always pointed beyond the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> +punishments which Jehovah would send upon the sins +of his people to their restoration in a happy future. +Thus in the first year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, +Jeremiah had announced that Jehovah would allow +the King of Babel to come upon Judah and Jerusalem, +but that the servitude of Judah would only +continue for a definite period—for seventy years +(III. 326); and Ezekiel had definitely and solemnly +announced the restoration of the national sanctuary +to his people in Mesopotamia (III. 395). Zealously +devoted to the worship of the God whose strong hand +alone could break their yoke asunder and lead back +their weak numbers to their home, the exiles impatiently +awaited the fall of Babylon. It was their firm +hope that as Assyria had fallen, which had annihilated +Israel and brought the severest blows upon Judah, +so would the line of destruction reach Babylon also, +and vengeance would not be delayed. "By the waters +of Babylon we sat down and wept when we remembered +thee, O Zion. We hung up our harps on the +willows that are in the land; our conquerors asked +us for a melody, and those that troubled us for songs +of joy. How can we sing Jehovah's song in a strange +land? O daughter of Babylon, thou that makest +desolate, blessings be upon him who taketh thy children +and throweth them against the rocks."<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> "Why +go I sorrowing under the oppression of the enemy? +It was not by their sword that they took the land, +nor did their arms win the victory, but thou, O +Jehovah, wert gracious to them. All this came upon +us, and yet we were not faithless, our steps strayed +not from thy path. Tears are my food day and night, +while they say to me, Where is thy God? I thought +how I went with the multitude into the house of God<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> +with songs and thanksgiving. Thou art my King, +Jehovah (III. 396); send help to Jacob; with thy +name we shall tread down our enemies. I put not my +trust in my bow, but thou givest us victory over the +oppressor. Send thy light and thy truth, that they +may bring me to thy holy hill, to the God of my joy, +that I may praise thee on the lute. Why sleepest +thou, O Lord? Awake. Cast us not away for ever. +Our soul is bowed down to the dust, our body +pressed to the ground. Save us for thy mercy's +sake. I will yet praise him, who is my Saviour +and my God."<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p>Even in the last years of Nebuchadnezzar, as they +looked on the mighty works with which the destroyer +of Jerusalem surrounded his city, the hopes of the +Jews rose. From these enormous structures they +might conclude how insecure Babylon felt herself +against the Medes. Immediately after the death +of the great and dreaded prince the Jews began to +dream of an attack of the Medes on Babylonia. +"Israel was a stray sheep," such are the words of +a prophet of this period, "which was in terror of +lions. The king of Assyria ate it, and Nebuchadnezzar, +king of Babylon, gnawed the bones." "But +the God of Israel says, 'I will have vengeance on +the king of Babel, as I had vengeance on the king +of Assyria, and I will lead Israel back, that he may +pasture on Carmel and Bashan, and satisfy himself +on Mount Ephraim and Gilead.'"<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> "Bel shall be put +to shame, and I will take out of his mouth that which +he has swallowed, and Merodach shall be overthrown, +their images and idols."<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> "Thou who dwellest on +the great waters, thine end is approaching. Though +Babylon exalted herself to heaven, and made the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> +height of her fortification so that no one could pass +over, the broad walls shall be cast down and the high +gates shall be consumed with fire."<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> "Set up a standard +against the walls of Babylon, summon against +her the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni (Armenia), and +Ashenas; arm against her all the governors of the +kings of the Medes, and all the lands of their dominion. +Summon against her all who draw the bow; stand +round Babylon, ye archers, and spare not the arrows."<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> +Similar views gave rise to another prophecy which +deduces the imminent fall of Babylon from her pride. +"Babylon said in her heart, I will climb up to +heaven, I will exalt my throne above the stars of +God, and dwell on the hill of assembly in the uttermost +north. I will climb to the heights of the +clouds, and make myself equal to the Highest. But +against them Jehovah arouses the Medes, who regard +not silver and have no pleasure in gold.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Call aloud +to them, wave the hand, that they may enter into +the gates of the tyrants. Their bows will destroy +her young men, and she laments not for her children. +And thus Babylon, the delight of the kingdoms, shall +be as Sodom and Gomorrah. It shall be no more +inhabited for ever; the Arab shall not pitch his tent +there, nor the shepherd feed his flock. Beasts of the +field shall dwell there; owls shall inhabit the houses, +ostriches shall make their home there, and the satyrs +shall dance. Jackals shall howl in her palaces, and +foxes in her pleasure-houses. I will make Babylon +a dwelling for the hedge-hog, saith Jehovah, and I +will sweep it with the besom of destruction. The +time is at hand, it will come quickly. Thy glory +is gone down into hell, and the noise of thy harps.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> +Thy bed is with the worm, and thy covering is +corruption. How art thou fallen from heaven, O +Lucifer, son of the morning! how art thou beaten +to the ground that didst lay low the nations!"<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p> + +<p>The eager and impatient expectation of the Jews +could not but perceive the change which had been +made in the relation of the states of Asia by the +victory of Cyrus over Astyages and the Medes three +years after the death of Nebuchadnezzar. When +Cyrus afterwards subjugated the nations to the east +and west of Media, and the mighty kingdom of Lydia +was shattered by him, so that the fame of his victories +filled the East—when it might be expected that his +arms would turn against Babylon, the Jews considered +their rescue certain. With redoubled zeal they called +down the punishment of Jehovah on Babylon, and +delighted themselves in advance with the coming +vengeance. Cyrus was the instrument which Jehovah +had chosen to punish Babylon. As the old prophets +had seen in the kings of Assyria, and Jeremiah in +Nebuchadnezzar, the servants of Jehovah, who were +to carry out his will on the nations, and hold the +judgment day of the Lord, so did the Jews now +see in Cyrus a man called to a similar mission, +their saviour and liberator; he seemed to them the +anointed of Jehovah. If the absence of images in the +rites of the Persians, the worship of Auramazda, the +creator of heaven and earth, were nearer the religion +of the Jews than the sacrifices which the Babylonians +offered before the images of Bel and Bilit-Istar, Adar, +Samas and Sin, Merodach and Nebo, and the worship +which they devoted to the ruling powers of the stars, +they did not overlook the gulf which divided them; but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> +they were convinced that Jehovah chose Cyrus as the +rod of his anger, and the goad of his wrath, to punish +the pride and wickedness of Babylon. In this spirit +we find a prophet saying, with a definite reference to +the announcements of Jeremiah: "Who called him +from the East, whom victory meets at every step? +Who gives him the nations and subjugates kings to +him, and makes their swords as dust, and their bows +as chaff? He pursues them and follows safely in the +path which his feet have never trodden. I, Jehovah, +aroused him from the North (midnight), and he came +from the rising sun, who calls upon my name. He +passes over the mighty ones as over clay, as a potter +breaks a vessel. I summoned him for salvation, and +his ways will I make smooth; he shall build my city +and release my captives, without ransom and without +price. I will speak to Koresh (Cyrus), my shepherd; +all my business he shall perform, so that he will say +of Jerusalem, It shall be built, and of the temple, +It shall be established. And I will speak to Koresh, +mine anointed, whom I hold by his right hand to +throw down the nations before him, and strip the +loins of the kings, and open the gates and doors: I +called thee, though thou knewest me not;<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> I will go +before thee and make plain the ramparts; I will +break in pieces the brazen gates, and the cross bars +will I loosen" (the gates of Babylon were of brass);<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> +"I will say to the deep, Dry up, and thy streams I +will cause to be parched. Hear this, O wanton one, +O daughter of the Chaldæans, thou that didst lay thy +yoke heavily on my people, on the aged one, saying, +I will be a lady for ever; but suddenly on one day<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> +thou shalt be childless and widowed. Keep to thy +incantations, to the multitude of the charms wherewith +thou hast comforted thyself from thy youth up. +May the quarters of the sky arise and help thee, +which look to the stars, which on the new moons +announce what will come upon thee. Bel boweth +down, Nebo falleth. No more shalt thou be called +mistress of the kingdoms, daughter of the Chaldæans. +I will place thee on the earth without a throne, I will +plant thee in the dust, and make thee crawl in the +darkness, O virgin, daughter of Babylon. Take the +mill and grind meal, remove thy veil, lift up thy +garment, lay bare the thigh, and pass through the +rivers; no more shalt thou be called delicate and +tender<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>. Zion said, Jehovah has left me, and my +Lord has forgotten me. Can a woman forget her +sucking child, and have no pity on the fruit of her +womb? Yet though she may forget, yet will not I, +Jehovah, forget thee. I have graven thee upon my +hands, and thy walls were ever before my eyes<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>. Loose +the fetters from thy neck, O captive daughter of Zion. +Shake off the dust, Jerusalem; rise up, thou that hast +drunk the cup of wrath from the hand of Jehovah<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>. +Behold, I take from thy hand the cup of my wrath, +that thou mayest drink it no more. I put it into the +hand of those who have prepared sorrow for thee. +Break forth into singing, ye ruins of Jerusalem; cry +aloud, O heaven; rejoice, O earth, for Jehovah has +mercy on his people<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>. He called the eagle from the +east" (the eagle was the standard of the Achæmenids), +"the man of his counsel from the distant land. Jehovah +spake and called him; he leads him forth, +and he shall accomplish it; he brings to pass the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> +will of Jehovah on Babylon, and his might on the +Chaldæans."<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> + +<p>Herodotus describes the approach of Cyrus and +his war against Babylon in the following manner: +"When on his march against Babylon he came to the +Gyndes (now the Diala), which falls into the Tigris, +and crossed it, one of the sacred white horses was +carried away by the stream. Cyrus was angry, and +threatened that he would make the river so insignificant +that a woman should cross it without wetting +her knee. With this view he drew 180 lines on +each side of the river, and bade his army dig a +channel on every line; and as a great multitude was +employed, the work was finished, but it occupied +the whole summer, so that Cyrus did not lead his +army against Babylon till the second spring. The +Babylonians marched out of the city and awaited +his attack. When Cyrus came up the Babylonians +joined battle; they were defeated, and driven into +the walls. They had known for a long time that +Cyrus would not remain at rest, for they had seen +how he had reduced all nations alike, and therefore +they had collected provisions for many years in the +city. The siege, therefore, caused them no alarm; +but Cyrus was in difficulties, for time passed away, +and he made no advance. Afterwards he did as +follows, whether it was that some one suggested the +plan to him, or whether he discovered it for himself. +He placed part of his army where the river flows into +the city, and part where it flows out, and bade them +enter the city by the river as soon as it could be +forded. After he had given them orders, he went +with the bulk of his army to the basin, which the +queen of the Babylonians had caused to be excavated,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> +and did what she had done with the basin and the +river. By leading the river through the opening +into this basin, which was a marsh, he made the old +bed so that it could be forded. When this had been +done, and the water of the river had fallen to such +an extent that it reached the middle of a man's thigh, +the Persians who had been placed near the city +forced their way into Babylon along the bed of the +river. Had the Babylonians previously known or +suspected what Cyrus intended, the Persians would +not have passed unnoticed into the walls; had they +closed the gates leading from the city to the river, +and mounted the walls which line the banks, they +would have caught the Persians in a trap as it were, +and they would have perished miserably. But the +Persians came quite unexpectedly. The outer parts +of the city had been already taken while those in +the centre, who, as the Babylonians say, knew nothing +of the matter, owing to the extent of the city, were +dancing and making merry—for it so happened that +a festival was being celebrated—until they at length +discovered their misfortune."</p> + +<p>Xenophon relates that the inhabitants of Babylon +laughed at the siege, because the strong and lofty +walls could not be taken by storm, and the siege +would not hurt them, for they had provisions for +more than twenty years. Cyrus also soon convinced +himself that the city could not be taken by the +means which he was employing, and resolved to draw +off the Euphrates, which traverses the city in a stream +two stadia (1200 feet) in breadth, and twice the +height of a man in depth. For this object he threw +a rampart round the whole city, with a very broad +and deep trench before it on the side towards the +city. This great work was apportioned to the different<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> +parts of the army, and the time occupied in it was +calculated at a year. Where the trenches approached +the river the earth was not excavated, so that the +water would not flow into the trenches. When Cyrus +perceived that the Babylonians celebrated a festival +at a fixed time, at which they feasted for the whole +night, he caused the earth which separated the river +from the trenches above the city to be cut through +by a multitude of men as soon as it was dark; the +water at once ran into the trenches, and the river +sank so low that it could be forded. The river now +opened a way into the city, and Cyrus bade his +troops enter by its bed. They would find the inhabitants +drunk and asleep, without any organization for +resistance, and when they found the enemy in the +city they would lose all their courage. If the Babylonians, +nevertheless, attempted to hurl down missiles +from the roofs, the houses could be burned, and they +would take fire readily, as the doors were of palm-wood +covered with bitumen. A separate troop of +the Persian army, which Gobryas led, had orders +to make their way to the palace of the king as +quickly as possible. The Persians entered, and cut +down the inhabitants whom they found; others saved +themselves by flight. The watch of the palace were +drinking by a bright fire before the gates, which +were closed. They were surprised and cut down. +When the noise of the fight was heard inside the +palace, the king sent to inquire what was the meaning +of the tumult. But as soon as the gate was opened +the Persians forced their way into the palace; the +king and those around him drew their swords, but +succumbed to numbers, and were killed. Meanwhile +Cyrus had despatched his cavalry along the streets, +sending with them men skilled in the Syrian lan<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span>guage, +who proclaimed that every one who remained +in his house would be uninjured; all who showed +themselves in the streets would be put to death. +Thus the city quickly passed into the hands of the +Persians. The gates of the citadel were opened +the next morning, when the dawn of light showed +them the Persians in possession of the city.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> + +<p>Polyaenus gives two versions of the taking of +Babylon. The Babylonians laughed at the siege, as +they had provisions for many years. But Cyrus drew +off the Euphrates, which flows through the middle of +the city, and turned it into a neighbouring swamp. +As the Babylonians were thus cut off from drinking-water, +they soon opened their gates to Cyrus. The +second version is different. When, in order to take +Babylon, Cyrus had made a trench to receive the +water of the Euphrates, which flows through the +city, he led away the army from the walls. The +Babylonians believed that Cyrus had abandoned the +siege, and they became negligent in keeping watch on +the walls. But after drawing off the water, Cyrus +led the Persians through the old bed, and unexpectedly +made himself master of the city.</p> + +<p>Besides these accounts of the Greeks, proclamations +of the Hebrews, which are joined on to the +prophecies of Isaiah and Jeremiah, give indications +on the fall of Babel. "Behold, saith Jehovah, I will +dry up their sea and parch their fountains. When +they are heated I will prepare a drink for them, and +intoxicate them, so that they make merry, that they +may sleep an everlasting sleep, and awake no more. +And behold! there came mounted men. The night +of my pleasure was turned to horror. The watchman +wakes, the table is prepared, there is eating and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> +drinking. Rise up, ye princes, anoint the shield. +Their dwellings are set on fire, the bars are broken. +One runs to meet another, and messenger to meet +messenger, bringing news to the king of Babylon +that his city is captured on every side; the channels +are taken, the lakes they have burned with fire. +Babylon is fallen, is fallen, and all her idols are +trampled underfoot. The whole earth rests, and +is at peace, the lands break forth into joy. The +cypresses are glad over thee, the cedars of Lebanon; +now that thou art fallen, no one will come to cut us +down."<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> The kings of Babylon, like those of Asshur, +used the cedars of Lebanon for their palaces; Nebuchadnezzar +himself tells us that he caused cedars to +be felled in Lebanon for his palace (III. 386). A +later book of the Hebrews, the Book of Daniel, which +was written in the first century <small>B.C.</small>, under Antiochus +Epiphanes (176-164 <small>B.C.</small>), about the year 167 <small>B.C.</small>, +represents Babylon as taken by the Persians during +the night of a festival, but Darius, not Cyrus, is the +Persian king. Belshazzar, the son of Nebuchadnezzar, +is king of Babylon. He gives a great banquet +to his thousand mighty men, and, heated by wine, +causes the gold and silver vessels to be brought which +Nebuchadnezzar had carried away from the temple at +Jerusalem; and his mighty men, their wives and +concubines, drink out of them, and sing songs of praise +to their gods of gold and silver, brass, iron, stone, and +wood. Then suddenly a hand writes letters on the +wall of the palace. The king changes colour; the +wise men of Babylon, the Chaldæans, the magicians, +and prophets were brought, but they cannot read the +writing. Then Daniel was summoned, one of the +Jews whom Nebuchadnezzar brought from Babylon,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> +who had already interpreted dreams for Nebuchadnezzar +which the wise men of Babylon could not +expound, and had remained true to the religion of +Jehovah under all temptations. He read the words, +which were Hebrew,—Mene, Tekel, Peres,—and explained +them: Thy kingdom is "numbered"; thou +hast been "weighed" in the balance and found +wanting, because thy heart is not humbled, and thou +honourest not the God in whose hand is thy breath +and all thy fortunes; thy kingdom has been "divided" +among the Medes and Persians. Then the king commanded +to put the purple robe on Daniel, and the +golden chain upon his neck, and proclaim him third +in the kingdom. "But in that night was Belshazzar +the king of the Chaldæans slain, and Darius the +Mede received the kingdom."<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p> + +<p>Only a short excerpt has come down to us of the +account which Berosus gave of the capture of Babylon. +"Cyrus set out from Persia with a strong force against +Babylon. When Nabonetus heard of his approach, +he went to meet him with his army, and they joined +battle. He was defeated, and fled with a few companions +into the city of the Borsippeans, where he +was besieged. Cyrus took Babylon, and as he had +found the city difficult to reduce, and stubborn, he +gave orders to throw down the walls outside the city, +and then set out against Borsippa in order to get +Nabonetus into his power, by bringing the siege to +an end. But Nabonetus did not wait for the city to +be taken by storm; he surrendered. Cyrus treated +him with kindness, and sent him from Babylon to +Carmania, which he appointed to be his dwelling-place. +There Nabonetus lived for the remainder of +his life, and there he died." According to Eusebius,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> +Cyrus gave the vice-royalty of Carmania to Nabonetus, +and Darius took it away again.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + +<p>After all that has been observed above, the attack +of Cyrus could not be unexpected by Nabonetus, and +we also see from Herodotus that it had been long +foreseen, and provisions for many years had been +collected in Babylon—according to Xenophon there +was sufficient for twenty years. We find, moreover, +that the fortifications of the city had been completed; +the great extent which Nebuchadnezzar had allowed +for the wall of the city must have enclosed a wide +breadth of country, or at any rate pastures large +enough to maintain numerous herds of cattle. And +Nebuchadnezzar had not merely made the metropolis +the fortress and strong camp of the kingdom, which +could both receive and protect the military forces, he +had covered the northern edge of the Babylonian +land by a fortification of a hundred feet in height +and twenty in thickness, which extended from the +Euphrates to the Tigris. Behind this wall were the +four great canals which connected the Euphrates and +Tigris; and, protected by the great wall, there lay on +the Euphrates at Sepharvaim, the reservoirs by which +the level of the Euphrates could be raised or lowered, +and the canals fed—the basin of which Nebuchadnezzar +had availed himself in building his bridge +over the Euphrates,—works which Herodotus, we do +not know on what authority, but very erroneously +ascribes to Nitocris, a queen of Babylon. By this +wall, and the canals, which it would be necessary to +dam up, any attack on the heart of Babylonia from +the direction of Mesopotamia would be rendered +almost impossible. The Tigris after leaving the +mountains of Armenia, above the ruins of Nineveh,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> +is not difficult to cross in the summer, yet an attack +from this side would encounter almost insuperable +difficulties, and even if they were overcome the +attacking army would be involved in a labyrinth of +canals, in which the cavalry of the Persians could be +of little use. Hence Babylonia could only be reached +by crossing the Tigris and Euphrates below that fortification +and the canals,—a difficult task. If Cyrus +attempted to cross both rivers above this point, and +then march down the western shore till he was below +the "Median wall," he would sacrifice altogether his +communication with Persia, he would have to march +southwards through the Syrian desert, and then force +the passage of the Euphrates, in the neighbourhood +of the metropolis, <i>i. e.</i> in the face of the enemy's +power, while he at the same time would find himself +in the midst of an extensive system of canals, and +of the swamps which lie along the Euphrates between +Babylon and the sea (I. 300, III. 359).</p> + +<p>Under these circumstances Cyrus could only cross +the Tigris from the east, and attempt an attack below +the wall which united the two rivers. This was the +line which, in fact, he followed. Berosus told us +that Cyrus "marched from Persia against Nabonetus," +and Herodotus exhibits him as occupied for a whole +summer on the Diala. His occupation there, as Herodotus +describes it, is very unintelligible; the Diala +was punished by being divided into 360 canals, and +so made fordable. That Cyrus should punish a river +is both unlikely in itself and opposed to the religious +conceptions of Iran, which as we know required the +greatest respect to be paid to rivers; more improbable +still and indeed impossible is it in the midst of the +war against Babylon. If we do not assume that the +source from which Herodotus drew has wrongly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> +brought a great work of irrigation which Cyrus undertook +for the land of the Diala at some other time +into connection with this war against Babylon, it +must be the passage of the Tigris which is in question. +What we know of the military achievements of Cyrus +does not allow us to suppose that when once in the +field he would give his opponents the respite of a +whole summer. If we could assume that the army +of Nabonetus had contested the crossing with Cyrus +at this point, above the mouth of the Diala, where +at a later time the Babylonians attempted to check +Darius—and that they had ships of war in the Tigris +then, as at the time of Darius—we might then suppose +that Cyrus reached the Tigris above the mouth +of the Diala, and not being able to force the crossing, +attempted to carry off the water of the river into +the Diala, above and behind his camp, and at length +succeeded in his attempt. Even then the number of +the canals is very remarkable. But whether the +supposition is right or wrong, in any case we may +assume on the basis of the narrative of Herodotus +that Cyrus began the war against Babylon in the +spring of the year 539 <small>B.C.</small>, that he crossed the Tigris +in the neighbourhood of the Diala, and that the only +result of his first campaign was to effect the passage +of the Tigris and retain command of the river. From +this point, in the next spring, he led his army, as +Herodotus states, in a diagonal across Babylonia towards +the city. Nabonetus lost the battle, which, as +Herodotus says, was fought in the neighbourhood of +Babylon. Of Nabonetus and his fate the historian +says not a word; we have therefore no reason to +doubt the statement of Berosus, that Nabonetus did +not again return to Babylon, but took refuge in +Borsippa with a few companions, and was there be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span>sieged. +It was obviously of great advantage to Cyrus +to prevent the Babylonians from entering into their +city, to drive away the army or part of it from the +city in order to diminish the number of those who +could defend the walls. He might accomplish this +object by strengthening his right wing and advancing +with it. If Nabonetus and a part of the fugitives were +thus cut off from Babylon, he could only retire southwards +beyond the Euphrates into the city nearest +Babylon, <i>i. e.</i> into Borsippa, to seek protection at the +great temple of Nebo (I. 291), the god whose name +he bore.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> The command in Babylon then devolved +on his eldest son Bil-sar-ussur (p. 67). It follows +from the narrative of Berosus that Cyrus quickly +followed up the defeated army of the Babylonians, +that a part of the Persians, treading on the heels of +the fugitives, crossed the Euphrates below the city, +to invest Borsippa and the metropolis on the western +side. Berosus has told us that Cyrus marched against +Babylon with a great force. His army must indeed +have been strong enough to enclose the second circuit +of the city, 35 or 40 miles (III. 372), to meet the +attack of the whole force of the besieged on both +sides of the river, and blockade Borsippa.</p> + +<p>But the inhabitants "ridiculed the siege," and +Cyrus could make no progress—such is the account +in Herodotus and Xenophon. Owing to the amount +of provisions at the command of the city, an investment +could not promise any result, and there was +little prospect of storming the city. The broad and +deep trenches in front of the walls made it impossible +to undermine them; even if these could be filled up +under the missiles of the enemy in a few places<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> +for the battering-rams to be brought forward, the +strength of the walls was so great that they could +not be broken. Still less possible was it to mount +them. They were so high that the arrows of the +besiegers could not reach them with force, and even if +the attack was carried successfully over the trenches, +no towers or ladders would be at once strong and +high enough to bring the storming party to the +turrets. According to Herodotus, a long time had +elapsed before Cyrus formed his plan. He bethought +himself of the basin which Nebuchadnezzar had excavated +at Sepharvaim, for the regulation of the +inundations of the Euphrates, for feeding and damming +up the canals; this work constructed for the +benefit and protection of the land he used for the +destruction of the capital. The Euphrates was to be +led off into this basin till its bed could be forded at +Babylon. Then the storming of the city was to be +attempted from the river, the walls on the banks being +less high and strong. For this object it was necessary +to obtain possession of the fortress of Sepharvaim, +which guarded the sluices of the basin, to deepen +or enlarge the basin itself, so that for a certain +period it could receive the whole mass of water; +it was also requisite that the canal which led into +it should be widened and deepened; and lastly the +course of the river beneath the basin, or rather beneath +the great canals which led into the Tigris, +must be barred by a dam, if the Euphrates was to +flow into it. The army of Cyrus must have been so +strong, that after leaving behind a sufficient number +of men on both sides of the Euphrates to continue +the blockade of the city and of Borsippa, it could +detach an adequate force of troops and workmen +to Sepharvaim. Before these works could be begun,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> +the inundation which in June and July the Euphrates +pours over the plain of Babylon must have been +over; and before the return of the inundation in the +autumn, which would imperil the whole undertaking, +Sepharvaim must be captured, the Euphrates drawn +off, and Babylon conquered. When Sepharvaim was +in the hand of Cyrus, the stream, which had previously +been dammed up with the exception of a +small passage, must have been rapidly closed, that +the Babylonians might not have their suspicions +roused by the fall of the water, and guard the walls +on the river with redoubled vigilance. The time was +short. Pliny has preserved for us the statement that +the large city of Agranis, which lay on the Euphrates, +where the canal Nahr Malka (III. 359) flowed out +of the river, was destroyed by the Persians; the +walls of the city of Sepharvaim which had been +rendered famous by the wisdom of the Chaldæans +(Sippara, I. 245), were also destroyed by the Persians, +and Gobares (Gobryas), as some say, had drawn off +the Euphrates.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> To Gobryas Xenophon also allots an +important share in the capture of Babylon (p. 78). +Even without these statements of Pliny, which support +the account of Herodotus, and inform us of +the battles which the Persians had to fight on the +Euphrates above Babylon in order to establish themselves +at the entrance of the Nahr Malka, and get +the mouth of the basin into their power—even without +the hints of the prophets of the Hebrews about the +"drying up of the springs," and "parching of the +channels," and the remark of Polyaenus about the +drawing off of the Euphrates at a marsh (the basin of +Sepharvaim was, when not filled, a marsh), we must +reject Xenophon's account of the drawing off of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> +Euphrates. Conceding the extent of the walls of +Babylon, even if limited to one bank of the river, +the work could not have been done in a year; and +every day the execution of the work under the eyes +of the besieged would have made its object more +plain.</p> + +<p>The plan of Cyrus succeeded. The removal of +Agranis and Sepharvaim made the execution possible; +the number of hands at his disposal caused all the +works to be carried out at the right time, <i>i. e.</i> before +the inundation of the autumn. The storming of the +city could be attempted by the river-bed both above +and below the city.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> That it took place and was +accomplished on the night of a festival, is stated in +the narratives of Herodotus and Xenophon, and indicated +by the Hebrew prophet in the words "the +night of my pleasure was turned to horror," and other +phrases (p. 80); and the book of Daniel makes the +same assertion. Aristotle is of opinion that even three +days after, a third part of the population did not +know that the city had been taken.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Xenophon +represents the division of Gobryas as the first to reach +the palace; the king falls when defending himself +against their attack. By the palace is here meant +one of the two royal citadels, either the older on the +western bank, or the more recent on the eastern bank +of the Euphrates, the palace of Nabopolassar and +Nebuchadnezzar (III. 375), and the king whom he +represents as slain there, must have been Bil-sar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span>ussur, +the son and heir of Nabonetus. As we have +observed, the book of Daniel calls the king who lost +his throne and life on the night of the festival, +Belshazzar. In addition to him, Nabonetus had a +second son, named Nebuchadnezzar (see below, chap, +xiv.). Besides the palace of the king, Xenophon +speaks of citadels of Babylon which surrendered to +the conqueror on the following morning.</p> + +<p>After the capture of the metropolis, which was +followed by the surrender of Borsippa, and the capture +of Nabonetus (538 <small>B.C.</small>), Cyrus, so far as we can tell, +showed clemency both towards the king, whom he +caused to be taken to Carmania, and to the city of +Babylon. The kings of Asshur treated besieged +princes and conquered cities in a manner very different +from that in which Cyrus treated Astyages, +Crœsus and Sardis, Nabonetus and Babylon. Babylonia +was not oppressed; the city was not destroyed. +Cyrus stepped into the place of the native king. The +Babylonian tablets after the capture of the city and +the fall of the kingdom, date from the years of the +reign of Cyrus over Babylonia, the years "of Kurus, +king of Babylon, king of the lands."<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> The city of +Babylon retained her temples and palaces and her +mighty walls. Herodotus tells us expressly that +Cyrus did no injury to the walls or the gates of +Babylon,<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> and twenty years afterwards we find the +city in possession of her impregnable works. Xenophon +remarks that Cyrus placed troops in the +citadels, set captains over them, left behind a sufficient +garrison in the city and charged the inhabitants +with the maintenance of it; the arrangements then +made for keeping guard were in existence still.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> If,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> +therefore, the excerpt of Josephus from Berosus tells +us that Cyrus destroyed the walls "outside the city," +this can only refer to the great wall which Nebuchadnezzar +had built from the Euphrates to the Tigris +above Sepharvaim, as a protection against an attack +from the north. It would have been a heavy task +to level with the ground this fortification throughout +its entire length of from 60 to 75 miles, the Persians +therefore contented themselves with making large +breaches in it. The wall was in this condition when +Xenophon came with the ten thousand to Babylon.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> + +<p>The fall of the metropolis had decided the fortune +of the Babylonian kingdom, and the provinces. The +most important of these was Syria, with the great +trading places of the Phenicians on the Mediterranean; +we remember how many and what severe +struggles the subjection of Syria had cost Nebuchadnezzar. +At the present moment the approach of the +Persians was enough to cause Syria to recognise the +supremacy of Cyrus almost without a blow. Herodotus +tells us that the Phenicians voluntarily submitted to +the Persians; Xenophon mentions that Cyrus had +subjugated the Phenicians; Polybius observes that +Gaza alone among all the cities of Syria offered resistance; +the rest, terrified at the approach of the +Persians and the greatness of their power, had surrendered +themselves and their lands to them. With +the capture of Gaza Cyrus stood on the borders of +Egypt. As we have seen, Nebuchadnezzar allowed +the states and cities of Syria to retain their native +princes, so long as these preserved their fidelity to +him; even over the Phenician cities he and his +successors placed men of their own royal or priestly +families to be at once judges or princes of the cities<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> +and viceroys of Babylon. That Tyre surrendered +without a struggle, as Herodotus and Polybius tell us +of Syria, that Cyrus, like Nebuchadnezzar before him, +left the princes who submitted in command, follows +from the fact that Hiram, whom Nabonetus had made +king of Tyre, continued to reign over the city under +Cyrus.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> If Cyrus felt himself compelled to establish +princes in the Greek cities of the coast for the first +time, who owed their position to him, and could not +maintain it without his aid, the cities of Phœnicia +had long been accustomed to receive these princes +from distant sovereigns. Cyrus and his successors +confined themselves in their choice to the old royal +families of the Phenician cities; at any rate we find, +even under the Achæmenids, men with the hereditary +names at the head of Tyre and Sidon. Yet the +relations of the Phenician cities did not remain without +change. Cyrus, as it seems, availed himself of +the old rivalry between Tyre and Sidon to win a +further support for his power. Ever since the foundation +of Gades, and the times of the first Hiram of +Tyre, the contemporary of Solomon, Sidon had been +gradually forced by Tyre into the second place; under +the Persian kingdom Sidon again appears as the first<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> +city of Phœnicia, and her kings have the precedence +of those of Tyre and the other cities.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> To the population +on the whole the change to the Persian dominion +would be regarded with indifference if not with +pleasure; a connection with the Persian empire +opened a far more extensive market for trade, and +secured and protected intercourse over a far greater +extent of country than the kingdom of Nebuchadnezzar.</p> + +<p>The ancient kingdom of Babylon, in which the +civilisation of the Semitic stock had taken root some +fifteen centuries previously, and had attained to such +peculiar development, which had struggled so long and +stubbornly against the younger kingdom of Assyria, +and when it finally succumbed, had been raised +to yet greater power than it had ever attained to in +old times, under the brilliant reigns of Nabopolassar +and Nebuchadnezzar—which had united the branches +of the Semitic stem from the Tigris to the Mediterranean, +from the foot of the Armenian mountains to +the deserts of Arabia—had succumbed to the attack +of Cyrus after a brief existence, sixty-nine years after +the fall of Nineveh. The predominance exercised for +so many centuries by Semitic culture and Semitic +arms through the old Babylonian, the Assyrian, and +the second Babylonian kingdom, passed to a tribe +of different character, language, and culture—to the +Arians of Iran.</p> + +<p>It was this violent change, which brought to a +Semitic tribe liberation for its fellow Semites. The +hopes of the Jews were at last fulfilled. The fall of +Babylon had avenged the fall of Jerusalem, and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> +subjugation of Syria to the armies of Babylon opened +the way for their return. Cyrus did not belie the +confidence which the Jews had so eagerly offered him; +without hesitation he gave the exiles permission to +return and erect again their shrine at Jerusalem. The +return of the captives and the foundation of a new +state of the Jews was very much to his interest; it +might contribute to support his empire in Syria. He +did not merely count on the gratitude of the returning +exiles, but as any revival of the Babylonian kingdom, +or rebellion of the Syrians against the Persian empire, +imperilled the existence of this community, which +had not only to be established anew, but would never +be very strong, it must necessarily oppose any such +attempts. Forty-nine years—seven Sabbatical years, +instead of the ten announced by Jeremiah—had passed +since the destruction of Jerusalem, and more than sixty +since Jeremiah had first announced the seventy years +of servitude to Babylon. Cyrus commissioned Zerubbabel, +the son of Salathiel, a grandson of Jechoniah, +the king who had been carried away captive, and +therefore a scion of the ancient royal race, and a +descendant of David, to be the leader of the returning +exiles, to establish them in their abode, and be the +head of the community;<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> he bade his treasurer Mithridates +give out to him the sacred vessels, which +Nebuchadnezzar had carried away as trophies to +Babylon, and placed in the temple of Bel; there are +said to have been more than 5000 utensils of gold +and silver, baskets, goblets, cups, knives, etc. But +all the Jews in Babylon did not avail themselves +of the permission. Like the Israelites deported by +Sargon into Media and Assyria some 180 years previously, +many of the Jews brought to Mesopotamia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> +and Babylonia at the time of Jechoniah and Zedekiah, +had found there a new home, which they preferred +to the land of their fathers. But the priests (to the +number of more than 3000<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>), many of the families +of the heads of the tribes, all who cared for the +sanctuary and the old country, all in whom Jehovah +"awoke the spirit," as the Book of Ezra says, began +the march over the Euphrates. With Zerubbabel was +Joshua, the high priest, the most distinguished among +all the Jews, a grandson of the high priest Zeraiah, +whom Nebuchadnezzar had executed after the capture +of Jerusalem. The importance of the priests had +increased in the captivity; they had become the +natural heads and judges of the Jews, and the people +following the guidance of the prophets, had learned to +regard Jehovah as their peculiar lord and king. It +was a considerable multitude which left the land +"beyond the stream," the waters of Babylon, to sit +once more under the fig-tree in their ancient home, +and build up the city of David and the temple of +Jehovah from their ruins; 42,360 freemen, with 7337 +Hebrew men-servants and maid-servants; their goods +were carried by 435 camels, 736 horses, 250 mules, and +6720 asses (537 <small>B.C.</small>)<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> The exodus of the Jews from +Babylon is accompanied by a prophet with cries of +joy, and announcements filled with the wildest hopes. +Was not the fall of Babylon and the return home a +sure pledge that the anger of Jehovah was appeased? +Must not the dawn of that brilliant time be come, +which the prophets had always pointed out behind the +execution of the punishment? Could not the most +joyful expectation prevail that Jehovah's grace would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> +be greater henceforth than his anger in the past? +Thus, in the spirit, the prophet saw all the scattered +members of the people of Israel, who since the time of +Tiglath-Pilesar II. had been carried away, or fled for +refuge, return from the distant lands, from Egypt and +the isles; Jerusalem has put on a new splendour which +far exceeds that of old days; and therefore he gives +expression to the confident expectation that the +people of Jehovah will be the first nation of the earth, +and the resurgent Zion will be the centre and the +protector of all nations. "Go forth from Babylon," +he cries; "fly from the land of the Chaldæans! Proclaim +it with shouts of joy, tell it to the end of the +earth and say: 'Jehovah hath redeemed his servant +Jacob.'"<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> "How beautiful upon the mountains are +the feet of him that bringeth glad tidings, that publisheth +peace, that saith unto Zion, Thy God reigneth.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> +Up, up, go forth, touch no unclean person; go forth +from among them. Cleanse yourselves, ye that bear +Jehovah's vessels.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Ye shall go forth in joy and be +led in peace; the mountains and the hills shall break +forth before you into singing, and all the trees shall +clap their hands.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Jehovah goes before you, and the +God of Israel brings up the rear. Was it not Jehovah +who made the depths of the sea to be your pathway, +so that His redeemed passed through? In the desert +through which they passed they thirsted not; He +clave the rock and the waters flowed.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> So shall the +ransomed of Jehovah return, and come with singing +to Zion, and everlasting joy shall be upon their +heads; sorrow and sighing shall flee away.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> O, poor +ones, surrounded with misery and comfortless; for a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> +little time Jehovah left thee, but He takes thee up +again with greater love, and I will have mercy on thee +for ever, saith Jehovah. As I swore that the waters of +Noah should not come again upon the earth, so do I +swear to be angry with thee no more. The mountains +may melt and tremble, but my mercy will leave thee +no more. Jehovah calls thee as an outcast sorrowful +woman, and thy God speaks to thee as to a bride who +has been put away;<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> thy ruins, and deserts, and +wasted land, which was destroyed from generation to +generation—thy people build up the ruins, and renew +the ancient cities.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> Behold, I will make thy desert +like Eden, and thy wilderness like the garden of the +Lord; I will lay thy stones with bright lead, and +thy foundations with sapphires, and make thy towers +of rubies and thy gates of carbuncles.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Joy and +delight is in them, thanksgiving and the sound of +strings. The wealth of the sea shall come to thee, +and the treasures of the nations shall be thine;<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> like +a stream will I bring salvation upon Israel, and the +treasures of the nations like an overflowing river.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> +Thy sons hasten onward; those that laid thee waste +go forth from thee.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> Lift up thine eyes and see; thy +sons come from far, and I will gather them to those +that are gathered together. The islands and the ships +of Tarshish wait to bring thy children from afar, their +gold and their silver with them.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> The land will be +too narrow for the inhabitants; widen the place for +thy tent, let the carpets of thy habitation be spread—delay +not. Draw out the rope; to the right and to +the left must thou be widened.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> I will set up my +banner for the nations, that they bring thy sons in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> +their arm, and thy daughters shall be carried on the +shoulders. Kings shall be thy guardians, and queens +thy nursing-mothers; I will bow them to the earth +before thee, and they shall lick the dust of thy feet, +and thou shalt know that I am Jehovah, and they +who wait patiently for me shall not be put to +shame."<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> + +<p>Such expectations and hopes were far from being +realised. The Edomites had, in the mean-time, extended +their borders, and obtained possession of the South of +Judah, but the land immediately round Jerusalem was +free and no doubt almost depopulated. As the returning +exiles contented themselves with the settlement at +Jerusalem, the towns to the North, Anathoth, Gebah, +Michmash, Kirjath-Jearim, and some others—only +Bethlehem is mentioned to the South,<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> they found +nothing to impede them. Their first care was the +restoration of the worship, according to the law and +custom of their fathers, for which object an altar of +burnt-offerings was erected on the site of the temple, +in order to offer the appointed sacrifice at morning +and evening. The priests, minstrels, and Levites were +separated according to their families, and those who +could not prove their priestly descent were rejected +for the sacred service;<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> the attempt was then made +to arrange the rest of the exiles according to their +families, in order to decide their claims and rights +to certain possessions and lands. Then voluntary +gifts were collected from all for the rebuilding of +the temple; contributions even came in from those +who had remained in Babylonia, so that 70,000 pieces +of gold and 5000 minæ of silver are said to have been +amassed. Tyrian masons were hired, and agreements<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> +made with Tyrian carpenters, to fell cedars in Lebanon, +and bring them to Joppa, for which Cyrus had given +his permission. The foundation of the temple was +laid in the second year of the return (536 <small>B.C.</small>). The +priests appeared in their robes with trumpets, and +the Levites with cymbals, to praise Jehovah; "that +He might be gracious, and His mercy be upon Israel +for ever." Those of the priests and elders who had +seen the old temple are said to have wept aloud; "but +many raised their voices in joy so that the echo was +heard far off."<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> We have evidence of the grateful +and elevated tone which filled the exiles in those days, +in songs, where we read: "They pressed upon me in my +youth, but they overpowered me not. The ploughers +ploughed upon my back and made long furrows. +Jehovah is just; he broke the bonds of the wicked. +Praised be Jehovah, who did not give us over as prey +to their teeth; our soul escaped like a bird from the +snare of the fowler. When Jehovah turned again the +captivity of Zion, our way was filled with joy; and +they said among the nations: Jehovah hath done +great things for them! Jehovah hath chosen Zion, +and taken it to be His abode and resting-place for +ever and ever. There He will clothe His priests with +salvation, and exalt the power of David, and clothe +his enemies with shame."<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> + +<p>The fortunate beginning of the restoration of the +city and temple soon met with difficulties. The people +of Samaria, who were a mixture of the remnant of the +Israelites and the strangers whom Sargon had brought +there after the capture of Samaria (III. 86), and +Esarhaddon at a later date (III. 154), came to meet the +exiles in a friendly spirit, and offered them assistance, +from which we must conclude that in spite of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> +foreign admixture the Israelitish blood and the +worship of Jehovah were preponderant in Samaria. +The new temple would thus have been the common +sanctuary of the united people of Israel. But the +"sons of captivity" were too proud of the sorrows +which they had undergone, and the fidelity which +they had preserved to Jehovah, and their pure +descent, to accept this offer. Hence the old quarrel +between Israel and Judah broke out anew, and the +exiles soon felt the result. After their repulse the +Samaritans set themselves to hinder the building by +force; "they terrified the exiles that they built no +more, and hired counsellors to make the attempt vain +during the whole of the remainder of the reign +of Cyrus."<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> The reasons which these counsellors +brought forward before Cyrus against the continuation +of the buildings at Jerusalem, would be the same +which were afterwards brought before Artaxerxes +Longimanus; namely, that when Jerusalem and its +walls were finished the city would become rebellious +and disobedient, as it was previously under the kings +of Babylon.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> The reigns of Nebuchadnezzar, Evilmerodach, Neriglissar, and +the accession of Nabonetus in 555 <small>B.C.</small>, are now fixed not only by the +canon of Ptolemy but also by the Babylonian tablets, which give +forty-three years for Nebuchadnezzar (604-561), two years for Evilmerodach +(561-559), four years for Neriglissar (559-555), seventeen +years for Nabonetus, (555-538); "Transactions Bibl. Society," 6, p. +47-53. Oppert (<i>l. c.</i> p. 262) also mentions a tablet of Labasi-marduk +(Labasoarchad), who sat on the throne for nine months. Boscawen +reads Lakhabasi-Kudur, <i>l. c.</i> p. 78. On the elevation of Hiram in +Tyre, vol. III. 394.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Ps. and Isa. xxi. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Fragm. 14, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Ps. cxxxvii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Ps. liii., liv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Jer. 1. 17-19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Jer. 1. 2; li. 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Jer. li. 13, 53, 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Jer. 1. 14, 29; li. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> V. 314 <i>n</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xiii. 17-22; xiv. 4, 11-14. [Cf. Cheyne, "Isaiah," +Vol. II., Essay xi.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xli. 2, 3; xli. 25; xliv. 28. Kohut, "Antiparsismus +in Deut. Yesaias, Z. D. M. G." 1876, 3, 711 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlv. 1, 2, 3. Vol. III. 369.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlvii. 1-13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlix. 14-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Deut. Isa. li. 17. Vol. III. 326.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlix. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlvi. 11; xlviii. 14, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri inst." 7, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Jer. li. 31, 32, 39; Deut. Isa. xiv. 7-9; xxi. 4-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Dan. v. 1-31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Beros. fragm. 14; Euseb. "Chron." 1. 42, ed. Schöne.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> On the site of Borsippa, Vol. I. 291, and on Nebuchadnezzar's +buildings at the temple of Nebo, at Borsippa, III. 385.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Pliny, "H. N." 6, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Sir Henry Rawlinson spoke in the Asiatic Society on Nov. 17, 1879, +of a Babylonian cylinder brought home by Rassam, which, though +broken, is said to give an account in thirty-seven legible lines of the +capture of Babylon by Cyrus, and to contain a genealogical tree of +Cyrus. As yet I have not been able to learn anything further. [Cf. +Cheyne, "Isaiah," Vol. II., Essay xi.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> "Pol." 3, 1, 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Oppert et Ménant, "Docum. Juridiq." p. 266.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Herod. 3, 159.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> "Cyri inst." 7, 5, 34, 69, 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 2, 4. Vol. III. 366.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri inst." 1, 1, 4; 7, 4, 1. On Hiram, above, p. 67; +Joseph. "c. Apion," 1, 21; Polybius, 16, 40. The statement of Polybius +might be referred to the campaign of Cambyses against Egypt, if the +supremacy of Cyrus in Syria were not proved by other evidence, as +Ezra iii. 7, and the return of the Jews. Herodotus also would not have +omitted the siege of Gaza in his detailed description of the march of +Cambyses against Egypt, if it had not taken place until then. The +general expression in Herodotus (3, 34) cannot outweigh all these +proofs; it only says with the exaggerated tone of flattery that +Cambyses first placed a fleet on the sea, and claims the subjugation +of Cyprus for him. As a fact Cyrus left the islands of Anatolia, +except Chios and Lesbos, which voluntarily submitted, uninjured, and +did not call on them for a fleet, for which there were many good +reasons from the point of view of a Persian king.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Herod. 3, 19; 5, 104, 110; 7, 96, 98, 128; Xenoph. "Ages." 2, 30; +Diod. 16, 41. The rebellion of Sidon in 351 <small>B.C.</small> again reversed the +relations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> 1 Chron. iii. 17-19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Ezra ii. 36-39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Ezra ch. ii. As Babylon was conquered in the summer of 538, the +first year of Cyrus in Babylon reaches to the summer of 537; Ezra i. +1, 3; Beros. fragm. 15, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlviii. 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Deut. Isa. lii. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Deut. Isa. lii. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Deut. Isa. lv. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlviii. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Deut. Isa. li. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Deut. Isa. liv. 6-10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlix. 19; lviii. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Deut. Isa. liv. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Deut. Isa. lx. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Deut. Isa. lxvi. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlix. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Deut. Isa. lx. 4-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Deut. Isa. liv. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Deut. Isa. xlix. 22, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Ewald, "Volk. Israel." 3, 91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Ezra ii. 59-63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Ezra iii. 8-13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Ps. cxxix.-cxxxii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Ezra iv. 1-5, 24. It is obvious that verse 24 must follow on verse +5 in chap. iv. The verses 6-23 treat of things which happened under +Xerxes and Artaxerxes, and they have got into the wrong place.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER IX.</h2> + +<h3>THE KINGDOM OF CYRUS.</h3> + + +<p>We were able to prove that Cyrus, soon after his +victory over Astyages and the Medes, reduced the +Parthians and Hyrcanians beneath his dominion, that +the Caducians, the Armenians, and the Cappadocians +were his subjects before the Lydian war, that his +empire at this period extended to the Halys. How +far he had already advanced towards the Bactrians +and Sacae must remain uncertain, owing to the contradiction +which exists on this point between the +summary narrative of Herodotus and the excerpt from +Ctesias. Afterwards the Lydian war and its sequel +made Cyrus master of the whole of Asia Minor. +Between the Lydian and Babylonian wars Herodotus +represents him as conquering the whole of upper +Asia, one nation after the other, and Berosus as conquering +the whole of Asia. When our knowledge +is so scanty, it is impossible to fix the campaigns +of Cyrus in the East and the West with greater +exactness, or even to ascertain clearly what successes +he achieved in these regions before and after the +Babylonian war. We merely perceive that Elam +was subject to Cyrus before the attack on Babylon +(p. 83), and if a habitation could be allotted to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> +Nabonetus in Carmania, that country must have +been subject before the war which destroyed the +Babylonian kingdom; we may also conclude with +great probability that Cyrus would not have marched +against Babylon before he felt himself secure in the +East. Hence we may assume that Iran was subject +before the Babylonian war, and the campaigns which +resulted in the conquest of the Gandarians and their +northern neighbours, the Sogdiani and Chorasmians, +must be ascribed to the period after this war. Whether +the nations in the north of Armenia, on the isthmus +between the Black and the Caspian Sea, the Saspeires +and Alarodians in the East, and the Colchians and +Phasians in the valley of the Phasis, were reduced by +Cyrus or his immediate successors remains doubtful. +In the East he had conquered the Drangians, Areians, +Arachoti, Gedrosians, and Gandarians, to the south of +the Cabul on the Indus,<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> and imposed tribute on the +Açvakas to the north of the Cabul.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> In the land of +the Arachoti he destroyed, as we are told, the city of +Capisa; Darius mentions a city, Kapisakani in Arachosia, +and Capisa is also mentioned elsewhere in +later writers.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> Nearchus tells us that Cyrus undertook +a campaign against the land of the Indians; on the +march thither he lost the greater part of his army in +Gedrosia, owing to the desert and the difficulties of the +way; according to the account of the natives Cyrus +and seven men alone remained out of the whole army.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> +In his account of Alexander of Macedon, Diodorus +remarks that after he had encamped at Drangiana +(V. 7), he came to the Ariaspi, who were neighbours +to the Gedrosians. These Ariaspi (whose abodes we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> +have already discovered in the neighbourhood of the +Etymandros) were called "Benefactors" for the following +reason. On one of his campaigns, Cyrus was +in the desert, and reduced to extreme distress for want +of necessaries; famine compelled his men to eat each +other; till the Ariaspians brought up 30,000 waggons, +filled with provisions. Thus rescued, Cyrus allowed +them immunity from contributions, honoured them +with other presents, and gave them the name of +"Benefactors."<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> Strabo also tells us that the Ariaspians +received this name from Cyrus, and so does +Arrian, though he gives a different and less appropriate +reason for it, saying that they had assisted Cyrus in +his campaign against the Scyths.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> Curtius tells us, as +a reason for the name, that the Ariaspi had aided the +army of Cyrus when suffering from want of provisions +and the cold, with supplies and shelter.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> Herodotus +observes that those who had done a service to the +king were called "Orosangians." In Old Bactrian, +<i>Huvarezyanha</i> means the doer of a kind action. Other +instances are not wanting to prove that the Persian +kings followed the example of Cyrus in conferring this +title as a distinction.</p> + +<p>We may regard it as certain that Cyrus had gone +beyond Gedrosia and reduced the Gandarians and the +Açvakas to the north of the Cabul; that he afterwards +advanced to the Indus, and his army was brought +into great distress in the deserts of Gedrosia, as was +afterwards the case with Alexander's army on his +return from the Indus. The Ariaspians, from the +position of their country, could only be in a position +to bring aid if Cyrus were returning from the Indus, +or if the distress was so great on the outward march<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> +that he felt himself compelled to return when in +Gedrosia. Megasthenes distinctly states that Cyrus +did not cross the Indus or set foot in India.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> In +the north-east he had reduced the Margiani and +Bactrians to lasting obedience. As he had gained a +good frontier in the east on the Indus, he set himself +to obtain a similar frontier in the north-east. The +northern neighbours of the Hyrcanians, Parthians and +Margiani, the Sacae and the Chorasmians on the +lower Oxus, were subject to him. With the conquest +of the Sogdiani on the western slope of the Belurdagh +Cyrus touched the course of the Jaxartes. There, +on a stream running into that river, he built six +citadels and a large fortress to secure the border +against the nomads of the steppes beyond. These, +like the fortress in the land of the Cadusians (V. 388), +bore the name of Cyrus. The Greeks call the +north-eastern Cyrus, Cyreshata, <i>i. e.</i> the farthest Cyrus +(V. 22).</p> + +<p>From the mountains of his native land Cyrus had +subjugated in thirty years three great kingdoms—Media, +Lydia, and Babylonia; he had conquered Asia +from the shore of the Ægean Sea to the Indus, and +from the brook of Egypt to the shores of the Black and +Caspian Seas and the banks of the Jaxartes. None +of the conquerors before him—no Pharaoh of Egypt—none +of the ancient kings of Elam or Babylon, or of +the restless sovereigns of Assyria, nor even the Mede +Cyaxares—had achieved results which could be distantly +compared with the successes of Cyrus. And +he had done more than merely subdue this region; he +had understood how to maintain his conquests; he was +not compelled like the rulers of Assyria to begin each +year a new struggle against his defeated opponents;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> +in his unbounded empire he knew how to institute +arrangements which ensured an existence of two +whole centuries. Hence it would be of great service +to know more precisely what his regulations were for +the management of his empire. But we are almost +entirely without information about them. We can +only attempt to draw conclusions from certain hints +supplied by tradition as to the form which Cyrus +gave to his dominions. We have already remarked +that the Greeks ascribed to Cyrus the foundation of +excellent institutions, and placed him by the side of +Lycurgus; they maintained that at the time of Cyrus +the Persians were in a condition midway between +slavery and freedom. Arrian observes that the Persians, +with whom Cyrus deprived the Medes of the +empire and subjugated the remaining nations of Asia +partly by arms and partly by voluntary submission, +were poor and the inhabitants of a rugged country, +and obeyed regulations which made their training +like that of the Spartans.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> We can plainly see that +the kingdom rested on the power and devotion of the +Persians; they were the ruling tribe beside the +sovereign, and in addition to the proud consciousness +that they were the lords of the empire Cyrus allowed +them to enjoy the fruits and advantages of dominion. +The Persians were free from contributions and taxes +for the empire, they had only to render military +service. Xenophon tells us that in the time of Cyrus +the owners of land furnished excellent horsemen, who +took the field; the rest served for pay. The garrisons +in the fortresses were composed of Persians who +were handsomely treated.<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> The Greeks have already +told us that Cyrus permitted the Persians to express +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span>their opinions freely and openly, and paid honour to +those who gave good counsel, and if they assert that +no one rewarded services more liberally (V. 390), these +rewards would mainly fall into the hands of the +Persians. From the Persians were first and chiefly +elected the captains of the armies, the commanders +of the contingents which the subject nations had to +furnish, and the viceroys who governed the conquered +provinces. Yet nearer to the king stood the six princes +of the Persian tribes (the prince of the Pasargadae +was the king), the descendants of those who in union +with Achaemenes had once governed the Persian +nation. Like the king himself they wore the upright +tiara; from their families the king had to choose his +legitimate wife, while his daughters were married to +the sons of the tribal princes.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> The wife of Cyrus was +the daughter of the tribal prince Pharnaspes. The +chiefs of the Persians were the nearest to the throne; +they entered into the king's presence unannounced, +and no doubt formed with the king the chief council +of the kingdom. Besides this chief council there +was a supreme court of seven judges. These, as +Herodotus tells us, were chosen men, who had to +pronounce sentence for the Persians, and explain the +customs of the fathers; and "everything was brought +before them." They held their office for life, unless +convicted of injustice.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> We also find that the son +succeeded the father. But even these judges were +subject to the supervision and authority of the king, +and if it was proved that any of them had received +bribes he inflicted the severest penalties.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a></p> + +<p>"At the time of the Medes," Herodotus tells us,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> +"the nations ruled over each other; the Medes ruled +over all, and directly over those nearest to them; +these again over their neighbours, who in their turn +ruled over those who lay on their borders. In the +same way the Persians estimate the value of nations. +They consider themselves by far the best of all +nations; next in order come those who live nearest +to them, and those who are most remote are held in +least estimation."<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> If Herodotus has here correctly +represented the self-consciousness of the Persians his +statement also obviously implies the pride of race, the +community of language and religion, which united +the Persians with the kindred nations of the Iranian +table-land, and most closely with the Medes, and +the nations of Western Iran. This feeling presented +itself to Cyrus as a valuable political consideration, +and he felt himself called upon to win for his +kingdom the Medes as the nation nearest akin to +the Persians and more numerous. With this view +he spared and respected Astyages, took his daughter +into his house, and made her his wife, and even in the +first decade of his reign had no hesitation in appointing +Medes as generals and viceroys; the custom of his +successors, to reside for some time in Ecbatana, in +order by this means to attach the Medes to the +kingdom, must, no doubt, go back to Cyrus.</p> + +<p>But even towards the conquered nations of alien +race, language, and religion Cyrus conducted himself +in a manner very different from the manner of the +kings of Asshur before him. Their kings were not +executed, their cities were not burnt, and their +religion and worship were left uninjured. On the +other hand Cyrus did not content himself with the +homage of the conquered princes, nor did he, like the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span>Assyrians, allow men of the same nation to take +their place. Execution, cruel treatment, imprisonment +of the conquered prince, alone or with his family, could +only embitter the conquered nation against the conqueror. +The continuance of the conquered prince in +power only supplied them with the impulse and +means to recover their former independence, and +princes chosen in their place from the midst of the +subjects would soon follow the lead of the national +tendencies, and their own ambition. Astyages, Crœsus, +and Nabonetus received residences and possessions in +distant regions, which allowed them to live in dignity +and opulence; and where the throne remained in the +families of the native rulers in districts of moderate +extent which had submitted voluntarily, as in Cilicia +and the cities of the Phenicians, this was not done +without certain limitations and safe regulations. +Cyrus set viceroys over the parts of his empire, who +were supplied with troops in moderate numbers. +The chief cities, such as Sardis and Babylon, like +the border fortresses, were secured by garrisons of +Persian troops. Cyrus did not impose heavy burdens +on the conquered nations; he left it to themselves +to fix the amount of the yearly contributions which +they should pay into his treasury, though it is +true that the amount of the favour they had to +expect from the king depended on the tribute. The +viceroys were subordinate to the king, but with +this restriction they exercised supreme authority in +the regions over which they presided. Their main +duty was to preserve the province in obedience and +peace. Whether the command that they were to +look after the development of agriculture, and the +growth of the population, is traceable to Cyrus +(V. 206), we cannot decide, but we see clearly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> +that the various communities and regions managed +their own affairs independently, and governed themselves. +The local political institutions were not +attacked and removed any more than the religious. +It was of no importance whether the local organisation +was dynastic or republican, though in more +important communities such as the Greek cities—the +Anatolian, and the Phenician cities on the Syrian +coast, Cyrus gave the preference to the dynastic +form, inasmuch as the dynasties there were compelled +to seek from the king the support necessary for +maintaining their power. If princes of the old royal +families were set up over the cities of the Phenicians, +the rise of party leaders to a princely position was +favoured among the Greeks. The local interests of +one town were also advanced against those of another, +<i>e. g.</i> the interests of Sidon against those of Tyre, and +the interests of Miletus against the other cities. The +persons thus favoured were by this means closely +connected with the kingdom; in the event of a +change of dominion they had to fear the loss of the +privileges which they had attained. Moreover Cyrus +had at hand rewards and distinctions of merit, not for +the Persians only, but also for his subjects in other +nations. Xenophon lays stress on the liberality of +Cyrus towards those who had done him good service +as the chief means by which he established and +strengthened his empire, and if he tells us that the +kings of Persia had continued what Cyrus had begun, +we may certainly assume that the magnificent list +of distinctions and honours, which we find in use +at a later time in the Persian empire, goes back to +Cyrus. The merits which whole regions and tribes +had done to the king were also rewarded. We have +already seen that the title "Benefactors," with which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> +largesses in land were joined,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> was given not only +to distinguished men but also to tribes. "What conqueror +except Cyrus," asks Xenophon, "has been +called Father by his subjects, a name which is +obviously given not to the plunderer but to the +Benefactor?" By gentleness and liberality he induced +men to prefer him to son, or brother, or father. As +he cared for his subjects and treated them as a father, +so did they honour him as a father. In this way +he was able to reign alone, and rule according to his +own will his kingdom which was the greatest and +most splendid of all.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> + +<p>Though this description of Xenophon is idealised, +though even the more sober statements of the Greeks, +the words of Plato already quoted, the statements of +Herodotus, that the Persians held no one to be the +equal of Cyrus, that they called him father because +he had ruled them with a father's gentleness and had +provided them with all good things,<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> and the opinion +of Aeschylus who speaks of Cyrus as a wise and right-minded +man, primarily represent the grateful memory +which the Persians cherished of the founder of their +kingdom, Cyrus is undoubtedly the least bloody among +the conquerors and founders of empires known to the +history of the East. His object was not to terrify the +conquered nations and hold them in check by arms, +but to reconcile them to the new government. In +Babylon he simply took the place of the native king; +like him, he took measures for the maintenance of +the great temples of the land; on a brick found at +Senkereh we read: "Kuras, maintainer of Bit-Saggatu" +(<i>i. e.</i> of the great temple of Merodach at Babylon) "and +Bit-Zida" (the temple of Nebo at Borsippa), "son of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> +Kambuziya, I, the king."<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> Hence he not only left +his subjects their religion and rites, but was careful +of them. In the same way their administration of +justice remained undisturbed, and so far as possible +he allowed them to rule themselves. He did not +attempt to exhaust their means; on the contrary, +agriculture and trade were favoured, and wherever +a rebellion was attempted and suppressed, the supression +was not followed by any sanguinary punishment. +In spite of our defective information we may still +recognise some trace of his keen and unerring political +insight. The manner in which he organised his +empire deserves the higher praise because it is the +product of his own mind, and not a copy of any +pattern. The grounds for the clemency and moderation +by which he was guided, we must seek not +only in the religious views of Iran, but to a still +greater degree in his character and his political conceptions. +That along with the effort to satisfy the +Persians and win the hearts of his subjects,—with the +clever opposition of interests, and most lavish application +of rewards and distinctions,—Cyrus did not +neglect real support and means of power, is proved +by the care which Xenophon represents him as bestowing +on the army, the fortification of Pasargadae, +the garrisons in the chief cities of the subject lands, +the fortresses on the borders of the kingdom. The +commanders in all these places, no less than the +"chiliarchs" of the garrisons, were nominated directly +by Cyrus, the lists of the garrisons were brought +before the king. The arrangement of the Persian +army in divisions of ten battalions of a thousand men +each, which were again broken up into ten companies, +with seven corporals each, is attributed by Xenophon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> +to Cyrus. He put an end to all skirmishing with horsemen +cavalry, by clothing cavalry and horses in mail, +and supplying each soldier with a javelin only, so that +they fought man against man; the infantry he armed +with the wicker, leather-covered shield, battle-axe, and +knife, also with a view to close fighting.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> To meet the +costs of government and the army, Cyrus collected +a large treasure, which he deposited in his palace at +Pasargadae. Pliny has preserved the statement that +the conquest of Asia yielded to Cyrus 24,000 pounds +of gold besides that which had been manufactured, +and the golden vessels, and 500,000 talents of silver.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> +Though this statement may be exaggerated, the gold +accumulated by Alyattes and Crœsus at Sardis, the +treasures of the royal palaces at Ecbatana and Babylon, +all of which fell into the hands of Cyrus, were not +inconsiderable. In both these latter places the booty +of Assyria was collected, and in Babylon the booty +of Syria and the tribute of the Phenicians. In any +case the treasure which Cyrus deposited at Pasargadae +provided abundant means for a long time to satisfy +the most extravagant needs of the empire, the court, +and the army, and to recompense every deed of merit +with gold. The treasures which Alexander, after a long +period of decline in Persia, found at Susa, Persepolis, +Ecbatana, and Pasargadae, are estimated by the Greeks +at 180,000 talents, <i>i. e.</i> at more than £40,000,000, +and beside this there were the gold and silver ornaments +of the citadel (V. 309), and a large amount +of manufactured gold and silver. What Alexander +left of the latter in Susa alone afterwards provided +Antigonus with 15,000 talents.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span></p> + +<p>"Concerning the death of Cyrus," so Herodotus +tells us, "there are many narratives, but the most +probable in my mind is the following: When he +had reduced the Babylonians, he wished to conquer +the Massagetæ also. There were many things which +impelled him to this: in the first place his birth, by +which he considered himself more than human. Then +the success which had attended him in all his wars; +for whatever the nation against which he directed his +army it was unable to withstand him. The Massagetæ +were said to be a great and brave nation; some call +them Scythians. They dwell beyond the Araxes +(Jaxartes: Herodotus confuses this river with the +Aras), towards the morning and sunrise. The Caspian +Sea is a sea by itself, fifteen days' journey in length +and eight in breadth; on the west side of the sea is +the Caucasus, but towards the east it is bounded by a +plain of unlimited extent. A considerable part of this +plain was occupied by the Massagetæ. They wear a +dress like that of the Scythians, and resemble them in +their mode of life; they fight on horse and on foot, +use the bow and the lance, and also carry battle-axes. +The points of their lances and arrows and their axes +are made of copper, as also are the corslets of the +horses. But for their girdles, for the adornment of +the head and shoulders, as well as for the bits, cheek-pieces, +and curbs of their horses, they use gold. Silver +and iron they do not possess, these metals are not found +in the country, but gold and copper in abundance. +Each man marries one wife, but they have their wives +in common, and when any one desires to lie with a +woman he hangs his quiver on her waggon, and no +attack is made upon him. Those who reach a great +age are put to death by their relations, who assemble +for that purpose, cooked along with sheep's flesh, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> +eaten; this they consider the most fortunate lot. +Those who die of sickness are not eaten but buried, +and they look on it as a misfortune not to be killed. +They do not cultivate the soil, but live on their herds +and on fish, which the Araxes supplies in large quantities, +and drink milk. Of the gods they worship the +sun only, and to him they sacrifice horses, because they +think that the swiftest animal should be offered to the +swiftest deity. At that time a woman, Tomyris by +name, was queen of the Massagetæ, her husband being +dead. Cyrus sent to her under pretext of an offer of +marriage; he wished to make her his wife. But +Tomyris perceived that it was not her, but the +kingdom of the Massagetæ, that he wanted, and +refused the offer. As cunning was of no avail, Cyrus +marched openly against the Massagetæ, threw a bridge +of boats over the Araxes in order to carry his army +across, and caused towers to be built on the merchant-men +which were to form a bridge over the river. +While he was occupied with this, Tomyris sent him a +herald, saying: 'O, king of the Persians, desist from +the undertaking which thou hast begun, for thou +knowest not whether thou wilt bring it to a good +end. Desist, and rule over what is thine, leaving us +to govern what is ours. But thou wilt take no heed +of these exhortations, but rather do anything than +remain at rest. If thou eagerly desirest to make +trial of the Massagetæ, desist from making this bridge +over the river; enter upon our land; we will retire +three days' march from the river; or if thou wouldst +rather have us in thy land, do thou the same.' When +Cyrus heard this he collected the chiefs of the Persians +in order to consult with them what he should do. +Their advice was all to one purport; he was to allow +Tomyris and her army to come into his land. But<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> +Crœsus, the Lydian, who was present, dissented from +this advice. 'If we allow the enemy to come into the +land,' he said to Cyrus, there will be danger: 'Shouldst +thou be defeated, the whole empire will be ruined. +The victorious Massagetæ will never retire, but invade +thy lands, and shouldst thou be victorious, thou wilt +not reap such results as if thou wert to defeat the +Massagetæ beyond the river, for then thou couldst +advance into the dominion of Tomyris. Besides, it is +shameful and disgraceful that the son of Cambyses +should retire before a woman. For this reason it +seems to me right to cross the river and advance as +far as they retire, and there attempt to gain the +victory over them. As I am told, the Massagetæ are +not acquainted with the luxuries of the Persians; they +have no experience of enjoyment. We must prepare +a meal for them in our camp, slaying and dressing +sheep, and placing at hand goblets of unmixed wine, +and various kinds of food; then leave behind the +weakest part of the army and retire to the river. If +I am not deceived, they will seize upon the provisions +when they see them, and we shall be in a position +to do great things.' Cyrus decided in favour of the +advice of Crœsus, and caused a message to be sent +to Tomyris that she should retire; he would advance +beyond the river. She retired as she promised. But +Cyrus gave his son Cambyses, who would be king +after him, to Crœsus, and exhorted him to honour the +Lydian king, and treat him kindly if the expedition +across the river should turn out badly. Then he sent +the two to Persia, and crossed the river with his army. +And in the first night which he spent in the land of +the Massagetæ he saw in a dream the eldest son of +Hystaspes, with wings on his shoulders, one of which +overshadowed Asia and the other Europe. The eldest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> +son of Hystaspes was Darius, at that time a youth of +about 20 years, who had been left behind in Persia, +because he was not old enough to accompany the +army. Cyrus summoned Hystaspes, took him aside, +and said to him in private: 'Hystaspes, thy son is +conceiving evil plots against me and my kingdom. +The gods watch over me, and show me the danger +which is threatening. Return at once to Persia, and +act in such a way that if I succeed in this enterprise +and return home, thou mayest bring thy son before +me for examination.' Hystaspes answered: 'If the +dream shows thee that my son is conceiving a revolt +against thee, I will give him over to thee to deal with +as thou wilt.' Then Hystaspes went over the Araxes +on his way back to Persia, to keep his son under +guard for Cyrus. But when he had gone a day's march +from the river, Cyrus did as Crœsus had advised; he +left the useless men in the camp, and marched with +the able-bodied back to the river. A third part of +the army of the Massagetæ came to the camp, slew +those that were left behind, in spite of their resistance, +and as they found the meal prepared, and had +conquered the enemy, they feasted, and then fell +asleep, gorged with food and wine. When the Persians +came up they slew many of them, and took even +more prisoners, among them Spargapises, the son of +Tomyris, the leader of the Massagetæ. When the +queen discovered what had befallen the army and her +son, she sent a herald to Cyrus, who said: 'O Cyrus, +insatiate of blood, exalt not thyself because that +by the fruit of the vine, filled with which ye rage and +utter evil words—that by such poison thou hast +treacherously got possession of my son, and not by +bravery in the battle. Now take my advice, for I +counsel thee well. Give me my son back again, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> +depart out of this land, without punishment for bringing +shame on the third part of the army of the Massagetæ. +If thou dost not do this, I swear by the sun, +the lord of the Massagetæ, that I will satisfy thee with +blood, insatiate as thou art.' To this message Cyrus paid +no heed. When he had recovered from the effects of +the wine, Spargapises discovered into what a calamity +he had fallen. He requested Cyrus that he should be +freed from his chains. As soon as this was done, and +his hands were free, he killed himself. As Cyrus did +not obey her, Tomyris collected her whole force, and +joined battle with him. I learn that this battle was +the most severe ever fought among the barbarians, +and it was fought as follows. In the first place, so +we are told, they hurled missiles from a distance, +and when the missiles were exhausted they fell upon +each other, and fought with lances and swords. They +maintained the battle a long time, for neither side +would fly; but at last the Massagetæ got the upper +hand. The greater part of the Persian army perished +and Cyrus himself fell, after a reign of 29 years. +Tomyris searched for the corpse of Cyrus among the +dead, and when she had found it, she plunged the +head in a bottle filled with human blood, and said in +insult to the dead: 'Though I live and have conquered +thee in the battle, thou hast nevertheless made me +unhappy, for thou hast taken away my son by +treachery. Yet, as I threatened, I will satisfy thee +with blood.'"</p> + +<p>In a similar way, though not without variations, +Diodorus and Trogus narrate the death of Cyrus. The +account of Diodorus marks even more strongly the +shameful death of the king. He tells us that, after the +overthrow of the Babylonians, Cyrus desired to subdue +the whole earth. He had reduced the greatest nations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> +and mightiest nations, he was of opinion that no ruler +or nation could withstand his power. Like many of +those who exercise irresponsible power, Cyrus did not +know how to bear prosperity as a man should. He +led a strong army to Scythia; but the queen of the +Scythians took him prisoner and crucified him. In +the excerpt from Pompeius Trogus we are told that +when Cyrus had reduced Asia and brought the East +into his power, he marched upon the Scythians. But +Tomyris, their queen, was not terrified by the approach +of the Persians. She might have defended +the passage of the Jaxartes against them, but she +considered that flight would be more difficult for the +enemy if they had the river behind them. So Cyrus +crossed the Jaxartes, and pitched his camp when he +had advanced some distance into the country of the +enemy. On the next day he abandoned it as if in +terror and retired, leaving in it a sufficiency of wine +and everything that is required for a banquet. The +queen, on hearing this, sent her young son to pursue +the enemy with a third part of her army. When he +reached the camp, the youth, who had no experience +of war, gave up all thought of the enemy, and allowed +his people to become intoxicated with the wine, to +which they were not accustomed. Cyrus returned in +the night, and all the Scythians including the queen's +son were cut down. In spite of the loss of such an +army, and the still greater loss of her only son, +Tomyris thought only of revenge, and plotted how +she could destroy the victors by treachery. When +she was no longer in a condition to give battle +she enticed Cyrus by retiring into a pass, after she +had placed an ambush in the mountains. So she +succeeded in defeating the whole Persian army, +200,000 men, with the king. Not even a messenger<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> +escaped to tell of the disaster. She caused the +head to be cut off the body of Cyrus, and placed +in a bottle filled with human blood, calling out: +"Satiate thyself with the blood for which thou didst +thirst with an insatiable desire."<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> In regard to this +story, which no doubt is to be ascribed to Deinon, +Arrian remarks quite briefly: "Whether the defeat +of the Persians in Scythia was brought about by the +difficulty of the land, or some mistake of Cyrus, or +whether the Scythians were better soldiers than the +Persians of that date, I cannot determine."<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> Polyaenus +must have had stories of a similar kind before him; but +in his account the stratagem which Cyrus uses against +Tomyris is used by the queen against Cyrus, and +this is the reason given for the defeat of the Persian +army and the death of the king. When Cyrus +approached, Tomyris retreated with her army in pretended +flight. The Persians pursued; in the camp +of the queen they found a great store of wine, +provisions, and cattle, on which they feasted and drank +the whole night through as though they had already +won the battle. Then, when they could scarcely +move, Tomyris attacked them and cut them all down +together with Cyrus himself.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p> + +<p>The narrative of Herodotus involves glaring contradictions. +In opposition to the cunning, ambition, and +bloodthirstiness of Cyrus, it presents to us as a model +of honour, love of peace, moderation and self-restraint, +the queen of a nation of cannibals, who gives Cyrus +the wisest lessons before exacting punishment for +his insatiable ambition. She perceives the treachery +of his intended wooing. When he comes openly with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> +force, she urges him to be content with what he +possesses, makes the battle easier for him by allowing +him to cross the river without opposition, and then +gives him the choice of a field of battle. When Cyrus +has made a treacherous use of her honourable and +open offers she taunts him with the evil results of +the use of wine on the Persians and again offers peace +on the most favourable conditions; if Cyrus surrenders +her son and retires from her country she will +allow the destruction of her army to go unpunished. +This moderation remains without any effect; Cyrus +goes blindly to his destruction. But the queen of +the barbarians has no enjoyment of this success; her +sorrow for the loss of her son, who puts an end to his +own life in noble shame that he has brought his army +to destruction, and become a captive by excess in +wine, is greater than her joy at the victory. Hardly +less strange is the conduct of Cyrus. The general +who has conquered Media, Lydia, and Babylonia, and +the nations of Asia, is uncertain how to carry on the +campaign against the Massagetæ; he takes counsel +with the prince, whom in spite of the bravery of his +people he has defeated most rapidly and decisively: +he allows this prince to tell him that the son of +Cambyses ought not to give way to a woman, and +follows his advice against the unanimous opinion of +the Persians. At the same time he has evil intimations +about the issue of the decision; and sends +the heir to the throne back to Persia. He boasts +that the gods have announced to him all the misfortunes +which threatened him, whereas it is the +elevation of Darius which was shown to him in the +dream, a danger which did not even remotely threaten +him, and not the destruction which was to overtake +him in two days.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span></p> + +<p>It need not be proved that this narrative has come +from a poetical source. The prominent traits, the +long speeches and counter-speeches, the lament of the +mother, the bottle of blood, point beyond all mistake +to poetry. It is clear that Persian poems would not +ascribe to the great founder of their empire, whom +they honoured as a father, the part which Herodotus +represents him as taking against the queen of a barbarous +nation; least of all would they charge Cyrus +with an insatiable thirst for blood, and bring him on +that account to a shameful end. But the Medes, as +they had matched the poems of the Persians on the +birth, youth, and rise of Cyrus with other songs about +his origin, his fortune, and the fall of Astyages composed +from their own point of view, might very well +describe after their own manner the death of the king. +They could not reverse their own subjugation, but +they could have the satisfaction of reprobating the +ambition and bloodthirstiness of their conqueror, who +called out the Median army for ceaseless service; +they could bring the conqueror of Asia to a miserable +end, and represent the subduer of the noblest men +as finding his master in a woman. And if it was +the advice of a conquered and captive king which led +Cyrus to destruction,—the trait suits the context and +presents an instance of poetical justice. The dream of +Cyrus obviously belongs to another context; it is +merely inserted here in order to show how Cambyses +and Hystaspes escaped the great defeat in the land of +the Massagetæ. At a later time the Medes felt heavily +enough the power of Darius. The Median poems on +the rebellion of Cyrus contained a certain element of +fact in the desertion of Harpagus, and the same may +have been the case in their poems about Tomyris. +Ctesias told us above that Cyrus conquered and took +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span>prisoner the king of the Sacae, but was afterwards +severely defeated by his wife Sparethra, in which defeat +many captives were taken, and among them the most +distinguished Medes. Strabo also tells us of a battle +which Cyrus lost against the Sacae. Forced to retire, +he had abandoned his camp and all that was in it, +and when the Sacae were enjoying the booty he fell +upon them and cut them down. These events may +underlie the story of Tomyris.</p> + +<p>From the various narratives, which, as Herodotus +informs us, were current about the rise and death of +Cyrus, the historian chose that account of both which +seemed to him the "most probable," <i>i. e.</i> that which +coincided with his own views, and thus appeared to +him most credible. It is the firm conviction of +Herodotus, the thought which lies at the base of his +great history, that every unjust deed, every act of +violence, is followed by punishment. Cyrus had +considered himself to be more than a man; he had +placed no limit, no end to his conquests. Hence +retribution overtook him in his conflict with a woman. +The description of the barbarous custom of the Massagetæ +was obviously wanting in the authority which +Herodotus followed about the death of Cyrus; it +comes from another source. In this way, though +unobserved by Herodotus, a glaring contradiction +has crept into his narrative. If we may draw a +conclusion from the name Spargapises, <i>i. e.</i> youthful +form, the enemies in the poetry which he used were +of Arian stock.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p> + +<p>According to the account of Ctesias Cyrus fell in +war against the Derbiccians. These were said by +some to dwell in the neighbourhood of the Margiani;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> +by others they were placed on both sides of the +mouth of the Oxus; but as Ctesias mentions the +Indians as their allies and represents the Sacae as +dwelling at no great distance, we must look for them +on the middle course of the Oxus in the neighbourhood +of Bactria. According to Strabo's description, +the Derbiccians worshipped the earth, to which they +sacrificed male creatures, just as they ate none but +male animals. The smallest offence was punished +with death. The men who had exceeded their seventieth +year were slain and eaten by their nearest +relatives. The women who came to old age were also +killed but not eaten. Curtius states that a part of +their warriors were armed with poles hardened in +the fire.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> "Amoraeus," so we are told in the excerpt +preserved from Ctesias' "Persian History," "was king +of the Derbiccians; against him Cyrus marched, and +the Indians aided the Derbiccians in the battle. The +elephants which the Derbiccians received from the +Indians were placed in the ambush. They caused the +Persian cavalry to retreat. Cyrus fell from his horse, +and as he lay on the ground an Indian hit him with +his javelin under the hip in the thigh. He was +lifted up and carried into the Persian camp. In +this battle many of the Persians fell, and also many +of the Derbiccians—10,000 on either side. Hearing +this, Amorges the king of the Sacae came to the +help of Cyrus with 20,000 men. When the battle +was renewed, the Persians and Sacae fought bravely +and conquered. Amoraeus fell and with him his two +sons; 30,000 Derbiccians and 9000 Persians were left +in the field, and the land of the Derbiccians submitted +to Cyrus. But he felt his end approaching. He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> +named his eldest son Cambyses as his successor; +and the younger Tanyoxarkes he made lord of the +Bactrians, the Chorasmians, Parthians, and Carmanians, +with an arrangement that their lands should pay +no tribute. To the two sons of Spitamas, Spitaces +and Megabernes (V. 383), he gave the satrapies +of the Derbiccians and Hyrcanians (Barcanians), +and bade them obey their mother (Amytis) in all +things. They were also to give their hands to each +other and to Amorges in pledge that they would +treat him and each other as friends; on him who +persisted in kindness to his brother Cyrus invoked +blessings, and curses on him who should be the first +to begin a quarrel. Thus saying, he died on the +third day after his wound."<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p> + +<p>This narrative also goes back to a poetical source, +though it is not directly borrowed any more than the +narrative of Herodotus. Meagre as the excerpt is, +there can be no doubt about the poetical origin of it. +This is proved by the compression of the events into +a few days; the rapid and ready assistance given by +the king of the Sacae, whom Cyrus had once captured +in battle and then made his friend; the gratitude +which he reaped for this deed in his last days; the +heavy penalty laid upon the Derbiccians for the +wound of Cyrus; the fall of their king and his two +sons and the submission of the country; the death of +Cyrus after great danger in the moment of victory; +the appointment of a successor; the recommendation +of Amorges; the exhortations to union given by Cyrus +when dying to his sons; his blessing on the son who +remembered them, and his curse on him who neglected +them. Here also, as in the different accounts of +Herodotus and Ctesias in the elevation of Cyrus, we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> +find points of agreement in the two versions. Whether +the names Tomyris and Amoraeus can be connected we +need not inquire. Each story contains the space of +three days, the appointment of a successor, the exhortations +and the recommendation of a third person—Crœsus +in the one, Amorges in the other. As in the +story of Ctesias—Nicolaus about the rise of Cyrus, +Oebares takes the place of Harpagus in Herodotus, so +here the Sacian Amorges takes the place of the Lydian +Crœsus; though Crœsus, it is true, gives only ruinous +advice, and Amorges renders active and valuable help. +As the Persian tradition is preserved in the story of +Ctesias about the rise of Cyrus, though the Medes had +their discrepant version, so in the story of the fall, as +given by this historian, we have no doubt the Persian +account. The region which is allotted to the second +son, the emphasis laid on the harmony of the sons, +the death of Cyrus in victory, no less than the tone +which pervades the whole narrative, prove the Persian +origin of the story. The aged prince is wounded at +the head of his people in a battle on horseback; but +his friends avenge him; he dies, as he had lived, in +victory and success, surrounded by his sons and stepsons. +This glorification of his death was matched +by the Medes in the poems from which the narrative +of Herodotus has arisen.</p> + +<p>Xenophon represents Cyrus as dying at an advanced +age in peace, when he has reached Persia for the +seventh time after winning the empire. In the palace +he had a dream which announced his approaching +end. He caused his sons to be brought to him, who +had accompanied him to Persia, his friends, and the +captains of the Persians. His power, so he told them, +had not decayed with age; he had striven for nothing +and attempted nothing that he had not obtained,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> +and what he had once obtained he had never lost. +Though everything had succeeded according to his +wishes, he had never allowed himself to indulge in +proud thoughts and excessive rejoicing, for he had +ever been attended by the apprehension that evil +would come upon him in the future. "Do you now, +Cambyses," he continued, "receive the throne, which +the gods and I, so far as lies in me, give to you; to +you, Tanaoxares, I give the satrapy over the Medes, +the Armenians, and the Cadusians. I give you this +because I deem it right to leave to the elder the +larger dominion and the name of king, but to you a +less burdensome fortune." Then he urged both to +remain in the closest friendship, for they had been +nourished by one mother, and had grown up in +one house; neither of them could find a stronger support +than his brother. He made them swear by the +gods of their fathers that they would hold each other +in honour; they could not prove their love for him +more truly in any other way. Finally, he reminded +them that by showing kindness to friends they would +be able to punish their enemies, gave his hand to all, +veiled his face and died.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p> + +<p>According to the account of the companions of +Alexander of Macedon, the corpse of Cyrus rested in +the abode of his ancestors, at his metropolis, Pasargadae, +in the precincts of the "old citadel." Concerning +his tomb we have only the account of +Aristobulus, who saw it when Alexander reached +Pasargadae, and on the return from India received +a commission to restore the sepulchres which had +been plundered in the mean time. This account is +preserved in two excerpts; the shorter one is given +by Strabo, the more circumstantial by Arrian. In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> +the latter we are told: "At Pasargadae in the royal +garden (Paradeisus) was the tomb of Cyrus. Round +the tomb a grove of trees had been planted of various +kinds; the soil was permeated by streams and overgrown +with thick grass. The tomb itself was built +of square stones in a rectangular form; the upper +part was a covered chamber." From Strabo we learn +that "the tomb is a tower of no great size, which is +massive in the lower part, but in the upper story is +a room." "The door which leads into it," Arrian +continues, "is so narrow, that a moderately stout man +could scarcely enter. In the chamber was a couch +with feet of beaten gold, with purple coverlet over +which lay carpets of Babylonian pattern. There was +also a robe (<i>kandys</i>) and under-garments of Babylonian +manufacture, and Median trowsers, garments +coloured blue and purple, some of one colour, some +of the other, chains, swords, and necklaces of gold +and precious stones, and a table (Strabo adds goblets). +On the middle of the couch was the coffin with the +corpse of Cyrus, covered with a lid. The inscription +on the grave, in the Persian language and Persian +letters, says: 'O men, I am Cyrus the son of Cambyses, +who founded the empire of the Persians and +governed Asia; do not grudge me this monument.' +Within the outer wall of the sepulchre near the steps +which lead to the chamber was a small dwelling for +the Magians, who have watched the tomb since the +time of Cyrus, the office descending from father to +son. Each day they receive a sheep and a fixed +amount of corn and wheat, and each month a horse +to sacrifice to Cyrus." The corpse itself is said to +have been completely preserved after two centuries. +Onesicritus tells us that the tower of the sepulchre +had ten stories; the inscription was in Persian and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> +Greek written in Persian letters, and said: "Here +lie I, Cyrus, king of kings."<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p> + +<p>Near the modern city of Murghab, on a plain +covered with the ruins of walls, not far from a square +tower and a platform, built of square blocks of +marble to a height of nearly forty feet, on a substructure +of seven flats (the sacred number which we +meet everywhere) arranged in terraces, rises a plain +oblong building constructed of huge stones of the +most beautiful white marble, which are closely fitted +together, and covered with a flat gable roof; it forms +a chamber in which the entrance is through a door +four feet in height. The excellent and beautiful proportions, +the quiet simple forms of the building, give +an impression of solemnity, and appear to mark a +consecrated place. Close to this building, and again +in a terrace, we find bases, shafts, and pillars, which +must have belonged to a large structure, perhaps to +a portico, which was in some connection with the +stages of the terrace. Three door-posts bear, in three +different languages, the inscription: "I, Cyrus, the +king, the Achæmenid." Hence there can be no doubt +that these remains belong to a structure erected by +Cyrus. Before the posts are twelve bases, and before +these a pillar of marble fifteen feet in height, formed +from a single stone. On this is cut in relief a +slim form in profile. It has four wings springing +from the shoulders, is clothed in a closely-fitting +garment falling to the ancles; on the right side which +is visible, and on the lower hem, the garment is furnished +with fringes. The form of the uncovered lower<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> +arm seems to indicate a commanding attitude. The +head is covered with a striped, closely-fitting cap, +which reaches down to the neck. Out of the crown +of it rise two horns, which extend on either side and +bear a tall ornament of peculiarly-formed leaves and +feathers. The face is surrounded by a full but short +beard, the nose is somewhat rounded at the tip, the +line of the profile is straight and well-formed, the +expression mild and serene. Over the head, as on the +posts, we find written in cuneiform letters: "<i>Adam +Kurus Khsayathiya Hakhamanisiya</i>" <i>i. e.</i> "I, Cyrus, +the king, Achæmenid."<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> This is, it would seem, +a picture of the famous king.</p> + +<p>So far as we can tell Cyrus was long in coming +to his prime, and did not attain to his full powers +till he had reached the years of manhood. Sprung +from the royal house of the Persians, grandson of +Achæmenes, he grew up at Pasargadae, and rendered +service as a vassal to his sovereign. While performing +courtly and martial duties at Ecbatana, the extinction +of the male line of the house of Deioces, and the +rival claims which the death of Astyages would +call forth, opened to him the prospect of obtaining +independence for himself and the Persians. When +once more among his own people, the suspicion of +Astyages forces arms into the hands of himself and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> +his father. Astyages penetrates into the mountains +of Persia, and Cambyses is slain; only after severe +struggles are the Medes beaten back. Cyrus avails +himself of his success in order to carry war into Media. +About eighty years after Achæmenes had joined +Phraortes Cyrus marches victoriously into Ecbatana. +He at once aims at a higher object. The dominion of +the Medes must pass over to the Persians. Babylon +and Lydia give him time to subjugate the Parthians +and Hyrcanians, to make war on the Sacae and +Bactrians, to reduce the Cadusians, Armenians, and +Cappadocians. When yet unprepared or engaged in +other conflicts, he is attacked by Crœsus. A brilliant +campaign carries him far beyond the defensive; he +overthrows the Lydian empire and advances to the +shore of the Ægean. While his generals complete +the reduction of Asia Minor he turns again to the +East; once more Babylon gives him time to establish +and extend his empire in the table-land of Iran. +Secure on the East and West he proceeds to the +decisive struggle with Babylon. In the first campaign +he crosses the Tigris and secures the passage; in the +second he defeats Nabonetus, captures Sepharvaim, +storms Babylon, obtains possession of Borsippa, subjugates +Syria, and the Phenician cities. After the +annihilation of the Babylonian kingdom, Cyrus extends +the borders of his empire still further to the +East. The nations on the right bank of the Indus, +the Chorasmians and the Sogdiani, are reduced, and +the Jaxartes becomes the limit of the kingdom. Thus +by unwearied energy, restless effort, and tough endurance, +Cyrus achieved a career which has no equal; +from being chief of the Persian tribes he became +sovereign of Asia. As Xenophon says, his kingdom +extended from regions which are rendered uninhabit<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span>able +by heat, to others which are uninhabitable by +reason of the cold. This aim Cyrus had pursued +with great determination; he had not been guilty +of any wild outbursts. A general, rapid in decision +and tenacious in purpose, he had understood how +to meet failure and make himself master of the most +difficult undertakings. Other military princes of the +East have achieved greater conquests in a shorter +space of time than Cyrus, but none understood how +to preserve the empire he had won, and make it +permanent, as Cyrus did. He possessed not only +the keen eye of the general, but an unerring political +insight, and an unusual power of penetrating into +the interests, the motives, the manners and actions +of the communities and nations which victory placed +in his power. Among the rulers of the East no one +is like him, and one alone approaches him, the +second successor on the throne which he founded.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Behist. 1, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Arrian. "Ind." 1, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Plin. "H. N." 6, 25; Ptolem. 6, 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Script. Alex. Magni; fragm. 23, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Diod. 17, 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Strabo, p. 724; Arrian, "Anab." 3, 27, 4; 4, 4, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Curtius, 7, 3, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> In Strabo, p. 686.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Arrian, "Anab." 4, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri inst." 6, 6, 9; 8, 8, 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> <i>E. g.</i> Ctes. "Pers." 43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Herod. 3, 31; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 6, 4; Esther i. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Herod. 5, 25; 7, 194.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Herod. 1, 134.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Herod. 3, 154; 8, 85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> "Cyri inst." 8, 8, 1; 8, 2, 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Herod. 3, 75, 86, 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><span class="label">[125]</span> "Persae," 768-770.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> "Transact. Bibl. Arch." 2, 148.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> "Cyri inst." 8, 6, 9; 8, 8, 22, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Plin. "H. N." 33, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Arrian, "Anab." 3, 16; Curtius, 5, 2, 11; 6, 9, 6, 10; Diod. 17, 66, +71; Strabo, p. 731.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Diod. "Exc. vat." p. 33, 2, 44; Justin, 1, 8; 2, 3; 37, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Arrian, "Anab." 5, 4. A similar story is in Frontin. "Strateg." +2, 5, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Polyaen. "Strateg." 8, 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> <i>Çparheghapaeça</i>, from <i>çpareg</i>, to shoot, spring, and <i>paeça</i>, <i>piça</i>, +shape: Müllenhoff, "Monatsberichte Berl. Akad." 1866, s. 567.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Strabo, p. 514, 520; Plin. "H. N." 6, 16; Ptolem. 4, 20; Curtius, +3, 2; Diod. 2, 2; Steph. Byz. +Δερβίκκαι.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers." 6-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> "Cyri inst." 8, 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers." 7; Arrian, "Anab." 6, 28; Strabo, p. 730; Plin. "H. +N." 6, 29; Plut. "Alex." 69. Curtius (10, 1) asserts after Cleitarchus, +that when Alexander visited the tomb of Cyrus on his return from +India, he only found the shield of Cyrus, then rotten, two Scythian +bows, and a sword in the sepulchre.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> In the wings, the clothing, and the peculiar head-dress this portrait +(Tenier, "Descript." pl. 84) differs essentially from the representation +of Darius and his successors at Persepolis and Naksh-i-Rustem. It is +not Cyrus but his Fravashi which is here represented. The building +at Murghab is somewhat like the description of the tomb of Cyrus +given in the text, but the site will not allow us to regard it as the +tomb at Pasargadae. It must be a building which one of his successors +has dedicated to the memory of the great king. The profile in the +relief confirms to some degree Plutarch's statement that Cyrus had an +aquiline nose, and the Persians therefore considered beaked noses +the most becoming: "Praec. ger. reip." c. 30. The nose of Darius, as +we see it in the monuments, appears straighter and longer.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER X.</h2> + +<h3>THE FALL OF EGYPT.</h3> + + +<p>After the death of the great king who had founded +the Persian empire, Cambyses (Kambujiya), the elder +of the two sons whom Cassandane had borne to Cyrus, +ascended the throne of the new kingdom in the year +529 <small>B.C.</small> A few years before his death Cyrus had +entrusted him with the vice-royalty of Babylonia.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> +Herodotus tells us that "Cambyses again reduced the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> +nations which Cyrus had subjugated, and then marched +against Egypt." Egypt was the oldest of the great +powers of the ancient East, and, after the fall of +Media, Lydia, and Babylonia, it still remained independent +beside the kingdom which had risen up +so rapidly and brilliantly out of their ruins. A +hundred and fifty years previously Egypt had succumbed +to the arms of the Assyrians; how could an +ambitious ruler of Persia imagine that it could now +resist the incomparably greater forces which were at +his command?</p> + +<p>We know how Psammetichus and his descendants +had restored Egypt to her ancient position, the place +which they had assigned to the Greeks and Greek +civilisation in their state, a place which had not been +altered by Amasis, though brought to the throne by +a revolution which had removed the house of Psammetichus +(570 <small>B.C.</small>). The attempt of Necho to renew +the achievements of the Tuthmosis, Amenophis, and +Ramses in Syria and on the Euphrates was wrecked +by the sudden rise of the Babylonian kingdom under +Nebuchadnezzar, and Hophra had in vain attempted +to prevent the fall of Jerusalem and the advance of +Babylon to the borders of Egypt. The growth of the +Persian power threatened to give Egypt a far more +dangerous neighbour than she had had in Babylonia. +Amasis did not underrate the crisis. Herodotus told +us above that he had combined with Lydia against +Cyrus, that Crœsus had called upon the Egyptian +auxiliaries for the second campaign, and finally for the +rescue of Sardis. The rapid progress of the war +and the fall of Sardis defeated the aims of Amasis. +Then, as we saw, a decade elapsed before Cyrus +directed his arms against Babylonia. That Amasis +made every attempt to support Nabonetus against<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> +the Persians is not told us by tradition, unless +indeed we accept as tradition Xenophon's statement, +who represents the Lydians and Egyptians as fighting +against the Persians with the Babylonians (p. 17). +The fall of Babylon was followed directly by the +subjugation of Syria, the conquest of Gaza (p. 90), +and the advance of the Persian border to the desert. +Amasis does not appear to have been wholly inactive +in the face of the approaching danger. Herodotus +tells us that he took the island of Cyprus and made +it tributary, and Diodorus narrates that he subjugated +the cities in Cyprus, and adorned many of the temples +there with splendid offerings.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> We may assume that +the enterprise of Amasis against Cyprus was intended +to provide a counterpoise to the incorporation of Syria +in the Persian empire. It may have appeared more +desirable to the princes of the Cyprian cities to be +vassals of the remote and less powerful Egypt than of +the rising and powerful kingdom of Persia. In any +case, when he had set foot in Cyprus, Amasis prevented +that rich island, with its numerous cities, from +falling into the power of the Persians; the ships of +the Cyprian cities could assist him in keeping off +the fleet of the Phenicians from their coasts, should +the Persian monarch call out that fleet against Egypt. +That this was the object of the occupation of Cyprus +by Amasis is confirmed by the fact that some years +after the fall of Babylon he entered into communication +with the island of Samos. While Chios and +Lesbos, as has been observed, submitted to the Persians +without compulsion, Samos had remained independent. +Polycrates, the son of Aeaces, who had made +himself master of the island in the year 536 <small>B.C.</small>, built +a splendid fleet of eighty heavy and a hundred light<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> +ships, with which he could maintain his independence +against the Persians. The fleet of Polycrates +could hold the fleet of the Ionians in check if it were +called upon by the Persians, just as the Cyprians could +restrain the Phenicians. Amasis entered into close +and friendly relations with the prince of Samos, who +on his part must have gladly accepted the support of +Egypt against the Persians. Besides the possession +of Cyprus and this union with Samos, Egypt's power +of resistance rested essentially on the difficulty of +crossing the desert which separates Egypt from Syria +with a large army, on the considerable numbers of the +warrior caste, in spite of the emigration under Psammetichus, +and the fidelity and bravery of the Ionian +and Carian mercenaries, to whom Amasis had entrusted +his personal protection. The danger of an attack from +Persia seemed to have passed over when, after the +subjugation of Syria, Cyrus turned towards the distant +East, the Indus and Jaxartes; and Amasis may have +been careful not to irritate his powerful neighbour. +The skill of the physicians of Egypt was in great +repute. When Cyrus asked Amasis for the best +oculist, the Pharaoh, according to the Persian story, +may have acceded to his wish.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> The death of Cyrus +would then bring still greater prospects of power to +Amasis, until at last the decisive moment came +thirteen years after the fall of Babylon.</p> + +<p>"Cambyses," so Herodotus tells us, "sent to Egypt +and asked the daughter of Amasis in marriage. Both +hating and dreading the power of the Persians, +Amasis was uncertain whether to send or refuse her, +for he well knew that Cambyses did not intend to take +her as his legitimate wife, but as a concubine. So +he devised the following plan:—Nitetis, the daughter<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> +of the preceding king Hophra was the only member +of her family remaining. She was tall and beautiful, +and Amasis adorned her with garments and gold +and sent her as his own daughter to Persia. But +some time after, when Cambyses was embracing +Nitetis and calling her by the name of her father, +she said: 'O king, thou art deceived by Amasis, who +has sent me to thee thus adorned as his daughter, +whereas in truth I am the daughter of Hophra, +whom, though his lord, Amasis slew together with +the Egyptians.' This speech put Cambyses into a +violent rage, and for this reason he marched against +Egypt. This is the account which the Persians give; +but the Egyptians claim Cambyses as their own, +maintaining that he was the son of this daughter +of Hophra. It was not Cambyses, but Cyrus, who +desired the daughter of Hophra. But in this they +are wrong. The law of the Persians is not unknown +to them (for the Egyptians know the laws of the +Persians better than any one else), that the son of +the concubine is not made king if there are sons +of the queen, and that Cambyses was the son of +Cassandane, the daughter of Pharnaspes, and not of +the Egyptian woman. They invert the transaction +because they wish to give themselves out as allied +to the house of Amasis. Among the auxiliary troops +of Amasis there was a man of Halicarnassus, Phanes +by name, of good understanding and mighty in war. +Injured by Amasis in some way, he fled by ship out +of Egypt, in order to join Cambyses. As he was +a man of importance among the auxiliary troops, +and most accurately acquainted with Egypt, Amasis +was anxious to take him, and sent his most trusty +eunuch after him in a trireme. The eunuch caught +him up in Lycia, but he did not bring him back to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> +Egypt. Phanes outwitted him, by making his guards +intoxicated, and so escaped to Persia. When he +came to Cambyses, who, though intending to invade +Egypt, was uncertain how to pass through the +waterless region, Phanes told him all the affairs of +Amasis, and how the march was to be arranged. +He advised him to send to the king of the Arabians, +and ask him to give him a safe passage. The approach +to Egypt is open on this side only. From +Phœnicia to the borders of the city of Gaza,<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> which, +as it seems to me, is not much smaller than Sardis, +the land belongs to the Syrians, who are called Palaestinians +(Pelishtim), but from this city to Jenysus +the harbours of the sea are subject to the Arabians; +from Jenysus to the Serbonian Lake they again belong +to the Syrians, and at the Serbonian Lake Egypt +begins. The strip between the city of Jenysus and +the Serbonian Lake, a journey of three days, is wholly +without water. Instructed by the Halicarnassian, +Cambyses sent messengers to the Arabian, and received +permission for the passage, and when the +Arabian had given the envoy of Cambyses a solemn +promise with invocation of Urotal and Alilat, and +smearing of seven stones with blood (I. 308), he +caused bags of camel-skins to be filled with water, +loaded all his camels with them, and after marching +into the waterless district he there awaited the +army of Cambyses. But Psammenitus, the son of +Amasis, encamped on the Pelusiac mouth of the Nile. +For when Cambyses marched with all over whom +he ruled, even with those of the Hellenes who were +in his power,<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> against Egypt, he found that Amasis<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> +was no longer alive; he had died after a reign of 44 +years, without meeting with any great disaster in +that time. When the Persians had marched through +the waterless region and had pitched their camp +opposite the Egyptians for battle, the auxiliaries +of the Egyptians, Hellenes and Carians, who were +enraged against Phanes because he had brought a +foreign army against Egypt, did as follows:—The +children of Phanes had remained in Egypt. They +brought them into the camp, and then led them between +the two camps before the eyes of their father, +and slew them one after the other over a vessel. +When they were all dead they poured water and +wine into the vessel; all the mercenaries drank of +the blood and then went to battle. The struggle +was severe; when a great number had fallen on +both sides the Egyptians were put to flight. And +here I observed a very strange phenomenon, my +attention being called to it by the natives. The +bones of those who fell in the battle were gathered +up separately; the Persians are on one side and on +the other the Egyptians, and the sculls of the +Persians are so thin, that even if a pebble is thrown +upon them they break, while those of the Egyptians +are so hard that they can hardly be broken with a +stone. The Egyptians fled without any order. To +those who were shut up in Memphis Cambyses sent +a Persian herald in a trireme, to summon them to +surrender. But when the Egyptians saw the ship +come into Memphis they hastened down from the +citadel, destroyed the ship, tore the men in pieces, +and carried them to the citadel. Then the Egyptians +were besieged and finally surrendered."</p> + +<p>"On the tenth day after Cambyses had taken +the citadel of Memphis he desired to make trial of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> +Psammenitus, whom he had taken prisoner with the +other Egyptians in the city, and who had reigned but +six months. He therefore did as follows: He sent his +daughter in the dress of a slave with a pitcher, and +along with her the daughters of the leading Egyptians, +similarly attired, to fetch water. When they passed +before their fathers with lamentations and sighs, +these also cried and sighed at the sight of their +daughters' shame, but when Psammenitus saw what +was done he fixed his eyes on the earth. When the +maidens had passed with the water, Cambyses caused +the son of Psammenitus to be led past with two +thousand Egyptians of the same age, with ropes +round their necks and in their mouths. They were +to be the expiation of the Mytileneans, who were +slain on the ship in Memphis; the royal judges of the +Persians (p. 105) had decided that for every dead +man ten of the leading Egyptians must die. Psammenitus +saw the train, and knew that his son was being +led out to death, and the Egyptians who sat round +him wailed and lamented, but he did as he had done at +the sight of his daughter. When they also had passed, +it happened that an old man, who had been a guest +at the table of the king, but had now lost everything +and was as poor as a beggar, and asked alms of the +soldiers, passed by Psammenitus and the Egyptians in +the suburbs. When Psammenitus saw this he lamented +aloud, beat his head, and called on his friend by name. +The guards who stood by announced what he had +done on each occasion. Cambyses was astonished, +and asked Psammenitus, by a messenger, why he +had neither lamented nor sighed at the sight of his +daughter in her shame, and his son when led out +to execution, but had paid this tribute of respect to +a beggar with whom Cambyses had discovered he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> +was in no way connected. Psammenitus answered, +'O son of Cyrus, my own misfortune was too great +for tears, but the sorrows of my friend called for +lamentation, since on the threshold of old age he +had fallen from great possessions to the condition of +a beggar.' When this was told to Cambyses it seemed +to him well said; but as the Egyptians tell the story, +Crœsus wept (he had followed Cambyses to Egypt), +and the Persians who were present wept, and Cambyses +was touched with some degree of compassion. +He at once gave orders not to execute the son of +Psammenitus, and to fetch Psammenitus from the +suburb into his presence. The messengers found the +son no longer alive, but they brought Psammenitus +himself to Cambyses, who did him no further injury. +Had Psammenitus known how to remain quiet, he +would certainly have received the government of +Egypt; for the Persians are wont to honour the sons +of kings, and even though the fathers have revolted, +they give the dominion to the son. But when +Psammenitus dealt treacherously he received his +reward. He was detected in exciting the Egyptians +to revolt. When Cambyses discovered this, he compelled +him to drink bulls' blood, and he died on +the spot. Such was his end."</p> + +<p>"But Cambyses came from Memphis to Sais, and +when he entered the palace of Amasis, he gave orders +to take his body out of the grave; when this was +done he caused the corpse to be scourged, the hair to +be torn out; he stabbed it and treated it with every +kind of indignity. When those who were executing +his commands grew weary, for the body being embalmed +resisted their blows, and did not come to +pieces, he ordered it to be burned. This was a +sacrilegious command. The Persians regard fire as a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> +deity, and the burning of the dead is not according +to the laws either of the Persians or the Egyptians. +The Persians do not consider it right to offer a corpse +to a god; the Egyptians regard fire as a living all-consuming +animal, and as it is by no means lawful +to give up corpses to animals, they embalm them +that they may not be consumed by worms. Hence +Cambyses had commanded what was not allowed +by the law of either nation. But the Egyptians say +that it was not Amasis who endured this contumely, +but another Egyptian of the same age, whom the +Persians outraged under the impression that they +were outraging Amasis. Amasis had been informed +by an oracle what would happen to him after death; +to escape his fate he had buried a man, who died at +the time, in the tomb which he had made for himself +at the temple of Neith at Sais, near the door, and +had commanded his son to bury him in the innermost +grave-chamber. In my opinion these arrangements +of Amasis about his burial were not carried out, they +were mere inventions of the Egyptians."</p> + +<p>Ctesias' narrative is as follows: Cambyses fulfilled +the last commands of his father that his younger +brother Tanyoxarkes should be made lord of the +Bactrians, Chorasmians, Parthians, and Carmanians, +and in every other respect, and sent his corpse +to Persia for burial. Having ascertained that the +Egyptian women were more desirable than others, he +asked Amasis for one of his daughters, and Amasis +sent Nitetis the daughter of Hophra. Cambyses took +great delight in her, and loved her much, and when +he had learned all her story he acceded to her request +that he would avenge the murder of her father. +When he had armed against Egypt and Amyrtaeus, +the Egyptian king, the eunuch Combaphes, who had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> +great influence with Amyrtaeus, betrayed the passes +into Egypt, and all the affairs of the country, in order +that he might be viceroy of it. Then Cambyses set +out on his march; in the battle 50,000 Egyptians +and 20,000 Persians were slain,<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> Amyrtaeus was taken +alive, and all Egypt was subjugated. Cambyses did +no further harm to Amyrtaeus beyond sending him +with 6000 Egyptians of his own choice to Susa; but +Combaphes became governor of Egypt as Cambyses +had promised first by Izabates, his most trusted +eunuch and the cousin of Combaphes, and then by +his own mouth.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p> + +<p>Herodotus' account is once more dominated by the +desire to give prominence to the vengeance for the +crime which Amasis committed in betraying Hophra +his master and thrusting from the throne the legitimate +ruler of Egypt (III. 407). Amasis was spared, +but the punishment fell upon the son, who thus +suffered for his father's sins. The sources open to +Herodotus were the narratives of the Persians, of the +Egyptians, and of his own people. The Greeks of +Asia Minor had taken part in the campaign of Cambyses +against Egypt; Greek mercenaries assisted in +the defence; and as we have seen, Greeks were settled +in Egypt in considerable numbers. Herodotus himself +rejects the story that Cambyses was the son of +the daughter of Hophra, as the Egyptians maintained +by way of consolation; as well as another story that +Cambyses had invaded Egypt in order to avenge the +preference which Cyrus showed to the daughter of +Hophra over his mother Cassandane. On the other +hand, he adopts, though with hesitation, the story of +the Persians that Cambyses sought a wife from Amasis, +because it agrees with his own idea that ruin was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> +brought upon Amasis by his own treachery and the +daughter of the Pharaoh whom he had deposed. +Deinon in his Persian History and Lyceas of Naucratis +retained both these stories together in the form that +Amasis sent Nitetis to Cyrus, and that she was the +mother of Cambyses who invaded Egypt to avenge +Hophra. The solicitation of Cambyses, and the +deception of Amasis, in Herodotus, and in a still +more pointed form in Ctesias, the source of which, +Herodotus tells us, was the narrative of the Persians, +has obviously arisen out of Persian poems +about Cambyses, which required some poetical motive +for the campaign against Egypt; we saw that the +modern version of the poems concerning Cyrus represented +the campaign against Tomyris as due to a +similar motive. Hophra died in the year 570; when +Cambyses ascended the throne, his youngest daughter +must have been more than forty years of age. There +was no need of any motive of this kind to excite +Cambyses against Egypt, as has been shown above; +after the fall of Lydia and Babylonia, Egypt was the +natural aim for the Persian weapons.</p> + +<p>Cambyses did not begin the war against Egypt +immediately after his accession. Though Ctesias +tells us that he first placed his brother over the +Bactrians, Chorasmians, Parthians, and Carmanians, +Cyrus, when he entrusted the kingdom of Babylonia +to Cambyses, may have given the viceroyalty over +the regions of the East to his younger son. We +may confidently believe Herodotus that the death +of Cyrus gave the subject nations the hope of again +throwing off the yoke. After overcoming these rebellions +(p. 131), in the fifth year of his reign, +Cambyses marched against Egypt. Amasis, as we +have observed, had made himself master of the island<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> +of Cyprus, and had entered into communication with +Polycrates the prince of Samos, in order to cover +an attack on Egypt by sea, and provide, in case of +necessity, a counterpoise to the naval power of the +Greek cities on the coast, and that of the Phenicians. +Cyrus had allowed his empire to be bounded by +the sea, though he did not refuse the voluntary +submission of Chios and Lesbos. Cambyses went +further. He wished to procure a fleet for his kingdom; +Persia was to rule by sea as well as land. +This, it is true, could only be done by forcing arms +into the hands of subject tribes and cities, and that +on an element on which the Persians could not pursue +them. It was a bold conception, and in forming +it Cambyses must have felt quite secure of the +obedience of the Greek and Phenician cities, and +of the allegiance of the old princely houses who +ruled in the latter no less than of the new ones +who ruled in the former. For the first time the +command went forth to the harbour cities of the +Syrian and Anatolian coasts, that they were to arm +their ships for the king. The fleet was to support +the attack of the land army, and then, passing up +the Nile, facilitate the movements of the army in +Egypt. The ships of the Greeks were to unite +with those of the Phenicians in the harbour of Acco +to the south of Carmel.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> This resolution of Cambyses +and the assembling of so magnificent a fleet on +the coast of Phœnicia at once bore fruit. The princes +of the Cyprian cities abandoned Egypt, recognised +the supremacy of Persia, and at once prepared their +ships for a voyage against Egypt. In return for +this sudden and voluntary submission they were +allowed to remain at the head of the cities; they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> +were only to pay tribute and furnish contingents +in war.<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> On Polycrates of Samos also the naval +armament of Cambyses made a most lively impression. +When in possession of a strong fleet Cambyses could +use it against Samos. Was Polycrates to fight for +Egypt whose naval power could not defend him against +this fleet, or was he to remain neutral? Polycrates +held the latter course to be the worst; neutrality +during the war of Cyrus and Crœsus had cost the +Greek cities dear enough. He determined to change +his front. When the Ionian cities launched their +ships, and the vessels of Chios and Lesbos steered +towards the Syrian coast, he also offered to place ships +at the disposal of the Persian king for use in Egypt. +Cambyses accepted the submission of Polycrates, and +he sent forty well-manned ships of war.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></p> + +<p>Thus Cambyses had already deprived the Pharaoh +of two important points of support before he had +begun the war. Whether Amasis was alive at the +defection of the princes of Cyprus, and of Polycrates, +is doubtful. It is possible that his death, which +elevated to the throne of Egypt his son Psammenitus +(Psamtek III.), an untried prince in the place of a +proved and experienced leader such as Amasis, was +another weight in the scale on the side of defection. +There was still another difficulty to remove. The +Syrian coast formed a strong wall of protection for +Egypt. If the fleet followed the army along the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> +coast it found none but difficult landing-places; at +present there are none in that region for the heavier +ships of our days. In any case, in a numerous army +such as Cambyses no doubt led, care would have to +be taken for the horses and camels. It is not true +that Cambyses requested a free passage from the king +of the Arabians; the men in question were the chiefs +of the Arabs in the peninsula of Sinai, the Midianites +and Amalekites; and it was the supply of water for +the army which these tribes undertook. After completing +his preparations Cambyses set out early in +the year 525 <small>B.C.</small>, in order to march through the desert +before the beginning of the hottest weather, and arrive +in Egypt sufficiently early before the inundation.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p> + +<p>As the desertion of Eurybatus aided Cyrus in the +Lydian war (p. 20), so was Cambyses assisted in his +preparations for the campaign against Egypt according +to the narrative of Herodotus by the advice of +Phanes, and according to Ctesias by the advice of +Combaphes. We may here give unhesitating confidence +to the definite assertion of Herodotus as it +concerns his own countryman of Halicarnassus. The +departure of Phanes for Egypt must have taken place +in the autumn of the year 526 <small>B.C.</small>, for it is Amasis +who sends his trusted eunuch after him as far as +Lycia. For the name of Psammenitus the fragment +of Ctesias gives the incorrect name of Amyrtaeus (if +this name of the later opponent of Persia on the Nile +is not due to the excerpt), it substitutes Combaphes +for Phanes, <i>i. e.</i> to all appearances the eunuch who +pursues Phanes for Phanes himself. We do not find<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> +elsewhere the slightest trace that Combaphes received +the vice-royalty of Egypt; on the contrary, the statements +of the fragments about the cousinship of the +chief eunuch of Pharaoh and the chief eunuch of +Cambyses, and the repeated promise of the vice-royalty +which is made to Combaphes, point to Persian poems, +which had to clothe incidents of this nature in a +poetical garb; we have already frequently met with +the analogous promises of Arbaces to Belesys, and +of Cyrus to the interpreters of dreams at Babylon.</p> + +<p>With regard to the course of the war we can only +establish the fact, that Psammenitus collected all his +forces, <i>i. e.</i> the warrior caste, and his Ionian and +Carian troops, which were apparently strengthened by +Libyan tribes, and Greeks from Cyrene, and awaited +the attack of the Persians at the point where at +the present day the caravan road from Gaza reaches +Egypt, near Pelusium, the old border fortress, surrounded +by the sand of the desert and wide expanses +of mud. In regard to this battle we only learn from +Ctesias that 50,000 Egyptians and 20,000 Persians +fell; whether it be that these numbers are taken +from the Persian poems, or whether they belong to +the official Persian account. A part of the Egyptian +army retired to Pelusium; with another band of +fugitives Psammenitus reached Memphis. When the +Persians had besieged and captured Pelusium, which +made a bold resistance, Egypt lay open to them. +Cambyses shaped his course to Memphis. There in +past days the empire of the Pharaohs had arisen; +there stood the temple of Ptah, the most sacred shrine +of the land, which Menes himself was said to have +founded, which all his successors, including Amasis, had +enlarged and adorned. Memphis closed the approach +to the upper river valley, which was barred to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> +Persians so long as the city held out. Hence it appears +to have been the determination of Psammenitus +to give up the delta to the Persians, to defend +Memphis, and shut himself up in its walls. The city +is said to have been twenty miles in circuit (I. 85); +it lay on the western bank of the Nile, and Cambyses +had the difficult task of crossing the river before he +could invest the city. But now it was seen how +great was the support afforded by the fleet. The +Egyptian ships must have been forced to retire; the +union of the Persian army with the fleet was accomplished; +one of these ships appeared before the walls +of Memphis sooner than the army. According to the +account of Herodotus it would seem that it was not +the city but only the citadel of Memphis, "the white +tower" on the southern dam, which defended itself. +If this was the case Cambyses had no doubt to thank +the fleet for it. Elsewhere the city must have been +defended on the side towards the Nile by the river-dams +merely, which the garrison despaired of holding +against the attack of numerous ships of war. Thus +invested and attacked the citadel must at length have +opened the gates; and with the citadel Psammenitus +fell into the hands of the Persians.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> After the fall +of Memphis Cambyses does not seem to have found +resistance anywhere. It is nevertheless possible that +Sais, the residence of Psammetichus and his descendants, +as well as of Amasis and Psammenitus, the +burial-place of the princes and of Amasis, attempted +a defence. In any case the conquest of Sais completed +the subjugation of the Egyptian land. An<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> +inscription of the Egyptians says: "When the great +prince, the lord of the world, Kambathet, marched +against Egypt, all nations of the earth were with +him. He became lord of the whole land and settled +there."<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> In a war of a few months Cambyses had +overthrown a kingdom which reckoned by millenniums, +and had been the wonder of the world.</p> + +<p>What Herodotus tells us of the fate of Psammenitus +and the death of his son reminds us in a +striking manner of the legend of the Greeks about +the distress and the rescue of Crœsus, who also +reappears in this narrative. In both Herodotus becomes +uncertain towards the end, and changes from +direct to indirect narration, from assertion to supposition. +When Cyrus commanded Crœsus to be +burned, he intended, according to Herodotus, to prove +whether a god would come to his aid; Cambyses +intends to put the endurance of Psammenitus to the +test. Two trials are made with this object; and +a third trial also takes place; and if Crœsus calls +on Solon three times on the pyre, Psammenitus +remains dumb "with horror," as Aristotle says, at +the sight of his daughter at her slavish task, and +of his son when led out to execution; it is only at +the sight of his friend who has become a beggar +that he breaks forth into lamentation. Like Cyrus +at Sardis, Cambyses at Memphis inquires into the +reason of such conduct. But if Cyrus weeps at the +pyre, and desires to save Crœsus, who is finally +rescued by a god, so in this place, all the Persians +who are present weep, and Crœsus weeps, and +Cambyses himself is touched by compassion; he +wishes to save the son of Psammenitus; and though<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> +he cannot do this he releases the father out of +captivity and receives him at his court. There is a +difference in the stories in the fact that though +Cambyses is putting Psammenitus to the test, the +son is actually executed, and that the compassion +of Cambyses is not aroused by the danger impending +over the Egyptian king, but by his conduct. As in +the story of Crœsus and Cyrus, so in this, we have +obviously a legend of the Greeks—the Greeks in +Egypt. The first story has arisen out of the intention +of Crœsus not to survive the fall of his kingdom, to +offer himself as a sacrifice to the angry god of the +Lydians; and the second has no other foundation +than the punishment exacted by Cambyses in accordance +with the sentence of the seven judges (p. 105), +for the murder of his herald who had demanded +the surrender of Memphis, and for the massacre of +the crew of the ship in which the herald had gone +to the city. If the seven judges demand ten +Egyptians for every man slain, this sentence, though +it fell on the most distinguished families of Egypt, +would seem mild enough according to the scale of +oriental punishments; as 2000 men were brought +out for execution, the ship must have had the usual +crew of a Greek trireme. Whether the son of Psammenitus +was really put to death for the herald, we must +leave to the legend; Ctesias tells us only of the deportation +of Psammenitus and 6000 Egyptians to Susa.</p> + +<p>Cambyses resolved to treat Psammenitus and +Egypt in precisely the same way as Cyrus had treated +Crœsus and Lydia, Nabonetus and Babylon. It is +not said that any harm was done to the city of +Memphis, and Herodotus tells us himself that if +Psammenitus had known how to keep quiet, Cambyses +would have entrusted him with the governorship<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> +of Egypt. Yet the degradation of his daughter and +the execution of his son were a strange initiation +of such treatment.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> Still more incredible is the ill-treatment +and burning of the corpse of Amasis, for +which Cambyses had not the slightest reason, +especially as Herodotus states that Cambyses sent +Ladice, the widow of Amasis, unharmed back to her +own city of Cyrene.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> The story belongs to the +context of the narrative according to which Cambyses +sues for the daughter of Amasis, and is deceived +by him with the daughter of Hophra, whose desire +for vengeance on Amasis he satisfies. As Amasis is +no longer alive, vengeance comes upon his son and +grandson, and even on his own body. For this reason +Herodotus has adopted this story, for he lays great +stress on the fact that no misfortune befell Amasis +in his life, though he rejects the Egyptian version +that Amasis had taken the precaution to substitute +the corpse of another person of the same age for +his own. If Sais resisted and was taken by storm, +the temple of Neith might certainly be injured, the +royal sepulchres violated, and the mummies taken +from them, without any blame attaching to Cambyses, +though on a similar occasion at Memphis he is +charged by Herodotus with opening the tombs and +disturbing the rest of the dead.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> The Egyptian +inscription informs us that the conduct of Cambyses +at Sais and in the temple of Neith, in the portico +of which Amasis had built his sepulchre, was widely +different from that described by the legend. He +removed his soldiers from the temple, purified it, +and both here and in other places he showed his +regard for the worship of the Egyptians as Cyrus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> +had shown it for the worship of the Babylonians +and the Hebrews. From the account of Herodotus, +no less than from the later circumstances of Egypt, +it is clear that no alteration was made in the government, +law, and administration of justice, except that a +Persian satrap was placed at the head of the country +and Persian garrisons were sent to the citadels of +the most important places. Even the Egyptian +warrior caste remained unchanged and undiminished; +it merely passed from the service of the Pharaohs +into that of the Achæmenids; and after repeated +rebellions numbered more than 400,000 men in the +middle of the fifth century <small>B.C.</small></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> The Babylonian tablets give dates from the first to the ninth year +inclusive of "Kuras, king of Babylon," which entirely agree with the +dates of the canon of Ptolemy, <i>i. e.</i> with the capture of Babylon by +Cyrus 538 <small>B.C.</small>, and the death of Cyrus in 529 <small>B.C.</small> On another tablet, +No. 877, Br. Mus., we find the "year eleven of Cambyses king of +Babylon" (E. Schrader, "Z. Aegypt. Sprach." 1878, s. 40 ff.). It is a +fact established by the canon of Ptolemy as well as by Herodotus that +Cambyses did not sit on the throne for eight whole years. Tablet 906 +explains this eleventh year; it runs as follows: "Babylon month +Kislev, day 25, year 1 of Cambyses king of Babylon, at that time Cyrus +king of the lands." Hence in Babylon dates were sometimes fixed by +the years of Cyrus king of Babylon, and sometimes by the years of +the viceroy. If the "year eleven" of Cambyses in Babylon was the +year of Cambyses' death, Cyrus must have handed over the government +of Babylonia to him in the year 532 <small>B.C.</small>, <i>i. e.</i> three years before +his own death. This view, which has been developed by E. Schrader, +I feel able to adopt against the opinion of T. G. Pinches, who wrongly +assumes an abdication of Cyrus. That years were not dated from +Cambyses after his death is proved by seventeen other tablets, which +do not go beyond the eighth year of his reign, and two others of the +20 Elul and 1 Tisri from the first year of Barziya, <i>i. e.</i> of the +Pseudo-Smerdis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Herod. 2, 182; Diod. 1, 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Herod. 3, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Herodotus writes Kadytis after the Egyptian name Kazatu. +Vol. I. 132.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Herod. 2, 1; 3, 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Bekker reads 7000.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Ctesias, "Pers." 9; Athenaeus, p. 560.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Strabo, p. 758.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> In Herod. (3, 19) the voluntary submission of the Cyprians stands +in direct connection with their participation in the campaign against +Egypt; hence it cannot be placed earlier. If Xenophon ("Inst. Cyri," +1, 1) represents the Cyprians as already subjugated by Cyrus, he +maintains the same of Egypt also. On the other hand, the statement +of Xenophon that the Cyprians retained their native kings owing to +their voluntary submission is amply confirmed by later events ("Inst. +2 Cyri." 7, 4, 2; 8, 6, 8).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Herod. 3, 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> According to Lepsius, Amasis died in January 525, and hence +Memphis fell in July of this year: "Monatsberichte Berl. Akademie," +1854. The Psammenitus of Herodotus is called Psammecherites in +Manetho; and Psamtik on the monuments. Rosell. "Monum. storici." +2, 153; 4, 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Diod. "Exc. de virtute," p. 557; Polyaen. "Strateg." 7, 9. In +regard to the campaign we may compare the march of Pharnabazus +and Iphicrates against Nectanebos in the year 374 <small>B.C.</small>, in Diod. 15, +41-43. Aristot. "Rhet." 2, 8, 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Herod. 2, 181. De Rougé, "Revue Archeol," 8, 3; Brugsch, +"Hist. of Egypt," 2, 294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Aristot. "Rhet." 2, 8, 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Herod. 2, 181.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Herod. 3, 37.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER XI.</h2> + +<h3>THE MARCH TO MEROE.</h3> + + +<p>More than two centuries before Cambyses set foot +upon its soil, Egypt had experienced the rule of the +stranger. The reign of the Ethiopic monarchs of +Napata over Egypt (730-672 <small>B.C.</small>) was followed by +the more severe dominion of the Assyrians. But +Psammetichus had been able to restore the kingdom, +and the sovereignty of his house; the reign of Amasis +had called into existence a beautiful after-bloom of +Egyptian art, had given a lively impulse to trade, and +increased the welfare of the land. Now the day of +Pelusium and the fall of Memphis had decided the +fate of Egypt irrevocably and for all time. The kingdom +had been founded from Memphis three thousand +years previously, and at Memphis it was now overthrown. +Egypt, in spite of repeated and stubborn +attempts, was never able to recover from the dominion +of the Persians, and even the fall of the Persian empire +did not permit the rise of the Egypt of the Egyptians.</p> + +<p>The speedy and great success which Cambyses +achieved had effects beyond the borders of Egypt. +Herodotus narrates that the Libyans in their anxiety +about the fortune of Egypt submitted to Cambyses +without a battle, promised to pay tribute, and sent +presents. The Cyrenaeans also and Barcaeans from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> +similar apprehensions had done the same. The +presents of the Libyans were graciously accepted by +Cambyses, but the 500 minae which the Cyrenaeans +sent, he threw with his own hand among the people +because "it was too little."<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> Diodorus explains the +anxiety of the Libyans and Cyrenaeans, "after Cambyses +had become lord of the whole of Egypt" and +the voluntary submission which was the consequence +of it, by the fact that the Libyans and Cyrenaeans had +fought against Cambyses with the Egyptians. We +know from other sources that the princes of Cyrene +were in close and friendly connection with Amasis.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> +The subjugation of the Libyans cannot have extended +farther than to the tribes adjacent to the Delta, and +reaching towards the west perhaps as far as Cyrene. +At that time Archelaus III. was the king of Cyrene. +More than a century before, Greeks from the island of +Thera had founded the city on the well-watered and +grassy slopes which run from the table-land of Barca +to the sea. Ever since that time the family of +Battus and Archelaus had reigned over this settlement, +which, owing to its favoured position and lively trade, +rose quickly to power and wealth. The attack which +Pharaoh-Hophra made upon it in the year 571 <small>B.C.</small> +had been successfully repulsed by the Cyrenaeans +(III. 405). Subsequently, about the year 545 <small>B.C.</small>, +Battus III. had been compelled to submit to a constitutional +form of government which restricted the +monarchy to a hereditary presidentship. Discontented +with this position, Archelaus III. attempted to recover +the old powers. The attempt failed, Archelaus fled, +and found shelter with Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos. +When he had collected there an army of adventurers +he returned at their head, subverted the constitution,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> +and set on foot a cruel persecution against all who +had adhered to it. He may have felt the ground +insecure under his feet in the city; the fall of +Egypt deprived him of the support which he had had +in that country, and if he had really sent a contingent +to aid Psammenitus he had to fear the vengeance of +Cambyses. These were reasons enough for seeking +the protection of the Persian king. He recognised +the sovereignty of Cambyses, and sent that sum of +money as the first proof of his submission.</p> + +<p>"Cambyses now proposed to himself a threefold +expedition," so Herodotus relates; "one against the +Carthaginians, a second against the Ammonians, and +a third against the long-lived Ethiopians, who inhabit +Libya on the southern sea. It seemed best to send +the fleet against the Carthaginians, and a part of the +land army against the Ammonians, but to the Ethiopians +envoys were first sent. When he had given this +command he ordered fish-eaters to be brought from +Elephantine (the island on the Nile on the border +of Egypt) who were acquainted with the language +of the Ethiopians. While these were being brought +he ordered the fleet to set out against Carthage. +But the Phenicians refused; they were bound by +great oaths, and they would be guilty of a crime if +they went against their own children. As the Phenicians +refused, the rest (<i>i. e.</i> the Greeks) were not +strong enough, and so the Carthaginians escaped +slavery under the Persians. For Cambyses could not +do violence to the Phenicians, because they had +voluntarily submitted to the Persians (p. 90), and the +whole naval power rested on the Phenicians. When +the fish-eaters had come, they were told what they +had to say to the Ethiopians, and received the presents +which they had to take—a purple robe, a golden<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> +necklace and bracelets, a box of alabaster filled with +ointment, and a jar of palm-wine. The Ethiopians to +whom they were sent were said to be the tallest and +most beautiful of men, and as they live under laws +which are different from those of other men, they +were said to regard the man who is the tallest and +strongest among them as the most worthy of the +throne."</p> + +<p>"When the fish-eaters reached the Ethiopians and +gave over their presents to the king, they said: +'Cambyses, the king of the Persians, wishes to be your +friend and sends you as presents these things in +which he takes most delight himself.' The Ethiopians +answered: 'The Persian king has not sent you with +these presents because he wishes to be my friend, and +ye are not speaking the truth. You have been sent +to spy out my kingdom, and he is not a righteous +man. If he were righteous he would not have desired +another land than his own, nor would he have reduced +men to slavery from whom he had suffered no +wrong. Give him this bow (the bows of the Ethiopians +were of palm-wood and more than four cubits +in length),<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> and say to the king of the Persians, that +when his people can string a bow of that size he may +march against the long-lived Ethiopians with an overwhelming +army; till then, he may thank the gods +that it has not occurred to the sons of the Ethiopians +to conquer another land in addition to their own.' +Then he gave them the bow, and he took the purple +robe, and asked what it was and how it was made. +And when the fish-eaters gave him a true account +of the purple and the dyeing, he said that the men +were deceivers and their garments deceptive. When +he saw the necklace and bracelets, the king laughed,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> +for he imagined that they were fetters; their fetters, +he said, were stronger. Then he inquired about the +ointment, and when the preparation and use of this +were explained, he said the same as about the robes. +The wine he drank and it pleased him greatly, and +he asked what the king of Persia ate, and what was +the greatest age to which the Persians lived. They +replied that he ate bread, and explained the nature +of wheat; they also put the greatest age to which the +Persians lived at eighty years. The king replied that +he did not wonder that their years were few, inasmuch +as they ate dirt, and they would not live so +long as they did, if the drink did not strengthen +them—in that matter the Persians had the advantage. +Of the Ethiopians most lived to 120 years, and some +even longer; their food was cooked flesh, and their +drink milk. When the envoys returned and Cambyses +received their account, he fell into a passion, +and marched against the Ethiopians without taking +measures for the supply of provisions or considering +that he was about to march to the end of the world, +but like one distraught and out of his mind, he set +forth on his expedition as soon as he heard the account +of the fish-eaters. No Persian was able to draw the +bow of the Ethiopians; Smerdis alone, the brother +of Cambyses, was able to draw it two finger-breadths.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> +Cambyses bade the Greeks who were with him (<i>i. e.</i> the +crews of the Greek ships) to remain in Egypt; but +the whole of the rest of the army he took with him. +When he came to Thebes, he sent 50,000 men away +with orders to enslave the Ammonians and burn the +oracle of Zeus; with the rest he marched against the +Ethiopians. But before the army had traversed a +fifth part of the way all their provisions were con<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span>sumed, +and not long after even the beasts of burden +were eaten. If Cambyses when he saw this had +given up his intention, and led the army back, he +would have shown himself a wise man after his first +mistake, but he went recklessly onward. So long as +the soldiers found anything growing on the ground, +they ate herbs and grass; but when they came to +the sand, some of them did a horrid deed; they drew +lots for the tenth man and ate him. When Cambyses +heard of this, he was distressed that the soldiers +should eat each other, abandoned the war against the +Ethiopians, marched back, and reached Thebes after +losing many men. This was the end of the expedition +against the Ethiopians. But with regard to those +who were sent against the Ammonians it is only +known that they reached the city of Oasis where +the Samians dwell, seven days' march distant from +Thebes through the desert; in the Greek language +this place is called the island of the blessed. To this +place the army came; but beyond this no man knows +anything except what the Ammonians say. They +relate that when they marched from the oasis through +the sand and were about midway between the oasis +and the Ammonians, and were eating breakfast, a great +wind from the south blew up a mass of sand and +overwhelmed them, and in this way they perished." +Diodorus represents Cambyses as making the attempt +to subjugate the Ethiopians with a great host, in +which he lost the whole of his army and was in the +greatest danger.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></p> + +<p>If the legend of the Greeks of the fortunes of +Psammenitus after his defeat exhibits analogous traits +to the legend, also Greek, of the fate of Crœsus +after his capture, the account given by Herodotus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> +of the march of Cambyses against the long-lived +Ethiopians reminds us of his account of the march +of Cyrus against the Massagetæ. In both cases +the aim is directed against unknown foreign nations, +against whom there is no reason to make war; in +both cases good sense, moderation, wisdom, and love +of peace are found in the chief of the barbarians; +in both envoys are sent under false pretences; in +both the conversation on either side is accurately +known. In the first case it is a foolish resolution +which brings ruin; in the second it is the vexation +of Cambyses at the answer of the Ethiopians, and +the inability to draw the bow, which causes him to +lead his army without any hesitation into destruction. +Along with other indications, the test of the bow +here, like the bottle in the other legend, points to a +poetical source.</p> + +<p>We have seen that the ancient Pharaohs, the +Sesurtesen and Amenemha, Tuthmosis and Amenophis, +and after them Sethos and Ramses II., had +extended the dominion of Egypt up the Nile to +Semne and Cumne, and subsequently to Mount +Barkal. The Egyptian language, worship, and art +spread in this direction, and with the decline of the +Egyptian power after the time of the Ramessids +(from the year 1100 <small>B.C.</small>), an independent state grew +up, the metropolis of which was Napata, near the +modern Meravi, on Mount Barkal. The princes of +this state in their turn, from king Pianchi onwards, +had forced their way down the Nile.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> Sabakon, +Sebichos, and Tirhaka had governed Napata and +Egypt. After Sabakon had come into conflict with +the Assyrians at Raphia in Syria (720 <small>B.C.</small>), and +Tirhaka at Altaku (701 <small>B.C.</small>), Tirhaka succumbed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> +in the year 672 <small>B.C.</small> to the arms of Esarhaddon. +Repeated attempts of Tirhaka and his son Urdamane +upon Egypt were wrecked; Esarhaddon calls himself +king of Miluhhi and Cush. Assurbanipal boasts that +he pursued Urdamane as far as the land of Cush. +But the kingdom of Napata, which the inscriptions +of Sargon, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal +call Miluhhi (Meroe<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>)—in the inscriptions +on Mount Barkal we find the names Meru and +Merua—continued to exist, and maintained itself +against the restoration of Egyptian power under +Psammetichus and his successors. We cannot doubt +that Cambyses wished to penetrate up the Nile at +least as far as the army of the Assyrians, that he +felt it necessary to secure his dominion in Egypt +against attacks from Napata, and to extend his dominion +as far up the Nile as the army of the old +Pharaohs had reached. That the prince, who, as we +saw, made the most careful preparations for the +campaign against Egypt, should have thrown himself +foolishly and recklessly into this undertaking, as +Herodotus represents, is incredible, and the statement +must be attributed to special tendencies in the sources +used by the historian. So far as Meroe, Herodotus +tells us from information collected at Elephantine +on the southern border of Egypt, the way lay up +and on the Nile. First there were four days' journey +from Elephantine (against the stream), then forty +days' march along the river, since the rocks made +navigation impossible, and then after twelve days' +voyage the great city of Meroe was reached, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> +metropolis of the rest of the Ethiopians. The distance +to the place where the Egyptians lived who had +emigrated under Psammetichus (III. 307) was not +less than the distance from Elephantine to Meroe, +and it was a long journey for them to the long-lived +Ethiopians. The total of 56 days' journey from the +way from Elephantine to Meroe upon or along the +Nile points to a place much higher up the river than +Napata. The new Meroe is meant, which the princes +of Napata, receding before the Persians, had founded +before the time of Herodotus.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Herodotus' statements +that the Ethiopians worshipped Zeus and Dionysus +alone among the gods, and worshipped them very +zealously, that there was an oracle of Zeus in their +country, and that it was only by its command that +they went to war, are completely established by the +monuments of Napata. They show that the worship +of Ammon, the god of Thebes and upper Egypt, and +that of Osiris whom the Greeks, as we know, compared +with their Dionysus, were zealously prosecuted. +From inscriptions and intelligence of other kinds +we have also ample information of the influence of +the priests, and the importance of the oracle in +the kingdom of Napata. The fame of the priesthood +at Napata may be the basis of the "pious Ethiopians" +of Homer; the same piety, though further removed,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> +is shown in Herodotus' narrative of the long-lived +Ethiopians.</p> + +<p>When Cambyses, so Strabo tells us, had made himself +master of Egypt, he advanced to Meroe (Napata), +and it is said that he gave the name to the city in +honour of his wife, or his sister, as others say, who +was buried there. Diodorus indeed tells us that +Cambyses founded the famous city of Meroe, and +gave it the name of Meroe after his mother.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> Josephus +also observes that Cambyses changed the name +of the royal city of the Ethiopians and called it +Meroe.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> However unfounded may be the assertion +that the name of Meroe proceeded from Cambyses—for +we find it used two centuries previously by the +Assyrians—it is quite clear from these statements that +Cambyses did advance as far as the old metropolis +of the Ethiopians and brought it into his power; that +he conquered and maintained the kingdom of Napata. +Indeed Herodotus tells us elsewhere himself that he +advanced far beyond Napata to the south. "In his +campaign against the long-lived Ethiopians," we are +told in this passage, "Cambyses subjugated the Ethiopians +who dwell around the sacred Nysa, and hold +festivals in honour of Dionysus." The position of the +mythical Nysa, we cannot, it is true, define more +precisely than that a Homeric hymn puts it above +the fountains of the Nile,<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> and Herodotus himself +places it above Egypt in Ethiopia;<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> but inasmuch as +these Ethiopians of Nysa wore leopard and lion skins, +according to Herodotus, and were armed with clubs; +as their arrow-heads were made of sharp stones, and +their lances of the horns of antelopes; as they painted +themselves half red and half white in battle;<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> as they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> +had to pay to the Persians every third year two +hundred logs of ebony, twenty large tusks of elephants, +five boys, and two chœnixes of unrefined +gold,<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> Cambyses must have penetrated into the land +of the negroes, the zone of ebony and the elephant. +On the middle course of the Nile in Nubia, and above +Napata, there were tribes akin to the Egyptians; the +land of the negroes began about the union of the +White and Blue Nile. The monuments of Egypt +comprise both populations under the name Cush, the +name of the land of the south, and they exhibit these +southern nations as partly red and partly black. The +Greeks call the red and black inhabitants of the land +of the south, Ethiopians. According to the statements +of Artemidorus of Ephesus and of Agatharchides, +which have been preserved by Strabo and +Diodorus, the land of the elephant-hunters and +ostrich-eaters, who fought with the Ethiopians, men +armed with the horns of the antelope, began south +of the confluence of the Atbara and Bahr-el-Azrek +or Blue River, and the Nile.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> At the present time +the region of the ebony-woods and elephants begins +in the marsh at the foot of the Abyssinian Alps; +elephants are not found elsewhere except in some +more northern regions on the Red Sea; and that the +Ethiopians did not acquire the elephants' tusks in the +way of trade is proved by the small amount of gold +which they had to pay as tribute. As we find in the +reliefs of Persepolis and Naksh-i-Rustem, among the +nations of the Persian kingdom, certain figures which +are marked out as negroes by their short, curly hair, +their snub nose, their bare breast and the animal's skin +on the shoulders; as the Ethiopians of Nysa and their +neighbours served, according to Herodotus, in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> +army of Xerxes, and paid the tribute mentioned, as +Herodotus expressly tells us, even in his day, the +march of Cambyses must have penetrated beyond the +mouth of the Atbara, and Napata must have been +permanently maintained, otherwise such distant tribes +would not have furnished contingents in war fifty +years later, and their tribute would have come to an +end long before Herodotus.</p> + +<p>Hence Cambyses did not, as the account of Herodotus +represents, return to Egypt from the upper +Nile without success. On the contrary, he penetrated +much further than the Assyrians, and his campaign +had more lasting results than the conquests of +Tuthmosis III. and Ramses II. on the upper Nile. +The account given by Herodotus of the distress into +which the army fell, the statement that the soldiers +ate each other (which is also told of the expedition +of Cyrus to the Indus), and that the retreat to Egypt +was thus brought about, is hardly compatible with +such results and so firmly-established a supremacy. +Yet we may suppose that Cambyses wished to penetrate +even further than the junction of the White +and Blue Nile, and there fell into difficulties. But +it is probable that quite another incident lies at the +base of the legend of the distress of Cambyses "in +the sand." At Premnis on the Nile, Pliny mentions +"the market of Cambyses;" in Ptolemy the same +place is called "the Magazine of Cambyses." Strabo, +when narrating the campaign which Petronius took +in the year 24 <small>B.C.</small> against Napata, tells us, that +after Petronius had taken Pselchis (140 miles above +Elephantine) he came to Premnis (150 miles further +up the Nile, below Abu Simbel and the falls of Wadi +Halfa), "after he had marched through the sand-heaps +in which the army of Cambyses was buried by a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> +sudden wind." Thus, five hundred years after the +campaign of Cambyses, the tradition was in existence, +that his army had been buried there. Hence when +Napata had been conquered, and the negro stems +subjugated, when Mount Barkal and the falls of Wadi +Halfa were already behind the army on the return +journey, it was overtaken by a sand-storm in the +neighbourhood of Egypt, and a part of the army, +though not the whole, was buried.<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></p> + +<p>Herodotus told us above that Cambyses in his +march against the Ethiopians sent a section of his +army against the Ammonians, to reduce them to +slavery, and burn the oracle of Ammon there. Diodorus +repeats the statement of Herodotus almost in +the same words. Justin observes, that Cambyses +had sent an army for the conquest of the famous +temple of Ammon, but it was overwhelmed by a +storm and masses of sand. Herodotus' narrative of +this campaign cannot have arisen from the source +from which he took the striking traits of his account +of the march against the long-lived Ethiopians. Had +this treated of the march against the Ammonians +it would have given some account of the issue +of it; but Herodotus expressly tells us that only +the Ammonians could give an account of this. His +authority therefore was a Greek-Egyptian tradition. +The Ammonians inhabited the oasis of Sivah, which +lies in the desert to the west of Egypt: the worship +of Ammon was carried there by Egyptian settlers +and Egyptian influence.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> We cannot doubt that +Cambyses, after Cyrene and the tribes of the Libyans +between Egypt and Cyrene had submitted, sent a +part of his army to obtain possession of this oasis. +The oasis of Ammon was well adapted to keep the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> +Libyans of the coast as well as the Cyrenaeans in +subjection; and was at the same time an important +station for trade, and a desirable point of support +for further undertakings in the West. The command +to enslave the inhabitants of the oasis and burn +the temple, is part of the conception which represents +Cambyses as setting out against the Ethiopians in +a moment of reckless passion. According to Herodotus, +the expedition to Sivah came in seven days +after leaving Thebes to "the Island of the Blest," <i>i. e.</i> +to the oasis El Charigeh, which as a fact is seven +good days' march from Thebes in the desert.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> From +this point the army had to proceed about 500 miles; +at present the caravans go northward from El +Charigeh, then to the west from the oasis of Kasr, +to Sivah. What happened to the army on one of +these routes, no one, Herodotus says, can tell; the +Ammonians declared that it was buried half way +between El Charigeh and Sivah.</p> + +<p>It would be rash to connect the heaps of bones +which a traveller in our times saw in the neighbourhood +of the oasis of Kasr with the destruction of +the army of Cambyses,<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> and it is surprising that the +Persians took the longer route from Thebes, when +the shorter route which led from Memphis to Sivah +was already frequented. Alexander of Macedon, in +order to reach the Ammonians, marched from the +Mareotic Lake along the coast westward to Paraetonium, +then he turned directly to the south, and +in eight marches reached the oasis. A modern +traveller reached it in fifteen days from Fayum, in +1809, and the troops of Mahomet Ali who subjugated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> +Sivah in 1820 to Egypt (2000 men and 500 camels +with water) reached it in fourteen days. Most remarkable +of all is the fact, that both campaigns of +Cambyses were overtaken by the same disaster. The +direction taken by each does not allow us to connect +the two; the route to Sivah could not be past +Pselchis and Premnis. Yet neither one nor the +other disaster is in itself incredible, though 50,000 +men cannot have perished. Some 70 years ago a +caravan of about 2000 souls was buried in a sand-storm +on the road from Darfur to Egypt.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> But +even if the division which was despatched against +the oasis of Ammon succumbed to the storms +of the desert, Cambyses maintained the oasis El +Charigeh, which Herodotus calls the city Oasis and +the Island of the Blessed. The magnificent remains +of a temple which Darius the son of Hystaspes caused +to be erected there to the god of the oasis, the ram-headed +Ammon, prove that the oasis was conquered +and held by Cambyses.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a></p> + +<p>Like the undertaking against the Ammonians, the +intention of Cambyses to send the fleet against +Carthage was evidence of his plan of extending his +power to the west, and achieving in Africa what his +father had done in Asia. Herodotus gives the account +of the order commanding the fleet to sail, of +the refusal of the Phenicians, and the abandonment +of the project by Cambyses, according to the tradition +of the Greeks, who together with the Phenicians +made up the fleet of Cambyses and the Greeks in +Egypt. There is no reason to doubt the statement. +By the submission of the Cyrenaeans and Barcaeans +Cambyses became the neighbour of Carthage, which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> +had lately united the Phenician colonies of West +Africa under her leadership and was eager to oppose +the advance of the Greeks in the west of the Mediterranean, +the settlement of their colonies to the west +of the great Syrtis, and their progress in Sardinia, +Corsica, and Sicily. If the attempt to advance to the +desert to the west of El Charigeh were already wrecked, +if Cambyses had already returned from Napata when +he commanded the fleet to sail against Carthage, new +successes covered that disaster as well as the calamity +of Premnis, and the gain of Carthage was of more +importance than that of the oasis of Sivah. The old +Phenicians of the East, in union with the navy of +the Anatolian cities, was to conquer the new Phœnicia +of the West. The Greeks no doubt were +ready, but the Phenicians refused. By injuring their +colonies in the West they would have rendered the +greatest service to the rival naval power and trade +of the Greeks; in Anatolia and on the coasts of +Sicily they would probably have given a fatal blow +to their own power by sea. Whether Cambyses saw +this connection of affairs, and felt that the subjection +of Carthage would liberate the independent Greeks +from a dangerous neighbour, and the dependent Greeks +from a rival in trade, or whether he simply gave way +to the refusal of the Phenicians, we cannot decide: +we only know that "as the fleet of the Phenicians +refused,"—and it formed the preponderating part of +the naval force,—it was impossible to compel it to go.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Herod. 3, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Diod. "Exc. de legat." p. 619 = 10, 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Herod. 7, 69. Cf. Strabo, p. 802.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Herod. 3, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Herod. 3, 17-26; Diod. 3, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Vol. III. 63 ff. 159.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> The name Miluhhi is nevertheless used so often in the inscription +of the kings, and in such close connection with Egypt, that the +kingdom of Napata may merely be meant. Assurbanipal tells us that +his brother seduced into rebellion "the princes of Miluhhi whom he +subjugated." Vol. III. 170.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Herod. 2, 29; Strabo, p. 786. Herodotus' statements, like those of +the later authorities from Eratosthenes to Strabo and Pliny, have the +second, more southern, Meroe in view, the ruins of which were found +at Begerauieh, above the mouth of the Atbara, some 150 miles as +the crow flies to the south of Napata. They describe this Meroe as +situated on an island, because the Atbara was regarded as an arm of +the Nile. The ruins at Begerauieh are less important and artistic +than those of Napata, the hieroglyphics are of another kind. As the +Persians maintained their hold on Napata, a new metropolis of the +Ethiopian kingdom obviously grew up at this place after the times +of Cambyses and Darius, which adopted the name and civilization of +the old.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Strabo, p. 790; Diod. 1, 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> "Antiq." 2, 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> "Hymn." 26, 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> "Hymn." 2, 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> "Hymn." 7, 69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> "Hymn." 3, 97.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Diod. 3, 26, 33; Strabo, p. 772.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> Plin. "H. N." 6, 35; Strabo, p. 822.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Herod. 2, 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Parthey, "Die Oase des Jupiter Ammon, Abh. Berl. Akad." 1862, +s. 159 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Belzoni, "Narrative," p. 398.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Ritter, "Erdkunde," 2, 1, 397.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Lepsius, "Trinuthis, Z. Aegypt. Sprache," 1874, s. 76 ff.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER XII.</h2> + +<h3>THE DEATH OF CAMBYSES.</h3> + + +<p>"When Cambyses returned from Thebes to Memphis," +so Herodotus narrates, "Apis appeared to the Egyptians. +They put on their best clothes, and made +holiday. Cambyses seeing this, formed the opinion +that they held the festival because misfortune had +happened to him. He summoned the governors of +Memphis, and when they came into his presence +asked them why the Egyptians had done nothing of +this kind when he had been in Memphis before, but +only now that he had lost the greater part of his +army. They replied that their god had appeared +to them, who for a long time had been wont to +appear, and when he appeared all the Egyptians were +delighted. When Cambyses heard this he said that +they lied, and punished them with death. He then +sent for the priests, and when they said the same, he +said that he would soon ascertain whether a tame +deity had appeared to the Egyptians, and commanded +them to bring out Apis. Apis was brought out, and +Cambyses mad as he was drew his sword. He meant +to stab Apis in the belly, but he hit the thigh and +said with a laugh to the priests: 'Wretches, are these +creatures gods, which have flesh and blood, and feel +iron? Such a god is worthy of the Egyptians. But<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> +you shall not mock me for nothing,' He gave command +to scourge the priests and slay every Egyptian +who was found making holiday. In this way the +festival came to an end; the priests were punished, +the Apis died in the temple of the wound in his thigh, +and the priests buried him secretly unknown to +Cambyses.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> But the king remained in Memphis +and raged against the Egyptians, the allies, and the +Persians. He caused the old sepulchres to be opened +and looked at the corpses; he went into the temple +of Hephaestus (Ptah, I. 43), and desecrated the +image of the god in various ways. He also entered +the temple of the Cabiri (belonging to the Phenicians +at Memphis, III. 310), which none but the priests +may enter, and outraged the images and burned +them."<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> Diodorus observes that Cambyses, as was +said, took away the Golden Zone in the Ramesseum, +which measured 365 cubits, one for each day in the +year, and was a cubit thick.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> Justin tells us quite +generally that Cambyses, enraged at the superstition +of the Egyptians, gave orders for the destruction of +the temples of Apis and the other gods.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p> + +<p>In the narrative of Herodotus the best reason given +for the wounding of Apis is the vexation of the king +at the failure of his campaigns against the Ethiopians +and Ammonians, and the refusal of the Phenicians; +and the belief that the festival of Apis was merely an +excuse for making merry over the blows which had +fallen upon him. If Cambyses tells the priests, who +exhibit Apis to him as a god who has recently +appeared to them, that "they lied," it was very difficult +for a worshipper of Auramazda to believe that +a young bull was a god, and the highest god, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> +the "lie" with which Cambyses charges them, seems +to be an accurate trait corresponding to the conceptions +of the Avesta about the "lying gods," and to the +Zoroastrian respect for the truth. There could hardly +be a more strongly-marked contrast than between the +worship of Auramazda, the creator of heaven and +earth, and surrounded by the light spirits of the sky, +in which no images were allowed, and the rites of +the Egyptians, their worship of numerous images of +the most extraordinary form in splendid temples, their +adoration of the sacred animals, in which these deities +appeared, and were thought to be present,—between +their anxious care for the preservation of the corpse, +and the eagerness of the Iranians to remove the impure +remains of man. Cambyses might in all honesty +believe that he was in contact with a stupid worship +of idols, a senseless adoration of calves, crocodiles, +and serpents, and a nation of "liars."</p> + +<p>But if he held such opinions, he did not act on +them. If he had outraged the worship of Egypt in +the manner represented by the legends of the Egyptians +in Herodotus and Justin, the country could +hardly have remained at rest after his death, when +almost all the other lands rebelled against the Persians. +Egyptian inscriptions prove that under Cambyses +there was no sort of religious persecution, but +quite the reverse. In the tombs of the Apis, on the +plateau of Memphis, on the vestibule of the new +gallery which Psammetichus had caused to be hollowed +out for them, when the old gallery of Ramses II. +was filled, we see on a pillar Cambyses adoring +the Apis. The inscription tells us: "In the year +four, in the month Epiphi, in the reign of Cambyses +(Kambathet), the immortal, the god was brought here +for the burial which the king ordained for him. A<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> +second Apis, the successor of that which was buried, +was born, as the inscription of the Apis tombs tells us, +on the 28th Tybi, in the fifth year of the reign of +Cambyses.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> Inscriptions found on the statue of an +Egyptian, Uzahorsun (at present in the Vatican), tell +us that he had been a magistrate under Amasis and +Psammenitus (Psamtik III.), and afterwards under +Cambyses and Darius. 'When the great prince, the +lord of the world, Kambathet,'<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> so we are told in these, +'marched against Egypt, all the nations of the earth +were with him.' He became lord of the whole land, +and settled therein. He was the great lord of Egypt, +the great prince of the whole world, the king of +upper and lower Egypt, Ra-mesut (<i>i. e.</i> Ra born +again<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>). And his holiness conferred on me the dignity +of a counsellor and overseer of the royal gates, +and commanded that I should ever be where he was. +I brought a complaint before his holiness touching +the people who were in the temple of Neith, that they +might be driven out, that the temple might be purified +and clean as before. His holiness commanded +the temple to be purified, and the sacred gifts to be +brought as before to Neith, the great mother of the +great gods who dwell in Sais. And his holiness commanded +to celebrate all the great and little festivals, as +had been done before. This his holiness did because he +had commanded me to announce to him the greatness +of Sais, which is the city of all the gods, who are there +enthroned on their seats for ever. When the king<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> +of upper and lower Egypt came to Sais, he entered +himself into the temple of Neith. He visited the +sacred place of her holiness the goddess, as every king +had done. His holiness did this on the information +which he had received of the greatness of her holiness, +who is the mother of the sun himself. His holiness +performed all the rites in the temple of Neith. He +offered a libation of the lord of Eternity (Osiris) in +the inner chamber of the temple of Neith, as all +kings had done before him. On the command of +his holiness, the worship of Neith, the great mother +of the gods, was re-established in all its completeness +for ever. I have provided the sacred worship of +Neith, the lady of Sais, with all good things, as a good +servant does for his master. I have re-established +the priests in their office, and on the command of the +king have given them rich possessions to be their +own for ever. I have erected a good sepulchre for +him who was without a coffin. I was a good citizen of +my city. I have caused its children to live. I have +set up all their houses; I have shown them every +kindness as a father for his son. I have rescued their +population, when disaster fell upon their canton, +at a time when there was great calamity in all +the land. Never did such calamity fall upon their +land before."<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p> + +<p>This inscription, like those on the Apis tombs, +proves that Cambyses in Egypt, like his father in +Babylon, wished to take the place of the old princes +of the land, and did take it; and that he bore the +titles of the ancient Pharaohs, and that a regal-name +Ra-mesut was added to his name, as was the custom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> +with his predecessors. He undertook the protection of +the ancient gods of the land; he allowed Egyptians, +servants of the old king's, to come into his immediate +service; he listened to their advice; heard their +complaints about the outrages done to the temple, +which could hardly have been avoided in the occupation +(p. 147), and removed the cause; restored the +priests to the enjoyment of their incomes; showed +respect to their religion, and allowed it to continue +without restriction. However great we suppose the +care to be which the Egyptian inscriptions take to +say no evil of the Persian king, whatever weight we +ascribe to the fact that after the Persians had once +become their masters, the priests followed the traditional +custom in denoting the kings of the Persians +by the titles of their Pharaohs; whatever importance +we allow to the fact that the priests were closely +interested in representing religious affairs as unaltered +even after the change in the rulers, and however +much we deduct from their formal style on the score +of these considerations—it still remains an established +fact, from these inscriptions, that Cambyses did not +oppress the Egyptians or their religion. The purification +of one of the largest and most sacred temples +in Egypt, the restoration of the priesthood and the +worship at the temple, could not have been ascribed +to Cambyses if the opposite was known to be the +case. On the other hand, the narrative of Uzahorsun +presents us with the natural course of affairs. If he +speaks of a great calamity such as had never before +fallen on the district of Sais and the whole land, this +refers to the conquest of Egypt by the Persians, since +he claims the merit of having rescued the population +at Sais in this calamity. We saw above, from the +narrative of Herodotus, that Cambyses went to Sais,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> +after the capture of Memphis. The inscriptions show +that the priests had been driven from the temple of +Neith, that the soldiers were quartered in it, that +sacrifice and worship came to an end. But it also +teaches us that Cambyses removed these evils. Whether +he felt himself called upon to offer gifts in the temple +of Neith and pour libations, or whether the priests +when restored to possession of the temple property did +this on his behalf, is indifferent; the inscription and +Herodotus tell us that he entered the temple in +person. Of the two Apis-bulls which the inscriptions +mention as belonging to the reign of Cambyses, the +first, which was buried in Epiphi of the fourth year +of Cambyses, may have been that which the king is +said to have wounded after his return from Napata. +But Herodotus observes that the priests buried this +Apis "secretly." This is contradicted by the sepulchral +pillar, inasmuch as Cambyses causes a place to +be prepared for the burial of this Apis, and we have +a picture of Cambyses in adoration before this Apis. +The hypothesis, which we might frame, that the priests +have given themselves the satisfaction of representing +Cambyses as entreating the pardon of the god whom +he had slain in a holy place, little visited by the +Persians, would be very artificial and insufficient to +account for this glaring contradiction.</p> + +<p>Hence we have to correct in some very essential +points the Greek-Egyptian tradition of Cambyses. +Though the Egyptians might attempt, as we saw, to +change Cambyses into the grandson of their own +Pharaoh Hophra, the people could hardly fail to +attribute evil deeds and crimes to the man who had +deprived their land of its independence, who had +caused them painfully to feel the loss of their pride, +the antiquity and the monuments of their history, their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> +wisdom and art, a loss which they felt deeply as their +repeated and stubborn rebellions show. But Herodotus +would be the more ready to give credence to +the narrative of the Egyptians of the wounding of +Apis, because it explained the miserable death of +Cambyses as the just punishment for this crime. +Besides there were narratives of the Persians, which +tended to impress on Cambyses the traits which he +bears in Herodotus.</p> + +<p>"Smerdis, the brother of Cambyses," so Herodotus +further narrates, "was with him in Egypt. Cambyses +sent him back out of jealousy, because he was able +to draw the bow of the Ethiopians further than all the +rest of the Persians. When Smerdis had returned +to Persia, Cambyses saw in a dream a messenger +from Persia, who told him, that his brother sat up +on the throne and that his head touched heaven. +He was afraid that his brother would slay him and +take possession of the kingdom; hence he sent +Prexaspes the Persian in whom he had most confidence +to Persia to put him to death. Prexaspes +went to Susa, and slew Smerdis as some say, while +hunting with him, but according to others, by taking +him out on the Red Sea (the Persian Gulf) and +throwing him into the water. This was the first +evil deed which Cambyses committed immediately +after his crime against Apis. The second he committed +against his own sister, by the same father +and mother (<i>i. e.</i> against the youngest of the three +daughters whom Cassandane bore to Cyrus; her +name has not come down to us with certainty). +He was seized with a passion for one of his sisters, +and desired to have her to wife; but as he saw that +this was unusual, for up to this time the Persians +had not taken sisters to wife, he asked the royal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> +judges (p. 105) whether there was any law which +stood in the way of his wish to marry his sister. +The judges made a reply which was both just and +safe; they could find no law which bade the brother +marry the sister, but they had found a law which +allowed the king of the Persians to do as he pleased. +Then Cambyses married the sister whom he loved, +and after this a second younger sister. The latter +followed him to Egypt. Here she witnessed, together +with Cambyses, a young lion fighting against a young +dog, and when the dog was being beaten, its brother +broke its chain and came to its aid, and the two +together got the better of the lion. Cambyses was +delighted at the sight, but his sister wept. When +Cambyses perceived this he asked the cause of her +tears; she replied that she wept because she thought +of Smerdis when she saw the brother running to help +the brother, and knew that no one would come to +help him (Cambyses). For this speech, the Greeks +say, Cambyses put his sister to death. The Egyptian +account is that at table she took a lettuce, stripped +off the leaves and asked Cambyses whether it looked +better when bare or when full of leaves, and when he +replied that it looked better when full of leaves, she +retorted: 'And yet you have made it bare by desolating +the house of Cyrus.' In a rage Cambyses gave +her a kick, and as she was pregnant, she miscarried +and died. Such was the fury of Cambyses against his +own family, and he was guilty of similar acts against +the Persians. He asked those Persians who sat with +him and Crœsus what sort of a man he appeared to +be in comparison with his father. They replied that +he was greater than his father; for he possessed all +that Cyrus had possessed, and Egypt and the sea in +addition. This answer did not please Crœsus, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> +said: 'O son of Cyrus, to me thou seemest not to +be equal to thy father, for thou hast not a son to +leave behind thee such as he left in thee'; and when +he heard this Cambyses was pleased and praised the +answer of Crœsus. He is said once to have asked +Prexaspes whom he most honoured, and who carried +in messages to him—his son was cup-bearer to +Cambyses, an office of no slight honour—What do the +Persians think and say of me? Prexaspes replied: +'O Sire, in all other things they praise thee greatly, +but they say thou art too much given to wine.' Cambyses +answered in displeasure: 'So the Persians now +say that owing to wine I am mad and not in my +right mind; their previous answer was untrue.' He +remembered that they had called him greater than +Cyrus, and said to Prexaspes: 'See now for yourself +whether the Persians speak the truth, or whether +they tell foolish tales. There is your son in the +portico; if I hit him in the heart it is clear that the +Persians are wrong in what they say. But if I miss +they are right and I am not in my senses.' The king +drew the bow, hit the youth, ordered the body to +be opened and the wound to be examined. When +it was found that the arrow was in the heart he +laughed, and in great delight said to the father: 'Now +I have proved to you, Prexaspes, that I am not mad, +but that the Persians are out of their senses. Tell +me now, did you ever see such an archer?' As Prexaspes +saw that he was not in his right mind, and +was afraid for himself, he replied: 'I believe that +God himself could not shoot so well.' On another +occasion he caused twelve of the leading Persians +for some trifling cause to be buried alive, head +downwards. Then Crœsus felt it right to warn him +with words such as these: 'O king, do not yield in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> +everything to youth and anger; restrain and bridle +thyself. It is good to look beforehand, and prudence +is wise. Thou slayest men of thy own nation without +good reason and killest youths. If thou persistest +in this, beware lest the Persians fall from thee. Thy +father Cyrus charged and bade me many times to +warn thee and counsel thee for good.' Cambyses +answered: 'Dost thou venture to advise me, who +hast governed thine own land so well, and advised +my father to cross the Araxes against the Massagetæ, +when they were willing to come over the river? A +bad ruler of your country, you have brought yourself +to destruction, and Cyrus also who followed your +advice: you shall not escape me; I have long been +seeking for an excuse to take you.' He seized his +bow in order to shoot him, but Crœsus escaped and +ran out. As he could not shoot him, he ordered +his servants to seize him and put him to death. The +servants, who knew his manner, hid Crœsus; if Cambyses +changed his mood and asked for Crœsus they +intended to bring him and receive presents, but if +not, they would put him to death. Not long after +Cambyses asked for Crœsus, and the servants said +that he was alive. Then Cambyses said he was glad +that Crœsus was alive; but those who had preserved +him should not escape, but die; and this sentence he +executed."</p> + +<p>"While Cambyses was passing his time in Egypt +two brothers rose up against him, two Magians, one +of whom Cambyses had left behind as the overseer of +his house. This man, whose name was Patizeithes, +rebelled when he found that the death of Smerdis was +concealed, that few Persians knew of it, and the +majority believed him to be alive. Building on this, +he intended to make himself master of the throne.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> +He had a brother who was very like Smerdis and +had also the same name. When he had persuaded +this brother to take his advice in everything, he put +him on the throne, and sent heralds in every direction, +even to Egypt, to announce to the army that henceforth +they should obey Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and +not Cambyses. The envoy to Egypt found Cambyses +and the army at Ecbatana in Syria; he came forward +and proclaimed his message. When Cambyses heard +this, he thought that what was said was true, that +Prexaspes had betrayed him, and when sent to kill +Smerdis had not done so. He said to Prexaspes: 'Is +this the way you have carried out my commands?' +But Prexaspes answered: 'Sire, it is not true that thy +brother has rebelled against thee, and no war will +ever proceed from him. I myself, after executing +your commands, buried him with my own hands. If +the dead can rise then expect that Astyages the +Mede will rise again; but if things continue as they +have hitherto been, no evil will happen to you from +Smerdis. I think that we should send for the herald +and find out from him by whose order he announces +to us that we are to obey Smerdis.' This advice +pleased Cambyses. The herald was fetched, and +Prexaspes asked him: 'You say that you come as a +messenger from Smerdis, the son of Cyrus. If you +tell us the truth, whether you saw Smerdis when he +gave these orders, or whether you received them from +one of his servants, you shall go away uninjured from +this place.' The man replied: 'Since Cambyses left +for Egypt I have not seen Smerdis; the Magian whom +Cambyses left as overseer of his house gave me these +commands; he said that Smerdis the son of Cyrus +bade me make this proclamation to you.' Then +Cambyses said: 'Prexaspes, you like a brave man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> +have done what I commanded, and avoided all blame; +but who of the Persians is it that has taken the +name of Smerdis and revolted against me.' Prexaspes +replied: 'O king, I believe that I understand what has +happened; the rebels are the Magians, Patizeithes, +the overseer of the palace, and his brother Smerdis.' +Then Cambyses was struck with the truth of the +speech, and the fulfilment of the dream, and when he +found that he had killed his brother for no result, he +wept and bewailed his misfortune, and determined to +lead his army with all haste against Susa and the +Magians. But as he was mounting his horse, the +button fell from the end of the sheath of his sword, +and the naked point entered his thigh in the same +place in which he had once stabbed Apis. As he +believed that the wound was mortal, he asked for the +name of the city. He was told that it was Ecbatana. +It had been previously announced to him at Buto that +he would die at Ecbatana; and he believed that he +would end his days as an old man at Ecbatana in +Media. But when he heard the name he was brought +to his senses by the terror of the calamity which +threatened him from the Magians, and by the wound, +and said, with clear understanding of the oracle, that +it was fated for the son of Cyrus to die there. After +some twenty days he caused the most distinguished +of the Persians who were with him to be summoned, +and said: 'Persians, I am brought to such a state +that I must reveal to you what I have most carefully +concealed. When I was in Egypt I saw in my sleep +a dream,—would that I had never seen it. It seemed +to me that a messenger came from home, who announced +that my brother sat on the royal throne and +touched heaven with his head. Then I was afraid +that my brother was taking the throne from me, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> +I acted more rashly than wisely,—it is not permitted +to human nature to avoid the coming future. I sent, +fool that I was, Prexaspes to Susa to slay Smerdis. +After the crime, I felt myself secure; I never believed +that another would rise up against me after the death +of Smerdis. Wholly in error concerning that which +was to come, I have murdered my brother without +sufficient cause, and am nevertheless deprived of the +sovereignty. It was the rebellion of the Magian +Smerdis which the demon revealed to me in a dream. +This deed I have done: be ye assured that Smerdis, +the son of Cyrus, is no longer alive. The Magian +whom I left behind as overseer of the palace and +his brother Smerdis have obtained possession of the +throne. He who before all others would have averted +this disgrace from me, is no more; he has met his +death by wicked murder at the hands of his nearest +relation. As he is no more, and I am dying, Persians, +I must tell you what to do after my death. And so I +charge you, calling on the royal gods, all of you, but +chiefly the Achæmenids, who are here present, not to +allow the dominion to pass over to the Medes. If +they obtain it by craft, take it from them by craft; if +they maintain it by force, take it away by yet +stronger force. If ye do this, the earth will bring +forth fruit for you, and your wives will bear children, +and your flocks will increase, and ye will be free men +for all time. But if ye do not acquire the sovereignty +again or attempt to recover it, I pray the gods that +the opposite may happen to you all, and that every +Persian may come to such an end as mine.' When +Cambyses had thus spoken he lamented all the deeds +that he had done, and the Persians rent their garments +and lamented and cried aloud. When the +bone had gangrened and the thigh became inflamed,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> +Cambyses, the son of Cyrus died, after he had sat on +the throne for seven years and four months, without +leaving behind him son or daughter."</p> + +<p>If in the narrative given by Herodotus of the fate +of Psammenitus and the campaign of Cambyses against +the Ethiopians we perceived Egyptian and Greek +traditions, and along with them a poetical source, +so in this account of the crimes of Cambyses and his +death we have obviously Greek-Egyptian legends and +echoes of Iranian poetry existing side by side. To +the first we may trace the wounding of Apis, as +already observed, and then the explanation of a +custom which is hinted at in the Avesta, the marriage +with a sister, by the decision of the judges and +the example of Cambyses, the oracle of Buto, and its +explanation by the Syrian Ecbatana, the reason for +the wound in the thigh of Cambyses (the similar +wound inflicted on Apis), and, as we shall see, the +warning of Crœsus. The legends did not trouble +themselves with the contradiction that, though they +represent Cambyses as outraging Osiris-Apis, and +Ptah, they allow him to ask advice from Egyptian +gods—a proceeding which is not made more credible +by the fact that Stephanus of Byzantium identifies +the Syrian Ecbatana with Bataneia, and observes +that the city of Hamath (Amatha) was also called +Akmatha, though the invention of the oracle is thus +made more intelligible.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> Like his countrymen before +him, Herodotus must have been struck by the contrast +between the long reign, the achievements and successes +of Cyrus, and the short reign and disastrous end of his +son. The Egyptian-Greek tradition explained it by +the wickedness of Cambyses, and this wickedness is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> +the result of his attack on Apis; the frenzy of Cambyses +begins immediately after this with the murder +of his brother. In Herodotus the frenzy begins even +earlier; the supposed maltreatment of the corpse of +Amasis must belong to the period immediately after +the victory over the Egyptians, <i>i. e.</i> to the period +before the march to the South, and consequently +Herodotus represents Cambyses as out of his mind +when entering on this campaign, and continuing in +his frenzy till he is compelled to return. The reason +which he gives for this madness is that Cambyses, +though Herodotus represents him in another story as +full of ambitious plans from his youth, was afflicted +from his birth, as it was said, with a severe disease, +which some call "the sacred sickness," and that in +great sickness of the body it was not strange that the +mind also should be affected.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> By the sacred sickness +the Greeks meant epilepsy, or spasmodic attacks in +general, which were ascribed to the anger of the gods. +With complete consistency Herodotus represents the +madness as going on, till Cambyses is seized with +anxiety concerning the rebellion of the Magian, and +finds himself wounded in the thigh. With this +observation he introduces the public confession and +remorse—the last words of Cambyses. Other Greeks +explain the crimes of Cambyses in a more natural +manner. Diodorus is of opinion that he was naturally +furious and changeful in his moods; the greatness of +the kingdom made him yet wilder and more proud of +spirit, and after the capture of Pelusium and Memphis +he could not bear his prosperity as a man should.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> +The "Laws" (of Plato) lay the blame on the education +of Cambyses. In the field from his youth, surrounded +by war and danger, Cyrus left the education of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> +sons to the royal women, and overlooked the fact that +his children were not brought up and educated in the +customary Persian manner. The women and eunuchs +brought them up as if they needed no control, and, +while yet mere children, were prosperous and perfect +men. No one was allowed to contradict them; all +must praise what they said or did; thus they grew +up luxurious and uncontrolled; their spirits were +over-full of ambition. When after such adulation +and uncontrolled freedom they grew up and received +the kingdom, one slew the other, enraged at his +equal position, and then, maddened by drink and +debauchery, lost the dominion owing to the Medes +and the so-called eunuch, who despised the foolishness +of Cambyses.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p> + +<p>It is more difficult to trace the tendencies of the +poetical source which has become united with the +legends in the narrative of Herodotus than to separate +the legends themselves, and fix the motives +which have determined the conception and judgment +of the Greeks about Cambyses. From what other +source could the vision of Cambyses, the shot into +the heart of the cup-bearer, have come, or the conversations +of Cambyses with Prexaspes, or the final words +of Cambyses? If these traits are only before us as +fragments at third or fourth hand, their connection +with the narrative of the campaign against the long-lived +Ethiopians is undeniable (the bow of the Ethiopians +is the point of connection). And if we call to +mind that in his last exhortations to his two sons, +Cyrus calls down blessings on the son who remains +well disposed to his brother, and imprecates curses +on the son who is the first to do evil (p. 123), the +structure of the poem becomes clear. It founds the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> +misfortune of Cambyses on his disobedience to his +father's command, and exhibits the penalty of disobedience +and crime committed against a brother. +Smerdis is able to draw the bow of the Ethiopian +further than Cambyses and all the other Persians. +This excites envy and jealousy in his brother, who +sends Smerdis back to Persia. Then in a dream +he sees him on the throne, and his head reaches to +heaven. He sends Prexaspes to Persia, who slays +the son of Cyrus in the chase and buries him with +his own hand. The instrument of the murder is +quickly overtaken by punishment. Had Cambyses +slain Prexaspes himself intentionally or in anger, +it would be conceivable; but the murder of his +son is unintelligible. Only poetical justice could +execute vengeance for the fact that Prexaspes had +laid his hand on the son of Cyrus, by representing +Cambyses as slaying with his own hand, without any +personal reason whatever, the son of the man who +by his own command had slain his brother, and who +is best acquainted with this secret crime, the revelation +of which would rouse the hearts of all the +Persians against the king. As the poem goes on, it +has in store even heavier penalties for the man who +has slain the son of Cyrus. But it is not merely the +murder of the young Prexaspes which belongs to a +poetical source. The same authority represents Cambyses +as becoming more and more deeply involved in +guilt and crime against his house. When looking on +at the two dogs which together got the better of +the lion, his sister reminds him of the death of his +brother. In his rage he ill-treats her and so destroys +his long-cherished hope of posterity. The house of +Cyrus is desolate. He has mistrusted his brother +without reason—the man whom he has trusted and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span> +made the governor of his palace rebels against him; +he places his brother on the throne as the younger +son of Cyrus, and causes him to be proclaimed as +king. In despair at such calamities, at the ruin of +the kingdom of which he is the guilty cause, Cambyses +ends his days. He pays the penalty of his +heavy guilt by confessing and lamenting his offence +before the assembly of the chief Persians. The curse +of Cyrus is fulfilled. If Herodotus gives the account +of the death of Cambyses after the Greek-Egyptian +legend, he is obviously following Iranian poetry in +the accompanying circumstances and in the speech of +the dying Cambyses. We have Iranian conceptions +in the answer of Prexaspes: "If the dead can rise, +your brother will return"; in the saying of Cambyses +to the Persians: "If ye strive earnestly to win back +the dominion, the earth will bring forth fruit, and +your wives will bear children, and your flocks will +increase." Conceptions and ideas of this kind, expressed +almost in the same words, have met us +frequently in the Avesta. The close of the speech +of Cambyses removes the guilt and points to the +future, for he charges the Persians, and above all the +Achæmenids, to risk everything that the dominion +may not again pass to the Medes. If the Persians +fight bravely with all the means at their disposal for +the dominion, all will go well with them, if not Cambyses +prays the gods that the reverse may happen to +them; may every Persian die like himself by a most +miserable death, <i>i. e.</i> by suicide, which the doctrines +of Zarathrustra from their whole tenor must have +most severely condemned.</p> + +<p>No doubt the Persian epos had to explain the +contrast in which the reign of Cambyses stood to that +of Cyrus; no doubt it was a fact that the race of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> +Cyrus came to an end in the male line owing to his +guilt. It was due to him that his reign was followed +by that of an usurper; that rebellion broke out in +all quarters, the kingdom became completely disintegrated, +and the establishment of Cyrus seemed +ruined. The songs of the Persians gave a reason for +the sudden change in the manner indicated, by the +murder of the brother and its results. But they +would not have charged Cambyses with madness or +with any other offences than this combination required. +They would not have forgotten his services +to Persia; the establishment of the Persian power +in the Mediterranean, the victory over Egypt, over +the Ethiopians of Napata, and the negroes. It was +not these poems which branded his campaign to the +south as a mad undertaking, and represented it as +a failure; they could not have opposed Crœsus as +a wise adviser to Cambyses, or allowed Cambyses to +speak of the miserable end of Cyrus in the land of +the Massagetae. If these elements in the narratives of +Herodotus have not come down from Greek-Egyptian +tradition, if the warning of Crœsus, in the form in +which we have it, was not attached by him to his +account of the death of Cambyses, we should have +to assume that in this case also the Persian poems +came to Herodotus in their Median counterparts—a +hypothesis which is excluded by the distinctly ante-Median +and Persian traits in the dying speech of +Cambyses.</p> + +<p>Let us see whether information from other sources +puts us in a position to establish the actual connection +of affairs free from the admixture of Greek-Egyptian +tradition and Persian poetry. Ctesias treated +the reign of Cambyses in detail in the twelfth +book of his Persian History. Of this only a meagre<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> +excerpt has come down to us, according to which the +narrative began with the statement that Cambyses, +in accordance with the last commands of his father, +handed over Chorasmia, Bactria, Parthia, and Carmania +to his brother Tanyoxarkes, as Ctesias calls +him. Then follows the conquest of Egypt, as given +above; and after this we are told: "There was a +Magian of the name of Sphendadates who had committed +some fault and been scourged by Tanyoxarkes. +The Magian went to Cambyses to calumniate his +brother, saying that his mind was set on evil. As a +proof of defection he alleged that Tanyoxarkes would +not come if he were sent for. Cambyses bade his +brother come, but he refused, being occupied with +other business. Then the Magian became more persistent +in his calumnies. Amytis, who saw what +was the Magian's object, warned her son Cambyses +not to trust him. Cambyses pretended not to trust +him, but in reality reposed entire confidence in him. +When Cambyses bade his brother come for the third +time, he obeyed. Cambyses embraced him, but was +none the less determined to put him out of the way; +but he was anxious to carry out his design unknown +to his mother. The deed was accomplished. The +Magian advises the king as follows: He was very +like Tanyoxarkes, the king might give orders that +his head should be cut off as having accused his +brother falsely; he would then secretly slay Tanyoxarkes, +and clothe him (the Magian) in his robes, +so that he might be taken for him. This was done. +Tanyoxarkes died by drinking bull's blood, and the +Magian was clothed in his garments and called +Tanyoxarkes. This was for a long time concealed from +all except Artasyras the Hyrcanian and the eunuchs +Bagapates and Izabates, who were most intimate with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> +Cambyses; to them alone had Cambyses ventured +to mention the matter. He caused the eunuchs of +Tanyoxarkes and Labyzus, the chief of them, to be +summoned, showed them the Magian thus attired, +and said: Do you believe that this is Tanyoxarkes? +Labyzus was astonished and said: What other man +are we to think that he is? so greatly did the +Magian deceive men by his likeness to Tanyoxarkes. +The Magian was now sent to Bactria, and there +conducted himself in all respects as Tanyoxarkes. +When five years had gone by Amytis learnt what +had been done from the eunuch Tibetheus, whom +the Magian had caused to be beaten. She asked +Cambyses to give up Sphendadates, but he refused. +Then she pronounced her curse, took poison, and died. +When Cambyses sacrificed, the blood of the sacrificial +animals did not flow. He became dejected, and +when Roxane bore him a boy without a head, he +was even more out of heart, and the Magians interpreted +the signs to mean that he could leave no +successor. His mother appeared to him in a dream +and threatened him for the murder, and this made +him more dejected than ever. When he came to +Babylon, by way of pastime he chipped a piece +of wood with a sword, and so hit the muscle of his +thigh, and died on the eleventh day after, when +he had reigned eighteen years. Before his death +Artasyras and Bagapates had resolved that the +Magian should reign; and he reigned after the death +of Cambyses."</p> + +<p>The length of the reign of Cambyses is incorrect, +as indeed almost all the numbers in Ctesias are wrong. +It is also a mistake that in his account Cambyses +and his brother are the sons of Cyrus and Amytis +the daughter of Astyages. As we have said, they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> +were the sons of Cyrus and Cassandane, who died +before Cyrus (V. 384). The object of Ctesias was +to prove the statements of Herodotus incorrect by +opposing them with others. The elevation of Amytis +to be the mother of the brothers, and the part which +the account of Ctesias ascribes to this supposed +mother, shows that Ctesias has here followed a +Median version, in which the daughter of Astyages +became, not the mother of Cyrus, it is true, but the +mother of his successor, the ruler of Persia and +Media,—the same version which, as we have already +seen, assigns to Amytis the greatest influence on +Cyrus, and in the present instance on his son Cambyses. +Without doubt this version is derived from +a poetical source; that is proved by a number of +traits: the calumniation of the brother, the double +introduction of the scourging, the three-fold summoning +before the king, the conversation of Cambyses +with the eunuch, the three-fold increase of the distress +of Cambyses, the suicide and curse of Amytis, the +signs at sacrifice and the abortion, the appearance +of the dead, which fills up the measure and drives +Cambyses to death. As in the previous case, in this +form of the poems, it was the Median queen who +punished Oebares, who incited Cyrus to revolt, for +this act and for the death of her father, so here she +visits the ruler of the Persians and Medes for his +crime. Against this view of the account of Ctesias +it may be urged that the Medes would take the side +of the Magian more vigorously than that of Amytis, +for the Magian was apparently a Mede. Herodotus, at +any rate, once represents Gobryas as calling him +a Mede.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> Cambyses, it is true, does not call him +so, but in his last speech merely urges the Persians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> +not to let the empire revert to the Medes, which +means no more than that the empire is not to go +back to the Medes on the extinction of the house of +Cyrus, when his kingdom is being broken up. We +shall see that the usurper was not a Mede, and is +only called a Mede by Herodotus because he wrongly +thought that all the Magians were exclusively Medes +(V. 194). But as the story of Ctesias obviously +goes back to a poetical source, we are not carried +any further by it in establishing the actual facts of +the case.</p> + +<p>A third story of the death of Cambyses, that of +Trogus, is also retained in an excerpt only. It is +apparently taken from the Persian history of Deinon. +"Cambyses added Egypt to the kingdom of his +father. Enraged at the superstition of the Egyptians, +he commanded the temples of Apis and the other gods +to be destroyed. He also sent an army to conquer +the far-famed temple of Ammon, but it was overwhelmed +by storms of sand. Then in a dream he +saw his brother as the future king. Terrified by this +vision, he did not hesitate to add the murder of a +brother to the burning of temples. For this horrible +service he sent Cometes, a Magian, one of his trusted +servants. Meantime, his sword coming accidentally +out of the sheath, he wounded himself deeply in the +thigh, and died, as a penalty either for the murder of +his brother which he had commanded, or for the +burning of the temples. When the Magian heard this +he hastened to commit the crime before the news of +the death of the king was spread abroad; and when +he had killed Smerdis, to whom the throne belonged, +he brought in his brother Oropastes. This brother +was very like Smerdis in form and feature; and as no +one suspected the deception, Oropastes became king<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span> +instead of Smerdis. The matter was the more secret +because among the Persians the king lives in retirement +by reason of his majesty."<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></p> + +<p>Darius, in his inscriptions on Mount Behistun, has +left us the authentic though very compressed history +of Cambyses. "Kambujiya, the son of Kurus," he +tells us, "was of our race, was previously king here. +This Kambujiya had a brother, Bardiya by name, of +the same father and mother as Kambujiya. Kambujiya +slew this Bardiya. When Kambujiya had slain +Bardiya the people did not know that Bardiya was +dead. Then Kambujiya marched against Egypt. When +Kambujiya marched against Egypt the people became +rebellious, and the lie spread both in Persia and in +Media and in the other provinces. There was a man, +a Magian, Gaumata by name; he rose up from +Pisiyauvada, from mount Arakadris, which is there. +It was in the month Viyakhna, on the fourteenth +day, that he rose up. He lied to the people; I am +Bardiya, the son of Kurus, the brother of Kambujiya. +Then the whole kingdom rebelled against Kambujiya; +it went over to the other, both Persia and Media and +the rest of the provinces. He took them for his own; +he was king; he seized the empire. In the month +Garmapada, on the ninth day, it was that he seized +the dominion. Then Kambujiya died, for he took his +own life."<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a></p> + +<p>Hence we may establish the true course of events +in something like the following form. Cyrus made a +certain division of the kingdom; under the sovereignty +of the elder son he assigned to the younger +Chorasmia, Bactria, Parthia, and Carmania, and thus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> +sowed the germ of contention between the brothers. +The younger was called Bardiya. This name sounded +to the Greek as Berdis, and then it passed into +Smerdis, as Bagabukhsa becomes Megabyzus.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> If +Xenophon calls Smerdis Tanaoxares, and Ctesias +Tanyoxarkes, this can only be an epithet which the +Persians gave to Smerdis. The old Bactrian <i>thanvarakhshathra</i> +would mean king of the bow. The +Persians might give this name to Smerdis, as their +poems celebrate him as the best drawer of the bow; +it was this superiority of Smerdis which, according to +the poems of the Persians, aroused the jealousy of +Cambyses. The tradition of Iran can tell of the +three best shots that were ever made:<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>—the best was +made by Arshana, the son of Kava Kavata (V. 37, +253); and king Bahram Gor slays his beloved because +she does not sufficiently admire his skill with +the bow.</p> + +<p>Bardiya did not accompany his brother to Egypt; +so that he could not have been sent back from thence. +On the contrary, Cambyses had conceived a suspicion +of him even before the campaign to Egypt; he was +afraid that his brother in Bactria would make use of +the distance at which he would be to seize the throne +in secret, and the more extensive the conquests which +Cambyses intended to make in Africa the more +dangerous would the possibility appear to him. He +caused him to be put to death before he set out to +Egypt. His death remained a secret. By whom and +how Bardiya was killed, and how the secret was kept, +whether by an arrangement such as that described by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> +Ctesias or by some other means, we cannot decide. +The kingdom, the Persians, and the princes of the +Persians did not know but that Bardiya was alive. +But the Magian Gaumata is aware of the fact. Of +the writers of the West, Trogus Pompeius alone gives +the true name of the usurper in the Grecised form +of Cometes. As the name is correct in Trogus, the +name of the brother of Cometes, whom he calls Oropastes, +may also be correct. But the narrative in +the excerpt in Trogus must be so far altered in +accordance with the version of Herodotus that Cambyses +left Oropastes behind as overseer of the palaces, +and that he placed his brother Gaumata on the throne. +In Ctesias the man who suggests the murder becomes +himself the false Bardiya and the future king. The +inscription of Darius speaks only "of the Magian +Gaumata," of "his leading adherents." The rebellion +of Gaumata was not delayed till the death of Cambyses, +as Ctesias supposed. It occurred, as the inscription +shows, while he was still on the Nile. During +the absence of Cambyses the lie spread in Persia, +Media, and the rest of the provinces. The inscription +mentions the day on which Gaumata rebelled, and the +place where it happened: at Pisiyauvada in mount +Arakadris this false Bardiya arose. As the position +of this place and mountain is not defined, as is elsewhere +the case in the inscription of Darius, by the +addition of the name of the country, we may assume +that it was in Persia that the false Bardiya, as his +interests and the position of affairs required, came +forward, and that he first called on the Persians to +acknowledge him as king and lord of the realm, as +indeed he must have done if he desired success. The +inscription does not tell us that Gaumata was a Mede, +or that the Medes first recognized him as their king;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> +it merely says: on the fourteenth of the month +Viyakhna (<i>i. e.</i> in the spring of the year 522 <small>B.C.</small>) the +whole kingdom rose in rebellion against Cambyses, +both Persia and Media and the rest of the provinces. +We shall see below that even after the fall of Gaumata +it was not Media which gave the sign for rebellion +against his murderers, but that that country followed +the example of the Elamites and Babylonians, and +was led by Uvakhshathra, a man of the race of +Cyaxares. First Persia, then Media, then the rest of +the lands recognized the false Bardiya as their king; +"he took from Cambyses Persia, Media, and the rest +of the provinces," says the inscription. Then in the +month of Garmapada (<i>i. e.</i> in July or August) the false +Bardiya was crowned at Pasargadae (V. 358). That +Gaumata was recognized as king in Babylonia is not +only proved by the assertion of Darius, but also by +two Babylonian tablets, which are dated from the +20th Elul and 1st Tisri "in the first year of king +Barziya."<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> On the news of the rebellion Cambyses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> +makes Aryandes satrap of Egypt,<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> and sets out +against the usurper. On this march, at Ecbatana +in Syria, according to Herodotus, <i>i. e.</i> at Batanea +or Hamath, or at Babylon, as Ctesias asserts, or on +the return to Damascus, according to Josephus,<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> he +died.</p> + +<p>However dark may be the shadows which fall on +the figure of Cambyses, it has received blacker traits +than truth can confirm in the legends of Greece and +Egypt, and, to some extent, in the poems of Media +and Persia. We have mentioned the story which +ascribes to him ambitious plans in his boyish years; +in the estimate which the Persians form of him +according to their poems it is only his love of wine +which is reprobated. More important is the judgment +which the Persians really passed on Cambyses; +Herodotus tells us they called Cyrus the father, +but Cambyses, because he was severe and ambitious, +they called the master.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> From this sentence—from +despotic severity and violence, whatever may have +been the degree in which they were present—it is a +long way to the picture of the frantic tyrant which +Herodotus has sketched on the basis of these legends +and poems. What we know by credible tradition +of the crimes of Cambyses, apart from his act against +his brother, and the supposed outburst of rage against +his sister, is limited to the penalty which he imposed +upon Memphis for the murder of the herald and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> +the crew, and the punishment of Sisamnes, one of +the seven judges who was found guilty of bribery +and unjust judgment. He had him executed, the +corpse was flayed, and the judge's seat covered with +the skin, on which the son, who was named his successor, +was to give judgment.<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> The punishment of +Memphis cannot be called cruel in the spirit of these +times; and the punishment of the unjust judge is +in the manner of an oriental prince who loves justice. +The reign of Cambyses was undoubtedly marked +by the effort to continue the acts of his father, and +in this effort he shows both vigour and resolution. +The idea of creating a fleet for the Persian empire +was bold and happy, and bore fruits in the submission +of Cyprus and Samos without a blow. The preparations +for the campaign against Egypt were made +with great prudence, and proved adequate and effectual. +But even before he set out for Egypt he +had cast the lot which decided his life. How far +the conduct of his brother, which is suggested in the +version of Ctesias, excused the suspicion of Cambyses, +we cannot decide. He did not venture to leave +the kingdom so long as his brother ruled over the +eastern half of it; he feared his rebellion during +his absence, and removed him out of the way. The +painful secrecy of the deed shows that Cambyses was +tormented with remorse and shame for this crime. +At the gates of Egypt he conquered in a mighty +battle. He used the victory to storm the strong +border fortresses of Egypt, and then at once turned +against Memphis, the most important city and fortress +of the enemy. The treatment of the captive Psammenitus +repeats the mild manner of Cyrus towards +conquered princes; we have seen above what clemency<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> +Cambyses showed after the conquest was completed towards +the Egyptians and their temples. In possession +of Egypt, he intended to achieve in Africa what +his father had done in Asia; far to the south and +west the country was to be subject to the Persians. +The campaign against Napata led to the conquest +of that kingdom. By maintaining this conquest, the +supremacy of Persia over Egypt was rendered secure +from attacks on that side, and the negro tribes to +the south of Napata were kept in obedience, though +previously they had been visited by the Pharaohs +only in flying incursions. It was at Napata that, +according to the tradition preserved by Diodorus, +Strabo, and Josephus, Cambyses lost his sister, and +with her the hope of an heir, by his own brutal +violence, as the songs represent, when his sister reminded +him of the death of his brother. But Strabo +and Diodorus observe, as has been shown above, that +he named the city after his sister "to honour her." +No doubt the disquiet of his conscience increased the +longer he remained without children. What was to +become of the kingdom after his death? The brother, +whom he had killed, had only left a daughter.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> +Burdened with new anxiety, if not with new guilt, +he turned back from Napata. The disaster, which +befell the army at Premnis, and the failure of the +expedition against the oasis of Sivah, though it did +not involve the loss of 50,000 men, might seem to +him proofs that he had brought upon himself the +anger of Auramazda and Mithra. Then the Phenicians +refused to march against the Carthaginians, +and he was unable to compel them. The absence +of any heir, the misfortunes which had fallen upon +him, increased his inward torments. He became<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> +more distrustful, passionate, and savage. He may +have sought forgetfulness in wine, but the remedy +only increased his violence. He shrank from seeing +again his home and the desolate house of Cyrus, +and remained inactive and irresolute for a year +and a half in Egypt; in spite of the danger which +attached to the absence of the ruler of so vast a +kingdom.</p> + +<p>In Persia and the provinces nothing was known +of the death of Bardiya. The neglect of the kingdom, +the absence of the king for three years, inspire +Gaumata with the courage to make use of his opportunity, +and turn the secrecy of the crime against +Cambyses. The Persians declare for the brother who +is among them, as against the distant king who +seemed to have forgotten Persia in Egypt; even the +satraps of the other countries soon decide in favour +of Bardiya, as for years they had seen nothing of +Cambyses. In three months after his appearance +Gaumata was formally crowned. The account of the +rebellion startled Cambyses from his stupor in Egypt; +he placed a satrap over the conquests he had made +and hastened to Syria, where he learnt the full amount +of the usurper's success. With anger he sees the +crown of Cyrus on the head of a miserable pretender. +If he is effectually to contend against the opponent +who has risen to such power, he must acknowledge +himself before the Persians and the kingdom as the +murderer of his brother, and even if he makes this +shameful confession, will the Persians believe and +follow him? Will they not think that he announces +the murder in order to thrust his brother from the +throne? In despair he perceives that he has destroyed +the house of Cyrus, and ruined the work of his father, +the fruit of thirty years of effort and struggle. He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> +sees no means of preventing the course of affairs, the +ruin of the kingdom of which he is the cause. He +acknowledges before the princes of the Persians what +he has done, commands them to make good the +damage which he has caused, and seals his declaration +by taking his own life. Such was the tragical end +of the son of the great Cyrus.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Herod. 3, 27-30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Herod. 3, 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Vol. I. 175. Diod. 1, 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> Justin. 1, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> The reading "year 4" in the first is confirmed by "year 5" in +the second inscription. Lepsius ("Monatsberichte Berl. Akad." 1854, s. +224, 495) has examined the difficulties which arise regarding the time +of Cambyses' campaign against Egypt, from the contradiction between +these dates and the statements of the Greeks.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> The inscriptions also give the name Cambyses in the form Kambuza.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Lepsius, "Z. Aegypt. Spr." 1874, s. 76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> De Rougé, "Revue Archéol." 8, 37 ff.; Brugsch, "Hist. d'Egypt," +p. 267, 269. In the "History of Egypt," Brugsch reads Uzahorenpiris +for Uzahorsun.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> Stephen. Byz. +Ἀγβάτανα Βάτανα +Ἄμαθα. +Cf. V. 307, and von Gutschmid, "N. Beitrage," s. 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> Herod. 3, 3, 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> "Excerpt. de virt." p. 557 = 10, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Plato, "Legg." p. 691, 694, 695.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Herod. 3, 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Justin. 1, 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> So Oppert according to the Persian inscription in "Journal +Asiatique," 4, 17, 385, 386; and according to the second series, +"Records of the Past," 7, 90.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> Barziya in the Babylonian text. Smerdis, the favourite of +Polycrates (Anacreon, fragm. 4, ed. Bergk), was no doubt named after +the brother of Cambyses.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Sachau, "Albiruni," p. 205; Nöldeke, "Tabari," s. 91, 271.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Elul and Tisri fall in September and October. The last year of +Cambyses is 522 <small>B.C.</small> According to Herodotus, Cambyses reigned +seven years and five months, and the Magian more than seven months; +the two make up eight years. The number of the Persian days of +the month are repeated in the Babylonian version of the Behistun +inscription. Hence the Persians adopted the year of the Assyrians +and Babylonians as well as their cuneiform writing, but they had +independent names for the months. Unfortunately the names of the +months in the Babylonian text are more frequently destroyed than not, +so that we can only be certain in giving Kislev (November-December) +as corresponding to the Athriadiya of the Persians, Tebet (December-January) +to Anamaka, Iyar (May-June) to Taigarshis. Oppert +maintains that we can also identify the Babylonian Adar or Veadar +(Febr.-March) with the Viyakhna of the Persians; but the text is +uncertain in this passage. Finally, we may with tolerable certainty +regard Garmapada (<i>i. e.</i> the path of heat) as corresponding to July and +August, to the Tammuz or Ab of the Babylonians. If Viyakhna is +really Adar, the proclamation of the Magian took place in March, 522 +<small>B.C.</small>, and his coronation in Garmapada (July and August). This +according to Darius was followed by the death of Cambyses. The two +tablets quoted date from September and October in the first year of +Barziya. According to Herodotus, the Magian reigned more than seven +months after the death of Cambyses, <i>i. e.</i> down to the spring of 521 <small>B.C.</small> +According to the inscription of Behistun, Darius slew him on the tenth +of Bagayadis (<i>i. e.</i> sacrifice to the gods), which would thus be parallel +to the Nisan of the Babylonians, <i>i. e.</i> to our April.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Herod. 4, 166.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> "Antiqu." 11, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> Herod. 3, 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Herod. 5, 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Herod. 3, 88; 7, 78.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER XIII.</h2> + +<h3>THE RISE OF DARIUS.</h3> + + +<p>"The Persians, when they heard the words of Cambyses," +so Herodotus continues his narrative, "did +not believe that the Magians had possessed themselves +of the throne; on the contrary, they thought that +Cambyses had said what he had said of the death +of Smerdis in order to deceive them, that the whole +of Persia might rise against Smerdis. They believed +that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was on the throne; for +even Prexaspes solemnly denied that he had slain +Smerdis; after the death of Cambyses it was dangerous +for him to allow that he had put to death the +son of Cyrus with his own hand. The Magian who +had taken the name of Cambyses reigned in security +and showed great mildness to all his subjects. Immediately +after he had got possession of the throne, +he proclaimed freedom from military service and +tribute for three years to all the nations over whom +he reigned. But in the eighth month of his reign +it was discovered who he was. Otanes, the son of +Pharnaspes, was one of the first of the Persians in +descent and wealth. He first conceived a suspicion +of the Magian because he never went out of the +citadel, nor allowed any of the leading Persians to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> +approach him. Phaedyme, the daughter of Otanes, +had been the wife of Cambyses, and with the rest +of the wives she had passed over to the Magian. +Otanes caused the question to be put to his daughter, +whether the man with whom she lay was Smerdis +the son of Cyrus, or another. She replied that she +had never seen Smerdis, and could not tell who he +was. Then Otanes sent a second time: 'If you do +not know Smerdis, ask Atossa, with whom you and +she lie, for she will know her own brother.' The +daughter answered: 'I cannot speak with Atossa, or +see any other of the women, for since this man, +whoever he is, came to the throne, he has kept us +all apart, and sent one in one direction, and another +in another.' When Otanes heard this, the matter +became yet clearer. He sent a third message to his +daughter, saying: 'My daughter, you are come of a +noble race and must accept the risk which your +father lays upon you. If this man is not Smerdis +the son of Cyrus, but the person whom I suspect that +he is, he must not go unpunished for associating with +you, and exercising dominion over the Persians. Do +as follows: When you perceive that he is asleep, feel +for his ears. If he has ears, be sure that he is the +son of Cyrus, but if he has none he is Smerdis the +Magian.' Phaedyme sent an answer to her father, +saying that she would run the greatest risk in doing as +he bade, for if the man had no ears, and she was found +feeling for them, he would put her out of the way; +however, she would do it. And when it came to her +turn to go to the Magian, she did all that her father +had bidden her; she lay with him, and when he was +asleep she felt for his ears, and easily discovered +that he had none. When Cyrus was king he had +for some grave reason cut off this man's ears. When<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> +it was day she sent her father word how the matter +stood."</p> + +<p>"Otanes related all the circumstances to Aspathines +and Gobryas, who were the first among the Persians +and most worthy of confidence, and as they had also +had their suspicions that the case was so, they listened +to the proposals of Otanes. The three were of opinion +that each should join with him the Persians whom he +counted most worthy of confidence. Otanes brought +Intaphernes; Gobryas, Megabyzus; and Aspathines, +Hydarnes. To these six at Susa, Darius the son of +Hystaspes came from Persia, for Hystaspes was +satrap of Persia, and when he came, the six resolved +to make him their associate. They met, pledged +mutual fidelity, and took counsel. And when it +came to Darius' turn to give his opinion, he said: 'I +believed that I alone knew that the Magian was king, +and that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was dead, and for +that reason I came with haste to put the Magian to +death. But as I feel that you also know this and not +I only, we must at once proceed to action without +delay; for that will be dangerous.' Then Otanes +spoke: 'O son of Hystaspes, thou art the son of a +brave father, and thou showest thy courage not less +than he. But do not so hasten the matter without +consideration; begin it with prudence. We must be +more numerous, and then make our attempt.' Darius +replied: 'Ye men that are present, if ye enter on the +matter as Otanes wishes, ye will come to a shameful +end. Some one who seeks his own advantage will +betray the matter to the Magian. Ye ought to have +taken the matter on yourselves and so accomplished it. +But as ye have resolved to take in more confederates, +and have confided the matter to me, it must be done +to-day. If this day passes by, I tell you that I will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> +allow no informer to be before me; I will myself +betray you to the Magian.' When Otanes saw Darius +so eager, he said: 'As you compel us to hasten the +matter and allow no delay, tell us how shall we enter +the palace and overcome them? You know yourself—if +you have not seen, you have heard—that guards +are set; how shall we pass by them?' 'Many things,' +Darius said, 'may be proved by deeds and not by +words; other things may be done in word but no +brilliant deed corresponds to them. You know that +it is not difficult to pass through the guards that +are set. No one will prevent men of our rank; one +will give way from respect, another from fear. Then +I have an excellent excuse for passing through, if I +say that I have just come from Persia and have to +give a message from my father to the king. If an +untruth must be told, let it be told. If a man seeks +for no advantage to himself by his untruth, he who +tells the truth may be a liar, and he who lies may +be a truthful man. If any of the door-keepers allow +us to pass willingly by, this will be in the future an +advantage for him, but any one who opposes us will +show at once that he is our enemy; we will then +force our way and begin the work.' Then Gobryas +said: 'We can never with greater honour win back +the empire, or, if we fail, find a more honourable +death. Are not we Persians ruled by a Mede, a +Magian, a fellow without ears? Those of you who +were with Cambyses when sick remember what he +imprecated on the Persians if they did not seek to +regain the dominion. At that time we did not believe +him, we thought that he spoke to deceive us. Now I +give my vote to you, Darius, and go straight from this +consultation to the Magian.' So Gobryas spake and +all agreed with him.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span></p> + +<p>"While they were thus deliberating, the following +incident happened. After solemn deliberation it +seemed advisable to the Magians to make Prexaspes +their friend; he had been cruelly treated by Cambyses, +he alone knew of the death of Smerdis, and +was of great influence among the Persians. For this +reason they sent for him, and sought by pledges and +oaths to bind him not to reveal to any one the deception +he had practised on the Persians, and they +promised him everything in their power. When +Prexaspes agreed to do as they wished, they further +proposed that he should summon the Persians under +the walls of the citadel; mount a tower and tell them +that they were governed by Smerdis and by no other. +This request the Magians made because the Persians +had great confidence in Prexaspes, and he had +repeatedly told them that Smerdis was alive and his +death a fiction. When Prexaspes declared his readiness +they summoned the Persians to the tower and bade +him speak. But he, purposely forgetting what they +had requested, began to speak of the race of Cyrus, +and when he came to Cyrus himself he enumerated +the blessings which he had provided for the Persians, +and going yet further he revealed the truth, declaring +that he had concealed it before because it was dangerous +for him to say what had been done, but now the +necessity was laid upon him to reveal it. And now +he said, that, compelled by Cambyses, he had slain +Smerdis, and that Magians were on the throne. When +he had imprecated a bitter curse upon the Persians if +they did not win back the kingdom, and take vengeance +on the Magians, he threw himself head foremost +down from the tower. All his life he had been an +honourable man, and such he died.</p> + +<p>"When they had resolved to attack the Magians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> +without delay, the seven Persians invoked the gods, +and set forth on the way, without knowing what had +happened to Prexaspes. When they had proceeded +half the distance, they heard of it. They slipped aside +to consider the matter. And Otanes with some others +were of opinion that they must wait, for all would be +in confusion, but Darius and the rest declared that +without hesitation they must carry out what they had +resolved upon. While they were thus at variance, +seven pairs of hawks appeared, which pursued and +tore to pieces two pairs of vultures. When the +seven saw this they all took the view of Darius, and +encouraged by the birds, went to the palace. When +they reached the gates it happened as Darius expected. +The guards respectfully allowed the first +men among the Persians to pass through, as though +they were led by some divine guide; no one suspected +them, and no one asked any questions. But when +they came to the portico, they came upon the eunuchs +who carried messages in to the king. These asked what +they wanted, threatened the guards for allowing them +to pass, and detained them. The conspirators encouraged +each other, drew their swords, struck down +those who sought to detain them, and burst at a run +into the hall. The two Magians were there at the +time, consulting about the affair of Prexaspes. When +they heard the noise and the cry of the eunuchs, they +sprang up to see what was the matter, then hastened +back and made ready for defence. One seized a bow, +the other a spear. The first could not use the bow, +for the conspirators were close upon him, but the +other wounded Aspathines in the thigh and hit +Intaphernes in the eye. The Magian with the bow +retired into a dark chamber off the hall, and wished to +close the door, but Darius and Gobryas hastened after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> +him; Gobryas seized and held him, and when Darius +hesitated to strike lest in the darkness he should hit +Gobryas, Gobryas cried out: 'Strike even though you +pierce us both.' Darius did so and smote the Magian +only. When both were slain, their heads were cut off; +the two conspirators who were wounded remained to +guard the citadel; the other five rushed out, called +the Persians together, and showed them the heads. +When the Persians heard of the deception of the +Magians, and what had happened, they thought it +right to do the same; they drew their swords, and +slew every Magian whom they could find, and had +they not been prevented by the approach of night, +not a Magian would have been left."</p> + +<p>The account given by Trogus of the overthrow of +the Medes, so far as it has been preserved to us, +differs only in unimportant points from the narrative +of Herodotus. In order to gain the favour of the +people, the Magians remitted the tribute and military +service for three years. This first excited suspicion +in the mind of Otanes, a Persian of great position and +discernment. He commanded his daughter, who was +among the royal concubines,—they were secluded +from each other,—to feel the ears of the king when +asleep, for Cambyses (in Herodotus it is Cyrus) had +cut off both the ears of the Magian. "Informed by +his daughter that the king had no ears, he announced +this to the princes of the Persians, urged them to put +the false king to death, and bound them by an oath. +Seven persons shared in the conspiracy; and to prevent +any change of opinion in time, or any disclosure, +they at once put their swords under their garments +and went to the palace. They cut down all who +came in their way, and so reached the Magians, who +were not wanting in skill to defend themselves; with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> +drawn weapons they slew two of the conspirators (in +Herodotus these are only wounded), but they were +overpowered by numbers. Gobryas seized one of them, +and when his companions hesitated to strike lest they +should pierce him along with the Magian, for the affair +took place in a dark room, he called out to them to +strike even through his own body. But by good +fortune he was uninjured and the Magian was slain."</p> + +<p>In the narrative of Ctesias, as we have seen, there +is but one Magian, Sphendadates, whom Cambyses +himself had placed on the throne of Bactria in the +place of his murdered brother (Tanyoxarkes), and +had commanded him to play his part. Astasyras, +Bagapates, and Izabates are aware of the secret. +After Cambyses, Sphendadates becomes king, whom +Astasyras and Bagapates had determined to assist to +the throne even before the death of Cambyses. "When +the Magian was reigning under the name of Tanyoxarkes, +Izabates came out of Persia, where he had +brought the body of Cambyses, revealed all to the +army, and insulted the Magians. Then he fled to +the sanctuary, where he was seized and his head cut +off. Then seven distinguished Persians met, and after +pledging their faith mutually, they joined with themselves +Artasyras and then Bagapates who had the +keys of the royal citadel. And when the seven were +admitted by Bagapates to the citadel, they found the +Magian with a concubine from Babylon. When he +saw them, he sprang up, and as he had no weapons—for +Bagapates had secretly removed them all—he +broke up a golden chair, and fought with the foot +of this till he was cut down by the seven. He had +reigned seven months."<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span></p> + +<p>Herodotus' narrative of the death of the Magians +again points to a poetical source. In the speech of +the dying Cambyses, in the curse which he imprecates +if the kingdom is not maintained and recovered, and +the indication that it must be done by force and +treachery, this source introduces the new series of +events in an attractive and exciting manner. But +the concealment of the truth, the secret murder of +his brother, have evil consequences which extend +beyond the life of Cambyses. The Persians did not +believe him; they thought that when dying he wished +to make them the enemies of his brother. It required +the penetration of Otanes, the courage and devotion +of his daughter, to bring the truth to light. At first +Otanes prudently admits two men only into the +secret; each of the three then discloses it to a trusty +friend, and when Darius comes from Persia to Susa +all are agreed to make him a confederate. His high +mission has already been indicated in the poem +by the dream of Cyrus wherein he saw the son of +Hystaspes with wings on his shoulders, one of which +overshadowed Asia, the other Europe. Darius urged +the confederates to immediate action. The faint +justification of the deception which we find in Herodotus +shows that in this matter an attempt was made +in the poetical source to keep in harmony with the +Iranian view of the absolute necessity of telling the +truth. The decisive moment approaches nearer and +with greater force to the Magians. They have won +the throne by treachery, they maintain it by cunning, +inasmuch as they demand neither tribute nor soldiers +from the subject countries; but at length they suffer +for their treachery. They attempt to gain Prexaspes; +he is to declare publicly that the Magian is the son +of Cyrus. Prexaspes proceeds apparently to do this,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> +but he is resolved to use the freedom of speech which +the Magians allow him for their ruin. He reveals the +truth before all the people, and throws himself down +from the tower. The punishment which the poem +has already inflicted on Prexaspes for the murder +of Bardiya in the death of his own son (p. 185) is +not sufficient. Like the king at whose command he +sinned, Prexaspes ends his days by suicide. It is +only by this complete revelation of the truth, this +voluntary death, and tragic end, that he makes complete +atonement for laying his hand on the son of +Cyrus. Thus the figure of Prexaspes belongs to the +series of faithful Persians, who, like Oebares, knew +how to serve not the king only but the prosperity of +Persia with complete devotion. While this took place +before the citadel, and the Magians in terror deliberated +what they should do, now that the proceeding +which was to establish their dominion had dashed +them to the ground, the conspirators were already on +the way. Once more the prudent Otanes hesitates; +and once more Darius urges haste. But the princes +of the Persians must perform the act alone; they +cannot wait for the effect of the revelation of Prexaspes +on the people. The gods themselves give them +a sign; the seven hawks tear to pieces the two vultures. +The poem closes with the death-struggle of +the Magians, the readiness of Gobryas to allow himself +to be slain with the Magian, <i>i. e.</i> the false king, +and the happy restoration of the dominion of the +Achæmenids.</p> + +<p>The objections which can be made against this +poetical account of the matter are obvious. The disbelief +of the Persians in the admissions of Cambyses +is hardly credible. If they had doubted at the first, +they could doubt no longer when the king had sealed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span> +his accusation by his despair and death. When +Otanes imparts his discovery to Gobryas and Aspathines, +they say that "they had already suspected +it;" Darius then comes, and when he has been unanimously +received into the conspiracy he says: "that he +had hitherto believed that he alone knew the secret, +and had hastened from Persia in order to slay the +Magian." The poem has no doubt inserted this scepticism +of the Persians to explain why they did not rise +against the usurper immediately after the death of +Cambyses. The discovery by the absence of the ears +must also belong to the poem; it is a tale of the +harem, in the manner of the poetry of the East. The +deed of Prexaspes, whose place is taken by Izabates in +Ctesias, is quite incredible and impossible in the context +of Herodotus. The Magians had no reason whatever +to urge Prexaspes to a public explanation; no one +among the people had any suspicion; seven men only +are acquainted with the truth, and the Magians have +no intimation of their knowledge. If Susa was the +scene of the deed, the Magians acted still more perversely, +and Prexaspes sacrificed himself at any rate +without the hope of any immediate effect. The +Susians had not the least interest in the legitimacy or +illegitimacy of the king. If the Achæmenids were no +longer their masters, so much the better, inasmuch as +they now enjoyed that mild dominion, which Herodotus +himself ascribes to the Magians. In the narrative +of the conspiracy two factors are obviously +combined. Otanes is the originator, Darius joins the +band later, but has already resolved to slay the Magi. +Supported by Gobryas he urges immediate action, and +indeed forces the conspirators to act by the threat +that, if there is any delay, he will himself reveal the +conspiracy, while Otanes, both in the deliberation,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> +and on the way to the palace, is in favour of delay. +It was obviously the effect of the poem to bring +plainly into light the merit which, on the one hand, +Otanes and the five conspirators, and on the other +Darius, had earned in the great achievement of the +overthrow of the Magi, and to apportion a part of it +to each section. The eminent position which the +poem allots Otanes is explained by the advantages +and privileges which the house of Otanes enjoyed in +Persia above the other tribal princes, and which were +attributed to the part which he took in the removal of +the dominion of the Magi.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> According to Herodotus +Otanes was the son of Pharnaspes, and his sister +Cassandane was the wife of Cyrus, the mother of +Cambyses and Smerdis. He was thus the uncle of +the king and of Smerdis; and he was also the father-in-law +of the king, for his daughter Phaedyme was +among the wives of Cambyses. This is the account +of Herodotus. But we have convincing evidence that +Otanes was not the son of Pharnaspes. As the father-in-law +of Cambyses he was sufficiently near the throne +to take a leading part in the action. Hystaspes, the +father of Darius, had already been sent back by Cyrus +from his camp on the Jaxartes (p. 115), according to +Herodotus, in order to keep watch over his son Darius. +In Herodotus Hystaspes is now overseer of Persia, and +his son comes to Susa, to slay the Magians with his +own hand. In another passage Herodotus himself +relates that Darius was sprung from the family of the +Achæmenids; Hystaspes was the son of Arsames, who +was the son of Ariaramnes, the brother of Cambyses +I. the father of Cyrus.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a></p> + +<p>It is a fact that Darius was sprung from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> +younger line of the house of Achæmenes. The elder +son of Teispes, the son of Achæmenes, was Cambyses +I., and the younger son was Ariaramnes. His son was +Arsames, who was the father of Hystaspes, the cousin +of Cambyses.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> When the older line became extinct +in Cambyses, the younger should have ascended the +throne in the person of their head Hystaspes, but the +Magians usurped it. What could be more natural than +that Hystaspes and Darius should take the lead in +overthrowing the usurper, and winning back the crown +which had been taken from them. As the future +head of the tribe of the Pasargadae, the future heir to +the throne takes the lead, and we may find in his six +associates the remaining six tribes of the Persians. +We know that they had the privilege of marriage +with the house of Achæmenes, and of free entry +to the king; the tribal princes also wore the upright +<i>kidaris</i>, like the king (V. 328). Hence Darius could +say in Herodotus: "Who will refuse entrance to us, +the chiefs of the Persians?<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>" And any one who should +do so "would at once show himself to be their +enemy;" hence, as Herodotus relates, the seven, by +divine guidance, arrived at the palace.</p> + +<p>Thus far does tradition carry us; but the inscriptions +of Darius enable us to go a good step farther. +"The dominion, which Gaumata the Magian took +from Cambyses, belonged of old to our family," so +king Darius tells us. "My father was Vistaçpa, +the father of Vistaçpa was Arsama, the father of +Arsama was Ariyaramna, the father of Ariyaramna was +Chaispis, and the father of Chaispis was Hakhamanis. +This Gaumata lied. He said: I am Bardiya, the son +of Kurus; I am king. There was no one, either Mede +or Persian, or of our family, who had taken the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> +dominion from Gaumata the Magian.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> The people +feared him; he put to death many people who had +known Bardiya, to prevent its being known that he +was not Bardiya the son of Kurus. No one made any +attempt against Gaumata the Magian, till I came. +Then I called Auramazda to my aid; and Auramazda +assisted me. There is a citadel, Çikathauvatis by +name, in the land of Niçaya in Media; there with +men devoted to me I slew Gaumata the Magian and +his chief adherents. This was in the month Bagayadis, +on the tenth day. I slew him, and took from him +the dominion. By the grace of Auramazda I became +king. Auramazda transferred the kingdom to me; I +restored the dominion which was taken from our +tribe. The places of worship (the houses of the gods +in the Babylonian version) which Gaumata the Magian +destroyed, these I preserved for the people. I gave +back to the families what Gaumata had taken from +them. What had been carried away I placed where +it had been before. By the grace of Auramazda I +did this. I laboured till I placed this race of ours +again in its position. As it was before, as though +Gaumata the Magian had not robbed our family, so I +arranged it again.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> These are the men who were +present at the time when I slew Gaumata the Magian, +who called himself Bardiya; these men helped me at +that time as my adherents: Vindafrana (Intaphernes +in Herodotus), the son of Vayaçpara, a Persian; +Utana (Otanes), the son of Thukhra, a Persian; +Gaubaruva (Gobryas), the son of Marduniya (Mardonius), +a Persian; Vidarna (Hydarnes), the son of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> +Bagabigna, a Persian; Bagabukhsa (Megabyzus), the +son of Daduhya, a Persian; Ardumanis, the son of +Vahuka (Ochus), a Persian."<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a></p> + +<p>As has been shown, Gaumata had seized the +dominion on Persian ground. He had first shown +himself to the Persians as their master: "He caused +Persia to revolt," is the recapitulation in the inscription +of Behistun. The statement of Herodotus that +he remitted for a certain period the tribute, which +the provinces had to furnish yearly in the form of +presents, and announced that for some years to come +they need not expect anything from distant wars, +cannot be called in question. He had every reason +to make his rule acceptable, and the treasures of +Cyrus at Pasargadae were no doubt still large enough +to enable him to dispense with the tribute for some +years.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> The inscription of Darius and the tablets +at Babylon (p. 195), establish the fact that not the +satraps only, whom Cyrus and Cambyses had set +up, and the population of the subject lands, but +even the army of Cambyses which had gone with +him to Egypt and returned after his death, recognized +the Magian as king. As Herodotus says, Gaumata +succeeded so that all nations wished his reign back +when he had fallen, except the Persians. Most +remarkable is the passage in the inscription of Darius +according to which Gaumata had destroyed the places +of worship or the houses of the gods. How could a +man, who claimed to be the son of Cyrus, begin by +attacking the existing mode of worship, which Cyrus +had practised and protected, without annihilating<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> +himself? Or was it the Magian tendency in him, +which sought to bring the stricter forms observed +by the priests into universal observance, and establish +uniformity of worship? Or does Darius merely mean +that Gaumata had allowed the temples of the subject +nations to fall into ruin (Cyrus and Darius took them +under their care). This is probably the meaning of the +obscure passage in the Persian text; the Babylonian +version shows that temples of the gods are spoken +of, and these the Persians and Medes did not possess.</p> + +<p>The murder of Smerdis cannot have remained an +entire secret. The murderer or murderers knew it, +and the relatives, the members of the house of +Achæmenes, the servants and women, cannot have +been deceived by the resemblance for any length of +time. The narrative of Darius tells us plainly, "that +Gaumata put to death many men in order that it +might not be known that he was not the son of Cyrus." +There is no doubt that Cambyses, when dying, +acknowledged his deed, but only to the Achæmenids +and the six tribal princes. Darius was with Cambyses +in Egypt. From Herodotus we learn that he secretly +sent messages to the satraps at the time of the rule +of the Magians<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>. Hence he knew of the fact, and, +as was fitting, he urged the overthrow of the Magian +before all others. Why the younger line of the royal +house and the tribal princes of the Persians did not +come forward immediately after the death of Cambyses—why +they did not call on the Persians to rise +against the Magians—on these matters we can only +make conjectures, which however are of a suggestive +kind. One obvious reason was that the declaration +that the throne had been usurped, and the rising +of the Persians which would have followed such<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> +a declaration, would have thrown the kingdom into +the most violent convulsions. This would have given +the subject nations the choice of taking up arms for +their favourite, the usurper, or for their own independence; +it would have given them the right, and +the Medes above all, of throwing off the existing +rule. Could they venture to renew the dangerous +war, which Cyrus had waged against the Medes, +which had been so long undecided, and had brought +the Persians into the greatest distress, in which +they had conquered only after the most severe +efforts? Who would guarantee a happy issue to the +new conflict? And if the Medes were really conquered +for the second time, would not the conflict +with them be the signal for the other nations to +revolt on their part also? In this way the kingdom +of Cyrus would be completely disorganized. Thus +Hystaspes and Darius and the princes of the Persians +hesitated; and contented themselves with coming to +a secret understanding with the satraps. So long as +the royal house and the six princes remained silent, +the pretended son of Cyrus was compelled to spare +the Achæmenids and the tribal princes in order to +play his own part, but their silence on the other hand +declared the Magian to be the legitimate ruler, and +the longer that they were silent the more securely +did they establish his throne. This position of affairs +was the more difficult for the Achæmenids, because +Gaumata, as we are told in the inscription, removed +his residence from Persia to Media. He was aware +no doubt that his deception could not be long maintained +against the Persians and the satraps. In +Media, therefore, he was more secure than in Persia, +for in Media the Magians formed a numerous and +exclusive order. If the Persians rose against him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> +his best support against them was the Medes; if the +deception had to be dropped, the rising of the +Persians would pass into a war between the Persians +and Medes.</p> + +<p>From the important position which the authority +of Herodotus assigns to Otanes, and the peculiar +honours subsequently paid to him and his family, +we may perhaps assume that it was he more than +any other, who, with the fixed resolution not to +endure the dominion of Gaumata, pointed out at +the same time the unavoidable consequences of an +armed rising of Persia. Instead of shattering the +central power with their own hands, he must have +advised his confederates to get it into their own +power, and with this object in view he proposed the +removal of the Magian, the surprise, and assassination +in the citadel. There would be time for an open +conflict if the assassination failed. Darius, who was +then about thirty-five,<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> was younger and more hasty; +he may have insisted on a sudden decision and have +been more inclined to use open violence. Finally, +the princes of the Persians united with Darius in the +attempt to assassinate the king. It is obvious that +the consultations and deliberations which led to this +resolution took place among few, and in the greatest +secrecy. It was necessary to avoid observation and +suspicion; they must not go in a company. The son +of Hystaspes might take a message from his father to +the king, and the chiefs of the Persian tribes might +accompany him. They were the chosen councillors +of the king, and had the right of free entry to him. +Ought they to despair of this because they had not +been summoned to the council? If they had had +confederates in the palace of Gaumata, as Ctesias<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> +suggests, it would have been the most foolish rashness +to go to Media in such small numbers. That Darius +accomplished the deed with six associates only, as +he himself tells us, proves that they could reckon +on obtaining an entrance for these seven only, and +that the king dared not refuse it to them. His false +assertion that he was an Achæmenid, and the king +of the Persians, must have been his ruin; it compelled +him to admit the seven; at any rate the guards of +the palace had no orders to the contrary. The upright +tiara, which the Persian kings, the descendants +of Achæmenes, and the princes of the remaining six +tribes wore, and which Plutarch suggests was the +mark of recognition among the conspirators (Polyaenus +states this for a fact<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a>), pointed out Darius +and his associates to the body-guard as having the +right of free entrance. It was not, as the Greeks +thought, a mark of distinction given to the six after +the deed, but, as we have seen, a distinction which +they possessed, along with others, from the time of +Achæmenes, and the arrangement of the Persian constitution. +The six princes of the Persians, and at their +head the eldest son of the lawful successor to the +throne, Hystaspes the prince of the seventh tribe, or +Pasargadae, were resolved to attack the pretended +king in his palace in Media, and risk their lives to +maintain the throne in the hands of the Persians. +We must look for the citadel of Çikathauvatis in +Niçaya between Kermanshah and Elvend, at the +southern foot of the mountain overlooking the pastures +of the Nisæan horses. If the attempt failed Darius +and his companions could hardly escape. But the +father of Darius and two younger brothers (Artabanus +and Artaphernes) were alive and in safety. They<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> +could avenge the fall of the conspirators, and by +taking up the struggle openly, attempt to succeed +where craft had failed. In the struggle, as in the +previous consultation, the source from which Herodotus +has drawn represents Gobryas as the leading +person next to Darius. He is the first whom Otanes +admits to the secret; he always votes with Darius for +immediate action; he seizes one of the two Magians—obviously +the king himself—whom Darius then +slays. Gobryas was the chief of the Pateischoreans, +who dwelt next to the Pasargadae on Lake Bakhtegan, +and the father-in-law of Darius, to whom his daughter +had already borne three sons.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a></p> + +<p>The bold resolution to attack the usurper in the +midst of Media and cut him down with his adherents +in his palace succeeded. If Herodotus tells us that +when the princes after the assassination called the +Persians together, and showed them the heads of the +Magians, the Persians also drew their swords and +slew all the Magians who came in their way, the truth +is that the only Persians before the citadel of Çikathauvatis +in the Median district of Nisaea would be +the servants of the Persians who accompanied them +there. The question was not the slaughter of the +Magi; such a massacre would have been the most +foolish thing that could have been done. The Persians +who attended the princes had no other duty than to +enable their masters to escape from the citadel in case +of failure, and in case of success to prevent the servants +of Gaumata, who may very likely have been for the +most part Magians, from dispersing, and to cut them +down, to avail themselves of the overthrow of the +guard in order to disarm them. The supposed +slaughter of the Magians has arisen from the festival,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> +by which the Persians celebrated the day of the +assassination of the Magian, the tenth of Bagayadis.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p> + +<p>Five days after the death of the Magian the seven +took counsel together, as Herodotus relates, on the +state of affairs. Otanes was of opinion that the +government should be handed over to the whole body +of the Persians, that it was not well that one should +rule over them. Megabyzus represented oligarchy; +the best men should form the best resolutions. +Darius spoke in favour of monarchy. In an oligarchy +enmities arise, and out of enmities rebellions and +struggles, which lead to monarchy. In democracy +baseness forces its way in, and the base gather together +till a man arises who can reduce them to +order; he is then admired by the people and raised to +be their ruler. A man had given freedom to the +Persians, and it was not well to set aside the laws of +the fathers. Then Otanes said: "Fellow-conspirators, +it is obvious that one of us will be king, as we are +leaving the choice to the Persians either by lot or in +some other manner. But I do not seek the throne +with you: I wish neither to be a ruler, nor to be +ruled over. I leave the dominion to you on the condition +that neither I nor my descendants shall be +subjects to you." The six agreed, and Otanes remained +apart; to this day his family is the only free family +in Persia, and is governed only so much as it pleases, +provided that it does not transgress the laws of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> +Persians. The others resolved, that if the monarchy +came to one of them, Otanes and his descendants +should each year receive a Median robe and the gifts +of highest honour usual among the Persians, because +he had been the first to entertain the idea and had +called them together. For the whole seven they resolved +that each should have the right of entering the +palace without announcement, whenever he would, +and the king should not be allowed to take a wife +from any but the families of the conspirators. The +throne was to go to the man whose horse, when in the +suburbs of the city, should be the first to neigh at the +rising of the sun. In the night Oebares, the groom of +Darius, led his horse along the road, on which the +six would ride in the morning, to a mare which he +had previously caused to be brought there. When +the princes rode out next morning, as had been agreed +upon, the horse of Darius neighed at the place where +the mare had been brought to him in the night, and +at the same moment there was thunder and lightning +in a clear sky. Then the five sprang from their +horses and did homage to Darius. And when Darius +was established on his throne, he set up a picture in +relief on stone representing a man with a horse, and +underneath it he engraved the words: "Darius, the +son of Hystaspes, by the help of his horse and his +groom Oebares, came to be king over the Persians."<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p> + +<p>In Pompeius Trogus we are told: "The conspirators +were so equal in valour and noble birth, that it was +difficult for the people to elect one of them to be king. +But the conspirators themselves devised an expedient +which left the decision to religion and good luck. +They resolved to ride early in the morning to a +particular place before the citadel; and he whose<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> +horse was the first to neigh at the rising of the sun, +was to be king. For the Persians regarded the sun as +the only deity, and horses as sacred to him. Among +the conspirators was Darius the son of Hystaspes." +After narrating the trick of the groom in the same +manner as Herodotus, our excerpt continues: "The +moderation of the others was so great that when they +had received the sign from the gods (Justin speaks +only of the neighing, not of the thunder and lightning), +they at once sprang from their horses and +greeted Darius as king. The whole people followed +the decision of the princes and made him their king. +By such a trivial circumstance did the monarchy of +the Persians, which was won by the valour of the +seven noblest men, come into the hands of one person. +It is extraordinary that those who risked their lives +to wrest the throne from the Magians, should have +resigned it with such readiness, though it is true that +in addition to the nobility of form, and the valour, +which made Darius worthy of the throne, he was +also related by blood to the ancient kings."<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> The +excerpt from the account of Ctesias tells us: "Sphendadates +(p. 208 ff.) had reigned seven months (<i>i. e.</i> after +the death of Cambyses). Of the seven Darius became +king because his horse first neighed at the rising of +the sun, which was the sign agreed upon among them; +but it was induced to neigh by a certain trick and +stratagem. Since then the Persians celebrate the +slaughter of the Magians on the day on which +Sphendadates the Magian was slain."<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></p> + +<p>An election to the throne was not a matter of +necessity after the fall of the Magian. The older +line of the royal house, the descendants of the elder +son of Teispes, had become extinct with Smerdis and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> +Cambyses; the younger line had the right to ascend +the throne. The head of this line was Hystaspes. We +not only learn from Herodotus, that he was still alive, +the inscription of Behistun mentions his achievements +after his son ascended the throne. The father +gave place to the son, just as the father of Cyrus had +given place to his son in the rise of the Persians +against Astyages. Hystaspes abandoned the throne in +favour of his eldest son. This renunciation, in case of +success, must have taken place before Darius set out +to Media, when the son went with the princes of the +Persians to succeed in the work of liberation or to +perish. These princes were in a position to salute +Darius as king immediately after the fall of the +Magian. A sign from the gods could only be required +to show that the son would be accepted in the place +of the father. It was more important to prove to the +Medians, the inhabitants of Nisaea, that the new ruler +who took the place of the murdered prince had done +so with the will of the gods, that Darius had seized +the crown with the will of Auramazda and Mithra. +We know the sacred horses and chariot which the +Persians kept for the god of the sun and of light. +The lucky neighing with which the horse on which +the new king was mounted greeted the rising of the +sun on the seventh day after the death of the Magian, +put it beyond doubt that the act was just, that the +new ruler of Persia was under the protection of the +far-seeing Mithra, the god of truth, the destroyer of +lies. The narrative of the trick of Oebares is no +doubt a Greek invention. In the mind of the Persians +it would have deprived the divine signal of any importance. +In the narrative of Herodotus it is quite +superfluous, for not only does the horse neigh but +thunder and lightning occur in a clear sky. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> +name of the groom, Oebares, does not improve the +story or make it more credible; it is merely a +repetition of the name of that most faithful and +energetic counsellor and helper of Cyrus, who first, +himself a fortunate omen, meets him in the foreign +country, and carries horsedung towards him, and +afterwards assists him to victory and the throne +(V. 346). As regards the equestrian picture, which, +according to Herodotus, Darius set up in honour of +his horse and his groom, Darius had certainly no +interest in announcing to the kingdom that he had +won the throne by deception. No doubt Darius left +splendid monuments behind him. He may also have +caused the divine consecration and confirmation of his +kingdom to be engraved upon a rock, but the inscription +to the picture certainly did not mention the +deception, or the inventor of it and his service.</p> + +<p>Herodotus represents the conspirators as consulting +about the best form of government on the sixth day +after the assassination, no doubt because the opinion +existed among the Greeks, that the Persians had a +custom by which anarchy was allowed to prevail for +five days after the death of the king, not as a sign +of mourning, but in order to learn by experience +what an evil anarchy was.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> The best form of government +might be discussed in Hellas, but it could not +be discussed in Persia, and least of all in the citadel +of Çikathauvatis. Herodotus himself observes, that +these speeches were incredible to some of the Greeks, +but that nevertheless they were made;<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> he even recurs +to the subject, supporting the story on the fact that +Mardonius, the son of Gobryas, had removed the +tyrants from the cities of the Ionians and set up<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> +democracies there. Herodotus exaggerates what was +done in the year 493 <small>B.C.</small> in order to support his story +of this discussion; if Mardonius established democracies, +Otanes may have represented this form of +constitution in the council of the seven. At that +time tyrannies were not preserved in the Greek +cities to the extent that the princes of Miletus, +Histiaeus and Aristagoras, raised the sign of rebellion +for the Ionians on purely personal grounds. Hence +after the rebellion had been crushed, tyrannies were +not fully restored in these cities. But the tyrants +who remained faithful to Persia, like Aeaces of +Lesbos, and Strattis of Chios, were replaced on their +thrones. Strattis was ruler of Lesbos in the time of +Xerxes. Even after Mardonius had visited the coast +of Anatolia, Hippoclus and Aeantides ruled over +Lampsacus; the Pisistratidæ in Sigeum; Demaratus +obtained Teuthrania, Halisarna, and Pergamum; Gongylus, +Gambrion, Myrina, and Gryneum; Theomestor +in the reign of Xerxes was tyrant of Samos; in +Herodotus' own city the descendants of Lygdamis +retained the throne. To renew the tyrannies in their +old extent, when they were intended to keep in subjection +Greek maritime cities of considerable power +without Persian garrisons was not necessary after +these cities had been so greatly weakened by the +suppression of the rebellion.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a></p> + +<p>The legend of the discussion of the seven as to the +best form of constitution has grown up out of the +privileges of the six tribal princes, who as a fact +formed an aristocratic element in the Persian constitution +(V. 329), and out of the peculiar immunities +enjoyed by the house of Otanes; the Greeks traced +both one and the other back to the assassination of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> +the Magians. From the immunities, and supposed self-government +of this house, the Greeks concluded that +Otanes must at that time have pronounced for the +freedom and self-government of the Persians, and +Herodotus represents him as consistently democratic, +and taking no part in the election to the throne. In +the discussion the defence of monarchy was naturally +assigned to the future occupant of the throne.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers." 13. The names of the Seven in Ctesias have been +discussed already, Vol. V. 329 <i>n.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> Herod. 3, 83, 84, and below, p. 221, 222.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Herod. 4, 83; 5, 25, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Vol. V. 326 <i>n.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Herod. 3, 72, 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> Spiegel, "Keilinschriften," s. 7, "to say;" so Oppert ("Peuple des +Mèdes," p. 110) after the Turanian version; on the other hand Mordtmann +in "Z. D. M. G." 16, 37 gives, "to undertake."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Spiegel, "Keilinschriften," s. 81 ff.; Oppert, <i>loc. cit.</i> p. 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> Herodotus gives Aspathines or Aspathenes; the inscription on the +tomb of Darius mentions Açpachana as holding an honourable office +near the person of the king.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> Herod. 3, 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Herod. 3, 139, 126, 127.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> See below, p. 229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> Plutarch, "Praec. gerend. reip." c. 27; Polyaen. "Strateg." 7, 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> Herod. 7, 2; Behist. 4, 84; 5, 7, 9. N. R. c.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> G. Rawlinson's view, which he gives in an excursus to his Herodotus +(2, 548 ff.)—that the Magian was not a Mede, I accept, as I have +observed, p. 191. Darius says in the inscription of Behistun that +neither a Persian nor a "Mede" had risen against Gaumata, and +moreover, that he had recovered the dominion which had been taken +"from his tribe" and "race." But in no case was it a question of a +religious conflict, but rather to avoid a new struggle between Media and +Persia. On the passage 3, 14 in the inscription all that need be said +has been given already (p. 216).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> Herod. 3, 80-88.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Justin. 1, 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers." 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Sext. Empir. "Adv. Rhet." 33 in Stein, Herod. 3, 80.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> Herod. 6, 43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> The evidence in support of this will be found in the Greek History.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span></p> + +<h2>CHAPTER XIV.</h2> + +<h3>THE REBELLIONS IN THE PROVINCES.</h3> + + +<p>One of the boldest deeds known to history had been +accomplished, one of the most marvellous complications +had been severed by a remarkable venture. +At a distance from their home and people, six +Persians, led by a prince of the royal house, had +attacked and cut down the pretended son of Cyrus, +in his fortified citadel, when surrounded by his +adherents, after he had reigned for more than ten +months (Spring 521 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a>). An Achæmenid again +sat on the throne of Cyrus. Whether the removal +of the usurper and the sudden proclamation of Darius +on the soil of Media had really prevented the ruin +of the kingdom, as it was intended to do, and +whether it would produce the results which the +Achæmenids and the princes of the Persians expected +from it, was a question, which, in spite of the success, +still remained to be settled. It was true that the +resumption of the struggle with the Medes for the +sovereignty was for the moment avoided, but that +the accession of Darius brought the whole kingdom +into obedience to his power had still to be shown. +Undeniable facts prove that even in the last years +of Cambyses the bonds of obedience were relaxed.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> +The satraps of the provinces had been able to rule +over their provinces independently. This had been +rapidly followed by two violent changes in the succession, +which seemed to promise success to further usurpation. +The various nations were quite satisfied with +the rule of Gaumata. Their favourite chief had been +slain; they were now called upon to obey his assassin, +whose reign betokened the return of the severer rule. +Neither in Media nor in Babylon did men forget +the state of affairs before Cyrus; scarcely eighteen +years had elapsed since Babylon had been taken +by Cyrus. The nations of the kingdom were in +agitation.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p> + +<p>Elated by the success of his venture, in the full +vigour of his life,—according to Herodotus Darius +had scarcely reached the thirtieth year, and according +to Ctesias the thirty-sixth year of his age,<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>—the new +ruler seemed equal even to the heaviest tasks. The +boldness of his resolution, the daring nature of the +advice which he had given, were favourable indications +that he possessed the power to keep the kingdom of +Cyrus together. While he could not but direct his +gaze in the most eager expectation to the nations of +the empire, he found in his immediate proximity, +among the associates in the deed of Çikathauvatis, +an independent and rebellious spirit. A remarkable +indication proved that the princes of the Persian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> +tribes, to whose devotion he owed the throne, who +had risked as much as himself, were for that very +reason inclined to regard themselves as more on an +equality with the new king, and to pay less respect +to his authority. Soon after the assassination of the +Magian, Intaphernes, one of the six Persian princes, +who had lost an eye in the conflict with the Magians, +came one day into the palace to speak with the king. +But the doorkeepers and servants would not admit +him because the king was with one of his wives. +Intaphernes thought that this statement was false, and +that the new king intended to refuse to the Persian +princes the ancient right of free entry; he drew his +sword, cut off the ears and noses of each of the two +servants, strung them on the reins of his bridle and +hung them round their necks. In this act of violence +Darius could only see extreme contempt for the royal +dignity, and the most severe outrage of it in the +persons of his servants; he was convinced that it +was the announcement of a rebellion. He did not +venture to step in and punish at once; he could +hardly assume that Intaphernes would have done such +an action without an understanding with the other +chieftains; they had intended, no doubt, to humble +the king, and now that they had helped him to the +throne, they wished to take up a different position +towards the ruler whom they had raised from that +which they had occupied towards Cyrus and Cambyses. +It was not till Darius had questioned each +of the princes separately, and ascertained that Intaphernes +had acted independently, that he caused him +to be thrown into prison with his sons and all his +family. He desired, no doubt, on this first opportunity +to show the chiefs of the Persians their master, and +his intention was naturally carried out with oriental<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> +cruelty. Regardless of the services of Intaphernes +and the wound which he had received, he was to +be executed and all the males of his house with him; +the entire stock of this princely family was to be +annihilated. The entreaties of the wife of Intaphernes +only prevailed so far as to save from death her +brother and her eldest son, so that the race could +at least be kept in existence.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p> + +<p>Still more dangerous, though at a greater distance, +appeared to be the attitude of a satrap who ruled +over wide regions. Oroetes had been made satrap +of Lydia and Ionia by Cyrus. In the last year of +Cambyses he had enticed Polycrates of Samos to +Magnesia into his power, and had caused him to be +executed there, in order to bring about the subjugation +of Samos. When called upon by Darius to +declare against Gaumata he had paid no heed to +the command, but had availed himself of the confusion +to assassinate Mitrobates the satrap of Phrygia, who +resided at Dascyleum, and possess himself of that +satrapy. He now ruled from Sardis to the Halys. +After the accession of Darius, so far from obeying +his commands to appear at the court, he cut down +the messenger who brought them. It was obviously +his intention to establish an independent kingdom +in Asia Minor. It did not appear possible to crush +him without an open struggle, and the beginning +of this would be a signal of revolt for many others. +Darius summoned the chief of the Persians, and +asked if any one could remove Oroetes out of the +way. In the narrative of Herodotus not one only +but thirty offered themselves for the venture. They +cast lots, and the lot fell on Bagaeus the son of +Artontes. Provided with the necessary letters from +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> +the king, he went as an extraordinary commissioner +to Sardis. The garrison of the citadel at Sardis in +which Oroetes resided consisted of a thousand Persian +lance-bearers. Bagaeus caused a communication from +Darius to be read to these troops in the presence of +Oroetes. They showed respect for the letter and +the royal seal, and expressed a willingness to obey +the king's commands. As soon as Bagaeus had convinced +himself of their feeling, he read an order +from Darius in which the lance-bearers were forbidden +to obey Oroetes any longer. They at once placed +their lances on the ground. Encouraged by this, +Bagaeus immediately read the last order, in which +Darius bade the Persians at Sardis to put Oroetes to +death. This command also was executed on the spot. +It was a rapid success, and an extremely fortunate +event for Darius. Asia Minor from the Halys to the +Aegean was brought under his authority at a single +blow.</p> + +<p>Herodotus only remarks in passing, that the Medes +revolted from Darius, but were conquered in the battle +and reduced again to submission.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> He relates the +rebellion of the Babylonians at greater length. Since +the accession of the Magian the Babylonians had +secretly prepared to throw off the yoke of Persia. +They put to death all the women in the city who were +not mothers, leaving only a childless wife and another +woman in each household, that their provisions might +not fail, and when Darius brought up his forces, and +invested Babylon, they made merry over the siege and +danced behind their towers. A whole year and seven +months passed away, and Darius tried every art and +invention in vain, including the means by which Cyrus +had taken the city and many others, but the Babylonians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> +were strongly on their guard, and it was impossible to +take the city. In the twentieth month, Zopyrus the +son of Megabyzus, one of the men who had taken part +in the assassination of the Magian, appeared before +the throne of Darius with his nose and ears cut off, his +hair shaved, and his body covered with blows from a +whip. Distressed to see one of the most distinguished +men in such a condition, the king sprang up and +asked who had done him such an irreparable injury. It +was intolerable, Zopyrus answered, that the Assyrians +should mock the Persians any longer; he had not +acquainted the king with his design that he might not +prevent him from carrying it out. It was his intention +in this plight to seek admittance into the city +and to tell the Babylonians that the king of the +Persians had treated him thus. He thought that +they would believe him, and entrust him with the +command over a division. On the tenth day after his +reception into the city, Darius was to place a thousand +men of the troops which he valued least against +the gate of Semiramis; on the seventeenth two +thousand against the gate of Ninus; on the thirty-seventh +four thousand against the gate of the Chaldæans. +If he achieved great successes against these +troops the Babylonians would no doubt entrust everything +to him, even the keys of their gates. Then +Darius was to attack the city on all sides, and place +the Persians against the gates of Belus and the gate +of the Cissians. "Zopyrus set forth, gave his name +at the gate, pretended to be a deserter, and demanded +entrance. The guards led him before the council of +the city. He lamented the treatment which he had +received from Darius because he had advised him to +lead away his army, inasmuch as there was no way of +taking the city. He could do them the greatest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> +services, and Darius and the Persians the greatest +harm, for he knew their plans in every direction. +The Babylonians seeing the most distinguished Persian +without nose or ears, covered with stripes and blood, +listened to his words, and believed that he had come +to aid them; and they were ready at his request to +allow him the command of a division." At the head +of his Babylonian soldiers Zopyrus cut down the three +troops on the days agreed upon. "Then Zopyrus +was all in all to the Babylonians; they elected him +general and keeper of the walls of the city, and when +Darius, as had been agreed upon, stormed the city on +every side, and the besieged repulsed their opponents +in every direction, Zopyrus opened the Cissian gate +and the gate of Belus to the Persians and brought +them into the city. The Babylonians who saw this +fled into the shrine of Belus, but the others fought on +in their ranks till they perceived that they had been +betrayed. Thus Babylon was recovered, and Darius +now did what Cyrus had neglected to do at the time +of his conquest; he destroyed the walls, tore down +the gates, impaled nearly three thousand of the leading +men, and gave the city to the remainder for a +habitation. In order that they might have wives and +posterity, Darius commanded each of the neighbouring +nations to send a number of women to Babylon; in all +there were 50,000, and from these the present inhabitants +of the city are descended. In the judgment of +Darius no one had ever done greater service to the +Persians than Zopyrus, with the exception of Cyrus, +with whom no Persian could be compared. It is +also asserted that Darius was wont to say that he +would willingly lose twenty Babylons, if Zopyrus +might be restored from his mutilated condition. He +held him in great honour, gave him each year the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> +presents which are most honourable among the Persians, +conferred on him for his life the government of +Babylon free of all tribute to the king, and a great +deal besides."<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a></p> + +<p>Megabyzus, the son of Daduhya, who aided Darius +in putting the Magian to death, and his descendants, +were only too well known to the Greeks, and more +especially to the Athenians. Megabyzus conquered +Perinthus, and reduced Thracia and Macedonia beneath +the Persian rule. The son of this Megabyzus +was Zopyrus, to whom Darius, according to the narrative +of Herodotus, owed the capture of Babylon; the +son of Zopyrus was Megabyzus the younger, who in +the year 455 <small>B.C.</small> inflicted on the Athenians in Egypt +one of the heaviest defeats which they ever experienced; +they lost more than 200 triremes, and nearly +the whole of the crews, for those who escaped to +Cyrene were few in number.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> From the marriage of +this Megabyzus with the daughter of Xerxes and +Amestris, the granddaughter of Otanes, sprang the +younger Zopyrus, who broke with Artaxerxes I. +after the death of his parents, retired to Athens after +440 <small>B.C.</small>, and afterwards, when attacking the city of +Caunus in Caria with Attic troops—the city belonged<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> +to the Attic league but had withdrawn from it, and +it was necessary to reduce it—was killed by a stone +thrown from the walls.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> Hence the achievements of +the princely family, who were the forefathers of the +deserter—of his father Megabyzus, his grandfather, +the elder Zopyrus, and his great-grandfather—were +peculiarly interesting to the Greeks. The minute +account which Herodotus gives of the greatest act of +the older Zopyrus must be derived from information +which he obtained in Athens either from the younger +Zopyrus or from his retinue, and these would relate +what the minstrels of the Persians had sung of the +sacrifice made by the elder Zopyrus for the great king +and the kingdom. We can trace a poetical source in +the mocking of the besiegers, and the saying connected +with it. A Babylonian cries to the Persians, "Why do +you sit there? Why do you not retire? Ye will take +the city when mules bring forth." A mule belonging +to Zopyrus does bring forth; this sign, showing that +Babylon can be taken, determines Zopyrus to mutilate +himself, when he had previously ascertained from +Darius that the king attached the greatest importance +to the capture of the city. The massacre of the women +of the Babylonians must also be poetical. Herodotus +himself tells us that the Babylonians had prepared their +rebellion for a long time, ever since the Magian had +ascended the throne. Thus they had at least a year +before the investment of the city in which to furnish +it with provisions, and the adjacent country was most +fruitful; moreover, the walls of Babylon enclosed a +very large extent of arable and pasture land (III. 382). +We may conceive of such wholesale massacre as an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> +act of desperation in consequence of a long siege; but +in the account of Herodotus it took place before the +city was invested, and is one of the preparations of +the Babylonians. It is not until he has heard of the +massacre of the women that Darius sets out against +Babylon. Not less remarkable are the definite numbers +of the troops, which Zopyrus with the Babylonians +cuts down on the appointed days. The names of the +five gates mentioned in the narrative seem to show +exact local knowledge. But though a gate in Babylon +might be named after Belus, and another "the gate +of Elam" (the Cissians); no gate in that city could +have been named after the Chaldæans, or Ninus, or +Semiramis. So far as the inscriptions of Babylon have +been deciphered, the names of the gates were different.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> +As the forms of Ninus and Semiramis and +their history do not belong even in the remotest +degree to Babylonia and her history, but are rather +shown to be inventions of the Medo-Persian Epos, +these two gates which are named after them point +to the Persian source from which the narrative of +Herodotus was derived. More incredible even than +the massacre of the women at the beginning of the +rebellion is their replacement after the capture by the +50,000 women whom Darius causes the neighbouring +nations to send to Babylon. Darius had no reasons for +assisting a city which had maintained itself against +him for more than twenty months, the walls and gates +of which he had broken, and at the same time, as +Herodotus himself tells us, had executed the leading +men, 3000 in number, by a cruel death. His interests +lay in precisely the opposite direction.</p> + +<p>Darius himself informs us about the rising of the +Babylonians and their subjugation. "When I had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> +slain Gaumata, there was a man Atrina, by name, +the son of Upadarma, who rebelled in Susiana. He +said to the people: 'I am king in Susiana.' Then the +inhabitants in Susiana became rebellious; they went +over to Atrina; he was king in Susiana. Moreover +there was a man of Babylon, Naditabira by name +(Nidintabel in the Babylonian text), the son of Aniri; +he rebelled in Babylon. He deceived the people thus: +'I am Nabukadrachara (Nabukudurussur), the son of +Nabunita.' Then the people of Babylon went over +entirely to Naditabira; he seized the throne in +Babylon. After this I sent (an army?) to Susiana; +Atrina was brought in fetters before me; I slew him. +Then I marched to Babylonia against Naditabira, +who called himself Nabukadrachara. The army of +Naditabira maintained the Tigris, and occupied the +river with ships; his whole power protected the Tigris.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> +Auramazda came to my aid; by the grace of Auramazda +I crossed the Tigris, and severely defeated the +army of Naditabira. On the 26th of the month of +Athriyadiya (on the 26th of the month Kislev), then +it was, that we gave battle. After this I marched +against Babylon. When I went against Babylon, +there is a city, by name Zazana on the Euphrates, +there this Naditabira, who called himself Nabukadrachara, +had come with an army to give me +battle. Then we joined battle. Auramazda came +to my aid; by the grace of Auramazda I severely +defeated the army of Naditabira. The enemy was +driven into the water; the water carried him away;<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> +on the second day of the month of Anamaka, then<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> +we joined battle. Then Naditabira went with a few +horse to Babylon, and I went to Babylon. By the +grace of Auramazda I took Babylon and captured +Naditabira. Then I slew Naditabira at Babylon. +While I was in Babylonia these provinces revolted: +Persia, Susiana, Media, Assyria, Parthia, Margiana, +the Sattagydæ, the Sacæ."<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p> + +<p>The inscription shows that the inhabitants of Elam +gave the signal for revolt, that their leader Atrina +attempted to raise once more that ancient kingdom +125 years after its fall. Nabonetus (Nabunahed, +Nabunita), the last king of Babylon, had been sent +by Cyrus to Carmania and had died there (p. 89). +A man, who gave himself out to be his younger son, +took the lead of the Babylonians, and once more +called into existence the revered name of Nebuchadnezzar. +He had time to collect an army, and considered +himself strong enough to meet the Persians +in the open field. On the eastern border of the +ancient kingdom, on the Tigris, he awaited the attack +of the Persians; he brings armed ships to the place, +that they may facilitate his defence of the right bank, +and make it difficult for the enemy to cross the river. +The Elamites were overpowered, their leader captured +and slain. The heavier task of reducing Babylon +was undertaken by Darius himself. The army which +he led was obviously the same as that which conquered +Susiana; it consisted of Persians and Medes, +as is shown by the sequel of the inscription. Darius +had to open the campaign against the new Nebuchadnezzar +in the same manner in which Cyrus nineteen +years previously had begun his war against Nabonetus.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> +He had first to cross the Tigris. This was done, +and Nebuchadnezzar retired in a slanting direction +across Babylonia to the Euphrates, closely pursued +by Darius. On the Euphrates he was again defeated, +and his people were driven in part into the river, but +he was not cut off from the city as Nabonetus had +been by Cyrus; he was able to reach the protection +of the walls of Babylon. We know their powers of +resistance. The Persians had crossed the Tigris at +a place where it is not more than 100 miles distant +from the Euphrates, <i>i. e.</i> not far below the Median +walls; for the battle on the Tigris was fought on the +26th (or 27th) of Athriadiya, and six days after, on +the 2nd of Anamaka, the Babylonian army suffered +its second defeat on the bank of the Euphrates at +Zazana. As Athriadiya coincides with the Kislev +(November-December) and Anamaka with the Tebet +(December-January) of the Babylonians (p. 195), the +rebellion of Babylonia must have taken place in the +summer and the investment of the city in the last +weeks of the year 521 <small>B.C.</small> The inscriptions tell us +nothing of the length of the siege. On the other +hand we have five tablets from the reign of the rebel, +Nebuchadnezzar III., all dated from Babylon, and +bearing the name of the same witness. They date, +in the time of this king, from Kislev 20, to the next +Tisri and Marchesvan, <i>i. e.</i> from November-December +of the year of the battles down to October-November +of the next year.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> The inscription of Behistun allows +that all the central lands of the kingdom, not excepting +Persia, rebelled against Darius during the siege. +It follows therefore that success at Babylon was long<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> +enough delayed to awake the hope that Darius would +be checked before Babylonia, and defeated there. +The twenty months of Herodotus would carry us +from the end of the year 521 <small>B.C.</small> to the autumn of +the year 519 <small>B.C.</small></p> + +<p>The rebellion made head everywhere. In spite of +the day of Çikathauvatis, the kingdom was going +to ruin. The position of Darius was desperate. The +longer the siege, the more fixed the belief that he +could not succeed, the greater was the progress of the +revolt. If he raised the siege to turn against the +rebels, that was a proof that he could not conquer +Babylon; the confidence of the rebels in their fortunes +would be increased, and the army discouraged +with which he had conquered on the Tigris and the +Euphrates, with which he stood in personal relations, +and which he had drawn into close connection with himself. +On this army the kingdom rested; it remained yet +loyal in the camp at Babylon. The deed in Nisaea had +been best confirmed by the fact that Media recognized +Darius as king, that he had been able to summon the +Median contingent to the field, and by his successes to +connect the Median army with himself. "The Persian +and Median army which was with me remained faithful; +the Median nations which remained at home, +revolted"—so we learn from the inscription.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> Darius +perceived that he must not weaken the only support +which he had in this difficult crisis, or remove it by +his own act. He judged the situation correctly, and +remained before Babylon in spite of bad news which +was brought to him from all sides. But the resistance +was not less stubborn than the attack. It seemed +as though the new reign of Darius must come to an +end before Babylon. Could it continue beside the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span> +defection of the Medes, Parthians, Hyrcanians, Margiani, +Sagartians and Sattagydæ, the Armenians, Assyrians, +and Susiani, the rebellion of the Persians themselves? +Was it possible to check the outbreak of the storm of +ruin in the face of the indomitable resistance of +Babylon? Only in the distant east and west were +there glimpses of light. The satraps of Arachosia and +Bactria, Vivana and Dadarshis, remained loyal to +Darius and kept their lands in obedience. Asia Minor +was quiet; if Darius had not succeeded in removing +Oroetes at the right moment, these regions also would +have taken up arms against Darius either under him +or under some native ruler.</p> + +<p>The account of Darius allows us to see that the +recently-subdued Susiani were the first to rebel when +Darius was delayed at Babylon. After them the +Medes rebelled, in order to renew the struggle for +the sovereignty between Persia and Media; this was +followed in the east by the rebellion of the Sattagydæ, +the Parthians, the Hyrcanians, the Margiani, the +Sacæ; in the west the Armenians and Syrians took +up arms. Finally, even the Persians held out a hand +to the subject nations for the overthrow of the kingdom +and their own dominion. Vahyazdata, a Persian +of the tribe of the Utians (V. 323), declared himself to +be the legitimate ruler; the brother of Cambyses was +alive; he was no other than Bardiya, the son of Cyrus. +The Persians believe him; this second pretender finds +many adherents.</p> + +<p>The inscription is as follows: "There was a man, +by name Martiya; he dwelt in the city of Kuganaka +in Persia; he revolted in Susiana; and said to the +people: 'I am Ymani, king in Susiana.' There was a +man, Fravartis (Phraortes) by name, a Mede. He +revolted in Media, and said: 'I am Khsathrita of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span> +family of Uvakhshathra' (Cyaxares). The Median +nation then became rebellious towards me; they went +over to Fravartis; and he was king in Media. Thereupon +I sent an army. I made Vidarna, a Persian, +my servant, the general, and said to them: 'Go down +and smite the Median army which does not call itself +mine.' Then Vidarna marched out. When he came +to Media, he fought a battle with the Medes at +Marus, a city in Media. By the grace of Auramazda +the army of Vidarna conquered that rebellious army on +the (twenty-seventh) day of the month Anamaka (of +the month Tebet).<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> There was a district Campada +(Cambadene) in Media; there my army awaited me. +The Parthians and Hyrcanians became rebellious to +me, and joined Fravartis. Vistaçpa, my father, was +in Parthia; the people left him and revolted. Then +Vistaçpa took those who adhered to him and marched +against the rebels. On the 22nd day of the month +Viyakhna Vistaçpa, by the grace of Auramazda, +defeated the rebels near the city of Viçpauvatis in +Parthia. I sent my servant, Dadarshis by name, an +Armenian, to Armenia. When he came to Armenia, +the rebels gathered together and marched against +Dadarshis to give battle. By the grace of Auramazda +my army defeated the revolted army near +Zuza in Armenia, on the 6th day of the month of +Thuravahara. The rebels marched against Dadarshis +a second time. Near the fortress of Tigra in Armenia +on the 18th of Thuravahara my army defeated the +rebellious army; they slew 526 of them, and took +520 prisoners.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> A third time the rebels marched +against Dadarshis. Near the fortress of Uhyama in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> +Armenia my army defeated the rebellious army on the +9th day of the month Thaigarshis. There Dadarshis +waited till I came to Media. A man, by name Chitratakhma, +revolted from me. 'I am king of Sagartia,' +he said to the people, 'of the race of Uvakhshathra' +(Cyaxares). There is a province Margiana (Margu) +by name which revolted from me. They made a man +of Margiana, Frada by name, their leader. Against +him I sent Dadarshis (Dadarsu) a Persian, my servant, +the satrap of Bactria. There was a man, Vahyazdata +by name, in the city of Tarava, in the district of +Yutiya in Persia; he said to the people: 'I am +Bardiya, the son of Kurus.' The Persian nation +revolted from me. He was king in Persia. This +Vahyazdata, who called himself Bardiya, sent an +army to Arachosia against the Persian Vivana, my +servant, the satrap of Arachosia."</p> + +<p>The rebellion of Phraortes (which took place in the +summer of 520 <small>B.C.</small>) was the more dangerous because +it was undertaken with the obvious intention of +restoring the independence of Media under a scion of +the old native royal house, and the name of Cyaxares +could not but excite and give new life to national +memories among the Medes. Whatever troops Darius +could spare, and for this purpose he could only use Persians, +he sent under the command of the tribal prince +Hydarnes, his associate in the assassination of the +Magi, against the Medes, at the same time despatching +Dadarshis an Armenian to Armenia, to check the +advance of the rebellion there, and mainly, no doubt, to +prevent the alliance of the Armenians and the Medes. +A whole year after Darius had begun the investment +of Babylon, on the 27th day of Anamaka (December-January, +520 <small>B.C.</small>), Hydarnes encountered Phraortes at +Marus. He did not obtain any great success. He had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> +to content himself with maintaining against Phraortes +the district of Cambadene in the south of Media. In +the west of Media, Dadarshis had no better success +against his Armenian compatriots. When he had +fought two battles, of no great importance, if we are +to judge from the losses of the rebels in one, in one +month (on the eight and eighteenth), and a third in +May (Thaigarshis) of the year 519 <small>B.C.</small>, he was compelled +to retire to a fortress named Uhyama. In +Parthia, to the east of Media, Hystaspes the father of +Darius, who was expected to keep these regions of the +kingdom in obedience, was not in a position, with the +forces at his disposal, to prevent the defection of the +Parthians, Hyrcanians, Margiani, and Sacæ. He contented +himself with the attempt to prevent the +combination of the Parthians and Hyrcanians with +Phraortes, and to limit as far as possible the spread of +the rebellion. He only succeeded in retaining a part of +the Parthians in obedience. The battle at Viçpauvatis +(in Viyakhna, <i>i. e.</i> in March, 519), made it possible for +him to maintain himself in Parthia, but was far from +giving him the control of the land. The troops and +generals sent by Darius were not able to prevail +against the rebels; in Media and Armenia they were +reduced to the defensive, and the same was the case +with Hystaspes the father of Darius in Bactria. This +collapse of the kingdom and general rebellion was +used by a Persian of the tribe of the Utians (Yutiya<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>) +in order to win over the Persians once more with the +name of Bardiya, and to wrest them from the rule of +Darius. Vahyazdata must have found a considerable +following in Persia, and his successes must have +been important, since he could attempt to extend his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> +dominion to the east over Carmania and Arachosia, +and to send an army to Arachosia in order to win +this province also from Darius.</p> + +<p>The position of Darius before Babylon was hopeless. +The danger increased every day, and there +was still no prospect of winning the city. We may +certainly believe the narrative of Herodotus that +Darius left no means untried to reduce it, that he +repeated the device of drawing off the water of the +Euphrates into the basin of Sepharvaim, by which +Cyrus had attained his object twenty years previously; +the Babylonians had been taught by that +siege to be on their guard in this direction. The +account of Darius does not tell us how the city +was finally taken; he does not mention the name +of Zopyrus. The pressure of the surrounding dangers +was so great, the hope of taking the city by force +so small, that the son of a tribal king might feel +himself called upon to sacrifice himself for the king +and the kingdom, to adopt desperate measures. That +Zopyrus did take a prominent part in the capture +of Babylon is clear from the fact, which we do not +learn from Herodotus only, that the satrapy of Babylon +was given to him, and remained in his hands +during the whole reign of Darius and afterwards. +He is said to have lost his life in a rebellion of the +Babylonians in the reign of Xerxes.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> We cannot<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> +doubt that after the capture Darius proceeded with +greater severity against Babylon than Cyrus had +done, that the gates were broken and large spaces +of the walls thrown down (p. 234). The inscription +of Behistun merely mentions the execution of the +third Nebuchadnezzar.</p> + +<p>After a siege of twenty months Babylon fell in +the autumn of the year 519 <small>B.C.</small> Darius tells us +further: "Thereupon I went up from Babylon, and +marched to Media. The Susiani were overcome with +fear, they seized upon Martiya (p. 242), who was +their general, and put him to death. When I had +reached Media, there is a city, Kudurus (Kunduru) +by name, in Media, to which Fravartis marched +against me with an army. Then they gave me +battle. Auramazda came to my aid. By the grace +of Auramazda I severely defeated the army of +Fravartis on the 26th day of the month of Adukanis. +Then Fravartis with a few horsemen withdrew to +the district of Raga in Media. Then I sent an army +against them; Fravartis was captured and brought +to me. I cut off his nose, ears, and tongue. He +was kept in chains at my gate; all the people saw +him. Then I crucified him at Hangmatana (Ecbatana), +and the men who were his principal adherents +I imprisoned in the citadel of Hangmatana. Then +I sent a Persian army from Raga to Vistaçpa, and +when it had reached him, he marched out with it. +There is a city Patigrabana<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> in Parthia, there Vistaçpa +severely defeated that rebellious army on the 1st +day of the month of Garmapada; he slew 6560 of +them, and took 4182 captives. Then the land of +Parthia was mine. I sent Vaumiça a Persian, my +servant, to Armenia; when he came there the rebels<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> +collected to give battle to Vaumiça. At Achitu in +Assyria my army defeated the rebels on the 15th +day of Anamaka, and slew 2024 of them. A second +time they gathered together and marched against +Vaumiça. There is a district Antiyara (Otiara) by +name, in Armenia; there they fought on the last day +of the month of Thuravahara (Yiyar 30). By the +grace of Auramazda my army defeated the rebels +severely; they slew 2045 and took 1559 prisoners. +Against Chitratakhma (the leader of the rising of +the Sagartians), I sent a part of the Persian and +Median army.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> I made Takhmaçpada, a Mede, the +general. Takhmaçpada fought with Chitratakhma and +my army defeated the rebellious army, seized Chitratakhma, +and brought him to me. I cut off his nose +and ears, he lay in chains at my gate; all the people +saw him. Then I crucified him at Arbira (Arbela in +Assyria). Dadarshis, a Persian, my servant, the +satrap of Bactria, fought a battle with the Margiani +(Frada was the leader of the rising here) on the 23rd +day of the month of Atriyadiya. By the grace of +Auramazda my army defeated the hostile army very +severely. Dadarshis slew 4203 of them, and took 6562 +prisoners.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> Then the land was mine. Vahyazdata, +who called himself Bardiya, sent an army to Arachosia +against the Persian Vivana, my servant, the +satrap of Arachosia. 'Go up,' he said to them; 'defeat +Vivana and the army, which calls itself the army +of king Darius.' There is a fortress, Kapisakani by +name; there they fought the battle. By the grace +of Auramazda my army defeated the rebellious army +on the 13th of Anamaka. For a second time the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> +rebels marched against Vivana. In the district of +Gandutava (Ganduvada) on the 7th of the month +Viyakhna, my army defeated the rebellious army. +Then the general of Vahyazdata withdrew with his +faithful warriors to a fortress, Arsada by name, in +Arachosia. Vivana followed him with an army. Then +he seized him and slew him and the captains who +were with him. I sent out a part of the Persian +and Median army which was with me; I made +Artavardiya, a Persian, my servant, the general of it; +Artavardiya marched to Persia; the rest of the army +went with me to Media. When Artavardiya was in +Persia, there is a city Rakha (Racha); to this Vahyazdata +who called himself Bardiya marched to fight +against Artavardiya. Auramazda came to my aid; +on the 12th of Thuravahara my army defeated the +army of Vahyazdata very severely. Then Vahyazdata +went to Pisicauvada. From thence he marched against +Artavardiya and gave him battle. There is a mountain +Paraga (Parga) by name; there they fought +on the 6th day of Garmapada. By the grace of +Auramazda my army defeated that of Vahyazdata; +and they seized Vahyazdata and also his chief +adherents. Uvadaidaya is a city in Persia; there +I crucified Vahyazdata and the captains who were +with him."</p> + +<p>The connection between these various battles is no +doubt as follows. When Babylon had fallen in the +autumn of the year 519 <small>B.C.</small> and the new Nebuchadnezzar +had been executed, Darius set out in the spring +of the year 518 <small>B.C.</small> Hydarnes maintained himself +against Phraortes on the western border of Media, +Dadarshis against the rebels in Armenia, and Hystaspes +in Parthia. The new pretender to the name of Smerdis +ruled in Persia, and his attempt to gain possession<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> +of the lands farther to the east and of Arachosia was +first checked by the defeat which he suffered from +the satrap of Arachosia in a battle fought in December +of the year 519 <small>B.C.</small> In all these directions, in +Armenia and Parthia, help was needed, and the decision +lay in Persia and Media. Darius did not +direct his march against Persia, but against Media. +There, as he acutely saw, lay the main strength of +the rebellion. His approach terrified the Susiani; +they slay their chief, their king Martiya, and submit. +Arrived at the border of Media and Persia, Darius +divides his army. To make use of the mutual +jealousy of the Persians and Medes, and to prevent +any contact of his Median troops with their rebellious +kinsmen, he sends the Persian Artavardiya with the +Median troops to Persia against Vahyazdata, and +with the Persians he marches against Phraortes to +Media. Hydarnes waited for him at Campada; the +first object was to unite the troops. The road from +Susiana to Ecbatana ran through the district of Cambadene. +When united with Hydarnes Darius overcomes +Phraortes in the month of Adukanis (perhaps +in June) of the year 518 at Kudurus, pursues him +to Ragha, and takes him prisoner. Before he executed +him in front of the citadel of Deioces, Phraortes, and +Cyaxares, he had cut off his nose, ears, and tongue, +and in this condition he had publicly exhibited him +in chains, in order to convince the Medes that they +had nothing to hope from the supposed scion of +Cyaxares. The rebellion of the Medes is at an end. +Darius can divide his forces. From Ragha he sends +aid to his father Hystaspes in Parthia, and with this +additional aid Hystaspes is able to defeat the rebellion +of the Parthians in Garmapada, <i>i. e.</i> in the summer +of 518 <small>B.C.</small> At the same time Dadarshis had received<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> +the support in Armenia for which he was waiting, +under the protection of the fortress of Uhyama. The +Persian Vaumiça, who brought up the reinforcements +for Darius, defeats the Armenian rebels in Anamaka, +<i>i. e.</i> in December of the year 518 <small>B.C.</small>; a second victory +of Vaumiça, in Yiyar (May) of the following year +(517 <small>B.C.</small>), puts an end to the rebellion in Armenia. +A third army was sent by Darius after the fall of +Phraortes against the Sagartians; which overpowered +them and took their chief Chitratakhma prisoner. +Meanwhile Artavardiya, whom Darius had sent from +Susiana, when on his march against Phraortes, to +check the rebellion in the native land, had fought +with success against Vahyazdata. The latter had +weakened his forces by sending a detachment to +Arachosia. Vivana, the satrap of Arachosia, had repulsed +their attack in December 519 at Kapisakani, +and in March (Viyakhna) of the year 518 <small>B.C.</small> he had +entirely destroyed them. This failure in the east +was followed in the same spring by the attack of +Artavardiya from the west. First defeated in Thuravahara +(April) at Racha, Vahyazdata succumbed in +the summer (in Garmapada) at Mount Paraga, five +days after Hystaspes had again become master of the +Parthians in the north-east of Iran. The forces of the +satrap of Bactria, the second Dadarshis, had sufficed +to put an end to the rebellion of the Margians.</p> + +<p>That which the deed of Çikathauvatis, the assassination +of Gaumata in the spring of the year 521 <small>B.C.</small>, +was intended to prevent, had nevertheless happened. +The whole kingdom was disorganised. In ceaseless +conflicts, which extended over four years, from the +autumn of 521 <small>B.C.</small> to the spring of 517 <small>B.C.</small>, Darius +had reconquered it, step by step. He had been compelled +to reduce by force of arms even the very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> +foundation of it, the native land of Persia, and to carry +on once more the conflict between Persia and Media. +It had been necessary to repeat the achievements of +Cyrus, if not to their full extent yet in part under far +more difficult conditions. The new king had passed +with success through the severest crisis, and had +reorganised the kingdom. This was the result of +his indomitable persistence before Babylon. By this +means he had retained the Medes and Persians of +his army in their fidelity, and by the final success had +filled them with self-confidence. The fear which afterwards +preceded his arms, certainly rendered more easy +the decisive victory of Kudurus and at Mount Paraga.</p> + +<p>Darius had not yet reached the goal; the kingdom +was not entirely pacified. The reduction of Babylon +and the execution of Nebuchadnezzar III. had not +eradicated the strong impulse which the Babylonians +felt to regain their independence. They were once +more carried away by the charm which the name of +Nebuchadnezzar exercised upon them: "When I was +in Persia and Media," so Darius relates at the close of +the third column of the great inscription of Behistun, +"the Babylonians became rebellious for the second +time. A man of the name of Arakha, an Armenian, +rose up in the city of Dubana (Dubala, Dibleh?) +in Babylonia. 'I am Nebuchadnezzar, the son of +Nabonetus,' such was his falsehood: he made himself +master of the city of Babylon and was king. I sent +Intaphernes, my servant, a Mede, with an army +against Babylon. Intaphernes took Babylon, and +slew much people. On the 22nd of the month +Markazana, Arakha with his chief adherents was +captured;<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> then I ordered them to be crucified in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> +Babylon." No doubt Darius had left sufficient garrisons +in the two royal citadels of the city which he +had conquered with so much trouble, and, therefore, +it is the more remarkable that Arakha, who did not +rebel in Babylon itself, was able to make himself +master of the city. We may assume that Darius did +not give the Babylonians time to fill up the breaches +which he had made in the walls of Babylon; this +time the Median Intaphernes must have found the +task lighter. The second rising of the Babylonians +seems to have seduced the Susiani, and to have +caused a third rebellion of this land. In a fifth +column, subsequently added to the inscription of +Behistun, we have information about this rebellion of +the Susiani and the reduction of the Sacæ. But this +part of the inscription is so greatly injured that only +a few words can be read with certainty. All that is +clear is that Gaubaruva (Gobryas), the father-in-law +of Darius and one of the Seven, was sent against the +Susiani and conquered them, that Darius himself +marched against the Sacæ, that he fought against the +<i>Çaka tigrakhauda</i>, i. e. against the Sacæ with pointed +caps, and conquered them on the sea (<i>i. e.</i> on the +Caspian), that he captured and slew their chief +Çakunka. Polyaenus has preserved a few details +of the war against the Sacæ, though they rest on +little authority; they prove that it was carried on in +the neighbourhood of Bactria, and was a serious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> +struggle.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> Darius recapitulates the narrative of the +achievements of the first years of his reign thus: +"This is what I accomplished, what I accomplished +always with the grace of Auramazda; I have fought +nineteen battles, and taken captive nine kings."<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> + +<p>In remembrance of these deeds and achievements, +Darius erected a magnificent memorial in that flourishing +district of Media which the Medes called +Bagistana, <i>i. e.</i> land of the gods. The Choaspes +(Kerkha) rises on the southern slope of the Elvend, +on the northern slope of which lay Ecbatana. +Breaking through the mountain rim of Iran, it flows +down a long and narrow valley towards the south +into the Lower Tigris. In its upper course the +Choaspes traverses an elevated depression, which is +now thickly strewn with villages, the chosen summer +abode of the shepherd tribes. To the north this +depression is bounded by a steep mountain-chain, +twenty miles in length, which ends towards the east +in a precipitous wall of rock more than 1500 feet +high. On this wall, which looks towards the rising +sun, over a clear fountain which springs at the foot of +the rock, Darius caused a part of the stone 300 feet +above the plain to be made smooth with the chisel, +polished and cut in relief; the relief is explained by +two inscriptions, a shorter one above and a longer one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> +below, in cuneiform letters. At the foot of the rock +there was a park (paradisus) twelve stades in the +circuit.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> Being placed in Media, this monument was +no doubt intended to remind the Medes that any +rebellion against the power of the Persians even under +the most favourable circumstances would fail. The +rock-picture represents Darius, who in size towers over +the other figures. He wears a robe which in front +falls down over the knee, and behind to the middle of +the calf, a crown, a simple fillet with spikes on his +head; rings are on his arms, the hair is long, the +beard curled. Behind him stand a bow-bearer and a +lance-bearer, both with long robes and beards. The +king places his right foot on a man lying on the +ground. Below this we can read: "This Gaumata, the +Magian, lied: he said, 'I am Bardiya, the son of +Kurus; I am king.'" Opposite to Darius, bound to +each other by a rope round their necks, and their +hands tied behind them, stand nine kings with their +heads uncovered (the last only has a very tall pointed +cap, which marks him as the king of the <i>Çaka +tigrakhauda</i>), clothed in various garments. Over the +first form, which is clad in a long beautiful robe reaching +to the ancles, we read: "This Atrina lied; he said: +'I am king in Susiana'"; and over the second, in a +short robe: "This Naditabira lied; he said thus: 'I +am Nabukadrachara, the son of Nabunita, I am king of +Babylon.'" Near the third figure, also in a short garment, +is written: "This Fravartis lied; he said: 'I am +Khsathrita, of the race of Uvakhshathra, I am king in +Media.'" The fourth wears Persian clothing: "This +Martiya lied; he said; 'I am Ymani, king in Susiana.'" +Over the fifth form we find: "This Chitratakhma lied;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> +he said: 'I am king in Sagartia, of the race of +Uvakshathra.'" Over the sixth, who is clothed as +a Persian: "This Vahyazdata lied; he said: 'I am +Bardiya, the son of Kurus; I am king.'" Over +the seventh prisoner, who is clothed like the second, +we read: "This Arakha lied; he said thus: 'I am +Nabukadrachara, the son of Nabunita; I am king +in Babylon.'" Over the eighth, who wears Persian +garments: "This Frada lied; he said thus: 'I am +king in Margiana.'" The ninth stands a little further +back; the inscription tells us: "This is Çakunka, the +Sacian." The picture does not mention the conquest +of the Parthians, Hyrcanians, Assyrians, Armenians, +and Sattagydae. In the midst, above the whole +description, hovers Auramazda, a solemn, aged countenance, +with long hair and beard, visible only to the +knees, in a winged circle.</p> + +<p>Under this picture, at the close of the fourth column, +before the account of the new rebellion of the Susiani +and the subjugation of the Sacæ, the inscription tells +us: "What I have done, I have done by the grace of +Auramazda. Auramazda came to my aid, and the +other gods, who did so because I was not hostile; +because I was not a liar or violent. Thou, who +readest these inscriptions, may they tell thee what I +have done. Regard them not as lies. These lands +which became rebellious to me, the lie made them +rebellious. Thou who wilt be king hereafter, guard +against the lie. Punish severely the man who is a +liar; if thou keepest this mind, my land will be +powerful. Thou who seest this tablet hereafter, destroy +it not. If thou preservest it as long as thou canst, +Auramazda will be favourable to thee; thou wilt +have descendants, and live long, and may Auramazda +cause that to succeed which thou dost undertake. If<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> +thou destroyest this tablet, may Auramazda smite +thee, may he give thee no posterity, and what thou +doest may he render vain.<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>"</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> Above, p. 195, <i>n.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> Herod. 3, 67, 126, 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> He was, according to Herodotus, twenty years old at the death of +Cyrus. Herod. 1, 209; 3, 139. Ctesias ("Pers." 19) gives Darius a +reign of thirty-one years and a life of seventy-two. That the reign of +Darius lasted thirty-six years is fixed both by the astronomical canon +and Egyptian inscriptions, which mention the thirty-sixth year of +Darius; and lastly by the Egibi-tablets of Babylon, which give dates +out of thirty-five years (with the single exception of the seventh year). +"Transact. Bibl. Arch." 6, 69 ff. According to Ctesias, Darius would +be thirty-six years old in the year 521 <small>B.C.</small></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Herod. (3, 118, 119) puts this event; +αὐτίκα +μετὰ τὴν +ἐπανάστασιν.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> Herod. 1, 130.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Justin repeats the narrative of Herodotus in a rhetorical form; he +incorrectly regards Zopyrus as one of the seven. Diodorus attempts +to unite the statements of Herodotus and Ctesias, by maintaining that +Zopyrus was also called Megabyzus; the "twenty Babylons" are +reduced to ten. (Exc. Vat. p. 34, 35 = 10, 19.) In Herod. (4, 143) Darius +wishes when he opens the finest pomegranate that he had as many +Megabyzuses (the father of Zopyrus is meant) as the fruit had seeds. +Plutarch transfers this to Zopyrus, and represents Darius as saying +that he would rather have Zopyrus uninjured than 100 Babylons; +"Reg. Apophthegm." 3. In Polyaenus (7, 12), Zopyrus imitates the +device which Sirakes, a Sacian, had previously employed against +Darius, and opens the gates of Babylon to the Persians by night.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Thucyd. 1, 104, 109, 110; Diod. 11, 71, 74, 75, 77; 12, 3; Isocr. +"De Pace," 82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers." 44. The paidagogos of Alcibiades was no doubt +named after this Zopyrus. Plutarch, "Lycurg." c. 16; Alcib. c. 1; +Kirchhoff, "Enstehungszeit," s. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> <i>E. g.</i> Ménant, "Babylon," p. 204; Oppert. "Expéd." 1, 187, 223.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> So according to the Babylonian text in Schrader, "Keilinschriften," +s. 345.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Oppert after the Turanian text: "I slew much people from the +army of Nidintabel, and drove others to the river; they were drowned +in the river."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> The Turanian version mentions Egypt after Assyria. In the +inscription nothing is said of this country; no Egyptians are found in +the rows of the conquered rebels.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> The two Egibi-tablets quoted by Boscawen in "Trans. Bibl. Arch." +6, 68, on Nebuchadnezzar III. have been rightly ascribed by Oppert, +relying on the names of the witnesses, to the later rebellion of Arakha.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Cf. Schrader, "Keilinschriften," s. 346.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Schrader, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 346. The day of the month belongs to the +corresponding Babylonian month Tebet.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> Mordtmann, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 75; Schrader, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 347.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> Above, Vol. V. 323. The district of Otene belongs no doubt to +Armenia. Steph. Byz. <i>sub voce</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> What Herodotus relates of Zopyras, Ctesias relates of his son +Megabyzus II. in regard to this new rising, of which we have no more +accurate knowledge in any other source, but which must not be called +in question. Herodotus himself indicates a rebellion under Xerxes, in +which the golden image of Belus was taken away from the lower +chamber in the great temple (1, 183), and we have Strabo's statement +of the destruction of Belus by Xerxes, p. 738. If Darius, as Herodotus +tells us, 3, 159, "destroyed the gates of Babylon," it does not follow +that he opened the supposed tomb of Nitocris over the main gateway, +because it made it impassable, as Herodotus thinks (1, 187).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Vol. V. p. 10, <i>n.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Oppert, "Peuple des Mèdes," p. 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> Mordtmann, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 76, 77; Spiegel, "Altpers. Keilinschriften," +Bag. 3, 3; Schrader, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 351.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> Oppert, "Records of the Past," 7, 104. The date of this rebellion +cannot be accurately fixed. The passage in the inscription of Behistun +which bears upon it stands at the close of the connected narrative; we +should therefore have to assume that it took place in the year 517 <small>B.C.</small>, +for this passage begins with the words, "When I was in Persia and +Media," which in the connection can only have the meaning: When I +was occupied with the overthrow of Phraortes and Vahyazdata. On +the other hand the Egibi-tablets are wanting for the seventh year of +Darius only, so that according to this the year 515 <small>B.C.</small> would be the +year of the rebellion of Arakha. Above, p. 240, <i>n</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> Polyaen. 7, 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> Oppert, "Peuple des Mèdes," p. 158, inserts at the beginning of +this fifth column of the inscription of Behistun before <i>thardam</i>: +<i>duvadaçamam</i>, so that we get the meaning; "This is what I have done +up to the twelfth year." The eleventh year of Darius ends in spring +510. But chronological dates are not to be obtained by merely emending +the text. According to the context and the first line of Col. v. Darius +said in reference to the four preceding columns: "This I have done up +to this or that year." Then follows the narrative of the new rebellion +of the Babylonians and the subjugation of the Sacæ. If the rebellion +of Arakha took place in the seventh year of Darius, as Oppert himself +assumes, we should rather insert <i>astemam</i> before <i>thardam</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Diodor. 2, 13; 17, 110. Suidas +Βαγίστανον ὄρος. +Ritter, "Erdkunde," 9, 350.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> Spiegel, "Keilinschriften," s. 31 ff. Oppert in the "Journal +Asiatique," S. 4, VOL XVII., 322 ff., and "Peuple des Mèdes," p. 151 +ff., Col. iv. 19. Oppert after a Turanian version above the picture here +translates as follows: "Et Darius le roi dit: par la grâce d'Ormuzd +j'ai fait une collection de textes ailleurs en langue arienne, qui +autrefois n'existait pas. Et j'ai fait un texte de la loi et un commentaire +de la loi et la bénédiction et les traductions. Et ce fut écrit et je +le promulgai en entier, puis je rétablis l'ancien livre dans tous les +pays et les peuples le reconnurent."</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER XV.</h2> + +<h3>THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF DARIUS ON THE INDUS +AND THE DANUBE.</h3> + + +<p>Aeschylus represents the Persians as saying, "A +great, prosperous, victorious life was granted to us by +destiny, when King Darius, the lord of the bow, +Susa's beloved captain, governed the land, without +fault or failure, like a god. The Persians called him +their divine counsellor: he was filled with a godlike +wisdom, and wisely did he, the Susa-born god of +Persia, lead our army. We were seen in splendid +array; there was ready for him the unwearying might +of armed men, and troops mingled from all nations, +and the return from the wars was glorious. According +to his will, he ruled the wealthy populous cities of the +Greeks in the land of Ionia, and the wave-beaten +islands of the seas, adjacent to that land, Chios, +Lesbos and Samos rich in olives, and Lemnos between +both shores, and the cities of Cyprus, Paphos, Soli, +and Salamis. Many cities he took adjacent to the +Thracian borders on the Strymonian Sea: even the +walled cities, far from the shore, obeyed him, and the +famous cities on the strait of Helle, on the bay of the +Propontis, and the mouth of the Pontus. Beloved +hero, thy like lies not in the land of Persia."<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span></p> + +<p>The rebellions were crushed, the kingdom of Cyrus +was once more established. Darius took precautions +to prevent the recurrence of such serious dangers, and +to bring the nations into a lasting state of dependence. +He created fixed districts for government, strengthened +the action of the central power, secured the necessary +means for this, and sought to arrange the taxes and +tributes of the provinces and settle them at fixed +contributions. Along with this improvement in the +organization of the kingdom he kept in sight the +extension of it; he did not wish to be left behind +Cyrus and Cambyses in this respect. We cannot +decide whether the northern boundary of the kingdom +reached the Caucasus in the time of Cyrus; it is +certain that under Darius the nations between the +Black and the Caspian Sea, the Colchians, the +Tibarenes, Chalybes, Moschians, and Saspeires, were +subject to the Persians. Herodotus observes that the +Colchians and their neighbours paid the tribute +which they had imposed upon themselves—which +implies that these nations submitted voluntarily. +"The empire of the Persians," Herodotus tells us, +"extends to the Caucasus; the territory to the north +pays no heed to them."<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> It was a considerable gain +when the kingdom extended as far as the Caucasus, +or included the whole range; for by this means it +acquired a strong natural border, and at the same +time controlled the trading road which ran from the +east and the Caspian Sea through the valleys of the +Cyrus (Kur) and the Phasis to the Black Sea.</p> + +<p>In the East Cyrus, as we saw, had already advanced +as far as the Indus; he had conquered the Açvakas on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> +the north of the Cabul, and the Gandaras to the south +of that river. Of their neighbours, Bactria and +Arachosia had remained true during the great rebellion, +though the Sattagydæ (the Gedrosians) had +revolted. Darius had himself marched against the +Sacæ, and reduced them again to subjection. Herodotus +tells us, that he sent out a party to explore the +Indus; in which was Scylax, an inhabitant of +Caryanda in Caria. They set out from the land of the +Pactyes (<i>i. e.</i> from Arachosia), and from the city of +Caspatyrus (Cabul) they followed the course of the +Indus to the sea. Then they sailed to the west, and +in the thirtieth month they arrived at the point from +which the Phenicians started, who sailed round Africa +at the command of Necho (III. 313), <i>i. e.</i> they did not +return to the Persian Gulf but sailed round Arabia, +and landed in the north-west corner of the Arabian +Gulf at Heroonpolis. After their return Darius made +use of this sea, and subjugated the Indians.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> The +extension of the Persian kingdom in the land of the +Indus, by Darius, is beyond a doubt. In the inscription +which he caused to be engraved on Mount +Behistun after the suppression of the rebellions, he +enumerates the nations which obey him. We can +find but one name of an Indian nation to the right of +the Indus—the Gandaras. The inscription of the +palace of Persepolis, which Darius built a few years +later, mentions the Idhus, <i>i. e.</i> the Indians, besides +the Gandarians. Herodotus further informs us that +it was the Northern Indians whom Darius had subjugated. +They formed the twentieth satrapy of his +kingdom, while the Gandarians were united with the +Arachoti in the seventh satrapy. The twentieth +satrapy of Northern Indians comprised the lands to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> +the north of Cabul, on the right bank of the stream, +from the land of the Açvakas as far as the summits of +the Himalayas. It paid 360 talents of gold, the +highest tax among all the satrapies of the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a></p> + +<p>In the west Darius pursued even more extensive +plans. If Cambyses had trodden the soil of Africa, +his armies were to cross the western sea, and carry +the empire of Persia into Europe—a point which none +of the great warrior princes of the east had as yet +reached. Diodorus tells us, that Darius, filled with +eager desire to extend his dominion, master of almost +all Asia, and trusting to the magnitude of the Persian +power, desired to conquer Europe as his ancestors had +defeated the mightiest nations with less forces.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> The +first achievement of Darius in this direction was the +conquest of Samos, the most powerful and prosperous +of the islands on the coast of Asia Minor. Oroetes +had already prepared the way for this by inviting +Polycrates to Magnesia and there putting him to +an ignominious death, for when Polycrates was master +of Samos and at the head of the splendid naval power +which he had created he could contest with Persia the +possession of the Ægean (p. 143, 231). Polycrates had +left the most trusted of his dependents, Maeandrius, +as regent during his absence. On the news of the +death of Polycrates, he declared his willingness to +lay down his power. But when the nobles of Samos +demanded an account of the treasures of Polycrates +which were in the hands of Maeandrius, he treacherously +seized those who made the demand, threw +them into prison, and maintained himself as tyrant. +At an earlier time, Polycrates, in close union with his +two brothers, Pantagnotus and Syloson, had made +himself master of Samos: he then removed the former<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> +out of his path, and sent the second into banishment. +Syloson went to Egypt to amuse himself with the +sights of the country. There, according to Herodotus, +he was one day seen by Darius, who was then in Egypt +with Cambyses, in the market-place of Memphis, clad +in a red cloak. The cloak pleased Darius and he +wished to purchase it, but Syloson hastened to offer +it as a present to the Persian prince. When Darius +became king, Syloson went to Susa, as Herodotus relates, +placed himself at the gate of the palace, and +told the door-keeper that he had done a service to the +king. Darius in astonishment at such an assertion from +a Greek, caused Syloson to be brought, remembered +the cloak, and was prepared to reward the gift by a +liberal present of gold and silver. But Syloson urged +the king to restore him to the throne of Polycrates, +which was now in the hands of a man who had been a +slave in his family; the island was to be spared.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a></p> + +<p>Whether this narrative has any real foundation or +not (in any case Susa must be struck out) Darius +found it advantageous to get Samos into his power; +and, as we have seen, it was a maxim from the time of +Cyrus to set up princes in the maritime cities and +the islands, who owed their power to the Persians, +and who could only maintain it with their help. He +commanded Otanes, whose service in the assassination +of the Magi we know, to cross over into Samos. The +Samians had no inclination to fight in the cause of +Maeandrius, nor did they venture to resist the Persians. +When Otanes landed with the Persian troops, +Maeandrius with his dependants retired into the citadel, +and sent a message to Otanes that he was prepared to +quit the island. When this had been agreed upon, +the captains of the Persians waited without suspicion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> +before the citadel for the departure of Maeandrius +and his associates, and for the opening of the gates. +Then the half-witted brother of Maeandrius, Charilaus, +who had been confined in prison in the citadel, burst +forth from the open gates with the old mercenaries of +Polycrates and fell upon the nearest Persians, who in +reliance on the treaty were unprepared for an enemy, +and cut the captains down, while Maeandrius passed +by a subterranean passage to the sea, and embarked +on board ship. The mass of the Persians hastened +to the rescue; the mercenaries were driven back into +the citadel. Enraged at the treachery, Otanes gave +the command to cut down all the Samians who fell +into the hands of the Persians both within and +without the walls. The city was set on fire, and the +flames injured the temple of Hera, which was the +largest building in Greece after the temple of Artemis +at Ephesus. When the citadel had fallen, Syloson +received from the Persians (516 <small>B.C.</small>) the ruined city +and the desolate island. He enjoyed the throne but a +short time, which he had purchased by the ruin of the +flourishing country, and vassalage to the great king.<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> +The island recovered from the blow which it received +from the Persians. Twenty years after the subjugation +it could once more equip and man 60 triremes.</p> + +<p>The possession of Samos completed the dominion of +Darius over the coasts of Anatolia. It was of greater +importance to get into his power the two straits +which separate Europe from Asia—the Hellespont +and the Bosphorus. If the Greek cities on the Asiatic +side were subject, the cities and lands beyond were still +to be conquered, and with the conquest of these the +Persian empire would set foot in Europe. Perinthus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> +a colony of the recently-conquered Samos, Selymbria +on the northern shore of the Propontis, and Byzantium +on the Bosphorus, both colonies of Megara, recognised +the dominion of Darius; in Byzantium, the most +important of these cities, a tyrant, Ariston by name, +soon took the lead.<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> The European shore of the Hellespont, +the Thracian Chersonesus, had been for more +than forty years under the rule of a princely family, +which sprang from Attica. One of the oldest noble +families in Attica, which had retired from the country +before the usurpation of Pisistratus in 560 <small>B.C.</small>—the +Philaidae, had established a principality there, by +protecting and securing the Doloncian Thracians in +the peninsula against their fellow-countrymen the +Apsinthians, who dwelt at the mouth of the Hebrus. +The position which the first of these princes, Miltiades +II., thus obtained in the Hellespont, filled the city of +Lampsacus, which lay opposite, on the Asiatic shore, +with jealousy and anxiety for her trade; the question +in dispute was the control of the busy strait. +Lampsacus waged long and vigorous war against +Miltiades and his nephew and successor Stesagoras. +The latter was followed by his younger brother, +Miltiades III. (about 518 <small>B.C.</small>), who had taken the +reins of government tightly in hand. The forces of +the little principality did not suffice to offer resistance +to the Persians; and the walls of Sestos and Cardia +were insufficient. We hear of no resistance, and +Miltiades passed into the series of Persian vassal +princes. In this way he was secured against Lampsacus +and Sigeum also, where Pisistratus, in league +with Polycrates of Samos, had placed his younger son +Hegesistratus as prince about the year 533 <small>B.C.</small>, who +became a vassal of Persia when Cambyses demanded<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> +ships from the Greek cities, or after the fall of +Polycrates, or certainly when Darius extended his +sovereignty over Samos.</p> + +<p>By the subjugation of Byzantium and the Thracian +Chersonesus, Darius was not merely master of the +whole of the important trade of the Greek cities of +Asia Minor, and the cantons of Hellas, with the +north shore of the Black Sea, but the path into +Europe was in his hand. According to Ctesias, he +bade Ariamnes, his satrap in Cappadocia, sail to +Scythia and there make prisoners. Ariamnes carried +out the command with thirty penteconters, and brought +back captives.<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> If the statement is correct, it must +refer to an investigation of the north coast of the +Black Sea, similar to that made by Darius of the east +on the Indus (p. 260), and at a later time of the +coasts of Hellas and Magna Graecia.<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> Darius contemplated +a great expedition; he wished to cross +the straits with a large force, but not to pass to +the west against Macedonia and the cantons of the +Greeks, but to the north beyond the Danube. It +must have seemed more important to him to secure +himself in the north first; the conquest of the west +he regarded as less urgent, and also as a less important +undertaking. Herodotus tells us that Darius' object +was to avenge the incursion which the Scythians +made, at the time of Cyaxares, into Media.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> It is his +manner to connect events by a nexus of guilt and +punishment; Darius cared very little for the disaster +which had fallen on Media. We shall be more +correct in ascribing to him the intention of getting the +whole shore of the Black Sea into his power, in order<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> +that he might reduce the western and northern +coasts, when, the south-west, as far as the Caucasus, +being already subjugated, the whole sea would be a +Persian lake. On the northern edge lay a district +fertile in corn, and flourishing colonies of the Greeks. +With this territory and these cities the Persian +kingdom would have gained the mouth of the rivers +of the north, and the outlet of the trading roads to +the nations of the north, as it had already got command +of the trading roads which met from the east +and west in Colchis. But what really happened to +the north of the Danube, so far as we can fix the +incidents, does not agree with this plan. The object +of the enterprise, unless we assume that Darius only +wished to carry his arms to the most remote +nations, cannot be made clear, nor can we follow with +certainty all the phases in it.</p> + +<p>If Cambyses had supported his expedition against +Egypt by the navy of the Phenician cities and the +Greek cities of Anatolia, Darius had still more urgent +need of their sailors to convey him to Europe, across +the Danube. To the mariners of the Anatolian coasts +and the islands lying off them, the waters of the Black +Sea and the mouths of the Danube and Borysthenes +were hardly less familiar than the shores of the +Ægean. This co-operation was therefore the most +essential. Darius called out the navy of the Greek +cities of his kingdom, and that navy only; employment +was found for the Phenician fleet was another direction. +The Greeks had to furnish no less than 600 triremes, +<i>i. e.</i> a fleet of which the crews reached the total of +120,000 men. That fleet was intended to convey the +land army, the levy of the entire kingdom, across the +straits, and it must assemble before the army arrived. +The task before it was the transport of 700,000 men,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> +for that, according to Herodotus, was the strength +of the army of Darius, with numerous horses, and the +enormous train of servants, porters, and beasts of +burden to Europe. This involved the embarkation +and debarkation of the animals,—a long and difficult +operation; it was desirable to lose as little time as +possible, and more desirable still to keep and maintain +a safe connection with Asia in the rear of the army. +Hence Darius considered whether it were possible to +bridge over one of the straits. He found a Greek +who undertook to carry out this idea, and had no +scruples in building a bridge to connect the mighty +Persian empire with Europe, and facilitate the subjugation +of his own countrymen in their native land. +In the island of Samos, so recently conquered by +Darius, were the best engineers in Greece. After the +construction of the great temple of Hera had been +begun, the Samians had found various opportunities of +exercising their skill. A long and difficult acqueduct, +and breakwaters for the protection of the harbour, +had been partly begun and partly carried out before +the reign of Polycrates; the building of the palace, +the strong fortifications, and, above all, the great docks +and harbour-works, which Polycrates set on foot, +had given yet further practice to the Samians. From +this school came Mandrocles, who undertook the +construction of the bridge.</p> + +<p>Darius commanded Mandrocles to build a bridge +over the Bosphorus, which lay in the direction of his +march. This strait was narrower than the Hellespont, +but the current which sets through it from north to +south was much stronger. Mandrocles began the +structure with the crews and materials of the fleet +which had been ordered to assemble.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> Several hun<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span>dreds +of ships, fastened together, were placed in the +strait,<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> and carefully anchored against the north wind +and the current. On the coast of Asia, the bridge +lay to the north of the city of Chalcedon and in its +territory; Herodotus supposes that the European end +touched the shore between Byzantium and the temple, +which, situated to the north of Byzantium at the +mouth of the Pontus, served as a signal to the +ships entering the Bosphorus.<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> Polybius remarks +that the bridge "was said" to end at the Hermaeum, +which lay on the promontory of the European shore.<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> +Strabo places this temple ten stadia to the south +of the northern entrance of the Bosphorus.<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> Hence +we may assume that Mandrocles constructed his +bridge across the narrowest part of the strait, about +1000 paces in breadth,<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> and that it lay at the place +where the castles of Anadoli Hissari and Rumili +Hissari now stand opposite each other.</p> + +<p>The army was collected, the bridge was ready, when +Darius came to Chalcedon. He inspected the bridge, +and was greatly pleased with the construction; he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> +embarked on board ship and proceeded for some +distance into the Pontus, then he returned to the +temple of Zeus Urius on the shore of Asia, at the +mouth of the Bosphorus, and looked out into the sea. +Before his wishes and his power, and the skill of his +Greek engineer, the impossible had become possible; +the Bosphorus was compelled to submit to a bridge. +Mandrocles received the most valuable presents. The +fleet of the Ionians lay on the Black Sea, when the +army, which was the greatest that a Persian sovereign +had ever brought together, commenced the passage. +The train was interminable which filed before the +king over the sea; the rock on which Darius sat was +pointed out for a long time afterwards. Even "shepherd +Sacæ, of the race of the Scythians, the children +of a nomad race," passed over the bridge;<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> the +nomads of the steppes of the Oxus were led by Darius +against the nomads of the steppes to the north of the +Pontus. In remembrance of this passage Darius +caused two columns of white stone to be erected on +the European shore, which recorded the names of all +the nations included in the army; the inscription on +one side was in the Persian cuneiform (in Assyrian +letters, as Herodotus says), and on the other in the +Hellenic language and letters. Mandrocles also was +proud of his work, and dedicated a picture which +represented the bridge, the army crossing it, and +Darius sitting on his throne, in the great sanctuary of +his city, the temple of Hera at Samos, with the +following inscription: "When Mandrocles bridged +the fish-teeming Bosphorus, he dedicated this picture +to Hera in remembrance of the floating bridge. He +obtained the crown, the glory of the Samians, in that he +completed the work to the satisfaction of King Darius."<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span></p> + +<p>It was in the year 513 <small>B.C.</small> that the armies of Asia +trod the soil of Europe.<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> The fleet was ordered to +sail along the Thracian coast in the Pontus, then to +enter the mouth of the Danube, and there prepare<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> +means for the army to cross the river, by procuring +supplies, and constructing a bridge, no easy task considering +the breadth and rapidity of the stream. The +sovereigns of the Greek cities, who owed their elevation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> +to the Persian king, commanded their ships in person, +as Darius had taken the field in person, or entrusted +them to their sons. Thus Histiaeus the son of Lysagoras, +the sovereign of Miletus, which was the most powerful +of the Greek cities of the coast, commanded his own +ships, Laodamas the ships of Phocaea, Aeaces the son +of Syloson the ships of Samos, Strattis the ships of +Chios, Aristagoras the ships of Cyzicus, Metrodorus +those of Proconnesus in the Propontis, Daphnis the +ships of Abydus. The ships of Lampsacus were in the +charge of Hippoclus, those of Parium in the charge +of Herophantus; and lastly, the sovereigns of the +recently-conquered districts, Ariston and Miltiades, +commanded the ships of Byzantium, of Sestos, and +Cardia. While the fleet sailed to the Danube, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> +land army marched for two days from the coast, to +the north, in the direction of the Balkan. At the +sources of the Tearus, which no doubt are those of +the Simir dere, which near Bunar Hissar send up warm +and cold springs—thirty-eight in number according +to Herodotus—the army rested three days; Darius +caused a monument to be erected with an inscription, +which Herodotus gives thus: "The springs of the +Tearus supply the best and purest water of all rivers, +and to these on his march against the Scyths came +the bravest and most handsome of men, Darius the +son of Hystaspes, the king of the Persians and of all +the mainland."<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a></p> + +<p>The tribes of the Thracians, through whose districts +the expedition marched, submitted without opposition. +These were the inhabitants of the region of Salmydessus; +the Odrysae in the valley of the Artiscus +(<i>i. e.</i> the Teke deresi or Nessowa), the Skyrmiads and +Nipsaeans, who dwelt near Apollonia, the Greek city +on this coast (a colony of Miletus, now Sizepoli), +and Mesembria, now Misivri (a colony of the Greeks, +planted soon after the other).<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> It was not till the +Persians had passed the heights of the Balkan that +they found resistance. Between this range and the +Danube were the Getae, called by Herodotus the most +brave and just of all the Thracians. They offered an +obstinate resistance, but were nevertheless at once +crushed by overpowering numbers.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> Meanwhile the +fleet had advanced two days' voyage up the river from +the mouth, and placed the bridge there, <i>i. e.</i> at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> +place where the river becomes one stream. By this +bridge the Greek army, to use the expression of Herodotus, +passed "over the greatest river which we know." +Strabo says that the bridge was placed over the lower +part of the southern, and largest, of the mouths of the +Danube; which was called the sacred mouth. On the +further shore began the land of the Scoloti. When the +army had crossed the Danube, Darius, as Herodotus +relates, wished to destroy the bridge and employ the +crews in his army. But on the advice of Coes of +Lesbos, who pointed out that he must leave the way +open for his return, Darius abandoned his purpose; he +then summoned the princes of Ionia, and gave them +a thong with 60 knots, bidding them untie a knot each +day. If the army did not return to the bridge in +these 60 days they were to go home.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></p> + +<p>The three kings of the Scoloti (III. 236) Idanthyrsus, +who inherited the largest dominion, Scopasis +and Taxakis—so Herodotus relates—as soon as they +received news of the approach of Darius, sent messengers +to their neighbours to ask for assistance. The +kings of the Agathyrsi (the western neighbours of +the Scoloti), the Neuri, the Cannibals and Melanchlæni +(who lay to the north), and the kings of the +Sarmatians, Geloni, and Budini, who dwelt in the +east beyond the Don, assembled for consultation. +The kings of the Sarmatians, Geloni, and Budini +agreed to send help to the Scoloti, but the rest +refused. As the Agathyrsi, Neuri, Cannibals, and +Melanchlæni would not help them in the contest, the +Scoloti determined to decline battle with the Persians +and retire. Their wives and children they placed on +chariots together with the rest of their goods, took +their slaves and herds and marched to a secure<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> +position in the north; only so much cattle was left +with the army as was necessary for its support. +Then the army was divided into two parts. One +under the command of Scopasis was to unite with the +Sarmatians and retire straight towards the Don, if +the Persians took that direction; it was to keep one +or two marches ahead of the Persians, to stop up the +springs and fountains, and destroy the pastures; but +if Darius turned, it was at once to pursue the Persians. +The other part of the army, under Idanthyrsus and +Taxakis, was to unite with the Budini and Geloni, +and to march in a similar manner to the north as +far as the land of the Neuri, the Cannibals, and +Melanchlæni, in order to involve them in the war. +The army of Scopasis found the Persians already +three days' march on their side of the Danube. It +retired, and the Persians pursued as far as the Don. +When the Scoloti and Sarmatians crossed the river, the +Persians crossed it also; in pursuit of the Scythians +they marched through the land of the Sarmatians, +reached that of the Budini, where they burned the +great wooden city of the Geloni, which they found +entirely deserted, and at length came to the desert which +extended for seven days' journey to the north of the +land of the Budini. When Darius reached the desert +he abandoned the further pursuit, and encamped his +army on the bank of the Oarus (<i>i. e.</i> the Volga). At +the same time he built eight great fortresses, at equal +distances, each about sixty stades from the other, the +remains of which, Herodotus remarks, existed in his +day. While Darius was thus occupied, the army of +Scopasis in the north marched back into their own +land and united with the army of Idanthyrsus. +When the Scythians were no more to be seen, Darius +left the fortresses unfinished, turned to the west,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> +under the impression that the Scythians would retire +in that direction, hastened in rapid marches to the +land of the Scoloti, and there found the united army +of the Scythians. Again the Scoloti retired, and as +Darius did not cease to press them, they passed, as +they had resolved, over the northern boundary of their +land, into the land of the Melanchlæni, who dwelt +beyond the Scoloti, between the Don and the Gerrhus, +a tributary of the Dnieper. From the land of the +Melanchlæni they proceeded yet further to the west, +through the land of the Cannibals into that of the +Neuri, who lay above the lake out of which the +Dniester flows (III. 231). All these tribes fled before +the approach of the Scoloti and the Persians to the +north; but when the Scoloti wished to cross the +borders of the Agathyrsi, they prepared to defend +them, and compelled the Scoloti to return from the +land of the Neuri to the south into their own land.</p> + +<p>When this went on, and there was no end, Darius +sent a horseman to Idanthyrsus with the request that +he would either stand and fight, if he had the forces +to do so, or send earth and water to him as his +master. Idanthyrsus answered that the Scoloti had +neither cities nor lands which made it necessary to +fight with the Persians in order to defend them; but +if Darius was eager for a battle, there were the tombs +of their fathers; let him discover these and attack +them, he would then see whether the Scoloti dare +fight or not. On this the Scoloti sent the part of +the army which Scopasis commanded, with the Sarmatians, +to the Danube, in order to negotiate with +the Ionians at the bridge, but the army of Idanthyrsus +was not to retire any longer, but to attack the Persians +as soon as they began to prepare the meal +after the day's march. This was done, and each time<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> +the Persian cavalry were put to flight by the Scoloti; +but as soon as the foot soldiers came to the rescue +of the cavalry, the Scoloti retired. In this way the +Scoloti attacked the Persians by night also. And +their kings (Idanthyrsus and Taxakis) sent to Darius +a bird, a mouse, a frog, and five arrows. Gobryas, the +father-in-law of Darius, interpreted these gifts to +mean, that the Scythian message was: Unless you +become birds and fly into heaven, or mice and creep +into the earth, or frogs and leap into the marshes, +you will succumb to our arrows. The Scoloti also, +who were now armed for battle, drew out with horse +and foot; and when they were in line, a hare ran +past and the Scoloti chased it, one after the other, as +they happened to catch sight of it. Then Darius said, +These men hold us in great contempt; Gobryas has +correctly interpreted the meaning of the gifts; we +must carefully consider how we are to secure our +return. Gobryas advised that they should light the +camp fires as usual when night came on; that they +should leave behind the sick and weak, who could +not bear burdens, in the camp, and with the rest set +out at once for the Danube before the Scythians +reached the river and broke down the bridge, or the +Ionians came to some resolution ruinous to the Persians. +This advice Darius followed. The sick and +exhausted, and all whose loss would be of little importance, +were commanded to defend the camp, as +the king with the rest of the army wished to make +an attack on the Scythians, and as soon as the fires +had been lighted Darius began his march to the +Danube. On the following morning those who had +been left behind perceived that they had been betrayed +by Darius, and prayed for quarter to the +Scythians. The whole army of the Scythians with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> +the Budini, the Geloni, and Sarmatians, went straight +to the Danube, for Scopasis with his division had +already retired from the river, after telling the Ionians +that they must not allow the bridge to stand after +the sixtieth day, and the Ionians had given a promise +to that effect. As all the Scythians were mounted +they marched far more rapidly than the Persians and +could soon have caught up Darius, had not the Persians +in ignorance taken a longer route, so that Idanthyrsus +with the whole army of the Scythians reached +the Danube before Darius arrived. The Scythians +now called upon the leaders of the Greeks to break +down the bridge, for the appointed time had passed; +by that means they would get rid of their master, and +might thank the gods and the Scythians for their +liberation. As the sixty days during which the fleet +was to remain in the Danube, by the command of +Darius, were really past, Miltiades of the Chersonnesus +urged the captains of the Greek ships to listen to +the request of the Scythians, and set the Ionians at +liberty. But Histiaeus, the tyrant of Miletus, said +that each of them held his power in his city by +Darius only; if the king's power were overthrown, he +would not be a tyrant in Miletus, nor would any +other tyrant keep his throne; every city would prefer +democracy to tyranny. When all, with the exception +of Miltiades, had agreed to this resolution, they determined +to remain, but to prevent the bridge from +being used by the Scythians they destroyed it for +the length of a bowshot from the northern bank. +Thinking that the Greeks were removing the whole +bridge, the Scythians returned, to seek out Darius +and destroy him. But they missed the Persians yet +a second time. They thought that the Persians +would seek out the places where the wells had not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> +been stopped up, and the pastures had not been +destroyed; but they returned by the way that they +came, and their enemies with great difficulty reached +the crossing of the Danube. It was night, the bridge +could not be found, and the Persians were in great +alarm that the Ionians had abandoned them. Then +Darius commanded an Egyptian, who had a very loud +voice, to come forward to the bank and call for +Histiaeus of Miletus. The cry was heard; Histiaeus +at once sent all the ships to transfer the troops, and +restored the bridge.</p> + +<p>Clear and definite as the incidents are which lead +Darius to the Danube, the river is no sooner crossed +than everything passes into northern mists, into the +marvellous and the incredible. Let us first consider +the conduct of the Scoloti. The kings of the barbarous +north, though far distant from each other—Herodotus +gives the land of the Scoloti a length and +breath of 500 miles—meet in a great congress. Where +the congress was held we are not told. The kings of +the Agathyrsi, Neuri, Melanchlæni, and Cannibals find +that the matter does not concern them, for they had +not invaded Media. But the distant tribes to the +east beyond the Don, the Sarmatians, Budini, and +Geloni, come a distance of hundreds of miles to assist +their neighbours; they carry their public spirit so far +as to sacrifice their own lands, regardless of which +the Budini and Geloni march with Idanthyrsus first +to the north and then to the west; the Sarmatians +follow Scopasis far to the north-east. Why the +Scythians divided their army in the first instance, +why they did not unite to meet Darius, we cannot +ascertain. We are not told what Idanthyrsus is doing +while Scopasis retires to the Volga; we only know +that the two armies again unite, while Darius is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> +building the castles on the Volga. When united the +Scythians retire to the west as far as the borders of +the Agathyrsi, <i>i. e.</i> to Transylvania, the most foolish +thing for their own interests which they could have +done, for by this means they brought Darius back +into the neighbourhood of the Danube. On the +borders of the Agathyrsi Darius summons them to +battle. The princes answer that they will fight if he +attacks the tombs of their fathers. These tombs we +have found in the neighbourhood of the Gerrhus; they +are the numerous Kurgans below the rapids of the +Dnieper,<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> a region which Darius must have traversed +on his way north-eastwards to the Volga. Darius does +not accede to the request of the Scythians. Nevertheless +they determined to attack the Persians, and +yet contradict the object of this attack by sending +Scopasis with his army and the Sarmatians to the +Danube, thus weakening the army. When Scopasis +and the Sarmatians are gone, Idanthyrsus offers the +battle hitherto so carefully avoided, with cavalry and +infantry, though Herodotus remarks that the Scythians +have no infantry. Meanwhile Scopasis comes with his +army to the Danube, not to fight with the Greeks but +to treat with them. What reasons had the Scythians +not to treat the Greeks as enemies? If they wished +to cut off the return of Darius, they must attack the +bridge and destroy it. If they thought that they +could not do this, or did not wish to do it, but to +treat, they need not have sent half the army with the +Sarmatians, but only a few horsemen. The Greeks +were able to protect the bridge with a fort, upon +which the Scythian cavalry could hardly have made +any effectual impression, or if they neglected to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> +do that, they could at any moment, if watchful, +bring the bridge to their own side of the river, +and then secure it with all their ships till Darius +should appear on the farther shore. But the Scythians +send Scopasis with his army. He tells the Ionians +that he knew that Darius had ordered them to +wait sixty days; they were to wait till the time +had passed and then sail away. When the Greeks +had undertaken to do this Scopasis marches with his +army to the north. He joins Idanthyrsus again +when Darius has begun his retreat. The united army +reaches the bridge long before Darius. A second +time we have negotiations with the Ionians. The +sixty days are past, and the Scythians entreat the +Ionians to sail away now, at any rate. They are +satisfied when the Greeks remove a part of the +bridge, saying that they have begun to break it up +and will now sail home. They do not wait till +they see all the ships sailing down the stream. They +have cut off Darius; he cannot escape them and reach +the Danube. But they turn back into the steppe, +and miss him again.</p> + +<p>Still more unintelligible and extraordinary is the +conduct of Darius. When the Danube has been +crossed he commands the Greeks to break down the +bridge; the crews are to join the army on land. It +would follow from this that Darius thought the +bridge no longer necessary. It was not his intention +therefore to return to the Danube, but to march +round the Black Sea, and over the Caucasus, if indeed +he did not mean to skirt the northern shore of the +Caspian and return home over the Oxus. If this was +his object why did he not avail himself of the +important assistance which the fleet could afford him, +and command it to accompany the march of the army<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> +along the northern shore of the Black Sea? It would +then have brought provisions to the army, or to the +mouths of the rivers, and supported any attacks on the +Greek cities of these coasts; on Tyras at the mouth of +the Dniester, on Ordessus on the Teligul, on Olbia at +the mouth of the Bug, and Panticapaeum on the +Cimmerian Bosphorus. To leave the attack on the +Greek cities to the Greek ships only would be +dangerous, but there was no danger in giving them +a share in it if the main point was to strengthen the +army on land. But Darius wished neither to use +the fleet, nor to allow the bridge to stand, which is +the more remarkable as the bridges on the Bosphorus +were not removed but allowed to remain, obviously +under the protection of Greek men-of-war. At the +Danube Darius has to be informed for the first time +by a Greek that a way must be left open for his +return. Nevertheless he does not order the Greeks +to keep the bridge till further notice, or till his return. +For sixty days only after his departure does he leave +the means for his return open; so long the bridge is +to remain; when that time has expired, the fleet is to +sail away. What interest had Darius in allowing the +Greeks to depart home as quickly as possible? In +order to fix this period of time, he gives the leader of +the Greeks a thong with sixty knots. The calendars +of the Persians and Greeks were different; there were +variations in the calendars of the Aeolians, Ionians, and +Dorians; but sixty days could have been fixed without +a strap and knots. Beyond the Danube Darius +blindly follows the division of Scopasis, wherever it +leads him away to the east and north as far as the +Volga. On what did the army of Darius subsist—and +it numbered 700,000 men, or if we include the +train, it reached a total of about a million—for more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> +than two months in a country in which, according to +Herodotus' own statement, there was no tilled land +except at the mouths of the Bug and Dnieper, and in +which the advancing Scythians had destroyed the +wells and pastures, as Herodotus asserts? How did the +Persians cross the Tyras (Dniester), Hypanis (Bug), +Borysthenes (Dnieper), and the Tanais (Don)? From +whence did they procure the wood for the bridges or +rafts for crossing them, in the steppe which Herodotus +rightly describes as entirely without wood down to +the forests on the southern edge? Whence came the +water for man and beast in the waterless desert? +When Darius had crossed the Don Herodotus represents +him as building eight large fortresses beyond +the river on the bank of the Volga, the object of +which it is impossible to discover; and in a space of +a little more than two months he represents the +Persian army as not only building these forts but +marching round the whole territory of Scythia, which +in his description extends for 500 miles from the +mouth of the Danube to the mouth of the Don, and +an equal distance northwards into the land, and even +far beyond it. Darius marches as far as the Volga +on the east, and northwards to the desert which lies +beyond the Sarmatians (whose territory extends for +fifteen days' journey up the Don),<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> and also beyond +the Budini, "a great and numerous people," and +the Geloni (p. 275). From this point he returns, +according to Herodotus, through the territory of the +northern neighbours of the Scythians to the west, +as far as the lake out of which the Tyras (Dniester) +rises, till the Scythians, who are a day's march +in advance of the Persians, reach the land of the +Agathyrsi. According to Herodotus' reckoning of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> +the distances, Darius traversed a journey of about +a hundred days' marches of twenty-five miles each, +in less than fifty days. If Herodotus allows the +region of the Scoloti to extend too far to the +north, if on the Dnieper it reached only to the +rapids of the stream, where the tombs of the Scythian +kings lay, the distance, on the other hand, from +the mouth of the Danube to the Don, on which +the Scoloti and the Sarmatians bordered, and which +Darius is said to have crossed, was far greater than +Herodotus assumes; it is at least 750 miles, and +from the mouth of the Danube to the Volga at least +900 miles, which on the route taken by Darius could +not possibly have been traversed both ways in eighty +or ninety days. Herodotus does not allow Darius +even this space of time. According to his account, +the march of Darius to the desert, which separates the +land of the Budini and Geloni on the north from the +Thyssagetae, to the bank of the Volga, the building of +the castles, the return from this point to the borders +of the Agathyrsi and the lake from which the Dnieper +springs, did not occupy sixty days. It is in this +region that the Scythians resolve to retire no farther, +but to attack the Persians daily, when they begin +to cook their food in a land barren of wood, and +they send Scopasis from this point to the Danube. +Scopasis reaches the river before the expiration of +the sixty days for which Darius has bidden the +Ionians wait; indeed, the Scythians of Idanthyrsus +occasionally surrender flocks to the army of Darius, +in order that the Persians may not think of retiring, +<i>i. e.</i> in order to keep them in Scythia till the sixty days +are at an end. Impossible as all these marches are, +especially in the short space which Herodotus allots +to them, the conduct of Darius is more impossible<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span> +still. He advances beyond the Don as far as +the Volga, in order to build fortresses which he +does not complete; from this point he marches back +again after the Scythians as far as the sources of the +Dniester in order to bring on a conflict. At last they +draw out for battle; Darius has attained the object +he so greatly desired. Then follows the hunting of +the hare by the Scythians, and Darius determines to +march away rapidly in the same night to the Danube; +"because the Scythians held them in contempt." +He fortunately reached the bridge by taking the road +on which he had come, but the Scythians assume that +as the wells had been stopped up and the pastures +destroyed, he could not come by that route. But +how could the Persians, who when advancing had +marched to the north-east to the Don, strike out +the same path on their return, upon which they +started on the borders of Transylvania, and the +sources of the Tyras (Dniester)?</p> + +<p>The course of affairs must have been widely different. +As Darius allowed the bridge over the Bosphorus to +remain, and left the fleet on the Danube, it cannot +have been his fixed purpose to coast round the Black +Sea. But in any case he must preserve his communications +with Asia and Persia and support his army. +All the sick, or wounded, or unserviceable men in the +army, and all the messengers could only be sent back +over the bridge on the Danube. The crews of the +fleet were the rear-guard of the army, maintaining +and defending its communications. It had also to +provide for its own maintenance, <i>i. e.</i> for the needs of +more than 100,000 men, and no doubt it likewise collected +the provisions for the army by land. However +great the stores which the army brought with it, +they would soon be consumed in the steppe, unless<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> +supplemented. Wherever Darius marched, he could +not venture, with the enormous mass of men and +animals in his army, to go more than a few days' +march at the most from the river-courses. The idea +of retiring before the enemy naturally occurred to a +people who were without a settled habitation, who +wandered in hordes through fixed districts of pasture, +living on the backs of their horses, and carrying their +women and children with them in waggons drawn by +oxen (III. 234). What had they to lose, and what +could they fear from the Persians, if the unarmed, +the women, children, servants, and herds, had already +been sent at the right time under safe convoys far +into the interior towards the neighbouring nations?—if +all the men—and the Scoloti were not a numerous +nation<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>—collected together, and accustomed as they +were to abstinence, and living in continual movement, +advancing far more lightly and rapidly on their +steppe-horses than their encumbered opponents, +hovered round their enemy, stopped up wells and +destroyed pastures, without ever engaging in battle? +If the Scythians were wise, they would not retire to +the east, where Darius could approach the coast, +and bring up his fleet with auxiliaries, but away +from the sea, <i>i. e.</i> to the north. If the Scythians +were not terrified by the enormous power of Darius, +and knew how to avoid battles, the army of Darius +would soon be ruined by its own numbers in the +desert.</p> + +<p>As a fact this is the way in which the war beyond +the Danube seems to have been carried on. Herodotus +tells us that Darius came upon the Scythians three +marches beyond the Danube. If he found their +forces united, he must have hoped to engage them in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> +a battle which would have decided the campaign at +one stroke in his favour. But these mounted opponents +could not be captured, Darius sinks deeper and deeper +into the desert, till he is compelled by distress to +return, and his retreat was made an occasion of heavy +losses by the light-armed Scythians.</p> + +<p>In the excerpt from the narrative of Trogus preserved +by Justin, which may have been derived +from Deinon's "Persian History," we are told: "The +Scythians drove back Darius the king of the Persians +in shameful flight. When Iancyrus (<i>i. e.</i> Idanthyrsus), +the king of the Scythians, had refused to give his +daughter in marriage to Darius, Darius made war upon +him, and invaded Scythia with 700,000 soldiers. As +the Scythians gave him no opportunity of battle, he +retreated in great anxiety lest the bridge over the +Danube should be broken in his rear, after losing +80,000 men. Owing to the abundance of men this +loss was not considered a disaster."<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> In Ctesias the +king of the Scythians is called Scytharbes. "Darius +collected an army of 800,000 men, bridged the +Bosphorus and the Danube, marched into Scythia, and +penetrated for a distance of fifteen days. Scytharbes +and Darius sent each other the gift of a bow. As the +bow of the Scythian was the stronger, Darius retired +over the bridge and broke it up, before the whole army +had passed over. Those who were left behind, 80,000 +men in number, were cut down by Scytharbes. Darius +crossed the bridge over the Bosphorus, and burnt the +houses and the temples of Chalcedon, because the +Chalcedonians had attempted to destroy the bridge, +and had thrown down the altar which Darius had set +up at the crossing."<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> Strabo remarks: "At the +mouths of the Danube there is a large island, Peuce.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> +The mouths are seven in number, and the largest is +called the sacred mouth; the distance to Peuce by +this is 120 stadia; above the lower part of this +mouth Darius built the bridge; it might have been +bridged on the upper part also. It is the first if +you take the left hand when sailing into Pontus; the +rest follow in the voyage to Tyras. On the Pontic +Sea, from the Danube to the Tyras (Dniester) is the +desert of the Getae, a vast waterless plain. When +Darius, the son of Hystaspes, crossed the Ister, to +march against the Scythians, he was in danger of +perishing by thirst with his whole army through +being cut off in this desert; but he discovered his +danger just in time, and returned.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> For the support +of the camel which had best sustained with him the +weariness of the journey through the desert of Scythia, +and had carried the baggage with the provisions +of the king, he apportioned the hamlet of Gaugamela +in Assyria," <i>i. e.</i> its income and tribute, or natural +products.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> The level desert of Strabo, between the +Danube and the Dniester, includes Moldavia as far +as the eastern slopes of the mountains of Transylvania, +Bessarabia, and Podolia. Herodotus also represents +the decisive charge in the campaign as taking place +in the neighbourhood of the Agathyrsi, <i>i. e.</i> the inhabitants +of Transylvania. Ctesias tells us that Darius had +marched fifteen days beyond the Danube. Reckoning +a day's march at 25 miles, as Herodotus does, Darius +would thus have advanced 75 miles to the north of the +Danube, with which the assertion of Herodotus agrees, +that the Scoloti retired before Darius to the border of +the land of the Agathyrsi, and the lake out of which +the Tyras rises, but no further. By the lake out of +which the Tyras rises we can hardly understand the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> +lakes at Lemberg, for Darius could scarcely have come +so far to the west. The marshes at the source of the +Bug are probably meant, which as the crow flies are +325 miles from Reni, on the Danube. If the Scoloti +ventured to retire but a little way from the river +courses, the Persians retired still less. Hence the +retreat of the Scythians and the advance of Darius +must have proceeded up the Pruth, through Bessarabia +to Podolia as far as the marshes on the upper +Dniester in which the Bug rises, where Herodotus +represents the two armies as encamping opposite +each other, or as far as the marshes of the Prypet. +The answer which Herodotus puts in the mouth of +Idanthyrsus—that Darius should attack the tombs of +the kings (on the rapids of the Dniester) and then the +Scythians would fight, has a meaning, if Darius was +far from the centre of Scythia, and the message was +sent to him when in the neighbourhood of the source +of the Bug or the Prypet; it was without meaning if +he had already traversed the whole land of Scythia as +far as the Don and the Volga. Want of provisions +for man and beast far more than the want of water +would have compelled him to return. Had the +Scythians previously surrounded the army of Darius +on all sides, they would have thrown themselves with +impunity in full force on his rear when retreating. If +everything left behind through weariness and sickness +had fallen into their hands, they would now not merely +hinder the retreat but greatly endanger it. As soon +as the communications with the Danube were completely +closed (Strabo tells us that Darius was cut off +in the desert of the Getae), Darius must have been in +alarm whether the fidelity of the tyrants or their +desire to maintain their position in their own cities +was strong enough to keep them at the bridge, and if<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> +this were the case whether they could induce their +crews to remain.</p> + +<p>Such in its essential outlines must have been the +course of the campaign of Darius beyond the Danube. +What Herodotus tells us are legends of the Scythians, +which he had heard with some additions from his +fellow-countrymen, in Ordessus and Olbia. It was the +greatest glory of the Scythians not to have succumbed +to this attack; no doubt they placed in the most +brilliant light the cunning and endurance of their +fathers, which brought about this result. We must +remove from the series of events the meeting of the +barbarians, the assistance of the Geloni, Budini, and +Sarmatians, the entire eastern part of the story, no +less than the march through the whole of Scythia. +That story has no doubt arisen from the supposed +object of it—the assumed eight fortresses of Darius on +the Volga, the remains of which were in existence in +Herodotus' time. These unfinished citadels were either +fortifications of some tribe or another, long since +abandoned, or ancient tumuli, such as are still frequently +found in the steppes above the Black Sea. +Some were said to be trenches of the Cimmerians and +others trenches of Darius. It was these which gave the +direction to the march of Darius. Besides tradition from +Greece and Scythia we have isolated traces of Iranian +poetry in the accounts of Herodotus, Justin, and +Ctesias. To these belong the suit of Darius for the +daughter of the king of the Scythians and his refusal, +the sending of the bow, and the enigmatical gifts of +the Scythians, of which Gobryas could interpret the +meaning. Other Greeks could mention the names of +different persons who had guessed this riddle.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a></p> + +<p>A peculiar concatenation of circumstances had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span> +placed in the hands of the princes of the Greeks of +Anatolia the fortune of the Persian army, and with it +the fortune of the Persian monarchy and the entire +Persian empire. If they left Darius to his fate, removed +the bridge, and sailed home with their ships, +it would be almost impossible for the Persian king +and army to cross the Danube, and the Greek cities +would have been free from any foreign dominion. +As soon as Darius was at a distance from the bridge, +the Scythians must have called upon the Greeks to +depart, and they must have repeated their request +more urgently when they had cut off Darius's connection +with the bridge and intercepted his retreat; they +would represent his position to be as desperate as +possible. Without doubt Histiaeus of Miletus was +commander of the fleet. Not once only, as Herodotus +represents, but every day Histiaeus, on whom the +greatest responsibility rested, must have discussed with +his associates the question of remaining or departing, +when it was clear that Darius was in danger, and +there could not be a doubt that the Scythians were +pressing hard upon him, and perhaps cutting off his +return.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> But there was only one among the tyrants +of the Greeks who firmly represented the view that +they ought to abandon the king. This was Miltiades +of Chersonesus, one of the newest vassals of Persia, +who had not been raised to the throne by Darius, but +only confirmed in his hereditary principality. The +opposite view, according to Herodotus, was heard from +the mouth of Histiaeus. It showed how correct was +the calculation of Cyrus, when, in order to secure the +obedience of the Greek states, he had made the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> +elevation of princes in them one of his principles. +There is no doubt that the princes could now have +put an end to the dominion of the Persians, but at +the same time they would have put an end to their +own power; they would have annihilated themselves +with the king of the Persians. The large majority +of the tyrants, so we are told in Nepos, joined in +the opinion of Histiaeus. We can with certainty +assume that those of the tyrants who subsequently +received peculiar marks of distinction from Darius; +Histiaeus of Miletus, Hippoclus of Lampsacus, Coes, +the leader of the ships of Lesbos, contributed in +some essential manner to the retention of the fleet; +that it was chiefly they who kept back the others, +and above all the crews. But even those tyrants +who maintained most strongly that the post entrusted +to them should be kept, could not prevent +the possibility that the Persians might be detained +in the desert; that Darius might not return. In this +uncertain and wavering position (Darius remained +longer than was expected and thus many people thought +him lost), the last decision would be deferred for a +certain time, and the crews would be calmed by a +promise not to wait for Darius beyond a certain +period. The same reply might be made to the +demands of the Scythians in order not to ruin their +cause with them should they really destroy the army +of the Persians. In the other event Darius might +be told that the period was merely fixed in order +to keep the Scythians away from the bridge. From +such a period, which the princes fixed for themselves +and their crews, may have arisen the legend of the +command of Darius, that they were to wait for sixty +days—a story which was afterwards quoted by the +Greeks against the tyrants to the effect that they not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> +only faithfully carried out the commands of Darius, +but had gone beyond them to rescue him. As a fact +Darius must have spent far more than sixty days +beyond the Danube if he advanced fifteen full days' +marches, according to the reckoning of Herodotus, and +penetrated to the sources of the Dniester, the Bug, or +the Prypet. For an army like that of Darius could +not march more than ten miles a day, and thus the +750 miles of advance and retreat, which in the latter +part would have been traversed amid continual encounters, +required at least eighty or ninety days. +The Ionians had remained, though they had not kept +all the contingents with them. The ships of Antandros +and Lamponium, and no doubt those of other cities +also, had sailed away of their own accord.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a></p> + +<p>How great soever the losses may have been which +the army of Darius suffered in Scythia—the number, +80,000, which Ctesias represents as perishing by the +premature destruction of the bridge, and which Justin +represents as the entire sum of the losses of the army, +appears to have been the official amount of the loss +among the Persians—when the Danube was crossed, +they found security and provisions, rest and refreshment. +The Scythians could not force a passage +against the ships of war, which controlled the +stream, and the land army of the Persians. Undisturbed +by them, Darius could now have made better arrangements +for continuing the war beyond the Danube, +and preparing for the conduct of it, if unexpected +events had not compelled him to complete his retreat +in haste. Ctesias told us above that the Chalcedonians, +on whose territory lay the Asiatic end of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> +bridge, had attempted to break it down. Strabo +relates that Darius burned the cities round the +Propontis and Abydus because he was afraid that +they might supply the Scythians with transports to +Asia.<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> Herodotus tells us, that Darius, on his return +from the Danube, marched through Thrace into the +land of the Hellespontians; thence he crossed on the +ships to Asia, and then repaired himself to Sardis,<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> +leaving behind Megabyzus as general in the land of +the Hellespontians, who reduced by force of arms +those who did not "medize."<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> With the Persians who +remained in Europe he first attacked the Perinthians +"who would not submit to Darius;" the Perinthians +fought bravely for their freedom, but the numbers of +the Persians were overpowering.<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> But Otanes, the +son of Sisamnes, to whom Darius entrusted the command +by sea, took Byzantium, Chalcedon, Antandros, +and Lamponium. The reason for enslaving and subjugating +these cities, was that he charged some of +them with abandoning the army on the march against +the Scythians, and others with injuring the army on +its return. The latter charge would apply chiefly to +Byzantium and Chalcedon.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> It follows further from +the narrative of Herodotus, that Darius awaited the +result of the action of Megabyzus and Otanes at +Sardis, and did not return to Persia till Megabyzus +had penetrated to the west into Thracia, and he had +established his brother Artaphernes as satrap at Sardis.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> +Of the Scythians Herodotus tells us that they pur<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span>sued +Darius with their united forces as far as the +Thracian Chersonese; Miltiades did not venture to +await their arrival there but fled, till the Scythians +had retired and the Doloncians had brought him back. +Next, in order to punish Darius for his invasion +of their land, the Scythians sent an embassy to +Sparta, in order to call upon the Spartans to cross +over to Ephesus, while they attacked Media from the +Phasis.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></p> + +<p>From this we conclude that a serious rebellion of +the Greek cities on both shores of the straits and the +Propontis broke out in the rear of Darius; that the +cities thought Darius lost, or intended to prevent his +return. Byzantium rebelled, though the tyrant Ariston +was at the river with the fleet of the city; so also +Abydus, whose tyrant Daphnis was likewise there with +his fleet. Besides these cities, Perinthus, Chalcedon, +Antandrus, and Lamponium, on the Ionian coast, are +expressly mentioned as rebels. Strabo speaks generally +of the cities round the Propontis in this sense. +Herodotus tells us that Chalcedon was taken, and +Ctesias that it was burnt. According to the latter +the Chalcedonians were eager to destroy the bridge; +but Darius was nevertheless able to pass it. Herodotus +asserts that Darius passed on the ships from +Sestus into Asia, and that the Scythians pursued him +as far as the Thracian Chersonesus. This definite +and double statement on the direction of the return +march, and the passage of Darius into Asia, must be +maintained against the inexact excerpt from Ctesias. +If the bridge lay over the Bosphorus, Darius certainly +did not march to the Hellespont.</p> + +<p>The course of events was this. When he arrived +on the northern side of the Danube Darius perceived<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> +that a part of the Greek ships had sailed homeward, +that the communications with Asia were interrupted, +that the bridge had been broken, that the cities on +both shores of the straits were in rebellion. He was +compelled to send the fleet at once to the straits in +order to reopen communications. As Byzantium and +Chalcedon could throw great difficulties in the way of +any communication or passage over the Bosphorus, the +fleet was bidden to open the Hellespont and keep it +open. When the fleet was dismissed it was no longer +possible to keep the army on the Danube; and besides +it was imperative to bring the rebellious cities to obedience +at once, a duty which could not be left merely to +their fellow-countrymen who had remained faithful in +the fleet. So Darius must have led the army to the +Hellespont as soon as he had allowed time for rest +on the Danube. The Scythians no doubt crossed the +river when they saw the army of Darius leave the bank, +and well-mounted hordes followed the retreating army +on the south of the Danube in order to make booty, to +carry off the baggage, and cut down the stragglers. +But there was no serious pursuit. The Scythians could +not have undertaken this against the Persians; and +if they had undertaken it and threatened danger, +Darius would not have sent a part of the army to +Asia. He must then have turned his whole force upon +the Scythians. Miltiades certainly did not retire before +the Scythians but before the Persians. Even if he +had gone no farther than expressing his wish, and had +not left the Danube with his ships,<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>—though he had +not found means for embarrassing the retreat of the +Persians over the Hellespont, yet in the eyes of the +Persians he was the author of the revolt, his vote in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> +the council of war at the Danube was obviously +treacherous, and the beginning which gave impulse to +the mischief. Miltiades then retired to the Thracians. +He had married the daughter of Olorus, a Thracian +prince. Twelve years later the general revolt of the +Greek states gave him the means of returning to his +principality. The embassy of the Scythians to Sparta +seems no more than a fable of the Spartans, which +belongs to the obscure side of the history of +Cleomenes.</p> + +<p>Arrived at the Hellespont, Darius allowed a part +of the army under Megabyzus to remain on the +European shore for the purpose of besieging Perinthus +and the other cities on that coast, with the rest he +passed on the raft to the Asiatic side: the conduct of +sieges was no task for a king. But he wished to +remain at Sardis in the neighbourhood till the rebels +were punished, the passage secured, and till the +auxiliaries for the army of Megabyzus and their +communications were settled. Otanes, the son of +Sisamnes, received the command on the Asiatic +shore; he besieged and destroyed Abydus, reduced +the cities on the Trojan coast, on the southern shore +of the Propontis, and then turned against Chalcedon +and Byzantium, while in the mean time Megabyzus +had besieged and taken Perinthus and the cities on +the northern coast of the Propontis. The campaign +against the Scythians was not to remain without results; +Darius could not allow himself to set foot in Europe +for nothing. When only Chalcedon and Byzantium +remained unconquered, Otanes received the command +over the troops on both shores, and Megabyzus was +commanded to make the tribes of the Thracians on +the west as far as the Strymon subjects of the +Persian king. Chalcedon was the first to fall after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span> +a protracted siege. The exiles from Chalcedon and +Byzantium founded Mesembria.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> "Pers." 555, 644, 654, 852 ff. 900.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Herod. 3, 92-94, 97; 7, 78, 79. Xenoph. "Anab." 5, 4; 7, 8. +Arrian ("Anab." 3, 11) mentions Albanians in the army of the last +Darius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> Herod. 4, 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> Vol. IV. 384.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> Exc. Vatic. p. 35 = 10, 19, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> Herod. 3, 139, 140.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> Herod. 3, 141-149. Paus. 7, 5, 4, ff. Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 10, +ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Herod. 4, 138.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers." 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> At a later time Xerxes caused Sataspes to sail round Africa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Herod. 4, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Herod. 4, 85, 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> 360 triremes and penteconters were used for the bridge of Xerxes. +Herod. 7, 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Herod. 4, 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Polyb. 4, 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Strabo, p. 319, 320. Opposite the temple of the Chalcedonians +on the mouth of the Pontus, which was sacred to Zeus Urias (now +Anadoli Kavak), there lay on the European shore also on the mouth +of the Pontus a temple of the Byzantines which later authors call the +Serapeum (now Rumili Kavak). Scyl. "Peripl." 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Herodotus allows the Bosphorus a breadth of four stades; Strabo +in one passage mentions four, in another five; p. 125, 319. Modern +authors do not agree in their measurements (Grote, "Hist. of Greece," +5, 26), but give about 1¼ mile, <i>i. e.</i> above 5000 feet for the narrowest +part, and five miles for the widest. For the narrowest place most +authorities allow about 3900 feet, <i>i. e.</i> 6½ stades; cp. Kruse, on Herodotus' +measurement of the Pontus, s, 41. On the other hand, Moltke +("Briefe," s. 82) gives the following: At the northern mouth between +the light-houses, 4166 paces; at Tell Tabia, 1497 paces; between the +castles, 958 paces.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> "Anapl. P. E." frag. 35. Choerilus, in Strabo, p. 303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> Herod. 4, 88.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> The chronology of the conquests of Darius is not easy to fix. In +Herodotus the campaign against Samos is contemporaneous with the +rebellion of the Babylonians (3, 150). If Darius had had armies at +his disposal from Samos there, he would not have needed to send +Bagaeus. The expedition to Samos must be placed after the end of +the rebellion, <i>i. e.</i> at the earliest in the year 517, and it cannot be put +later than a year at the least before the Scythian expedition, since the +ships of Samos, led by Syloson's son, take part in that expedition, +and in addition to Samos the cities of the Bosphorus are in the hands +of the Persians before that event. The expedition to investigate the +shores of Greece, in which Democedes took part, is placed by Herodotus +before the attack upon Scythia. This is improbable, because the +experience which Darius gained in the Scythian expedition, and which +made it seem desirable to put the command in Persian hands, preceded +this expedition. There is nothing to point to it before the +expedition; it first becomes intelligible when Darius had resolved to +change his plan of conquests in the north for conquests in the west, +and had given Megabyzus orders to subjugate the coasts of Thracia +on the Ægean,—when Megabyzus had advanced to the Strymon +and Macedonia had recognised the sovereignty of Persia. On the +other hand, the investigation of the Greek coasts cannot be put much +later than 512, since Milo of Crotona, who is still of great influence +in that region, as Herodotus himself remarks (3, 137), betroths his +daughter to Democedes. This influence Milo retained only as far as +the year 510 or 509; for soon after the victory over Sybaris and the +destruction of the city, which took place 511 or 510 <small>B.C.</small>, the rising +against Pythagoras and the aristocracy took place; they were overthrown +and expelled. In Herodotus the Scythian expedition comes after +the capture of Babylon (4, 1). We have seen from the inscriptions +(p. 254), that there were two rebellions of Babylon, and that they +cannot have come to an end before the close of the year 517. Now +Samos was subjugated before this Scythian expedition; moreover +Byzantium and the Chersonese must have been in the hands of the +Persians; at least a year must have been occupied with the preparations +required to bring 700,000 men to the Bosphorus, and with the +preparations for building the bridge (Herod. 3, 83). Hence the +campaign cannot have commenced before the year 515 <small>B.C.</small> and it +cannot be put later than 510 <small>B.C.</small> Miltiades is already master of the +Chersonese when Darius crosses the Danube; according to Herodotus +it is the Pisistratids (not Hippias) who sent him there. Hence +Miltiades was master of the Chersonese before 514 <small>B.C.</small>, the year in +which Hipparchus was murdered. Again, when Miltiades has to +retire from the Chersonese before the return of Darius, he does not go +to Athens, from which it follows that Hippias was still tyrant in +Athens. Thucydides tells us that when Hippias, after the murder of +Hipparchus, was looking about for alliances he married his daughter +to Aeantides, the son of Hippoclus, tyrant of Lampsacus, because he +saw that Hippoclus was in great repute with Darius. This influence +Hippoclus must have gained in the Scythian expedition; he led the +ships of his city to the Danube and voted for remaining there. Hence +this expedition must be put some time before 510 <small>B.C.</small> If we allow +two years for the battles of Megabyzus in Thrace, and the march of +Bubares to Macedonia after the Scythian war, and place, as is natural, +the expedition to the coasts of Hellas, which falls in the year 512 <small>B.C.</small>, +after these acquisitions, we might keep to the year 515 for the Scythian +expeditions. But as the Indian conquests precede the Scythian war, +the year 513 <small>B.C.</small> seems still better. The expedition to Barca is, in +Herodotus, contemporaneous with the conflicts of Megabyzus against +those "who were not of Median opinions" (4, 145). This contemporaneous +date is supported by the fact that Greek ships only, and +not Phenician, are ordered to the Danube, and to support the communications +of Megabyzus with Asia,—a circumstance which is best +explained by the absence of the Phenicians in the African expedition. +Moreover, Justin (19, 1) speaks of an embassy of Darius to Carthage +at the time when this city was engaged in a conflict with Doreus of +Sicily (Herod. 5, 45-48; 7, 165; Diod. 4, 23). Such an embassy, +which could only be sent to demand a recognition of supremacy or +union in war against the Greeks, was first suggested when the +Persians reached as far as the Euhesperides and Persia became a +neighbour of Carthage, <i>i. e.</i> after the expedition to Barca. The colony +of Dorieus on the Eryx was planted between 510 and 508; he had +previously taken part in the battle on the Traeis in 311 or 510 <small>B.C.</small> +The embassy of Darius to Carthage would therefore be subsequent +to the campaign to Barca and the expedition of Democedes, and the +years 513 and 512 seem most suitable for the first. From the +inscriptions of Darius it is clear that the inscription of Persepolis, +when compared with the inscription of Behistun, enumerates more +subject lands. The former speaks of the Ionians of the continent and +the Ionians of the sea (<i>daraya</i>), while the inscription of Behistun +merely mentions the Ionians. By the Ionians of the sea we are to +understand the newly-subjugated Greeks of Samos, the Greek cities +on the Bosphorus and Propontis. Moreover, the inscription of Persepolis, +as already mentioned, speaks of Idhus (p. 260), while the inscription +of Behistun speaks of Gandaras only. It follows from this that the +first undertakings of Darius after crushing the rebellion were the wars +in the east, the conquests of Samos and the Greek cities on the straits. +This is established by the statement of Herodotus that the Indians +were included in the first division into satrapies—which he places soon +after the accession of Darius—but the islands and the Thracians +were added later on. The palace at Persepolis must therefore have +been built about the year 515 <small>B.C.</small> after the war upon the Indians and +the expedition to Samos, after the subjugation of the strait, but +before the campaigns against Scythia and Barca. The Scythian +campaign falls in the year 513, the conquests of Megabyzus and +Otanes in 512, the campaign against Barca in 513 and 512, the +expedition for the investigation of the Greek coasts in 512 or +511. The inscription on the tomb of Darius does not mention Ionians +of the continent and Ionians of the sea, but Ionians merely in +one case, and then <i>Yauna takabara</i>, <i>i. e.</i> Ionians who wore locks, by +whom may be meant the Greeks of Lemnos and Imbros, the Greek +cities of the Thracian coast, and the Macedonians, <i>i. e.</i> the regions +which were first subjugated after the Scythian campaign. It will be +made clear below that the last names in the inscription on the +tomb are to be explained of African tribes, <i>i. e.</i> of the result of the +expedition against Barca. By the Çkudra, mentioned on the inscription, +we may understand the Thracians; in the place of the Çaka who +are mentioned without any addition at Behistun and Persepolis, the +sepulchral inscription has three kinds of Çaka:—<i>Çaka humavarka</i>, +who must be interpreted to mean the Amyrgian Sacae of Herodotus; +<i>Çaka tigrakhauda</i>, <i>i. e.</i> Sacae with pointed caps; and finally <i>Çaka +taradaraya</i>, <i>i. e.</i> Sacae beyond the sea, who must be the Scoloti.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> Herod. 4, 89-91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Herod. 4, 90-92. "Geographical Journal," vol. 24, p. 44 ff, where +is also to be found the report of General Jochmus on the supposed +inscription in cuneiform letters and on the stone-heaps, which, according +to Herodotus, the soldiers of Darius piled up at Artiscus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> Herod. 4, 93, 94; Strabo, p. 305; Thuc. 2, 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> Herod. 4, 97, 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> Vol. III. 235. Neumann, "Hellenen in Skythenlande," s. 200, +211, 215.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> Vol. III. 229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> Neumann, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 223 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Justin, 2, 3, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers." 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> Strabo, p. 305.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> Strabo, p. 737.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> Pherecyd. fragm. 113, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Hic quum crebri afferrent nuntii male rem gerere Darium premique +ab Scythis, Miltiades hortatus est, etc. Nepos, "Miltiades," 4, in any +case following Ephorus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> Herod. 5, 27. It is clear that the Antandrians and Lamponians +were accused only of abandoning the campaign, not of imperilling the +retreat.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> Strabo, p. 591.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> Herod. 5, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> Herod. 4, 143, 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Herod. 5, 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> Herod. 5, 26, 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> Herod. 5, 12, 23, 25. The chronology which Herodotus thus gives +to the campaign of Otanes, representing it as subsequent to that of +Megabyzus, is impossible. He himself represents Otanes as nominated +general of the forces on sea, and only subsequently as a successor of +Megabyzus. The subjugation of the cities belongs to his first command.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> Herod. 6, 40, 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> It is self-evident that Miltiades did not wait for the arrival of +Darius on the Danube.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> According to Polyaenus, Chalcedon was taken by a mine, which +was carried from a hill 15 stades from the city under the market-place. +"Strateg." 7, 2, 5. It is obvious that we must read +Καλχηδών +here, and not Καρχηδών. +The altar of Zeus Diabaterius which, according to +Ctesias, Darius erects, and the Chalcedonians subsequently pull down, +is certainly identical with the two monuments which, according to +Herodotus, Darius set up at Byzantium (above, p. 269). Herodotus also +speaks of the destruction of the monuments, but ascribes it to the +Byzantines. This was done obviously in the time after the battle of +Mycale; if previously destroyed they would have been restored by +Megabyzus and Otanes when they subjugated the Hellespont. Of +the later destruction Herodotus relates that the Byzantines conveyed +the stones into the city, and used them in building the altar of Artemis +Orthosia; one stone only, covered with Assyrian letters, was left at the +temple of Dionysus: Herod. 4, 87.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER XVI.</h2> + +<h3>THE CONQUESTS IN AFRICA AND EUROPE.</h3> + + +<p>Like Bactria and Arachosia, Asia Minor and Egypt +had remained loyal, when the natives in the centre +of the kingdom, the Semites and Arians, and even +the Persians, had revolted against Darius. In Egypt +Aryandes, who had been appointed satrap by Cambyses, +still held his office. Uzahorsun, the Egyptian +whom Cambyses had placed in his retinue and taken +into his service (p. 171), tells us, "that his holiness, +the king of upper and lower Egypt, Darius (Ntariush), +the ever-living, had commanded him to go to Egypt, +when his holiness was in Elam, when he became +lord of the whole world, the great king of Egypt." +According to the commands of his holiness he (Uzahorsun) +had restored order in Egypt and had received +contributions from all. No one had spoken evil +of him, for he had given to every one what was justly +his; he had restored all men to their rights, and +had placed them in the boundaries of their property +as it had been marked out; the worship of the gods +and their habitations had been restored according +to the will of his holiness; the offerings had been +brought, the festivals had been celebrated.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span> +addition to the toleration which the Achæmenids +always extended to the religion of the nations subject +to them, though it was not their own religion, +and the care which they took of their places of +worship, Darius seems to have been at especial pains +to win the affections of the Egyptians. His intention +was, no doubt, to make Egypt the starting-point for +further enterprise in Africa, and the support of the +conquests which he had in contemplation. Herodotus +tells us that when Darius determined to erect +his statue before the temple of Ptah at Memphis, he +gave way before the opposition of the priest of the +temple. Diodorus tells us that the Egyptians consider +Darius as their sixth law-giver, after Menes, Sasychis, +Sesosis, Bocchoris, and Amasis. Darius had mixed with +the Egyptian priests, and had thus become acquainted +with their theology, and the magnanimity and devotion +of their ancient kings. He set them before him +as a pattern, and for this reason he was so highly +honoured among the Egyptians that even in his +life-time he was considered a god, and after his death +he received the honours which in ancient days had +been given to the kings of Egypt, whose reigns had +been most in accordance with law. The name of +Darius meets us frequently on the buildings of Egypt. +A long inscription in the stone quarries at Hamamat +informs us that an Egyptian architect, Chnum-ab-rha,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span> +who had already been in the service of Amasis, was +in the service of Darius from the 26th to the 30th +year of his reign, and carried out his various buildings.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> +The Apis which had appeared in the fifth year of +Cambyses (p. 171), died in the fourth year of Darius +(518 <small>B.C.</small>), and was buried in the necropolis of Memphis, +in the sanctuary of Osiris-Apis, in the front +space of the gallery of the tombs of Apis, which +Psammetichus had added to the gallery of Ramses II.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> +Another great work which Darius undertook in connection +with the monuments of the ancient Pharaohs, +besides the advantages which it conferred on the trade +of the whole kingdom and the intercourse between +the parts of it, must have been of the very greatest +value to Egypt.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a></p> + +<p>From the valley of the Nile, to which Darius +devoted such attention, in the autumn of the same +year in which he marched to the Danube, a second<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> +Persian expedition set forth, comprising both an army +and a fleet—a great armament, as Herodotus says, +which was intended to establish and extend the +dominion of the Persian kingdom on the north coast +of Africa.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> The Libyan tribes which inhabited these +deserts on the borders of Egypt, like the great cities +Cyrene and Barca, had paid homage to Cambyses, had +sent presents, and agreed to pay tribute.<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> Barca had +been founded by Cyrene about 30 years before the +conquest of Egypt by Cambyses, and was governed +by a branch of the Battiadae, the royal house of +Cyrene. The daughter of the prince of Barca, whom +Herodotus, following no doubt the Libyan name +for the royal title, calls Alazeir, was the wife of +Archelaus III. of Cyrene, who for reasons known +to us had submitted to Cambyses. More than ten +years afterwards, Archelaus repaired to his father-in-law +at Barca; during his absence his mother Pheretima +was to govern Cyrene. While at Barca, he +was murdered together with his father-in-law Alazeir +by certain Cyrenaeans who had fled to that city to +escape the cruelty with which he had re-established his +sway in Cyrene (p. 153), and by the people of Barca.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> +His mother, who was no longer in any position to +maintain her power in Cyrene, fled to Egypt and +besought assistance from Aryandes; "in return for +her fidelity to Persia, her son had been slain." Aryandes +sympathised with her distress, so Herodotus +tells us, and put at her disposal the whole force in +Egypt, both the army and the fleet; sympathy with +Pheretima was the reason of the campaign of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> +Persians against Barca. He adds that in his own +opinion this was merely a pretext; the real object +was the subjugation of the Libyans, of whom a few +only were the subjects of Darius.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a></p> + +<p>By the assassination of the two princes who had +submitted to Persia the word for revolt was given, +and the more plainly because the Barcæans, according +to Herodotus, refused to give up the murderers. +The land round Cyrene was extraordinarily +fertile, and the district of Barca reached on the west to +the great Syrtis. The army which set out to reduce +a city, 600 miles distant from Memphis, was led by +a Persian, Amasis of the tribe of the Maraphians. +(V. 323). This march along the north coast through +regions partly desert and partly inhabited by nomads, +was to be supported by a fleet formed no doubt of +Phenician and Egyptian ships, under the command of +Badres of the tribe of the Pasargadae. The Persians +reached the extensive and well-watered mountain +plain which formed the territory of Barca. The city +was invested, but the Barcæans made a vigorous +resistance. Furious attacks of the Persians were +repulsed, and even their attempt to carry mines under +the city miscarried. A smith in Barca, according to +Herodotus, discovered the direction of the mines by +placing a brazen shield upon the ground, inside the +wall, and striking it,—the soil being hollow, wherever +the shield resounded. Then the Barcæans dug +shafts and killed the workmen of the enemy in their +passages. After nine months of fruitless efforts +Amasis was convinced that he could not take the +place by storm. He offered to abandon the siege if +the Barcæans would pay a suitable tribute to the +king; so long as they fulfilled this condition the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> +Persians would not take up arms against them. The +conditions were sworn to on both sides, as Herodotus +tells us, in the form that they "should be kept so +long as the earth remained." But on the previous +night Amasis had excavated the place on which the +oath was sworn, had covered the excavation with +wood, and placed earth upon the wood. When the +Barcaeans, in reliance on the truce, opened the gates, +came out of their city and permitted the Persians to +enter it, Amasis caused the earth to fall in by removing +the wood-work, in order to make the treaty +invalid. Being masters of the city the Persians gave +up to Pheretima those who were chiefly implicated in +the murder of Archelaus. She caused them to be +crucified round the walls of Barca, and at the same +time cut off the breasts of their wives and affixed +them to the walls. The Persians also carried away a +large number of prisoners, in order to weaken the +city, and so to retain it in subjection with less effort. +Only the Battiadæ and a remnant of the population +were left. After thus reducing the city, the Persians +marched through the fruitful plain, which stretches to +the west of Barca between the table-land and the sea, +towards the west. At Euhesperides on the great +Syrtis they reached the extreme point in the west of +Africa to which the Persians ever penetrated.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a></p> + +<p>"When the army reached Cyrene on its return," so +Herodotus tells us, "the Cyrenaeans in obedience to +an oracle allowed it to pass through the city. While +passing through, Badres, the commander of the fleet, +bade them take the city, but Amasis prevented this, +saying that he was sent out against Barca, and no +other city. When they had marched through, and +the army was encamped on the hill of Zeus Lycaeus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> +they repented that they had not seized Carthage, and +attempted to enter the city a second time. But this +the Cyrenaeans would not allow. Then the Persians, +though no one was fighting against them, were seized +with a panic; they ran away about sixty stades and +there encamped till a messenger of Aryandes called +them back. At their request they received provisions +for the journey from the Cyrenaeans and returned to +Egypt. But those who remained behind and delayed +their march were cut down by the Libyans for the +sake of their clothes and armour, till they reached +Egypt. The captive Barcæans were sent to the king, +and Darius gave them a village in Bactria for a +habitation to which they gave the name Barca. This +village was inhabited in Bactria down to my time."<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a></p> + +<p>According to this narrative the expedition to Barca, +which set out in the autumn of 513 <small>B.C.</small> and returned +home at the earliest towards the end of 512 <small>B.C.</small> (the +siege of Barca occupied nine months), did not turn out +prosperously for the Persians. The contrary was the +case. Herodotus repeats a legend of the Cyrenaeans, +which was intended to put their courage in a clear +light, and according to which an entrance into the +city when demanded for the third time was refused to +the Persian army which had marched through Cyrene +on its advance and return. Further, an attempted +attack of the Persians failed though there was no +resistance, and Cyrene magnanimously furnished the +Persians with provisions for their journey. The army +and fleet of the Persians, when quartered in the fertile +district of Cyrene, were in a position to supply themselves +abundantly at the cost of the city. Moreover, +we subsequently find a fourth Battus at the head of +Cyrene and Barca, and after him a fourth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> +Arcesilaus.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> After the murder of Arcesilaus III. a Battiad would +have been the less likely to ascend the throne of +Cyrene without the aid of the Persians, owing to the +cruel punishment which Pheretima had inflicted on +her opponents. Moreover, Herodotus tells us himself +that Darius included the Libyans adjacent to Egypt +as well as Cyrene and Barca in the sixth satrapy, <i>i. e.</i> +the satrapy of Egypt, and imposed upon the two a +yearly tribute of 700 talents.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> From other accounts +it is clear that the Libyans of this district, and with +them the inhabitants of the oasis of Ammon, had +to contribute salt to the Persians, and Herodotus +tells us that these Libyans of the north coast, clad +in the skins of animals and armed with poles hardened +in the fire, served in the army of the Persian kings +along with the curly-haired negroes living beyond +Egypt.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> Monuments and inscriptions also prove that +not Cyrene and Barca only, but even the Libyan +tribes of the north coast as far as the great Syrtis, +<i>i. e.</i> the Adyrmachidae, Giligammae, and Asbystae were +subdued at that time, and that the dominion of +Darius extended as far as the oases on the northern +edge of the desert. Herodotus has already told us of +the oasis Polis, which was situated seven days' journey +from Thebes in the sand (p. 165),—the modern Oasis +el Charigeh. The inscriptions of the great temple, the +walls of which still exist at this place in tolerable +preservation, tell us that Darius "S-tut-Ra,"<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> <i>i. e.</i> +rival of the sun, dedicated this temple to Ammon +Ra of Thebes, the lord of Hib (which is the name +of this oasis among the Egyptians). In the colossal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> +picture on the exterior wall at the back, Darius offers +sacrifice to this god and the goddess Mut, who stands +behind him; behind the king we also see the goddess +Hathor.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> At a later time Darius Ochus added to this +temple. The inscription of Naksh-i-Rustem, which +distinguishes the tomb of Darius, quotes among the +nations who were his subjects the <i>Putiya</i>, <i>Machiya</i>, +and <i>Kushiya</i>. By the Putiya (Puta in the Babylonian +translation of the inscription) we must understand +beyond doubt the Put of the Hebrews, <i>i. e.</i> the +Libyans; the Machiya may be the Maxyes of Herodotus, +to the west of Cyrene, the Mashawasha of the +Egyptians; the Kushiya are the Cushites of the +Egyptians, Hebrews, and Assyrians, the Ethiopians of +the Greeks, <i>i. e.</i> the Nubians and negroes beyond Egypt.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a></p> + +<p>Justin's excerpt from Pompeius Trogus tells us that +Darius sent an embassy to Carthage with the command +that the Carthaginians must abstain from +human sacrifices and the use of dogs' flesh, burn their +corpses instead of burying them; and at the same +time he bade them furnish auxiliary troops against +the Greeks, whom he intended to attack. The Carthaginians +refused the auxiliary troops because they +were frequently at war with their neighbours; to the +rest of his commands they readily submitted that +they might not seem to be obstinate.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> Both the +objects mentioned for the embassy are fictions, though +they show an acquaintance with the Arian religion +and the views of Darius, but there is no reason to +doubt that Darius entered into negotiations with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span> +Carthage. Cambyses had already fixed his eye on +Carthage, and Darius by the expedition to Barca and +Euhesperides, had become the neighbour of the city, +the territory of which reached as far to the east as +the Great Syrtis. In common opposition to the +Greeks the interests of Carthage and Darius were +united, for the Greek navy was the rival of the +Phenicians and Carthaginians, and the Carthaginians +were in conflict with the Greek cities in Sicily. In +Justin's account the embassy of Darius came to Carthage +at the time when the Carthaginians in Sicily were +in conflict with Dorieus. Their struggle to prevent +the settlement on Eryx fell between the years 510 +and 508 <small>B.C.</small> The expedition against Barca came to +an end as we saw in the year 512 <small>B.C.</small> Hence the +negotiations between Persia and Carthage must have +followed upon this expedition.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></p> + +<p>While the Persians in the south of the Mediterranean +were advancing to the west along the coast of +Africa, the army of Megabyzus moved along the north +in the same direction (512 <small>B.C.</small>). Perinthus and the +cities on the northern shore of the Propontis were +reduced and punished, and then Darius gave orders, +according to Herodotus, for the reduction of Thrace. +"And Megabyzus marched through Thrace, and reduced +every nation and every city into submission +to the king. The nation of the Thracians is the +greatest after the Indians, and if it were united or +governed by one man, it would be invincible, and in +my opinion the strongest of all nations. But as this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> +is impossible, and can never be brought about, they +are weak. They buy their wives at a high price +from their parents and sell the children into foreign +countries. They regard it as the greatest degradation +to till the field, as most honourable to do nothing, +as most noble to live by war and plunder. It is a +mark of birth to be tatooed, and of low origin to have +no print upon the skin. The rich lay out their dead +for three days; first they mourn for them, then they +slay victims of every kind and make a feast, burn +the corpse or bury it, heap up a mound, and celebrate +games of all kinds, in which, as is right, the greatest +prizes are put up for the victors. They worship only +Ares, Dionysus, and Artemis; but their kings also +specially worship Hermes from whom they claim to +be descended. Of this territory Megabyzus subjugated +the whole strip, which lay on the sea, to +Darius." The Paeonians, who were settled on the +Strymon and round Lake Prasias, assembled on their +coast to await the attack. But Megabyzus turned +into the inland region to the north of Mount Pangaeum, +and from that direction fell unexpectedly +upon the cities of the Paeonians, which were undefended. +Then each of the Paeonians hastened back +to his family and they submitted to the Persians, and +Megabyzus caused the Paeonians on the Siris, and +the Paeoplians, who were situated to the north of +Pangaeum, on the Strymon, to be carried captive +to Sardis to the king. "But the Paeonians who +dwelt on Mount Pangaeum, and on piles in Lake +Prasias, were not at first subjugated by Megabyzus, +though he made the attempt."<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a></p> + +<p>Together with the tribes of the Thracians, the +numerous cities of the Greeks on this coast became<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> +subjects of Darius.<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> Doriscus on the mouth of the +Hebrus received a Persian garrison.<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> In vain the +inhabitants of Teos, more than thirty years previously, +had emigrated before the siege of Harpagus, and +founded Abdera on this coast—they now became +subjects of the Persians. In return for the great +service which he had rendered at the bridge on the +Danube, Histiaeus the prince of Miletus received +permission to found a colony on the Strymon, where +it leaves Lake Prasias, in the land of the Edonians, +near Myrcinus, on the north-west spur of Pangaeum, +which is here clothed with magnificent forests, and +possessed fruitful veins of silver.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> Histiaeus began +at once to build the walls which were to protect the +new settlement.</p> + +<p>With the subjugation of the Paeonians and the +crossing of the Strymon, Megabyzus reached the +border of an empire, the Macedonian kingdom, the +central district of which lay between the Axius and +the Haliaemon. Amyntas, the son of Alcetas,<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> the king +of Macedonia, was requested by Megabyzus through +an embassy of seven Persians to send earth and water +as tokens of submission to Darius. Amyntas was in +great terror of the Persians, as Herodotus tells us;<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> +he did not refuse the request, and thus acknowledged +the sovereignty of the Persians. In order to do +honour to his envoys, they were hospitably entertained. +But when in their intoxication they laid +hands on the women of the royal house, Alexander +the young son of Amyntas caused them to be cut +down with their train. As they did not return, +Megabyzus sent his son Bubares, the brother of the +Zopyrus who had done good service before Babylon,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span> +and was now viceroy there, with an armed force.<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> +Amyntas was prepared to pay a large sum as a fine, +and to receive the son of Megabyzus at his royal +house; he gave his own daughter Gygaea, the sister +of Alexander, in marriage to Bubares.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a></p> + +<p>While Megabyzus subjugated the Thracian coast +with its harbours and trading-places to the west as +far as the Strymon, Otanes had completed the reduction +of the rebellious Greek towns to the south of +the straits, on the shores of Asia Minor. Not only +Lamponium and Antandrus, opposite Lesbos, but also +Abydus, Chalcedon, and Byzantium were punished. +Coes, who had led the ships from Lesbos to the +Danube, had been rewarded for his services to Darius +by the government of the island. He was not required +to furnish ships to Otanes for the conquest of Lemnos +and Imbros. The Lemnians resisted bravely. When +they had been conquered, Otanes made Lycaretus, a +brother of Maeandrius of Samos (p. 261), tyrant of the +island, and he governed it till his death (towards 500 +<small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>). With the conquest of Lemnos and Imbros, two +large and important islands in the Ægean Sea, in +addition to Samos, Chios and Lesbos were gained for +the Persian kingdom.</p> + +<p>After the expedition across the Danube, Darius +intended to carry his conquests to the west of Europe,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> +not to the north. The cantons of Hellas were the +aim towards the attainment of which Megabyzus and +Otanes prepared the way. The co-operation of the +marine appeared indispensable for further enterprises +in this direction. The events at the bridge over the +Danube had shown Darius that it was extremely rash +to leave in the hands of the tyrants of the Greeks the +command of the fleet formed out of the vessels from +their cities. The Phenicians he could certainly trust, +if he led them against the Greeks, but the navigation +of the Greeks had long ago driven the trade of the +Phenicians from the Greek coasts. In any case it was +advisable that a number of leading Persians should be +acquainted with the Greek waters, that they might +be entrusted with the command of squadrons. That +Persians were equal to such an office had been shown +in Africa. Darius commanded fifteen Persians selected +by himself to go on board Phenician ships in order to +visit and investigate the coasts of Hellas and Sicily. +The expedition embarked on two Sidonian ships of +the line, which were accompanied by a transport +vessel, and set sail from Sidon. On board was a +Greek physician as interpreter and guide—Democedes +of Croton, who had previously been physician to +Polycrates of Samos. He had accompanied his master +on his unfortunate voyage to Magnesia (p. 261). After +the execution of Polycrates, Oroetes had released the +Samians in his company, and retained the rest as +slaves in his house. When Bagaeus had caused +Oroetes to be slain he sent his property and slaves +to the court of the king, where Democedes was kept +in rags and chains along with his companions in +misfortune. It happened that Darius, in leaping from +his horse when hunting, dislocated his ancle. The +Egyptian physicians, who were in the greatest repute in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> +the east, and had already been retained since the +time of Cyrus at the Persian court (p. 134), could not +cure the mischief. At last some one remembered to +have heard of the fame of Democedes among the +Greeks. Darius caused him to be summoned, and was +healed by him. Soon after Democedes cured Atossa, +the daughter of Cyrus, the first wife of Darius, of a +dangerous tumour in the breast. In return for his +successful treatment Darius presented him with two +pairs of golden chains; and when receiving them +Democedes, according to the Greeks, inquired: Whether +the king desired to double his misery in return for the +cure? From that time he was in high favour with +the king, and was appointed a companion of his table, +one of the greatest and rarest distinctions in Persia; +it was said to be his intercession which rescued the +Egyptian physicians who were about to be crucified +because they were unable to heal Darius. He now +accompanied the expedition, as a man acquainted +with the localities, to Hellas and Sicily, in the year +512 <small>B.C.</small> The king bade the Persians keep watch +upon Democedes, and not suffer him to escape to the +Hellenes. The expedition sailed round Hellas; it +kept close to the shore, and sketched the coast; as +Herodotus remarks, these were the first Persians who +had come to Greece. From Hellas they directed +their course to lower Italy. When the Persians were +at Tarentum Democedes succeeded in escaping. When +it was discovered that he had gone to Crotona, his +native city, the Persians sailed thither and requested +the inhabitants to give him up, but in vain. Then +they experienced a further disaster; they were driven +to Iapygia; the crew were captured and enslaved; +only after some time had passed were the Persians +ransomed by Gillus, a Tarentine exile, and carried back<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> +to Persia.<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> However vexatious the loss of his physician +might be to Darius, this expedition enabled him +to prepare for the enterprise in the Greek waters +which he had in view. The main object was attained; +a number of Persians had been made acquainted with +the sea and the coasts.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> De Rougé, "Revue Archéolog." 8, 51, 52. De Rougé has Aram, +Brugsch now reads Elam ("Hist. of Egypt," 2, 297), and translates: +"For he also was the great lord of all lands and a great king of Egypt,—in +order that I might reinstate the number of the sacred scribes of +the temples, and revive whatever had fallen into ruin. The foreigners +escorted me from land to land, and brought me safe to Egypt, according +to the command of the lord of the land. I did according to what +he had commanded. I chose them from all their (?) of the sons +of the inhabitants—to the great sorrow of those who were childless—and +I placed them under expert masters, the skilful in all kinds of +learning, that they might perform all their works. The king did all +this—in order to uphold the name of all the gods, their temples, their +revenues, and the ordinances of their feasts for ever."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Herod. 2, 110; Diod. 1, 50, 95. For <i>Rach-num-hat</i> which he read +previously Brugsch now reads <i>Chnum-ab-rha</i>. "Hist. of Egypt," +2, 299.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> Mariette, "Athen. Franç." 1855; Mai, p. 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> The remark in Polyaenus; Darius marching through Arabia +against the Egyptians who rebelled against the tyranny of Aryandes, +had again gained their affection by offering a prize of 100 talents of +gold to the discoverer of a new Apis in the place of that which had +just died, cannot be referred to the Apis which died in the year 518 +<small>B.C.</small> In that year Darius was fighting in Media against Phraortes, +Aryandes was satrap in the year 512 <small>B.C.</small> and long after. Hence it +must refer to the second Apis, which appeared in 491 <small>B.C.</small>, the thirty-first +year of Darius, for which Darius caused a sepulchre to be built. +That the first rebellion of the Egyptians against Darius took place +about this time follows from a chapter in Aristotle's "Rhetoric," 2, 20, +where we are told that Darius did not cross over to Hellas before he had +reduced Egypt; and in like manner Xerxes reduced Egypt before +crossing over to Hellas. The "crossing over" can only refer to the +campaign of Datis and Artaphernes; the first rebellion of Egypt +against Darius therefore took place just when the rebellion of the +Ionians had been crushed, <i>i. e.</i> 492, 491 <small>B.C.</small>; the second occurred in +486 <small>B.C.</small></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Herod. 4, 145 says, "at the same time when Megabyzus subjugated +the inhabitants of the Hellespont." This subjugation would +begin in the autumn and pass over into the next spring.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Herod. 4, 167. Above, p. 152.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> Herod. 4, 164, 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Herod. 4, 165, 167, 197.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> Herod. 4, 200-204; Heracl. Pont. fragm. 4, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> Herod. 4, 203, 204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> Herod. 4, 163; Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 8, ed. Müller; Pindar, +"Pyth." 4, 5 and the Scholia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> Herod. 3, 91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> Herod. 7, 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> In Brugsch, "Hist. of Egypt," 2, 297, Settu-Ra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Lepsius, "Inschriften von Charigeh und Dachileh, Z. f. Aeg. +Spr." 1874, s. 75, 78.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> It seems to me rash to find Carthage in <i>Karka</i> (so also in the +Babylonian version) with Oppert ("Journal Asiatique," 1872, p. 163 +ff.), and Mordtmann ("Z. D. M. G." 16, 110).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> Justin, 19, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> Though I admit that negotiations may have taken place between +Darius and the Carthaginians, I do not at the same time allow the +accuracy of the statement in Diodorus about the league of Xerxes and +the Carthaginians against the Greeks: a Sicilian may be suspected of +ascribing to his countrymen as large a share as possible in the glory of +the Persian war.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> Herod. 5, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> Herod. 5, 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> Herod. 7, 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> Herod. 5, 11, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> Herod. 8, 139; Thuc. 2, 99, 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> Herod. 5, 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> Herod. 5, 21; 7, 21; Justin, 7, 3, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> Herod. 5, 18, 21; Justin, 7, 3, 4. In the year 512 <small>B.C.</small>, in which +this incident falls, Alexander must have been very young; Herodotus +speaks of him as young and inexperienced. In Justin we are told in +reference to the length of his life: "<i>Senex decessit</i>." On the reigns of +Amyntas and Alexander Philhellen, I shall treat in my Greek History. +For the present I refer to Droysen, "Hellenismus," 1<sup>2</sup>, 75, and Von +Gutschmid, "Ueber die makedonische Anagraphe, Symbol. Philolog." +Bonn.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> The Ionian revolt liberated Lemnos from the dominion of the +Persians; when Miltiades during the revolt subjugated Lemnos and +Imbros to Athens, Hermon was at the head of Lemnos.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> Herod. 3, 129-138. Athenaeus, p. 522. On the date of the +expedition above, p. 270, <i>n.</i> That this whole expedition owed its origin +to an intrigue of Democedes, is merely a part of Herodotus' love of +anecdote. But it is not incredible that Democedes joined it in the +hope of returning to Greece.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER XVII.</h2> + +<h3>THE STATE OF DARIUS.</h3> + + +<p>The perseverance and vigour of Darius had succeeded +in re-establishing and extending the kingdom +of Cyrus. In the west he had reached Mount +Olympus and the great Syrtis, in the east the course +of the Indus, high up among the Himalayas; in the +north the boundaries were the Caucasus and the +Jaxartes, in the south the tribes of Arabia and the +negroes above Nubia. He set himself to give a regulated +administration to this empire, which had been +acquired by such vast conquests, and which in its wide +extent threw the empire of the Assyrians completely +into the shade. He made the first attempt known +to history to organize his conquests and govern them +on a fixed plan. Thus he became the real founder +of the Persian empire. He succeeded so far that +an empire, the like of which had not been seen upon +earth, which enumerated the most various nations +among its subjects, was really governed, and the +foundations which he laid were so firm that in spite +of many serious rebellions, the empire never fell from +internal disorganization.</p> + +<p>The chief support of the kingdom lay in the proud +feeling of the Persians that they were the ruling +nation of Asia, and governed the nations through<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> +their king and with their king. They saw with +satisfaction how the tribute, the contributions, the +prisoners of the subject nations came from the furthest +distance to their mountains, how the palaces of their +king rose in ever-increasing splendour on their native +soil, what brilliance and magnificence surrounded their +ruler, the king of kings. From the Persians were +chosen the magistrates who governed the provinces, +and the generals who commanded their contingents; +Persians surrounded the king and were his counsellors +and judges. The court, the administration, and the +army opened the most brilliant prospect to every +Persian who was in a position to distinguish himself +in the eyes of the king; and service in war offered +acceptable pay to the man of the people. Persian +troops, excellently appointed, protected the person of +the king; they formed the garrisons of the fortresses, +they were the nucleus of the army, and marched +before the rest of the troops. In solemn processions +and parades, the Persians were always on the right +of the king.<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> They were not only free from tax and +tribute of every kind, but largesses of money were +made whenever the king entered Pasargadae (V. 357). +Plato's Laws maintain that Darius established as law +the allotments which Cyrus promised the Persians; +in this way he had shown his inclination to the +Persians and had established a common feeling between +the ruler and the nation.<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> However this may +be, every one, even the meanest Persian, felt that +he had a share in the government of Asia.</p> + +<p>It was a principle of the king of Persia from the +time of Cyrus to grant to the leading families of the +Persians and the Persian nobility a rich share in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span> +fruits and advantages of the empire, but at the same +time to accustom them to dependence and subjection, +and to train up in them a vigorous class of magistrates +and officers. If the wealthy families of Persia remained +in their old mode of life in the country, with +their flocks, such a position might keep up a feeling +of independence and freedom which was hardly compatible +with the unlimited power of the king and +the interests of the empire. It was desirable to bring +them to the court, and keep them under supervision, +to make them dependent on the favour of the +king, and habituate them to constant service. The +Median court had been numerous; the Persian court +was even more extensive, not merely for the sake of +magnificence, or to display the splendour and greatness +of the ruler, and so impose upon the Persians +and the subject nations, but also with a view of +educating the nobility in court life. No one could +count on advancement who did not show himself +at the gate of the king; indeed it was difficult for +any one whom the king did not see to obtain a +hearing from him. Those whose duty it was to +appear at court were urged not to fail in their +appearance.<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> In this way they learnt not merely +behaviour and conduct, modesty and self-control,<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> but +were accustomed to live in the shadow of the throne, +and to seek the sun of royal favour. In the immediate +neighbourhood of the king men could look up with +obedience and respect to the greatness of the ruler. +If in this way the nobility were linked round the +court, and instructed to strive for the favour of the +king as the highest honour, if the strict ceremonial +of the court reduced them to constant obedience, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> +king on the other hand had opportunity to select, from +personal knowledge and confidence, the magistrates +to whom important posts might be entrusted.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a></p> + +<p>The officers round the person of the king, and +employed in the service of the state and court, were +numerous. Next to the throne came the six tribal +princes, who wore the upright kidaris, the sign of +royalty, and to them, as we often find, the most difficult +duties in war, and the most important expeditions and +provinces were entrusted. Next to the tribal princes +were the seven supreme judges of the kingdom, who +watched over the hereditary customs, and the controller +of the empire, "the king's eye." Less influential, but +nevertheless important owing to their personal relation +to the king, were the "quiver-bearer" and the +"lance-bearer"; we find the persons who filled these +offices at the time depicted on the relief at Behistun +beside the king. The office of "bearer of the king's +footstool" is also mentioned. The great court-offices, +of the "chief staff-bearer," "messenger," "announcer," +"chief butler," "master of the horse," and "master +of the chase," together with various other honourable +offices, and many subordinate places, gave an opportunity +of uniting a large number of Persians closely +with the court life, and employing as viceroys and +generals those whom the king had found to be excellent +servants.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> But Medes were employed in the service +of the kingdom as well as Persians. If Media was +treated in other respects like the rest of the provinces +(it had to pay yearly 450 talents of tax, and furnish +100,000 sheep for the court), the system of Cyrus, +who by entrusting important commissions to eminent +Medes, had attempted to reconcile Media to the new<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> +position of affairs, was followed by Darius in spite of +the rebellion. From other nations only those who +had been specially tested were in rare cases entrusted +with high offices.</p> + +<p>Cyrus had introduced the custom of rewarding +loyalty and devotion to the king and service to the +kingdom by distinctions, marks of honour, and gifts +conferred in the most marked and distinctive manner,—of +exciting ambition and emulation by favour and +liberality. Who makes such presents, said Xenophon, +as the king of the Persians?—armlets, chains, and +horses with golden bridles; no one could possess such +things unless they were presented to him by the +king.<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> Who could compare with the decorated friends +of the king of Persia?—he alone appeared in more +splendid array. The sending of a portion from the +royal table was no slight honour.<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> The present of +the kaftan (kandys) was a common distinction; more +important were the golden armlets, the golden chain, the +golden crown, the golden wreath, the golden sabre, the +horse with golden harness. Other presents were also +made, as plane-trees and vines of gold, golden millstones +more than 300 pounds in weight.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> There were +also gifts of property, and allocations of the produce +of certain cities and districts. Pre-eminent services +were rewarded by the title "Benefactor"; we remember +that the Avesta requires the good thought, the +good word, and the good act. Besides these distinctions, +advancement to the upper classes of the +kingdom counted as the highest honour. The "table +companions" of the king, and above them "the kinsmen" +of the king had the first portion in the kingdom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> +after the tribal princes and the great officers. The +bestowal of the rank of the table companion conferred +the right to eat at or near the table of the king, +and occasionally to make merry with him. The +elevation to be a "kinsman of the king" conferred +the rank of an Achæmenid, a prince of the house. +Like the king, the kinsmen wore a pale blue band +round the tiara, and had the right to kiss the king, +a custom which was usual in Persia among persons of +equal rank.<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a></p> + +<p>According to the statements of Herodotus, the boys +of the Persians were instructed from their fifth to +their twentieth year (Xenophon and Strabo assert till +their twenty-fourth or twenty-fifth year) in riding, +shooting with the bow, and speaking the truth.<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> In +the Laws we are told that the boys of the Medes were +entrusted to the women, and those of the Persians +to free men. According to the assertion of Nicolaus +of Damascus, Cyrus was already instructed in the +philosophy of the Magians, in justice and truthfulness, +as the hereditary laws prescribed for the leading +Persians.<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> Plato tells us that the sons of the kings +of the Persians were attended by eunuchs till their +seventh year; from that time till the fourteenth year +they learned to ride, shoot, and hunt. Then they +received distinguished teachers, of whom the first +instructed them in the wisdom of Zoroaster, and the +business of the crown, the second in the duty of +truthfulness, the third in temperance, the fourth in +courage and bravery.<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> Plutarch observes that a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> +Magian presided over the education of the princes and +instructed them even in magic.<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> Xenophon narrates +that the princes and the children of the leading +Persians were brought up "at the gate" of the king, +where they learned temperance and prudence and +saw nothing unbecoming. They observed what men +were honoured by the king and whom he punished, +and thus learned even in their boyhood to command +and obey. Modesty and obedience were counted as +a distinction among these boys. In this way they +learned to be excellent riders, to throw the javelin, +and use the bow. At a later time they became so +skilful in hunting that they ventured to encounter a +bear.<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> Even now, he says in another passage, it is +the custom to educate children at the court, but the +exercise in riding has fallen into disuse, because they +no longer go where they could gain reputation by +skill in the art; and if in former days they seemed +to learn justice when they listened to just sentences, +they now see that he obtains justice who gives +most. And if they formerly learned the nature of +all plants in order to avoid what was noxious, they +now seem to have acquired this knowledge in order +to do as much mischief as possible.<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> In Strabo's +account the education seems arranged even more +systematically. He tells us that the Persian boys +were brought up, fifty together, with one of the sons +of the king, or with the sons of the satraps. Intelligent +men were appointed to teach them, who instructed +them in the legends of the gods, sometimes +with and sometimes without song, and also recounted +to them the noblest deeds of men, besides those of +gods.<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> At the same time the boys and young men<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> +were rendered hardy. They were aroused early in +the morning by the sound of a gong, and for food +commonly received barley or wheaten bread, and +water to drink; when hunting or keeping the flocks, +they were compelled to live on wild fruits, acorns, +and forest berries, and to pass the night in the open +air. They had also to learn to distinguish wholesome +and noxious herbs, to plant trees, and prepare +hunting nets.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a></p> + +<p>Putting this evidence together, and remembering +that even in the fourth century the kings and their +retinue undertook long hunting expeditions on horseback, +without permitting themselves to be checked +by weariness, heat or cold, hunger or thirst,<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> there +seems to be no doubt that the Persian kings introduced +a system of education for the officers on the +basis of the old mode of life and the customs of the +nation, and in this system their own sons, so far as +seemed good, had a part. Riding and shooting were +national exercises among the Persians; hunting was +necessary for the protection of the flocks, and was +therefore carried on as a religious duty no less than +as a pleasure; from all antiquity the keeping of flocks +and the protection of them against beasts of prey was +assigned to the youth. If these exercises were systematized, +and regard was paid to the prospect of military +service in some official capacity, if the young men +were also accustomed to unhesitating obedience, such +a school might be expected to supply capable and +active officers and good generals. A hardy and vigorous +life was the more necessary for the sons of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> +Persians as luxury began to spread among the higher +classes after the successes of Cyrus. We may believe +the accounts of the Greeks that instruction in religion +formed a part of the system; the Avesta requires such +instruction, and it is usual among the Parsees at the +present day (V. 196, 202). But the Greeks are wrong +in supposing that these cadet schools were the general +mode of education among the Persians, and maintaining +that the Persian boys received a training like +those of the Spartans. It was only for political +reasons that a number of young men from the +eminent families were educated to be generals and +viceroys. Xenophon has perceived that the education +was limited to the higher classes, and states this +distinctly in the "Anabasis." This education went on +partly under the eyes of the king at court, partly at +the courts of the satraps, which were arranged on the +pattern of the royal household.<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> Even under the +Sassanids the sons of the nobles were educated at +court; we have special mention of the teachers of +the horsemen.<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a></p> + +<p>It was not the intention of Cyrus or Darius to +interfere with the life and habits of the subject +nations more than was necessary in order to maintain +their supremacy and to secure obedience. The +ancient dynasties in Babylon and Egypt were removed; +Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius, and Xerxes are +called kings of Babylon in numerous inscriptions;<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> in +Egypt, as the native inscriptions have shown us, they +received the style and title of the Pharaohs. In both +countries they take the place of the native monarchs, +and not in name only, for at the same time they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> +undertake the protection of the national religion +and law. The peculiar ordinances and the law, the +political and administrative arrangements of the subject +lands, are said to have continued under the +Persian empire to the widest possible extent. In some +cases, indeed, old native families remained at +the head of affairs, as in Cilicia, the Phenician +and Cyprian cities; in Bactria native princes governed +the districts (V. 236); in the cities of the Greeks and +the subjugated islands of the Ægean Sea, the Persian +kings had set up princes from the native population. +The nomad tribes of the empire could only be ruled +by keeping up relations with their chiefs. But in +whatever way the various parts of the subject territory +were arranged, whether there were princes or a +more popular administration, their communities, their +lands and cities, were left to govern themselves in +their hereditary manner, according to their own +customs, laws, and rules, provided that they paid +tribute and furnished a contingent in war. Darius +appears even to have taken upon himself the development +of the national law; we have seen that the +Egyptians called him their sixth law-giver (p. 300).</p> + +<p>The gods, the modes of religion and worship, were +interfered with even less than the custom and law +of the subject nations, notwithstanding that Cyrus +and Darius with the Persians and Arians of Iran may +have been convinced that there could be none but +lying gods and false worship beside Auramazda and +Mithra, and the gods of the Arians. The kings of +the Persians were not even content with this liberal +tolerance which forms the chief glory of their rule; +they promoted the worship of the subject nations. +The inscription on the brick at Senkereh,<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> mentions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> +Cyrus as the restorer of the great temple of Merodach +at Babylon (the tower of Belus), and of the temple +of Nebo at Borsippa (Bit-Zida); we found Cambyses +with the Egyptian title of the new sun-god, and +celebrated as the restorer of the worship of Neith at +Sais; he is also represented in adoration before the +Apis which died in his reign. And in this matter +Darius did not remain behind his predecessors. We +have already heard from the Egyptian Uzahorsun that +he was sent to Egypt soon after the accession of +Darius, in order to take care of the habitations of the +gods and their festivals, <i>i. e.</i> to support and maintain +the religious worship. In his temple at the Oasis of +El Charigeh, Darius, adorned with the title "rival +of the sun," offers prayer to Ammon with the ram's +head. Darius caused the Apis which died in the +fourth year of his reign to be buried (p. 301), and +in spite of a recent rebellion, a sepulchre was built, +"to endure for ever," for the Apis which appeared in +the thirty-first year of his reign, <i>i. e.</i> in 491 <small>B.C.</small>; to +make room for this the gallery of Psammetichus was +extended. Darius, it is said, proposed a prize of 100 +talents of gold for the discovery of this new Apis.<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a></p> + +<p>Nor was it Egypt only which experienced the care +of Darius for the national worship of the subject +nations. The Samaritans had hindered the restoration +of the temple and walls of Jerusalem, which the +exiles from Babylonia had taken in hand, by threats +and by warnings to the court of Cyrus (p. 99). +When Darius ascended the throne, the prophets +Haggai and Zechariah called upon their countrymen to +finish the restoration of the temple. Haggai reproved +the indifference to solemn duties and the selfishness<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> +which allowed panelled houses to rise for men, while +the house of God was desolate: "therefore the heavens +restrained their dew, and the earth her increase." He +reminded them of the punishments which had come +upon their fathers for neglecting the will of Jehovah: +he demanded vigorous action from Zerubbabel and +the high priest Joshua; he pronounced the blessing of +Jehovah, if the temple were finished and proclaimed +to Zerubbabel the son of Salathiel, to whom, eighteen +years before (p. 93), Cyrus had entrusted the leadership +of the "sons of captivity," that Jehovah would +keep him as his seal-ring if the work were finished. +To Joshua Zechariah promises royal splendour and +long posterity in return for the building of the temple.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> +When the temple is restored, the scattered remnants +of Israel would return, and if the walls of Jerusalem +were not restored, Jehovah would be a wall of fire +to his city. "Many people and mighty nations will +come to seek Jehovah at Jerusalem, and make supplication +in the presence of the Lord."<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> The exhortations +of the prophets had such effect that the building +of the temple and the city-walls was taken up again +in the second year of Darius (520 <small>B.C.</small>). When the +satrap of Syria, who is called Thathnai in the book of +Ezra, and his subordinates raised the question—who +had given permission for the building—the Jews fell +back on the written permission of Cyrus. The satrap +referred the matter to the king. According to the +narrative of the Jews Darius caused a search to be +made for this document in Babylon and Ecbatana, +and when it was found in the archives at Ecbatana, +he sanctioned the building by a new royal rescript. +The work was carried on under repeated exhortations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span> +of the two prophets, and after four years and five +months it was completed. In the sixth year of Darius +(516 <small>B.C.</small>), seventy years after Nebuchadnezzar had +pulled it down, the temple was rebuilt. The dedication +was made by a sin-offering of twelve goats from +the twelve tribes of Israel, and a thank-offering of +100 bulls, 200 rams, and 400 lambs.<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> The walls of +the city and the ancient citadel of David by degrees +rose once more.<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a></p> + +<p>In the place of the governorships which Cyrus and +Cambyses had established as the need arose, Darius +introduced fixed departments. About the year 515 +<small>B.C.</small> the kingdom was divided into twenty satrapies. +Asia Minor was broken up into four satrapies. The +first included the west coast of Asia Minor; it was +the narrow strip of coast in which lay the Greek +cities from the Sigean promontory as far as Caria; +the territory of the Carians also, and that of the +Lycians, the Solymi, and Pamphylians, under the +Taurus on the south coast, were attached to this +satrapy. The second satrapy, of which the metropolis +was Sardis, comprised Mysia and Lydia, together +with the southern strip of Phrygia. To the third +satrapy, the satraps of which resided at Dascyleum +on the Hellespont, the Greek cities on the Hellespont, +the Propontis, and the Bosphorus were allotted; the +Thracians in Asia, <i>i. e.</i> the Bithynians, the Paphlagonians, +the Phrygians as far as the Halys, and the +Cappadocians beyond the Halys as far as the border +of Armenia. Cilicia with its metropolis of Tarsus +was the fourth satrapy. Between Asia Minor and +the highlands of Iran there were six satrapies. The +Tibarenes, Mosynoeci, Macrones, and Moschians on the +Pontus, formed the first (the eighteenth in Herodotus'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span> +reckoning); the nations who dwelt to the east of +them in the valley of the Araxes, the Saspeires and +Alarodians, along with the western part of Armenia, +formed the second (the eleventh); the rest of Armenia +the third (the thirteenth); Syria and Phoenicia and +the island of Cyprus the fourth (the fifth);<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> Assyria +and Babylonia, with the metropolis, Babylon, the fifth +(the ninth); the land of the Cissians (Susiana) on the +left bank of the Tigris the sixth (the eighth). Egypt +with Cyrene and Barca, the subject tribes in Ethiopia +and Libya, formed a separate satrapy (the sixth); the +satrap resided at Memphis. The table-land of Iran +was broken up into nine satrapies. These were the +satrapy of Media (the tenth); the satrapy of the +Caspians, which comprised the lands to the north of +the Medes on the Caspian Sea, the valley of the +Cyrus, and the lands of the Cardusians, the Mardians, +the Tapurians and Hyrcanians (the nineteenth); the +satrapy of the Parthians, Arians, Chorasmians, and +Sogdians (the sixteenth); the satrapy of the Sacae +(the fifteenth); the satrapy of the Bactrians, to which +the Margians also seem to have belonged (the twelfth);<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> +the satrapy of the Sattagydæ (Thataghus) and the +Gandarians, <i>i. e.</i> of the Gedrosians, the Arachoti, and +the Gandharas, on the south bank of the Cabul (the +seventh);<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> the satrapy of the Sagartians and Sarangians, +which extended in the east of Persia as far to the +south as the Persian Gulf, and included the islands +belonging to it (the fourteenth); the satrapy of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span> +Paricanians and Ethiopians in Asia; <i>i. e.</i> the inhabitants +of the southern edge of the table-land on the +east, including the black tribes in the delta of the +Indus (the seventeenth); and finally the satrapy of +the Indians, which included all the tribes on the right +bank of the Indus, from the summits of the Himalayas +to the junction of the Cabul and the Indus (the +twentieth).<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a></p> + +<p>The viceroys whom Darius placed over these districts +had to keep the aggregate of the various political +bodies, of which the satrapies consisted, in obedience +to the empire and in peace towards each other; to +collect the taxes and tribute, to summon and organize +the military levies. The satrap was the highest authority +in his province—the supreme appeal in law, +administration, and military affairs. The king alone +was superior. He was the judge before whom could +be laid appeals from the judgment of the princes +and local boards, if the claimant had not preferred +to go to him in the first instance; he was the only +judge between the princes, the districts, the tribes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span> +and cities of his province. His arrangements must +be obeyed. He was to take measures for the advancement +of cultivation and the increase of the population +in his province, both as fullfilling the rules +of the Avesta, and in the interest of the kingdom. +He kept watch over trade and currency, over the +military roads, the stations, the harbours, the canals +and dams; he had the right to strike silver coins for +his province. He had charge of the military affairs +of the province; and was responsible for the weapons +and ships when required for the levy. The apportionment +of the taxes and tributes to the districts +and communities of the province, the collection of +these, and the despatch of the proper revenues to the +king were among his duties. He had royal scribes +to assist him in these matters, who read to him the +commands of the king and drew up his reports to +the king. It was not likely to escape Darius that +the great powers in the hands of the satrap would +lead him to use his delegated power independently +and even against his chief. The attempt of Oroetes +to found an independent monarchy in Asia Minor, +had caused him great anxiety in a time of difficulty. +He could not always expect that such tendencies in +distant provinces could be known in time, or that +rebellions on the part of satraps could be prevented. +The king withdrew from them the nomination +of the commanders of the castles, which controlled +the main roads of the provinces, the more +important fortresses and citadels of the provinces, +<i>e. g.</i> the citadels at Ecbatana, Babylon, and Memphis, +that, as Xenophon says, "a satrap who trusting to his +power and the number of his subjects should refuse +obedience, might find opponents in his province"; +and he even nominated the commanders of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span> +Persian battalions, which formed the garrisons of the +fortresses,<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> but limitations of this kind were insufficient +against the power which their office gave to +the satrap, if the royal power was unable to make +itself felt with force and rapidity. The central power +must be in vigorous operation against the satraps, +if the feeling of dependence and responsibility were +to be kept alive among them. Appeals from the +jurisdiction of the satraps to the king were possible +for the adjacent provinces and did occur, but for +the inhabitants of more distant provinces they were +extremely difficult; yet these were the provinces +chiefly in point. If months elapsed before an order +of the kings reached Memphis or Sardis, the Indus +or the Caucasus, or the satraps of these provinces received +an answer to their questions, the necessary result +would be that these men would regard themselves as +independent, withdrawn from all authority and obedience. +And the distant provinces, no less than the +satraps, had to be kept in order. If reinforcements +were to be sent to them the march must not be too +long; if the borders were to be defended at the +right time, the advance of the army from the inner +provinces must not occupy too much time. The +larger the empire the more urgently were rapid communications +required to give reality to the operation +of the central force and secure the kingdom within +and without. The distance from the Strymon to the +Indus was enormous; from Ephesus to the Hindu<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> +Kush was 3000 miles, and from Memphis to Sogdiana +2500 miles.</p> + +<p>Darius perceived that the kingdom could not be +governed or maintained without good communications. +When the western border of the empire touched the +Hellespont, the palaces in Persia were too far to the +east; and the difficulty was increased when Africa, +as far as the greater Syrtis, and the Thracian coast +and Macedonia in Europe had been conquered. +Reasons of this kind must have induced Darius to +place the centre of administration as nearly as possible +in the centre of the kingdom; yet he dared not +venture to move too far from Persia. He did not +hesitate to move his residence further to the west +out of the native territory into Susiana, a region +occupied by subjects of alien race and language, and +make Susa the centre and metropolis of the kingdom. +Strabo tells us that Cyrus and the Persians saw that, +after the subjugation of the Medes, their land lay +at the remote edge, while Susiana was more in the +centre, and nearer the Babylonians and the other +nations. For this reason they transferred the seat +of the monarchy there, availing themselves of the +proximity of the land and the fame of the city. +The change was the more desirable because Susiana +had never pursued an ambitious course of policy, but +had always been part of a larger state, except perhaps +in the times of the heroes.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> It is a mistake in +Strabo, which however Herodotus and Aeschylus had +already made, to say that Cyrus transferred the +residence from Persia to Susa. Aeschylus speaks of +Darius as the Susa-born god of Persia; and Herodotus +places the palace and government of the Pseudo-Smerdis +at Susa; it is from the tower of the walls<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span> +of the citadel of Susa that Prexaspes throws himself; +there the Magian is assassinated, Darius is raised to +the throne, and resides from the very beginning of +his reign. But this is an anticipation of the residence +which was erected here by Darius with the intention +that it should be the fixed abode of himself and his +successors, the centre of the kingdom and the government. +Pliny and Aelian tell us definitely that +Darius built Susa the royal citadel of the Persians, +and the inscriptions confirm this statement.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> Not +less incorrect is the remark of Strabo, that Susiana +had always formed part of a larger kingdom, and had +never pursued an ambitious policy. On the contrary +we saw how Elam, after an independence of 1500 +years, became subject first to Assyria for a few decades, +and then to Media and Persia. And the Elamites +had so little forgotten their ancient days that they +rose three times against Darius.<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a></p> + +<p>The intention to keep the Semitic lands in check, to +be nearer Babylon, without giving up the communication +with the native land, must have contributed +to the resolution of Darius to transfer the residence +to Susa. If Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon had carried +a road from his metropolis in a slanting direction +through the desert to Syria (III. 365), works of this +kind were far more urgently needed for the immensely +greater extent of the Persian empire. Great roads +must be made from Susa in all directions to the +borders of the empire, and maintained. Though Cyrus +and Cambyses may have made some steps in this +direction, it was Darius who carried out the plan and +founded the great system of roads which traversed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> +Persia in all directions, and were now carried from +Susa. "Who," asks Xenophon, "could so quickly +strike down opponents, separated from him by a road +of many months, as the king of the Persians?"<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> At +the close of his "Persian History" Ctesias gave a +sketch of the Persian roads, which led from Ephesus +to Bactria and India, with an account of the stations, +days'-journey, and parasangs. This is lost. We know +but one member of the system, the road which led +from Susa, past Sardis, to Ephesus. Of this road, +which interested the Greeks most, Herodotus gives +the following account: "From the Greek sea to Susa +is a distance of 14,040 stades (1755 miles). From +Ephesus to Sardis is a distance of 540 stades (67½ +miles), which can be traversed in three days. From +this point there are royal stations and the most excellent +inns: the whole road passes through inhabited +lands and is secure. First, it passes through the region +of the Lydians, who inhabit a fruitful land and are rich +in silver; then through the region of the Phrygians, +who are rich in cattle and fruits of the field; these +make up 20 stations, 94½ parasangs. Then the Halys +has to be crossed; there are gates here through which +you must pass in order to go over the river, and +a strong guard-house. Beyond the river you are in +Cappadocia, and to the borders of Cilicia is a distance +of 28 stations and 104 parasangs. On the borders +of Cappadocia and Cilicia are two gates and two +guard-houses: passing through Cilicia in three stations, +a distance of 15 parasangs, you reach the border of +Armenia which is formed by the Euphrates. The +Euphrates is crossed by a ferry. In Armenia, which +possesses much cattle, there are 15 stations provided +with guard-houses, and 56½ parasangs. Then follows the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span> +Tigris, and two other rivers bearing the same name (the +Greater and the Lesser Zab); and finally the Gyndes, +which Cyrus diverted from its channel: these have to +be crossed in boats. From Armenia you pass to the +Matieni, the neighbours of the Armenians; here there +are 34 stations and 137 parasangs to be traversed; +from the borders of the Matieni and the Cissians (<i>i. e.</i> +the Susiani) to the Choaspes, where Susa is built upon +it (this river has also to be crossed by a ferry), are +11 stations and 42½ parasangs, making a total of 111 +stations and 450 parasangs, or 13,500 stades (1687½ +miles). Hence if the royal road has been rightly +measured, and a traveller makes 150 stades (five +parasangs, 19 miles) a day, he goes from Sardis to +Susa in 90 days, and to Ephesus (if we add in the +distance from Ephesus to Sardis) in 93 days."</p> + +<p>From this description we see that the road has been +accurately measured, well-kept, guarded, and provided +with stations about every 15 miles, in which the +travellers could find shelter. As Herodotus calls +these inns very beautiful, we must assume that after +the Persian fashion they were provided with plantations, +and this is confirmed by other evidence. We +are told that a station on the royal road in Cadusia, +in a wholly bare and treeless region, was surrounded +by a park of high pines and cypresses. The Indians +also were accustomed to plant their roads and provide +them with shady resting-places. The road from Sardis +to Susa did not take the shortest route; the object +was to escape the Syrian and Phrygian desert, and +carry the road through regions which could support +the army on the march. Hence it ran from Susa in +the valley of the Tigris on the left bank of the river +through Susiana and the native land of the Assyrians, +for 600 miles in a north-westerly direction, to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span> +mountains of Armenia. The region between the +Tigris and the Zagrus to the north of the satrapy +of Cissia (Susiana) is called by Herodotus the land +of the Matieni, and he extends this name, which is +elsewhere used only for the tribes dwelling round the +Lake of Urumiah, to the Tigris. Armenia proper was +then crossed by the road in a straight line from east +to west, from the upper Tigris to the upper Euphrates. +Of Cilicia it touched merely the north-east corner, +and then cut through Cappadocia in a north-westerly +direction to the Halys. It crossed the river in the +neighbourhood of Pteria, passed in a south-westerly +direction through Phrygia, leaving the desert to the +south, and Lydia to Sardis.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> From this great road +to the west then branched off between the Gyndes +(Diala) and the Physcus (Adhem) the road to Babylon, +and at Physcus the road to Ecbatana.</p> + +<p>The royal roads through the kingdom secured +before all things the rapid operation of the central +power and the king on the representatives of his power +in the provinces. The stations were used for a postal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span> +arrangement, the duty of which it was to carry the +commands of the king and the reports and questions +of the satraps. Thanks to this post the king was +in the possession of a means of communication far +superior to that within the reach of any of his subjects. +At the stations on all the roads of the kingdom, +at intervals of 15 miles or a little more, horses and +riders (Astandae, Angari) were placed, whose sole business +it was to carry the royal messages and errands. +One of these postmen must always be in attendance, +in order to carry a letter as soon as it arrived, at the +full speed of his horse, by day or by night, in heat +or in snow, to the next station. Among the Greeks +it was said that the Persian couriers travelled swifter +than cranes; Herodotus also assures us that nothing in +the world was more rapid than these horsemen.<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> Thus +the king's commands travelled on well-built and carefully-guarded +roads by this post in the shortest space +of time to the most remote provinces. They were +brought from Susa to Sardis in five or six days and +nights. The commands of the king to the satraps +were always given in writing, and accredited by the +impression of the king's seal.<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> This seal presents to +us king Darius with the covered tiara on his head +standing on the chariot behind the charioteer; a lion, +struck by his arrow, lies beneath the hoofs of the horses +which are leaping forward. The king is about to shoot +a third arrow at a second huge lion, which has reared +himself up in self-defence, and has already received +two arrows from the king. At the side a date palm<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> +is visible; over the king hovers Auramazda. The +inscription, which is in three languages, says: "I am +Darius, the great king."<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> The rapidity with which +the king's commands reached even the satraps of the +most distant lands, kept the authority of the king +before them. The fortresses and guard-posts on the +roads not only served to maintain security on and +near them, and to make commerce safe; they were +also used to control trade, and travelling, and any +correspondence among the subjects. The fortresses +were placed at points which could not be avoided, +in narrow passes, or on the bridges of great rivers. +Those in command dared not allow any one to pass +who did not establish his right, as above suspicion. +The scribes assigned to the commanders looked over +all the letters, which were carried through by messengers.<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> +As the fortresses in which these guard-posts +lay were placed in the most important divisions of the +country, the roads could be closed by the posts. If +a rebellion arose in this or that quarter, the effect on +the neighbouring province was checked by closing the +roads by means of the forts, or the road was defended +from post to post. And if an enemy invaded from +outside he found in them points of resistance, and +the Persians points of support.</p> + +<p>The guidance and control of the viceroys was not +confined to the rapid and lively communications between +them and the king. The Greeks tell us that +the king travelled every year to this or that province +in order to review the troops, and examine the cultivation +of the soil. Where the king did not make +a visitation in person, he did so by confidential ministers. +We are further informed that these visitations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span> +were entrusted to the princes of the royal house.<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> +Where the king found that the land was populous +and well cultivated, the forests in good order, and +the fields full of the fruits which the land produced, +he distinguished the governor by gifts and honours. +But where he found the land thinly populated and +badly cultivated, whether it was owing to the severity, +the neglect, or the extortion of the satrap, the +satrap was punished and removed from his place.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> +The charge of the whole country lay on the chief +overseer, the high official who bore the title of the +"king's eye." In the Persians of Aeschylus, the +chorus inquire of Xerxes, "Where his faithful eye +has remained?" Herodotus notices as an arrangement +of the Median kingdom, that the king named +a man especially devoted to him, his "Eye." We +see that unexpected inspections were made by the +"Eye" of the Persian king, and that his subordinates, +who were not known to be such, carried on +a minute superintendence over the conduct of the +satraps, the other officers, and the subject people.<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> +Still more mysterious was the work of the officers +who were known as the king's "Ears." They cannot +have been far removed from spies. We saw to what +an extent the princes of India carried on the system +of secret espionage. Herodotus told us in regard to +Deioces that his spies and informers were in every +land, and a Persian proverb said, "The king has +many eyes and ears." The Greeks declare that the +Persian spies did not always content themselves +with relating what they had heard, but told much +besides in order to show their zeal. Accusation was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> +received with favour by the king and rewarded by +distinctions and presents.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> We saw what control was +exercised on the great roads, the arteries of communication. +Owing to the number of guard-houses in +each road, which repeated the inquiries of the first, +any one at the court was in a position to compare +the accounts of the commanders, and to control them. +No one passed even the borders of Babylonia without +proving who he was, and of what city, and why he +was travelling.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> In this way every suspicious circumstance +was brought to light, and it was certain that no +conspiracy or rebellion could be contrived without some +indications being received at the court of the king.</p> + +<p>What could not be prevented by the control of the +higher and lower officers, and the police supervision +of the subjects, was suppressed by the severe exercise +of punishment, which was intended to strike fear +into magistrate and subject alike by the force of +terrible examples. The terrorist use of punishment +which the Brahmans on the Ganges knew how to +prove to be a divine right, and a duty of the royal +office, was in Persia regarded as an indispensable +means for supporting the state. And as a fact obedience +to the absolute ruler rested, in the magistrates +and the ruling tribe, more decidedly on the apprehension +of punishment than on any personal interest +or common share in the maintenance of the kingdom; +and in the subject nations it rested on the fear of the +ruler and the interests which the Persian kings gained +in those districts. Those entrusted with the power +of office must also be the most obedient and submiss. +Above all, the feeling must be kept alive in the +satraps of the provinces that the enormous powers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span> +delegated to them were given on the condition of +absolute obedience. The severe penalties which overtook +any resistance, or the careless execution of a royal +command, were only the reverse of the favours which +fell to their lot in other circumstances. However +earnestly the religion of Zarathrustra preached the +regard for life, the rules of religion were compelled, +even in Persia, to give way to reasons of state. +We find Darius no less than Cambyses inflicting +severe penalties for trifling offences. If the satraps +gave any grounds for suspicion, they were either +secretly or openly removed out of the way.<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> But +even in the judges and on those who were not officers +every transgression and act of disobedience to the +wish of the king was cruelly punished. Darius, +who was not considered a harsh ruler, did not content +himself with the execution of Intaphernes; he caused +nearly all the males of the house to be put to death, +though Intaphernes had taken such a prominent part +in the assassination of the Magian. The leaders of the +rebellions in the provinces were punished by crucifixion +or hanging. Khsathrita, who caused the Medes to +revolt, and Chitratakhma, the leader of the Sagartians, +had their noses and ears cut off before execution, and +in this state were exposed to public view.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> When +Darius marched against the Scythians, Oeobazus, a +distinguished Persian, entreated that one of his three +sons might remain behind. The king considered that +this wish was not in harmony with the devotion +which every Persian owed to the kingdom; he replied +that all his sons should remain, and at once ordered +them to be executed. Sandoces, one of the royal +judges, had been bribed to give a false judgment; +Darius caused him to be crucified; he was already<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> +placed on the cross when the king remembered that +he had done more good than evil to the royal house, +and ordered him to be taken down again. He lived, +and remained in the service, but not in the highest +court of the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> One of the mildest forms of +punishment was banishment to the islands of the +Persian Gulf. Common punishments were the loss +of eyes, nose, ears, tongue; the cutting off of hands, +arms, and feet; scourgings were frequent, and they +were inflicted even by the satraps.<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> The king pronounced +the sentence of death by touching the girdle +of the accused, or occasionally allowed it to be pronounced +in his presence by the seven judges. The +sentence was then carried out by crucifixion or +decapitation.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> In later times we hear of grinding +between stones, incisions in the body while alive, and +painful imprisonment in troughs; Xenophon indeed +tells us that one of those who took part in the rebellion +of the younger Cyrus was tortured for a whole year.<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a></p> + +<p>If we compare the practice of the princes of Persia +with the conduct of the Assyrian kings, and the +later rulers of the East, we cannot fail to recognize +that the officers under the Achaemenids were in a +better position and more richly paid, but also better +controlled and kept in greater dependence than was +the case afterwards. The subjects, in spite of acts +of cruel caprice which affected certain persons, were +incomparably better off than those of the Assyrians, +or of the dynasties which afterwards ruled the East. +They were governed with more intelligence and +clemency than the subjects of the Porte, or the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span> +Khedive, or the Shah of Persia, or the Emirs of +Cabul and Herat. It was no small thing that the +Persian kings established peace in all Asia from the +shores of the Hellespont to the Belurdagh, and maintained +order and security from the Nile to the Himalayas. +Moreover, the religion and worship of the +subject nations, of whatever kind they might be, were +not injured, but rather protected and held in honour. +Law, justice, and manners remained the same, and the +subjects preserved their local self-government. Agriculture +in the provinces received attention, trade and +commerce went on along the roads and rivers of the +vast empire, and was not only unmolested but +protected.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> Herod. 7, 55; 8, 113; 9, 31. Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 3, 10, 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> "Laws," p. 695. Vol. V. 390 <i>n.</i> 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 1, 5, 6, 17-20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 1, 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 1, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 1, 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 1, 40; 8, 2, 7-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 9, 25; "Cyri Instit." 8, 2, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> Herod. 3, 130. 8, 118; Ctes. "Pers." 22; Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." +8, 3, 3, 4; "Anab." 1, 2; Plut. "Artaxerxes," c. 10-14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> Herod. 1,134; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 9, 31; "Cyri Instit." 8, 3, 13; +Arrian, "Anab." 7, 11; Curtius, 3, 3, 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Herod. 1, 136; Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 1, 2, 13; 8, 8, 7; Strabo, +p. 733.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> Nicol. Damasc. fragm. 67, ed. Müller; "Laws," p. 695.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> "Alcib. I." p. 121, 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 8, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> Themistocles also was instructed in the doctrine of the Magians, +when he was trained for a place at the Persian court; Plut. "Themist." +c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> Strabo, p. 733, 734.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 1, 33; 8, 6, 10, 13, 14. Plut. "Artax." +c. 5, 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 9, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> Nöldeke, "Tabari," s. 389, 443.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> G. Smith, "Discoveries," p. 387, 388; Boscawen, "Transactions +Bibl. Arch." 6, 61 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> Above, p. 109.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> Mariette, "Athen. Franç,." May, 1855, p. 48; Brugsch, "Hist. of +Egypt," 2, 291. Above, p. 301, <i>n.</i> 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> Haggai i. 4, 10; ii. 16-20; Zechariah vi. 11-13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> Zechariah ii. 4, 5; viii. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> Ezra c. vi.; Psalm lxvi. appears to refer to this.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> Nehemiah i. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> In the three lists of nations in the inscriptions of Darius, Syria and +Phenicia are not specially mentioned; they must be included in the +names Babylonia and Arabia; in the same way Lydians, Phrygians, +Carians, and Mysians are included in the name Çparda, <i>i. e.</i> Sardis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> Behistun, 3, 11 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> The inscription of Behistun specially designates Arachosia and +Bactria as satrapies, 3, 13, 14, 54, 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> Herodotus (3, 89) places this arrangement into satrapies immediately +after the accession. This is impossible, owing to the rebellions, +which continued down to the year 517 <small>B.C.</small> But from the fact that +Herodotus includes the Indians in this arrangement, and represents the +Thracians and the islands as added subsequently (3, 94, 96), we may +conclude that it was made after the Indian conquests and before the +successes of Megabyzus and Otanes, <i>i. e.</i> about 515 <small>B.C.</small> The arrangement +of Darius was not retained without changes. Babylonia and +Assyria were afterwards separated; Babylonia formed one satrapy, +Syria and Assyria a second, Phoenicia and Arabia a third. The +satrapy of the Ionians revolted after the battle of Mycale; in the +Peloponnesian war, we find, as in the time of Cyrus, two satrapies in +hither Asia, Sardis and Dascyleum. Xenophon ("Anab." <i>in fine</i>) +enumerates six satrapies in Asia Minor: Lydia, Phrygia, Bithynia, +Paphlagonia, Cappadocia and Lycaonia, Cilicia. Arrian, ("Anab." +1, 12) enumerates five: Phrygia on the Pontus, Greater Phrygia, +Lydia, Cappadocia, Cilicia; and, finally, in these later periods several +satrapies were united in one hand.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> Above, p. 110. Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 6, 1, 9, 10; Curtius, 5, +1, 20. There is no doubt that the satraps commanded the troops of +their districts; at a later time they even carried on independent wars. +That the garrisons of the fortresses were bound to obedience follows +from Herod. 3, 128. The limitations, which Xenophon ascribes to +Cyrus, must belong to Darius; "Cyri Instit." 7, 5, 34, 69, 70; "Oecon." +4, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> Strabo, p. 727.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> Plin. "H. N." 6, 27; Ael. "Hist. Anim." 1, 59. Ardeshir also +found Fars too distant; he made Shahabad near Susa the second city +of the kingdom.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Vol. I. 252. Vol. III. 175. Above, p. 253.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> "Cyri Instit." 8, 2, 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> Kiepert has convincingly shown how the lacuna in Herodotus (5, +52) is to be filled up ("Monatsberichte der Berliner Akademie," 1857, +s. 123). Xenophon gives twelve short marches and about ten parasangs +from the foot of the Carduchian mountains to the Greater Zab—<i>i. e.</i> +about 60 parasangs; from the Zab to the Physcus is 50 parasangs; +from the Physcus to the bridge of the Tigris at Sittace is 20 +parasangs. The territory which he traversed in this region he considers +to be part of Media ("Anabasis," 2, 4 ff.). Hence there can be no +doubt that the length of the royal road from the point where it crossed +the Tigris to the borders of Susiana was 137 parasangs. If Xenophon +passed beyond the point at which the royal road crosses the Tigris, to +the north, this is amply compensated by the greater distance from the +bridge at Sittace to the Gyndes and the borders of Susiana. At Opis +the column of the Greeks came upon the Persians who were marching +from Ecbatana to Babylon. So the road from Ecbatana must have +joined the great royal road at Physcus, and then it ran past Sittace to +Babylon. Alexander also, in order to come from Babylon to Susa, +first marched north-east to Sittace, and after crossing the Tigris +proceeded south-east to Susa: Diod. 17, 65, 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Herod. 5, 14; 8, 98; Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 6, 17. Suidas and Hesychius +Ἀστάνδης, Ἄγγαρος. +Plut. "Artax." 25; "Alex." 18. +Xenophon ascribes even this arrangement to Cyrus, but it could only +be made effectual by a network of first-rate roads.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> Herod. 3, 128; Ezra i. 23; vi. 2; Esther iii. 9, 12-15; Arrian, +"Anab." 3, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> In Layard; cf. Brandis, "Münzwesen in Vorderasien," s. 231.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> Herod. 5, 35, 49-52. 7, 239.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 6, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> Xenoph. "Oecon." 4, 8-12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> Herod. 1, 114; Aesch. "Pers." 980; Plut. "Artax." 12. Suidas +and Hesych. ὀφθαλμός; Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 6, 16; 8, 2, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Instit." 8, 2, 10; Brisson, "De Reg. Pers." 1, 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> Herod. 5, 35, 49-52; 7, 239; Brisson, <i>loc. cit.</i> 1, 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> Herod. 3, 129; 4, 166; Plut. "Artax." 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Above, p. 247, 248.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> Herod. 4, 84; 7, 194.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 9; Brisson, "de Reg. Pers." 2, 227 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 6; Plut. "Artax." 29; Curtius, 3, 2, 16-19; +Diod. 17, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." 14, 16, 17, 19; Xenoph. "Anab." 2, 6.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER XVIII.</h2> + +<h3>THE FINANCE AND ARMY OF DARIUS.</h3> + + +<p>The empire of Darius rested on the fact that the +Persians regarded themselves as the governing nation +in Asia, and on their desire and determination to +maintain this position, with the advantages which it +brought to them; on the devotion and fidelity with +which the Persian tribal princes and nobles stood by +the king; on their habits of obedience and subjection; +on the ambition of officers and governors, which was +excited by obvious distinctions; on the education of +a considerable portion of the Persian youth specially +for service in the army and the state. Darius was +at pains to add to these foundations substantial +means for maintaining the empire in the greatest profusion. +When he abandoned the system of Cyrus and +Cambyses, who had allowed the provinces to fix the +amount of their yearly tribute themselves, and set +himself to secure a fixed income for the state, it was +previously necessary to fix the standard according to +which the tribute, which would now be paid as taxes, +should be assessed; to arrange the value at which the +royal chest would accept the various standards current +in the subject nations.</p> + +<p>With this object he created a currency. He founded +his standard on the forms which the Babylonian +system had developed in the course of time. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span> +new gold currency was struck on the standard of the +Babylonian gold talent, <i>i. e.</i> on a normal weight of +50½ pounds. Three thousand coins were struck out +of this total. The gold in this new currency was +purer than that used by Crœsus, or in the older coins +in the Ionic cities of Asia Minor; the coins which +have come down to us show but little alloy of silver. +The gold piece weighed 8.40 grammes; and had in +our coinage a value of about 21 shillings; hence +the gold talent of Darius was worth 3000 guineas. +These new pieces were called by the Hebrews Darkon +and Darkemon, among the Greeks Darics. It was +of the first importance to bring the gold of the coinage +into a simple and easily convertible ratio with silver. +In order to do this the silver coins were struck from +a larger weight than the gold. Here also Darius +used a Babylonian talent;—the silver talent of 67½ +pounds, for the normal weight. From this 3000 +staters were struck of a weight of 11.14 grammes; +or 6000 drachmas of a weight of 5.57 grammes. The +silver staters of Darius (silver darics) were called by +the Greeks Median sigli (shekels). As gold was +valued at 13⅓ times the value of silver, the silver +stater, which was one-fourth heavier than the gold +coin, was equal to a tenth part of its value, and the +drachma to a twentieth. Hence the gold daric was +changed for ten silver staters or twenty silver +drachmas. The silver talent of Darius was worth +more than £300 of our money, the silver stater +was worth about two shillings. The silver talent +of Darius (which the Greeks call the Babylonian +talent) stood to the Euboean talent of the Greeks, +who had used the light Babylonian talent as a standard, +in a ratio of 3 to 4.<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span></p> + +<p>The new darics were marked with the figure of the +king. Three hundred have been lately found in the +bed of the canal which the son of Darius caused to +be cut through the promontory of Athos; and they +exhibit Darius running or kneeling, in a long cloak, +with the kaftan over it, the royal tiara on the head, +with thick hair and beard; in the right hand, which +is depressed, we find a lance; sometimes a sword; +and in the left, which is outstretched, the bow. The +silver coins of the king also carried his image; in +these he sometimes holds an arrow instead of a bow +in his left hand. For the Syrian districts Darius had +a special large silver coin of about 28 grammes struck, +in addition to the royal currency. These present +the king with his right hand elevated and his left +depressed, on his chariot, which is drawn by four or +six horses, which spring over a dead lion. On the +reverse is the picture of a city with towers. On +other coins of the same kind, the reverse of which +presents a galley with rowers, the king is also on his +chariot, the horses are moving slowly, and the royal +staff-bearer follows the chariot.</p> + +<p>The new coinage was not entirely to expel or +replace the standards current in the provinces. The +coining of gold was indeed reserved for the crown, +but the old silver coins of the provinces were not only<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span> +allowed to be current, they might even be increased, +for the right to coin silver was left to the districts, +cities, and dynasties. They were allowed to use their +own standards, and mark their coins in whatever way +they pleased. Communities could put the arms of +the city, the dynasts their own portraits, on the coins. +The satraps also had the right to coin silver coins, +and mark them with special emblems, their names or +portraits (among the emblems we find two men before +a fire-altar, the form of Auramazda, etc.). The silver +money which the satraps struck had no legal privileges +over the common coins of the provinces. In the first +instance they were coined in exceptional cases when +there was a deficiency of the currency, or money was +needed for important military undertakings. The +satraps, like the countries, the cities, and dynasts, +rarely coined after the royal standard; they generally +followed the standards common in their provinces in +order to meet the local needs.<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> In the fourth century +B.C. they began to coin more frequently. At the +chest of the king only the royal currency was accepted; +all other coins were received as bullion, +weighed by the royal standard, and then melted +down in order to be struck in the royal currency +and issued when required.<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a></p> + +<p>It was the opinion of Darius that the crown ought +to possess the means for the largest outlay that could +be demanded. The treasury of Cyrus was not perhaps +exhausted, but no doubt it was seriously diminished +by the campaigns of Cambyses, the Magian, the rising +of Vahyazdata, and the suppression of the rebellions. +The object to be attained was that the yearly income +should considerably surpass the yearly expenditure;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span> +the excess could then be collected in the treasury, +which would thus be in a position to pay and support +for years the largest armies that could be required. +The care which Darius bestowed on the currency and +taxation astonished the Persians, who no doubt remembered +the magnanimous conduct of Cyrus, to +whom such things were of little moment; as Herodotus +tells us, they called him the "retail-dealer" in +contrast to Cyrus.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> The measure, by which Darius +imposed on all his lands the taxes which they had +to pay year by year, was the produce of their soil. +If the tax which was thus laid on the soil of the +provinces on a fixed ratio was not excessive, they +were nevertheless subject to services, and the crown +could with certainty reckon on the payment of the +contributions. The whole amount of arable land in +the provinces was measured by parasangs (each of +30 stades); and according to the extent, when thus +ascertained, and the quality of the soil, as Herodotus +states, the taxes of the provinces were fixed in the +royal currency. Within each province the various +countries and cantons, which formed a political unit, +whether under dynasts or chieftains, or some other +form of constitution, were burdened with a fixed share +of the contribution of the whole—as we may see from +the statement that the overseers of the cantons and +countries were responsible for the payment of the +taxes. After exhausting wars, new measurements +were made with a view to further valuations.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> The +lowest contribution of land-tax was made by the +satrapy of the Arachoti (the Pactyans of Herodotus), +and the Gedrosians (the Sattagydae of Herodotus), to +which belonged also the Gandarians to the south of +Cabul; it amounted to 170 talents of silver (about<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span> +£50,000); the next lowest amount was 200 talents, +(about £57,000), which was paid by two satrapies, +the Saspeires and Alarodians in the valley of the +Araxes, and the Caspians, <i>i. e.</i> the Cadusians, the Mardians, +the Tapurians, and Hyrcanians. The satrapy +of the Sacians paid 250 talents (£70,000). Four +satrapies paid 300 talents (£85,000), the satrapy of +the Parthians, Areians, Chorasmians and Sogdiani, of +the Moschians and Tibarenes, of the Ionians and of +the Susiani. The satrapy of Syria with Phœnicia and +Cyprus paid 350 talents (£100,000); the satrapies of +Bactria and Phrygia with Cappadocia paid 360 talents +each (£103,000); Armenia, and the satrapy of the +Paricanians and Ethiopians in Asia, paid 400 talents +each (£115,000); Media had to pay 450 talents +(£130,000); the satrapies of Lydia and Cilicia 500 +each (£145,000); Drangiana (the Sarangians and +Sagartians) paid 600 talents (£170,000); Egypt with +Cyrene, Barca, and the tribes of the Libyans, 700 +talents (£200,000); the satrapy of Babylon, <i>i. e.</i> the +region to the south of the Armenian mountains between +the Euphrates and the Tigris as far as the +mouth of the rivers, paid 1000 talents (<i>i. e.</i> £290,000). +This was the highest tax imposed on any satrapy; +from this assessment, as well as from other evidence, +we may conclude that Babylonia was the best cultivated +and most fruitful province in the whole kingdom. +The entire income from this satrapy is put by Herodotus +at an artabè of silver daily, and the Persian +artabè was larger by three choenixes than the Attic +medimnus. The artabè, therefore, was about equal +to a Prussian bushel, <i>i. e.</i> to a measure of 2770 cubic +inches.<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a></p> + +<p>Darius thus received every year from the land-tax<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> +of the provinces, 7600 talents of silver in the royal +standard, <i>i. e.</i> in round figures £2,500,000. To this +has to be added the large amount of gold-dust, which +the twentieth, or Indian satrapy, paid yearly to the +king. This amount, 360 talents according to Herodotus, +was not the land-tax of the province; it was +obtained from the gold-sands of the Himalayas. +This raised the net income of the treasury to a total +of about £3,000,000, and to this again have to be +added the taxes imposed on Lemnos and Imbros, on +the Thracians and the Greek towns on the Thracian +coast, with the Macedonians, after the campaign to +the Danube, and the tribute in kind paid by the +subject tribes among the Arabians (1000 talents of +frankincense every year), and the negroes (ivory and +ebony), and the tribute in slaves paid by the Colchians +(100 boys and 100 virgins every fifth year).</p> + +<p>More important than these contributions of the +Arabians, negroes, and Colchians, was the income in +money which the crown derived from local sources, +within the empire, and the proceeds of royal privileges—more +important still the produce in kind which +the provinces had to pay every year in addition to +the land-tax. In the satrapy of the Parthians and +Areians a large sum was paid every year for the +opening of the sluices of the Ares (no doubt an affluent +of the Margus, V. 9), without which the fields +were in that district dried up in the summer. In +Egypt the fishery on the canal, which connected +the lake of Amenemhat with the Nile, brought the +king every year 240 talents.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> In what way the contributions +in kind were divided and imposed upon +the provinces, it is not easy to see. Herodotus only +tells us that the whole kingdom was divided into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span> +cantons for the support of the king and army; a +full third of this burden fell upon the satrapy of +Babylon.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> We know that Cappadocia, <i>i. e.</i> Phrygia +and Cappadocia, the third satrapy of Herodotus, +provided each year, in addition to the land-tax of +£103,000, 1500 horses, 2000 mules, and 50,000 +sheep; Media in addition to her land-tax provided +double this amount of animals.<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> Armenia provided +10,000 foals each year in addition to the tax of +£115,000.<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> Cilicia furnished 360 grey horses each +year. Besides these contributions in animals, there +were payments in corn for the garrisons in the provinces. +The Persians who formed the garrison of +the White Fortress in Memphis received yearly from +Egypt 120,000 bushels of wheat, an amount which +would abundantly supply the wants of 8000 men. +As wheat was cheap in Egypt this contribution would +represent a value of about £8500.<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> Each province +sent its best products to the court; and nothing but +the best was brought to court or received there; there +all that was splendid in the empire was to be collected.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> +Babylon sent every year 500 eunuch-boys +for service at the court, and Colchis sent male +and female slaves of Caucasian race. Chalybon +(Helbon) in Syria furnished wine for the court; wheat +came from the cities of the Aeolians and the Anatolian +coast, salt from the Libyans and the oasis of Siwah.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a></p> + +<p>"From ancient times," Theopompus of Chios informs +us, "the taxes and the entertainment of the +king were imposed on the cities according to their +size."<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> Ctesias and Deinon maintain that the table<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span> +of the king of Persia, <i>i. e.</i> the entertainment of the +entire court, cost 400 talents daily. This is grossly +exaggerated. From Herodotus we see that the support +of Xerxes and his train, the officers, and all the +necessary accompaniments, the tents and plate, and +moreover the feeding of the entire army for one day +cost the city of Abdera 300 talents, and the island +of Thasos 400 talents (£85,000). Theopompus also +tells us that when the king visited a city it cost them +20, and sometimes 30, talents to entertain him, and +others spent even larger sums.<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> These expenses were +increased by the fact that the servants took away with +them the plate used at table.<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> The support of the king, +and apparently of the satraps, officers, and generals +when travelling, the maintenance of troops on the +march, were extraordinary burdens, but the contributions +for the table of the king were ordinary and +regular. The daily maintenance of the court was +expensive, because it included the support of a body-guard. +"Every day," Heraclides of Cyme relates, +"a thousand animals were slaughtered; among them +horses, camels, oxen, asses, and deer, but chiefly sheep. +Many birds were eaten, and Arabian ostriches among +them. The greater part of this and of the other food +was brought to court for the body-guard, and the +overseers gave out meat and bread in equal portions; +for as the mercenaries in Hellas receive money, so +do these soldiers receive their maintenance from the +king."<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> Fifteen thousand men are said to have been +fed at the court every day; and as the body-guard +may be put at 10,000 men, this statement does not +seem exaggerated.</p> + +<p>Beside the contributions in kind for the equipment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span> +of the army, the support of garrisons and the court, +there were burdens of another kind. The kings of +Persia kept great studs for the court and army. We +have already mentioned the stud in Nisaea in Media; +150,000 or 160,000 horses are said to have pastured +there. The royal studs in Babylonia contained in +breeding horses, 800 horses and 16,000 mares—"besides +the horses for war," as Herodotus expressly adds. +The Indian dogs which were kept by Darius or his +successors were so numerous, that four great villages +in Babylonia had to contribute exclusively to their +maintenance.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> As Herodotus observes that these +villages were free from other burdens, we may assume +that all the places, on which contributions in kind +were imposed for special objects, were exempted from +the large contributions for the court and army in +horses, beasts of burden, cattle for slaughter, corn, etc. +Elsewhere we find places burdened with special +services to members of the royal house, or favourites. +Certain districts and cities had to pay for the girdle +of the queen, others for her veil; one place paid for +the head-band, another for the necklace, a third for +the hair ornaments of the queen.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> Xenophon tells us +that the favourites of the king of Persia received +horses and servants in the various provinces, and +transmitted them to their descendants.<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> When Demaratus, +king of Sparta, after losing his throne, +sought protection with Darius in Persia, the city of +Halisarna and the district of Teuthrania were allotted +to him. Gongylus of Eretria received from Darius +Gambrium, Myrina, and Gryneum. At a later time<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span> +Magnesia on the Maeander was assigned to Themistocles—a +city, which, recovering from the destruction +by Mazares (p. 54), paid, according to Thucydides, a +yearly contribution of 50 talents (more than £10,000) +for bread, Lampsacus, which was famous for its cultivation +of the vine, for wine, and Myus for relishes. In +this way, in accordance with the system of Cyrus and +Darius, Demaratus was made prince of Halisarna, +Gongylus became prince of Gambrium, Themistocles +prince of Magnesia; the latter also received contributions +in produce from other cities. Demaratus and +Gongylus left their thrones to their descendants.<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> As +the places which had to provide contributions in +kind for special purposes or individuals were freed +from the contributions of the provinces to the army +and court—the land-tax of the places presented to +favoured persons were no doubt taken out of the +land-tax of the province.</p> + +<p>We are not in a position to fix even approximately +the amount of the net income of the treasury of +Darius which came in every year over and above the +land-tax of the provinces and the tolls. Nor can we +say how high the yearly contributions in kind paid +by the provinces for the court and army ran. If we +set aside the extraordinary burdens of supporting the +king on a journey, or a satrap, or officer, and the +maintenance of troops on a march, and follow Theopompus +in assuming that the average daily expense +of the whole court amounted to 30 Babylonian talents,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span> +a total of 11,000 talents of the royal standard, <i>i. e.</i> +more than £3,000,000, would be required for this +purpose, a sum in excess of the land-tax of the +provinces. If we further assume that the maintenance +of the army imposed on the provinces a +burden equal to the maintenance of the court, the +provinces would have to pay for the state, in ordinary +burdens, without regard to their own requirements, +three times the amount of the land-tax. Egypt, which, +with Cyrene and Barca, had to pay 700 talents in +tax, would thus pay 2100 talents of royal money +every year, <i>i. e.</i> more than £600,000. At a later time +we find that Ptolemy II. received each year from +Egypt 14,800 Attic talents, <i>i. e.</i> about £3,000,000, +and 1,500,000 artabès of corn, and Ptolemy Auletes +received 6000, and, according to Cicero's statement, +12,500 Attic talents.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> The income of the empire of +the Sassanids under Chosru Parviz is put at nearly +£14,000,000.<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a></p> + +<p>Thus the burdens which the subject lands had to +pay to the king do not seem extraordinarily heavy, +and, on the other hand, the rule of the Persians +certainly tended to promote their welfare. We have +observed that the satraps were commanded to take +care for the agriculture and the forests of their +provinces, and that special attention was paid to this +in the visitation of the provinces. In his palaces and +wherever he went the king caused the most beautiful +gardens to be made and planted with excellent trees,<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> +and the satraps did the same at their residences. The +parks at the residence of the satrap of Phrygia-Cappadocia, +near Dascyleum, were of great extent, consisting +in part of an enclosure for game, in part of open<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span> +hunting-ground. When Agesilaus of Sparta had laid +them waste, the satrap Pharnabazus said to him: "All +that my father left to me, beautiful buildings, gardens +full of trees and game, which were the delight of my +heart, I now see cut down and burnt."<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> At Sardis +the satraps of Lydia-Mysia had made several parks of +this kind; the most beautiful was adorned with water +and meadows, with places for recreation and shade, in +a most extraordinary and royal manner.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> The younger +Cyrus enlarged this by a new park. When he showed +it to Lysander, the Greek marvelled at the beauty +of the trees, the evenness of their growth, the straight +rows and well-chosen angles in which they stood and +cut each other, the various and delightful odours +which met those who walked in it, and declared that +he admired yet more the man who had measured out +and arranged the whole. The prince replied that he +had measured it out and arranged it himself, and had +even planted some with his own hands. And when +Lysander, looking at the splendid clothes of the prince, +his chains and amulets and ornaments and perfumes, +seemed to doubt this, Cyrus replied: "I swear by +Mithra, that I never take food till I have heated +myself into a sweat by martial exercises or garden +work."<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a></p> + +<p>The trade of the empire must have been very +greatly promoted by the roads which Darius made +through it in every direction. Merchandise passed +from one end of the empire to another on paved roads, +which were provided with excellent inns and secured +by numerous guard-posts. Moreover, by his royal +currency, Darius had created money which passed +from the Hellespont and the Nile to the Indus, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span> +thus the merchants had everywhere at hand a fixed +measure of value. The raw products which were +required by the manufacturing lands, could be bartered +in safety, on the upper Nile, in Libya and +Arabia, and on the Indus; the wide market which +the extent of the Persian kingdom opened to the +harbour cities of Asia Minor and Syria, to the industry +of the Lydians and Phenicians, the Egyptians +and Babylonians, could be used in the readiest and +most profitable manner. Ramses II. of Egypt had +conceived the idea of a direct communication by +water between the Nile and the Red Sea in order +to facilitate the trade with South Arabia. For this +object he had caused a canal to be taken from the +Nile at Bubastis, but he had only carried it as far +as the Lake of Crocodiles. Pharaoh Necho more than +700 years later had again taken up the work and +carried the canal as far as the Bitter Lakes. From +this point the canal was to abandon the direction +towards the east and turn almost at a right angle +to the south and the Red Sea. Necho failed to effect +the communication between the Bitter Lakes and the +Red Sea; and the canal remained unfinished. Herodotus, +who knew nothing of the attempt of Ramses +II., says: "Darius carried a canal from the Nile to +the Arabian Gulf."<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> "Necho was the first to attempt +a canal leading into the Red Sea, and Darius accomplished +what he began. The length of the voyage +is four days, and the canal is broad enough to allow +two triremes when rowing to pass one another (<i>i. e.</i> +more than 100 feet). The water of the Nile flows +into it a little above Bubastis, and empties into the +Red Sea. For the first part it is excavated in the +plain of Egypt, which lies towards Arabia, under the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span> +mountains opposite Memphis, in which are the stone +quarries. At the foot of the mountain the canal runs +away to the east, and then through a cleft in the +range to the south, and southward, into the Arabian +Gulf. The distance from the northern sea—the Mediterranean—to +the Red Sea by the shortest route from +Pelusium<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> is 1000 stades (105 miles); but the canal +is much longer, owing to bends in it."<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> In the bed +of this canal, the direction of which can still be traced +in part, three stones were discovered at Saluf El +Terraba, on the Crocodile Lake, not far from the +southern ridge of the Bitter Lakes. They have +recently been much injured by the workmen at the +Suez canal. On the front is seen the form of Darius +with the tall tiara on his head (the upper part of one +of the monuments is preserved); and beside the figure +of the king we find the name and title in hieroglyphics. +Beneath are the titles and inscriptions in +Persian, Turanian, and Babylonian; on the back +is an inscription in hieroglyphics which has been +destroyed with the exception of a word; but of the +Persian and Turanian version we can still read a part: +"Darius, the great king, the king of kings, the king +of the lands, the king of this wide earth, the son of +Hystaspes, the Achæmenid. Darius the king says: +'I, the Persian, have governed Egypt; I have caused +a canal to be dug from the river which flows in +Egypt to the sea which reaches to Persia.'" Darius +did not, like Ramses and Necho, think only of a +direct communication by water with South Arabia, +but rather of a communication with Persia, and not +only with the coasts of Persia but even with the +mouths of the Indus. His expedition to explore the +Indus did not sail back to the Persian Gulf, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span> +coasted Arabia and returned to the Red Sea; and +Herodotus tells us that Darius, after that expedition, +made use of the southern sea.<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> After opening a road +by water into the Red Sea, Darius could, if he +thought fit, order the ships of the Ionians and Phenicians +to the coast of Arabia, the Persian Gulf, or the +Indus, and send the ships of Babylon to the Mediterranean. +Traders made a constant use of the canal; the +ships of Sidon and Tyre could sail from the Nile to the +shores of Arabia Felix, a voyage which the Phenicians +at the time of Solomon, and Uzziah of Judah, attempted +to make from Elath with the permission and assistance +of those princes. From Arabia they could visit +the mouth of the Indus, as their ships had done +nearly 500 years before at the time of Solomon.</p> + +<p>However active the wearer of the crown and his +immediate supporters might be in the government +of the kingdom, however speedily their commands +were made known in the provinces—in spite of the +severity with which the satraps were watched and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span> +controlled, and the impulse given to their ambition +and emulation,—in spite of the excellent management +of the state income and the abundance of the means +at disposal, and the sums of gold and silver, the gold +and silver ornaments, the splendid furniture in the +royal citadels, which were in existence for nearly 200 +years after this time, attest the success of Darius—the +kingdom rested in the last resort on the fidelity +and bravery of the army. In his body-guards and +in the garrisons of the fortresses and guard-posts +scattered up and down the whole kingdom, Darius +had a considerable standing army formed of Persians.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> +In case of war this standing army was strengthened +by the levy of the larger landed proprietors in Persia, +who had to furnish cavalry, and the subject lands.<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> +Though the fortified places were numerous, the +amount of troops in the various forts was not necessarily +great, and the complement of a Persian battalion, +1000 men, seems rarely to have been exceeded. +The garrison of the oldest city in the empire, the +White Fortress at Memphis, was much stronger, and +so, no doubt, were the garrisons of the two citadels +of Babylon and of Ecbatana. In the west Dascyleum +on the Propontis, and Sardis, the citadel of which was +held by 1000 men, were the extreme points; in the +interior there were so many garrisons at Celaenae, +on the bridge over the Halys, and at other places +west of the Halys, that a considerable army could +be formed for service in the field.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> East of the Halys, +in Cilicia, there was the garrison of the two forts on +the borders of Cilicia and Cappadocia, and in addition +a body of cavalry which it cost 140 talents (£40,000)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span> +a year to support. The citadels and fortresses which +the inscriptions of Darius mention in Armenia, Media, +Persia, and Arachosia, show that there was a certain +number of fortified places in those regions. In +Armenia Tigra and Uhyama are mentioned; in Media +Ecbatana and Çikathauvatis; in Arachosia Kapisakanis +(Kapisa) and Arsada. The chief points in the +royal road from Susa to Sardis at the most important +divisions in the country were closed by fortresses, and +the same was the case on the other military roads; +we cannot therefore doubt that the military arrangements +in the eastern provinces were the same as in +the west, though the Greeks can only tell us of the +west. Lastly, there was a number of fortresses at the +extreme borders of the kingdom. In Egypt, in addition +to Memphis, Daphne and Elephantine were +fortified;<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> in the country of the Cadusians Cyrus had +already founded the city on the Jaxartes known as +<i>Ultima Cyrus</i>, and in the neighbourhood were several +citadels to protect the borders (p. 103). Besides the +garrisons, the amount of troops was fixed which the +satraps had to keep under arms, to support their +authority, to carry out executions, and to secure the +provinces.<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> Like the garrisons, the troops of the +satraps, in case of necessity, could fall back on the +assistance of the reserve corps of larger districts, +such as the Cilician cavalry. The troops stationed +in the provinces were reviewed yearly, as Xenophon +tells us. For this object they were gathered together +at a fixed place in the provinces, with the exception +of the garrisons of the fortresses. For the more +western districts the place of assembly was Thymbrara +on the Pactolus,<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> where also, in time of war, the levy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span> +of the province was assembled. The troops which +were nearer the residence of the king, were, according +to Xenophon, inspected by the king in person; those +at a greater distance by men in his confidence. The +satraps, chiliarchs, and commandants, who brought +up the prescribed number of troops provided with +excellent weapons and horses, were rewarded by +presents and marks of distinction; those who neglected +their troops or made money out of them were +severely punished and removed from their office.<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a></p> + +<p>From Herodotus we learn that the guard of the +king consisted of 2000 selected Persian horsemen and +2000 lance-bearers on foot, whose lances were adorned +at the lower end with apples of gold and silver, and +also of a division of 10,000 infantry, whom the +Persians call the immortals, because their number is +always the same. But the name of the corps may +be formed from the Amesha Çpenta Ameretat (V. 156, +164). Xenophon ascribes this institution to Cyrus.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> +Nine thousand of them had silver pomegranates on +their lances, but a thousand who were selected from +the whole corps to form the first battalion had their +pomegranates of gold. On the monuments they carry +lances taller than the height of a man, and oval +shields of half a man's height. This troop was distinguished +as the body-guard of the king by golden +necklaces and other ornaments; it was better furnished +than other troops with beasts of burden and +camels to carry the baggage and the provisions. Later +writers speak only of these 10,000 infantry as forming +the guard. They inform us that the corps was always +about the king, keeping watch in the palace day<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> +and night, where they had a court to themselves; +they accompanied the king on his journeys, when +they camped in a circle round the king's tent.<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> The +amount of the whole army cannot even be approximately +fixed. Darius led the levy of the empire over +the Bosphorus to the amount of 700,000 men; from +the subject lands so many soldiers would be required +as would be necessary.<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> It was more difficult to +organize this vast mass. The strength of the army, +like that of the kingdom, rested on the military skill +and superiority of the Persians. With the Persians, +as with the Indians, the chief weapon was the bow, +and the Persian arrows like the Indian were of +reed. Aeschylus praises "the mighty with the bow, +the strength of the Persian land," and Atossa, the +queen of Darius, is represented as asking whether +"the bow-driven arrow adorns the hand" of the +Hellenes.<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> The Persians preferred to fight on horseback. +The rider placed a coat of mail over the short +shirt, and beside the bow and a short javelin carried +a crooked and not very long sabre on the right hip;<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> +the head was protected by the tiara. But there were +also large divisions of heavy armed cavalry among +the troops of the Persians in which the men wore +brass or iron helmets and strong harness, while their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> +horses were armed with frontlets and breast-pieces.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> +The infantry carried long rectangular shields of wicker-work, +under which hung the quiver with the javelin +and sabre, but as a rule they were without coats of +mail.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> The leading men and officers were adorned +in battle with their best purple robes, neck-chains, +and armlets; over the coat of mail they threw the +glittering kandys; on the hip hung a sabre with a +golden handle and a golden sheath. Thus they +mounted their war-horses, Nisaean greys, with golden +trappings, the wildness of which sometimes caused +the death of the rider. Aeschylus speaks of them as +"horsemen mighty with the bow, dreadful to behold, +and terrible in the venturous courage of their hearts."<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> +In military skill the Persians regarded the Medes as +next to themselves; then followed the Sacae, the +Bactrians, the Indians, and the other Arian tribes. +Next to the Medes the Sacae were the most trustworthy +troops.<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> The contingents of the provinces +were governed by Persian generals, who were mainly +taken from the members of the royal family, the +"kinsmen" of the king, and the tribal princes.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> Like +the Persian troops, these contingents were arranged +in divisions of 10,000 men. Each division was subdivided +into ten battalions of 1000 men, and the +battalions into ten companies of 100 men; the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> +company was made up of groups, which, according to +Xenophon, consisted of seven men among the Persians, +and according to Herodotus of ten in the contingents.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> +The commander of the entire contingent of a province +had the nomination of the officers of divisions and +the leaders of battalions; the officers of divisions, +as Herodotus says, nominated the captains of companies, +and the leaders of the groups.<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> The native +dynasts as a rule marched out with their troops and +ships, but they were subject to the commanders of +the contingents.<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a></p> + +<p>The king reviewed the army from his war-chariot, +surrounded by scribes, who wrote down everything +worthy of notice. When parading before the king, +the horsemen dismounted, stood by their horses, and +concealed their hands in the sleeves of their kandys. +The camp was always pitched in a particular order; +the tent of the king was on the eastern side, for the +abode of the gods was in the east. The large and +splendid tent of the king was surrounded by the tents +of the guard; the cavalry, the infantry, and the +baggage had special places assigned to them.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> They +understood how to fortify the camp;<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> an open camp +was always at a certain distance, about seven miles, +from the enemy in order to avoid surprises as far as +possible. The Persian cavalry required a considerable +time, especially at night, for preparation. Their spirited +horses had not only to be tethered, but even tied by +the feet to prevent their running away. The unfettering, +saddling and bridling of the horses, and putting +on the harness, took up much time, and could not be +done at night without disorder and confusion.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> When<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span> +there was danger of a surprise the troops had to +remain at night under arms. The signal for marching +was given from the royal tent with the trumpet, but +never before daybreak,<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> "before the glittering Mithra +mounted, and in golden shape seized the beautiful summits," +the army of the Persians was not to move. In +the same way the march ended at the latest at sunset.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> +In battle the king occupied the centre of the position, +surrounded by the Achæmenids, the "kinsmen" and +"companions," several hundred in number,<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> and the +body-guard, the cavalry of which usually stood in +the first ranks before the king; next to them in the +centre came the best troops in the army.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> According +to ancient custom the king generally fought from a +chariot drawn by Nisaean horses,<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> with his bow in +his hand, in which manner, at an earlier period, the +princes of the Indians had fought, and the kings of +the east, the Pharaohs, the rulers of Assyria, and the +princes of the Syrians. The king also, when in battle, +wore all his royal ornaments, the purple kaftan over +his armour, and the royal tiara. Near him was the +ensign of the empire, the golden eagle on a tall pole.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> +The mass of the cavalry was generally placed on the +wings; between these and the centre were the contingents +of the subject nations, each according to its +divisions, which were drawn up separately in solid +squares.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> The battle was begun by the cavalry and +infantry with a thick shower of arrows. With this +an attempt was made to ward off the attacks of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span> +enemy, and it was kept up till the enemy seemed +to be thrown into confusion. Then the troops were +brought closer; javelins were hurled and sabres +drawn.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> The Persian and Sacian cavalry was most +dreaded; as it consisted to a great extent of archers +it was difficult to approach it. If the cavalry marched +to the attack with arms in rest, the onset was made +first with separate squadrons, and then in entire +masses.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> The Medes and Persians had learned the +art of siege from the Assyrians. The cities were +enclosed by ramparts, and on these works were carried +forward, under the protection of which battering-rams +were brought to bear against the trenches and walls. +The Persians were also well acquainted with mining. +Passages were carried under-ground, both to make +breaches in the walls by excavations, and to provide +a way into the city. In order to recapture Chalcedon, +which had rebelled against Darius when he crossed +the Danube against the Scythians, together with the +cities of the Propontis and Hellespont, an under-ground +passage of more than 15 stades in length was +carried, after the king's return, under the walls of +the city to the market-place, and the Chalcedonians +had no suspicion of its existence, till the Persians +appeared in the city.<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> In his "Metrological Studies" Böckh fixed the ratio of the +Euboean to the Babylonian talent as 5:6. Since that time the +discovery of numerous gold and silver Persian coins and of weights +at Babylon and Nineveh, and the lion of Abydus with its Aramaean +stamp, have provided the means for fixing the gold talent of Darius +at 25,245 kilogrammes, and his silver talent (the Babylonian talent) +at 33,660 kilogrammes; Brandis, "Münzwesen," s. 54, 63, 64, 69. +Hence Brandis takes Mommsen's view, that in Herod. 3, 89, 95, we +must read 78 instead of 70 Euboean talents; the Euboean talent in +Attica was a little heavier than the light Babylonian talent (the gold +talent of Darius), and in the calculation 7600 Babylonian talents must +be made equal to 9880 Euboean talents, which enables us to preserve +the total sum given by Herodotus—14,560 talents.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> Brandis, "Münzwesen," s. 225, 231, 239, 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> Herod. 3, 96; Strabo, p. 735.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> Herod. 3, 89; Xenoph. "Hellen." 3, 4, 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> Herod. 6, 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> Herod. 1, 192; Böckh, "Staatshaush." 1<sup>2</sup>, 130.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> Herod. 3, 117; 2, 149.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Herod. 1, 192.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> Strabo, p. 525.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 4, 5, 34 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> Herod. 3, 91; Böckh, "Staatshaush." 1<sup>2</sup>, 135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 6, 23; Athenaeus, p. 145, 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Strabo, p. 735.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> In Athenaeus, p. 145.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> <i>Loc. cit.</i> in Athenaeus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> Herod. 7, 118; Plut. "Artax." c. 4, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> In Athenaeus, p. 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> Herod. 1, 192.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Herod. 9, 109; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 4, 9; 2, 4, 27; Plato, +"Alcib. I." p. 123; Cic. "In Verrem," 3, 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 6, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> Xenoph. "Hellen." 3, 1, 6; "Anab." 2, 1, 3; 7, 8, 8; Thucyd. +1, 138; Plutarch, "Themist." 29 ff. That Themistocles was prince of +Magnesia is the less doubtful because a silver stater of this city, 8,56 +grammes in weight, with the square, and the name of Themistocles, is +in existence: Mommsen. "Rom. Münzwesen," s. 65; Brandis, "Münzwesen +in Vorderasien," s. 459, proves a second coin of Themistocles, +5.85 grammes in weight.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> Droysen, "Hellenismus," 2, 44; Diod. 17, 52; Strabo, p. 798.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Nöldeke, "Tabari," s. 364 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> "Oecon." 4, 11, ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> Xenoph. "Hellen." 4, 1, 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> Plut. "Alcib." 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> "Oecon." 4, 20-24; Aelian, "Hist. Anim." 1, 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> Herod. 4, 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> Herod. 4, 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> Herod. 2, 158.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> Herod. 4, 44. On the monuments of Darius, see Lepsius, +"Chronol." s. 354, and "Monatsberichte B. A." 1866, s. 288; Oppert, +"Mémoires prs. à l'Acad. des Inscrip." 1, 8 (1869), p. 646 ff. In +opposition to the definite and detailed assertion of Herodotus, given in +the text, the assertion in Strabo (p. 804) and Diodorus (1, 33) that +Darius nearly finished the canal but did not quite finish it, cannot be +accepted. Herodotus was in Egypt not much more than 30 years +after the death of Darius (about 450 <small>B.C.</small>). Diodorus and Strabo +accept the tradition of the times of the Ptolemies, which sought to +claim for them the glory of completing the work, though they did no +more than reopen the canal which had become silted up. To support +this tradition Oppert has supplemented the decisive word of which no +more than the syllable <i>ta</i> remains, according to his transcription, in +such a way that the meaning extracted is that Darius filled up his own +canal. I do not see why this <i>ta</i> should not be a part of <i>uçtaka</i>, <i>i. e.</i> to +excavate, as well as of <i>vikata</i>, <i>i. e.</i> to make level. We cannot assume +without further evidence that Darius set up a monument over the failure +of his undertaking or its destruction. The Turanian version, which +Oppert has since published ("Peuple des Mèdes," p. 214) does not help +us to a decision, for it is only preserved as far as the place in question.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 7, 5, 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 8, 20-22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> Herod. 3, 127; 5, 102; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 2; Diod. 11, 34; +Arrian, "Anab." 1, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> Herod. 2, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> Xenoph. "Oecon." 4, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 6, 2, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> "Oecon." 4, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> Herod. 7, 40, 41, 83; 8, 113; Heraclid. Cuman. fragm. 1, ed. +Müller; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 7, 5, 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> Curtius, 3, 3, 13; Xenoph. <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> It is true that the population between the Euphrates and the +Indus is now rated at 18,000,000 only. Kenneir, "Geograph. Memoir +of Persia," p. 44-47. But the numbers of the prisoners and the slain +in the inscriptions of Behistun allow us to conclude that the population +of Iran was far greater. Under the Ptolemies Egypt, consisting of +about 30,000 communities, counted 7,000,000 inhabitants; Diod. 1, 31. +That Asia Minor was not less populous is proved, for certain districts, +by the statements of Xenophon; the budget of Darius, the numbers of +his army, and more especially of the army of Xerxes, the mass of +troops which the younger Cyrus collects in Asia Minor and Artaxerxes +in the Eastern provinces, are evidence of a tolerably dense population.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> "Pers.," 239, 926.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> Herod. 7, 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> Herod. 7, 85; 8, 113; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 8, 7; "Cyri Inst." 8, +8, 22; Arrian, "Anab." 3, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> Herod. 5, 49; 9, 62; Strabo, p. 734.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> Herod. 9, 20, 22, 63, 80; Plut. "Artax." 9; Aeschyl. "Pers." +26-28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> Herod. 1, 134; Polyaen. "Strat." 7, 11. According to Herodotus +the Sacae were in the centre at Marathon. Mardonius retains them in +Thessaly with the Bactrians and Indians: Herod. 8, 113; 9, 31. In +the battle at Arbela they were among the bravest: Arrian, "Anab." +3, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> Herod. 7, 64 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> Herod. 7, 82, 83; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 1, 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> Herod. 7, 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> Herod. 7, 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> Herod. 7, 100; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 5, 1-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> Herod. 9, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 3, 4, 35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> Curtius, 3, 3, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> Brisson, <i>loc. cit.</i> 3, c. 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> Curtius, 3, 3, 14, 15; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 9, 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 8; Arrian, "Anab." 3, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> Artaxerxes is on horseback in the battle of Cunaxa; Plutarch, +"Artax." 10, 11, but the general custom is given in c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 10, 12. Vol. V. 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> Herod. 7, 218, 226; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 8, 22, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> Herod. 9, 20, 23, 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> Above, p. 303. Herod. 1, 162, 168; 4, 200; 5, 115; Polyaen. +"Strateg." 7, 2, 5.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER XIX.</h2> + +<h3>THE COURT OF DARIUS.</h3> + + +<p>Along with the new arrangement of the administration +of the empire Darius had transferred the +centre of it into a province, which had thrice rebelled +against him, to Susa,<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> the ancient metropolis of Elam, +which Assurbanipal had conquered, plundered, and +destroyed 130 years previously. Since that time the +city had risen from its ruins. We have seen what +motives determined Darius to take this step. The +position of the city, which was not far removed from +his native territory, and at the same time brought +the stubborn resistance of the Babylonians under the +close pressure of the royal residence, offered the +requisite security. Out of Media, from the southern +foot of the Mount Elvend (Orontes), the Kerkha, or +Choaspes, flows down the heights which bound Iran +on the west, towards the south-west; and then +breaks through them in order to fall into the Tigris. +Further to the east is the Dizful. Rising more to the +south than the Kerkha it reaches the plains of Elam in +a course parallel to that stream and then falls also +into the Tigris. Between these two rivers there rises +in the mountain edge the Shapur, a river of a short +and narrow course, but with a deep channel. For<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span> +a time it flows in the same direction with the others, +then it turns to the east, and falls into the Dizful, +or rather into the Karun, as the Dizful is now called +in its lower course, after the affluent which falls into +it from the east. At the point where the Kerkha and +Dizful approach within two or three leagues of each +other,—though lower down they separate more and +more widely,—about half a league from the east bank +of the Kerkha, and on the eastern side of the Shapur, +is the city of Susa. The approach from the west was +barred by the Kerkha, and from the east by the +Dizful and its affluents. If an enemy came from +the west or the east, he had to cross considerable +rivers. The great road which ran from the west +from Sardis to Susa, came to an end opposite Susa on +the west bank of the Kerkha. According to Herodotus +the city could only be reached by a ferry across the +river. This was no doubt an arrangement for security. +An approaching enemy was not to find bridges either +on the Kerkha or the Dizful.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> Thus irrigated by three<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span> +rivers, the land round the city was extraordinarily +fruitful and blooming.</p> + +<p>The Greeks were right in calling Susa "the ancient +great city." Though it was not, as they imagined, +at one time the abode of Memnon, the son of +the morning, who had come to the help of the +Trojans, we have made acquaintance with the ancient +kingdom of Elam, the beginnings of which we had +to place about the year 2500 <small>B.C.</small> We saw that +the princes of this kingdom could make war upon +Babylonia, and reduce it to dependence in the last +centuries of the third millennium <small>B.C.</small>, and that its +armies must have reached Syria. Then Elam had +withstood the Assyrians for a long time with very great +stubbornness, until at length after brave struggles +it succumbed to the arms of Assurbanipal. A relief +in the palace of Assurbanipal exhibited Susa before +its capture, in the year 645 <small>B.C.</small>, stretching along +between two rivers (the Shapur and the Dizful), and +surrounded by high walls and numerous towers. The +new Susa also, the Susa of Darius and his successors, +extended, according to the evidence of Strabo, between +the two rivers; according to his statement the city +had a circuit of 120 stades, and according to Diodorus +of 200 stades, <i>i. e.</i> of 15 or 20 miles—an extent which +does not leave it far behind the fallen cities of the +Assyrians, and Babylon.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> But Susa, which in spite +of its numerous population was inhabited only to a +small extent by Persians, required to be fortified even +less than Ecbatana. The royal citadel must keep the +city in check, and afford the most complete security<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span> +to the palace. We are expressly told that this citadel +was protected by strong works, which would indeed +be necessary for the position of affairs and the object +of Darius.<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> According to the statement of Pliny, +the citadel was surrounded by the Eulaeus, the name +which he gives to the Choaspes; the Book of Daniel +also represents the Ulai as flowing round the castle +of Susa.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> The ruins prove that the palace lay on +the Shapur. Within the protecting walls of the +fortress was the "golden dwelling," "the gold-adorned +chambers of Darius" as Aeschylus calls them,<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> the +"far-famed palace" in the language of Diodorus. +According to Aelian Darius took a pride in the buildings +which he had erected at Susa; it was he who +had erected the famous works there.<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a></p> + +<p>The ruins of Susa are now surrounded by a wilderness, +inhabited only by lions and hyænas. The +soil is still productive of grass, and the remains +of numerous canals attest the ancient cultivation. +Steep mounds of débris and heaps of ruins rise thickly +on the left bank of the Shapur, in appearance closely +resembling the remains of Babylon and Nineveh. +The highest mound is nearest the river; it rises 120 +feet above the level of the water, is 3000 feet in +circumference, and appears to have supported a part +of the citadel; the mound abutting on the north +only rises 80 or 90 feet, and forms a square, the +sides of which measure 1000 or 1200 feet. On this +the remains of a large building have been discovered. +Further to the east is an extensive platform, the +circumference of which far surpasses that of the two +first put together; the height on the south side +reaches 70 feet and on the east and north about 50<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span> +feet. On the east of these three heaps are mounds +of a smaller size. These may be remains of the city, +while the others represent the citadel. The entire +circuit of the ruins is about 7½ miles. They confirm +the statement of Strabo that Susa was built of brick, +inasmuch as they present masses of bricks, partly +burnt, partly dried in the sun. But even the palaces +in the citadels were built of bricks in the outer +walls only; they did not contain those narrow long +porticoes, which formed the royal palaces of Nineveh, +but were rather large square halls, resting on huge +terraces. The bases and remains of the northern hill +allow us to trace three magnificent porticoes. The +interior of the building was formed by a large hall +with pillars, the roof of which was supported by +36 pillars ranged in six rows; the pillars were of +stone, slight and tall, the capitals were formed by +the fore-quarters of kneeling horses. Round three +sides of this hall, the north, east, and west, were +placed porticoes, 50 feet in breadth, the roofs of which +were supported by 12 pillars in two rows. Four +pillars of the chief hall bear the same inscription in +cuneiform letters, and, as always, in the Persian, +Babylonian, and Turanian languages. In this Artaxerxes +Mnemon (405-359 <small>B.C.</small>) relates that his great-great-grandfather +(<i>apanyaka</i>) Darius had erected this +building and that he had restored it. He entreats +Auramazda, Anahita, and Mithra, to protect him and +his work. On some pillars we find the inscription: +"I, Artaxerxes, the great king, the king of kings, son +of the king Darius" (<i>i. e.</i> Darius Ochus).<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a></p> + +<p>Though Darius elevated Susa to be his chief residence, +the native land of the empire, and the nucleus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span> +of it, his own home, was to receive a proper share of +the splendour and glory of the court. After the +conquests on the Indus Darius built a new residence +in the land of the Persians, to the north-west of +Pasargadae, which Cyrus had made a fortified city, +and where he had erected his palace and deposited +the spoil of his previous victories. At the confluence +of the Pulwar and the Kum-i-Firuz the mountains +retire on either side, and leave a space for the most +delightful plain in Persia, which is still covered with +villages,—the plain of Merdasht. Four thousand feet +above the sea, surrounded on every side by lofty +mountains, which on the west are covered with snow, +the climate is mild and salubrious. Curtius considers +it the most healthy district in Asia.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> From the +mountain-range on the west, a block of mountains +now called Kuh Istachr advances into the plain, and +gradually falls away to the Pulwar; opposite to this, +the eastern range also advances with a mighty summit, +called Rachmed, a spur of which, at no great +height, forms a broad terrace commanding the plain. +On both sides the heights extend a little further to +the river, so that the terrace forms the retiring level +of a natural semicircle. This terrace was chosen by +Darius for the site of his new palace, by the walls +of which a city was to rise. The Greeks call this +city of Darius, Persepolis; <i>i. e.</i> city of the Persians. +Diodorus tells us: "The citadel of Persepolis was +surrounded by three walls, of which the first was 16 +cubits in height and surrounded by turrets, adorned +with costly ornamentation. The second wall had +similar ornaments, but was twice as high. The +third wall formed a square, and was 60 cubits +in height; it consisted of hard stones, well fitted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span> +together, so as to last for ever. On each side was +a gate of brass, and near it poles of brass, 20 cubits +in height; the first for security, the second to strike +terror. In the citadel were several richly-adorned +buildings for the reception of the king and the +generals, and treasuries built for the reception of +revenues. To the east of the citadel, at a distance +of four plethra, lies a mountain, called the "royal +mountain," in which are the tombs of the kings. The +rock was excavated, and had several chambers in the +middle, which served to receive the corpses. But +they were without any means of access; the corpses +were raised by machines and lowered into the tombs.<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a>"</p> + +<p>The remains of Persepolis show that the terrace +was surrounded on the west, north, and south by a +wall; and that by removing the earth or filling it in +it was changed into a surface measuring about 1800 +feet in length from north to south, and about 500 +feet in breadth from west to east, towards the heights +of Rachmed. On the edge of the terrace rose a wall, +the third wall of Diodorus, which surrounded it on +the north, west, and south. According to the description +of Diodorus, the eastern side, towards Rachmed, +was also surrounded by this wall. At the present day +we only find remains of the three sides mentioned, +consisting of blocks of marble from four to six feet +in thickness, which in some places rise to a height +of 40 feet above the level of the terrace. If we +reckon in the height of the terrace, those walls had +certainly the elevation of 60 cubits which Diodorus +gives them. The two other walls were on the plain, +and barred the approach to the palace; of these there +are no remains. Within the third wall, on the terrace, +rise the buildings of the palace. An inscription on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span> +the wall of the terrace in the Turanian language tells +us: "Darius the king says: On this place a fortress +is founded; previously there was no fortress. By +the grace of Auramazda I have founded this fortress, +strong, beautiful, and complete. May Auramazda +and all the gods protect me and this fortress and +all that is in it."<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> On the western side of the terrace +towards the northern edge, two flights of steps, +receding into the terrace, and joining at the top, +lead up to the surface and the gate of the palace. +They consist of 200 broad steps of large blocks of +marble, ten or fifteen steps being sometimes formed out +of one block. Ten horsemen could easily ride up together +on each side. On the top of the terrace behind +the landing of the steps, there was a gate in the wall, +the place of which can be found by a break in the +ruins; through this was the entrance into the citadel.</p> + +<p>Not far from the western edge of the terrace, about +equally removed from the northern and southern +walls, on an elevated platform, rose a structure, 170 +feet in length, and 90 feet in breadth; only a few +fragments of the walls, door-posts, and window-cases +remain, with the bases of the pillars in the hall +(24 in number) which formed the centre of the +building. On the window-ledges of the building is +an inscription in three languages, in which we read: +"Darius (Darayavus), the great king, the king of +kings, the king of the lands, the son of Hystaspes, an +Achæmenid, has erected this house."<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> On a pilaster +in the south-west corner we find an inscription of +Xerxes which tells us: "Under the protection of +Auramazda, Darius, my father, erected this house."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span> +The relief of one of the two posts of the door, which +forms the entrance to the central hall on the north, +exhibits Darius himself. The figure is 7½ feet high. +The king is dressed in a garment which falls down +to the ancles; the sleeves are very wide; he has +high shoes, and wears the tiara; in his left hand +he holds a long sceptre, and in the right a cup-shaped +vessel. The beard is long, the hair comes out in +strong locks under the tiara; the face is so injured +that little more can be recognized beyond the long +profile, the straight outline of the nose, and the quiet +dignity of expression. Both the lines of the face +and the expression correspond to the head of the +king preserved on the memorial stone of the canal +(p. 358). Over the king in a winged circle hovers +Auramazda, whose figure from the knees upward projects +from the circle beneath which the long robe of the +god runs out in feathers. He wears a tiara like the king +and in the left hand bears a ring. The countenance +is aged and solemn; the hair and beard are like those +of the king. The figure of the deity is obviously +copied from the Asshur which hovers over the kings +of Assyria. Behind the king, in similar clothing, but +with much smaller and lower tiaras on the head, are +the bearer of the royal parasol, which he holds over +the head of the king, and the bearer of the fan.</p> + +<p>The largest structure lies to the east, near the +height of Rachmed. It forms a regular square of +more than 200 (227) feet on each side, on which, on +the north side, abutted a portico formed of two rows +of pillars. The outer walls of the square consist of +blocks of marble neatly fitted together, and more than +ten feet in thickness. Eight gates, two towards each +quarter, on the posts of which stand two lance-bearers +face to face, led into a large hall the roof of which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span> +was supported by 100 pillars, ten in ten rows.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> At +the north entrance to the portico, in the two western +doors of the hall, the king is represented in conflict +with monsters. In these reliefs he is shown with +only a narrow band round the brow, or he wears a +low cap; his robe is short, his arms are bare. He +raises a lion with his right hand and presses the +throat, while in his left he holds a dagger; he seizes +a winged one-horned monster with the jaws of a wolf +and the legs of a bird by the horn, and rips up the +belly;<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> the third monster has the head and the claws +of an eagle; the fourth is a four-footed animal standing +up, with a horn in the forehead, which the king +seizes, while with his left hand he has already thrust +the sword into the body. These pictures are, no +doubt, like the human-headed bulls which Xerxes +subsequently set up at Persepolis, imitations of +Semitic symbols. The overpowering or slaughter of +the lion was, among the Assyrians, Cilicians, and +Lydians, an ancient mode of representing the greatest +achievement of Melkart-Sandon—the conquest of the +fierce heat. This victory over evil was easily and +naturally transferred to the office of the ruler, and +could be accepted, even among the Iranians, as the +religion of the Avesta rests in its principles on the +resistance to the evil spirits of Angromainyu and the +contest with his savage and harmful creatures, and +requires this contest. The great hall of 100 pillars +was, as the sculptures of the walls and posts show, +the royal hall of audience. The throne was between +the two central rows of pillars, opposite the two<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span> +doors of the north, on the southern wall of the hall. +Here, on days of reception and festivity, the whole +splendour of the Persian empire was displayed. Then, +as the book of Esther says; "golden and silver cushions +were laid on the floor of marble and alabaster, of +pearls and tortoise-shell"; and "between the pillars +hung white and purple curtains, on rings of silver, and +linen and purple strings," and "wine was poured in +abundance from golden vessels."<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> The walls of this +room, and the beams of the roof, would not be without +that ornamentation of gold and silver plates, which +covered the walls, pillars, and beams of the chambers +of the palace of Ecbatana (V. 309). The metal bolts +which are found here and there on the inner side of +the walls, can hardly have had any other purpose +than to support plates of this kind. In both the +northern gates two reliefs exhibit Darius sitting on +the throne, on a lofty chair with a still higher back. +The feet of the king rest on a stool; he wears the +tiara, and has the sceptre in his right hand, a goblet +in his left. Behind him is the bearer of the fan with +a covered mouth, that his impure breath might not +touch the king, then the bow-bearer without the +Paitidana (V. 190), and at a greater distance one of +the body-guard. A foreign emissary approaches the +throne, clad in a tight coat with sleeves, and trousers +joined to it, with a rounded cap. He holds his hand +before his mouth while speaking to the king; behind +him stands another figure with veiled mouth. This +group of figures rests on a pediment which is formed +by four rows of ten guards placed one over the +other. These are armed partly with bows and lances, +and partly with shields and lances. Their clothing +exhibits two types; which often recur on the monu<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span>ments +of Persepolis. In the three lower rows one +half of the men have wide coats reaching down to +the ancles, with large sleeves, and high angular tiaras; +the other half have coats with tight sleeves, reaching +to the knee only, trowsers joined to them, and a low +round covering for the head. This appears to be the +Persian dress, the other is the dress of the Medes. +Over the throne of the king a canopy with hanging +fringes encloses the whole picture; except that in +the middle, two winged circles are seen; beside the +lower rows of figures on each side are four dogs (the +animals of Auramazda); and beside the upper four +bulls may be seen on each side. This picture of the +enthroned king is repeated on the pilasters of the +two southern gates; but on the third relief we find +only Darius on the throne, with the fan-bearer +behind; and the throne is not supported by the rows +of guards, but on fourteen figures of another shape +which are arranged in three rows; in the highest row +are four figures, in the two lower five; in the last +figure on the lowest row towards the west, there is +an unmistakable negro. They bear the throne of the +king with raised arms; above the two winged rings +is the picture of Auramazda. On the fourth relief +is some dignitary of the empire, or a prince of the +house, behind the throne of the king, which is here +supported in the same way by twenty-nine figures +arranged in three rows. Here also Auramazda hovers +over the two winged circles.</p> + +<p>These figures are intended to present a picture of +the government of Darius as resting in the one case +on the fidelity and bravery of the army, and in the +other, on the obedience of the subject nations. The +supporting figures of the southern doors are all clothed +differently, in the various dresses of the empire.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span> +Between these doors we find the following inscription: +"The great Auramazda, who is the greatest of gods, +has made Darius king. He has given him the kingdom; +by the grace of Auramazda Darius is king. +Darius the king speaks: 'This land of Persia, which +Auramazda has given to me, which is beautiful, rich +in horses and men, fears no enemy by the protection +of Auramazda, and of me, King Darius. May Auramazda +stand beside me with the gods of the land, +and protect this region against war, blight, and the +lie. May no enemy come to this region, no army, +no blight, no lie. For this favour I entreat Auramazda, +and all the gods. May Auramazda grant me +this with all the gods.'" On the same wall we are +told: "I am Darius, the great king, the king of +kings, the king of these numerous lands, the son of +Hystaspes, an Achæmenid. Darius the king says: +'By the grace of Auramazda these are the lands which +I rule over with this Persian army, which are in fear +of me, and bring me tribute: the Susians, the Medes, +the Babylonians, the Arabs, the Assyrians, the Egyptians, +the Armenians, the Cappadocians, the inhabitants +of Sardis, the Ionians of the mainland, and those of +the sea. And in the east the Sagartians, the Parthians, +the Sarangians, the Areians, the Bactrians, +the Sogdiani, the Chorasmians, the Gedrosians, the +Arachoti, the Indians, the Gandarians, the Sacae, the +Macians. If thou thinkest: May I tremble before no +enemy, then protect this Persian army; if the Persian +army is protected, prosperity will remain unbroken +to the most distant days.'"<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a></p> + +<p>The successors of Darius extended the palace of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span> +Persepolis. Directly behind the gate to which the +great staircase on the terrace leads, King Xerxes, the +son and successor of Darius, erected a portico. From +the two front pilasters which form the entrance to +this court from the west, two horses are hewn out +in high relief; their heads and fore-feet project in +front, their bodies and hinder quarters stand out from +the pilasters in the entrance. These horses are 18 +feet in length. From the four pillars which support +the roof of the portico behind this entrance, +two are still standing, 24 feet in height. Corresponding +to the two guards of the front entrances, +we find at the exit of the hall towards the interior +of the citadel, <i>i. e.</i> towards the east, two winged bulls +with human heads, projecting from the pilasters. +About 20 feet in length, these bulls are precisely +similar to the human-headed bulls of Nineveh, but +the wings of the bulls are not thrown back so far, +and the solemn bearded head is not surmounted here +by a round cap, but by the Persian tiara; these tiaras, +like the caps at Nineveh, are surrounded by four +united horns. The horse, the animal of Mithra, +which occurs repeatedly on the ruins of Persepolis, +was no doubt the peculiar symbol of the Persians; +the human-headed winged bulls belong, as has been +observed, to Babylon and Assyria. Between this +portico and the smaller building of his father, on +the western edge of the terrace, Xerxes constructed +a magnificent building. Three porticoes, of twelve +pillars each, surrounded on the north, west, and south, +a hall, formed of 36 pillars of black marble, 67 feet +in height, and placed closely to each other in six +rows; 14 are still standing. The building rose upon +a walled platform, paved with blocks of marble. This +appears to have been a kind of vestibule in which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span> +the court, the foreign ambassadors, the emissaries of +the provinces, who brought tribute, assembled. The +inscription calls it a reception-house,<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> and the reliefs +with which the front wall of the platform, ten feet +in height, is ornamented, indicate that it was a vestibule. +Two flights of steps lead up to this platform, +and in the middle they form a projecting landing, +on the front of which, on either side of an inscription, +stand the seven guardians of the kingdom, three on +one side and four on the other, in Median garments, +with an upright spear in the hand. On the external +walls of the steps we see a lion on either side, which +attacks a horned horse from behind; the horse turns +to defend itself. On the wall of the platform reliefs +on either side of the steps exhibit three rows of +figures one above the other. On the west side are +the nations bringing tribute, on the eastern, which +is more honourable, the body-guard and the court +of the king. In each row here 22 soldiers of the +body-guard advance to the steps; then the people +of the court follow, partly in Median and partly in +Persian dress; most of them have a dagger at the +side; some are in conversation and take each other +by the hand; others have suspended the bow in a +belt over the shoulder; others carry cups, others +staves which end in an apple in their hands. On +the west side of the steps the figures are arranged +in 20 sections, each containing six men (with one +exception, which contains eight). The first figure +always carries a staff, which marks him out as introducing +strangers. The staff-bearer holds the nearest +man by the hand; this second figure and the four +which follow are differently clad in each section; the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span> +last four carry various objects, garments, jars containing +different articles, etc., or lead camels, horses, +humped oxen, cattle, rams, mules, and other animals. +These are the 20 satrapies of the kingdom who are +brought before the king by the officers, and present +their tribute. A second building, which Xerxes +erected to the south-west of the smaller structure of +Darius, consists of a portico of 12 pillars, and a hall +of 36 pillars, on which abut four chambers on the +east and west. This seems to have been his dwelling-house +at Persepolis; at any rate we see in the +sculptures of the hall six servants, who are carrying +dishes with food, and a wine-skin. In addition to +these, in four other places on the terrace, there are +remains of less extensive buildings, one of which, +lying in the south-west angle, was built by Artaxerxes +III. Numerous ruins before the royal citadel, reaching +from the foot of the terrace to the Pulwar, and +the ruins of a wall, which ran along the river, confirm +the statements of the Greeks, that a city of considerable +size lay adjacent to the palace, just as the +remains of canals and aqueducts show that the valley +in front of the citadel was carefully cultivated.</p> + +<p>Near the new citadel and city, which Darius added +to his home a few years later, he caused the place +to be marked out in which his corpse should rest +or be exposed. Two leagues to the north-west from +the ruins of the citadel of Persepolis, on the further +shore of the Pulwar, lies a steep wall of white marble, +now called Naksh-i-Rustem, <i>i. e.</i> pictures of Rustem. +At an elevation of 60 or 70 feet above the ground +this wall is hewn and wrought. The lowest part of +this work is a plain surface, which forms the basis +for a façade of four pillars, which are cut out of +the rock. The capitals, like those in the palaces of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span> +Persepolis, are formed of the fore-quarters of two +kneeling horses united at the middle. Between the +two central pillars is the case of a door. The heavy +moulding which these pillars support passes into a +toothed plinth, on which rises a sort of catafalque, where +are two rows of men, each containing fourteen, in +different dresses (among them are three negroes), who +support a beam with upraised arms, on which a few +steps lead up to a platform. On this stands Darius +before an altar, the fire on which is flaming. The left +hand rests on the bow which is planted on the platform, +the right is raised in prayer. In the centre above +the king hovers Auramazda in a winged circle; to +the right the sun's disc is visible. The door of the +façade does not seem to have been an entrance; but +now the lower part of it is opened, and leads behind +the façade into a long chamber, and three smaller +ones, which are cut out of the mountain. Any one +who wishes to have a near view of the façade must +be drawn up, as Ctesias says that the parents of +Darius were; the corpses also must have been drawn +up, as we are told by Diodorus. On the façade +under the form of the king we find the following +inscription: "I, Darius, the great king, the king of +kings, the king of the lands of all tongues, the king +of the great and wide earth, the son of Hystaspes, +the Achæmenid, the Persian, the son of a Persian, +Ariya, scion of Ariya (in the Babylonia text we have +only, a Persian, son of a Persian). Darius the king +says: 'By the grace of Auramazda these are the +lands which I governed beyond Persia; I ruled over +them: they brought me tribute, they did what I +commanded them: they obeyed my law: the Medes, +Susians, Parthians, Areans, Bactrians, Sogdians, Chorasmians, +Sarangians, Arachoti, Gedrosians, Gandarians,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span> +Indians, Amyrgian-Sacæ, Sacæ with pointed caps, +Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, Armenia, Cappadocia, +the inhabitants of Sardis, the Ionians, the Sacæ +beyond the sea, the Çkudra (the Thracians?) the +Ionians who wear knots,<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> the Putiya, the Kushiya, +the Machiya, the Karka (p. 307). Auramazda gave +me these lands when he saw them in rebellion, and +granted to me the rule over them; by the grace of +Auramazda I have again reduced them to order; +what I told them, that was done, because it was my +will. If thou thinkest: How many were the lands +which Darius ruled? look on the picture of those +who bear my throne, in order to know them. Then +wilt thou know that the lance of the Persian penetrated +far, that the Persian fought battles far from +Persia. What I have done, I have accomplished by +the grace of Auramazda: Auramazda came to my +help, till I accomplished it; may Auramazda protect +me, my house and my land. May Auramazda grant +me that for which I pray. O man, resist not the +command of Auramazda; leave not the right path; +sin not.'"<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> The mention of the "Knot-bearing" +Ionians, and the Putiya (<i>i. e.</i> the Libyans), and the +Sacæ beyond the sea on this inscription shows that it +was engraved after the campaigns to the Danube and +Barca, the subjection of Lemnos and Miletus, and the +Greek cities on the coast of Thracia, <i>i. e.</i> after the +year 512 <small>B.C.</small>; it was after this year that Darius +caused his tomb to be constructed.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> On the frame +of the façade, over the pillared portal, we find on +each side three figures in long robes placed over +each other. These are the six princes of the Persian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[Pg 386]</a></span> +tribes, the six chiefs of the empire after the king. +Above the highest figure on the left of the king we +read: "Gaubaruva (Gobryas) the Pateischorean, the +lance-bearer of King Darius;"<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> over the second +"Açpachana (Aspathines), the bow-bearer of King +Darius."<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a></p> + +<p>The ruins of Susa and Persepolis, the only remains +of ancient west Iranian architecture which have come +down to us, show that it was indeed founded upon +Babylonian and Assyrian patterns, but that it was +by no means mere imitation. Neither in Ecbatana +nor in Persepolis was the use of brick necessary; +stone was at hand; and even in Susa, at a distance +of 50 miles from the mountains, stone was used. The +ruins give evidence of a skill in smoothing and fitting +the stones, which can only have been attained by +long practice. If the platform, on which the buildings +rest, belongs to the Babylonian and Assyrian +style, the ruins of Persepolis and Susa nevertheless +exhibit a perfectly independent style, which seems +to have arisen out of an earlier practice of building +in wood, and a peculiar manner of treating the ornamentation. +We have seen that the plan of the palace +at Ecbatana presupposed the use of wood, that the +pillars there were wooden posts covered with precious +metals. In Persepolis stone took the place of wood. +The outer walls of the building are strong, the blocks +and mouldings over the windows and doors are high +and massive, but along with this massiveness, strength, +and permanence, the buildings show a tendency to +run into great height. The pillars are slender, reminding +us of tent-posts; though of more than 60<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[Pg 387]</a></span> +feet in height they have a diameter of only four +feet, and the inter-columniations are often more than +30 feet. The socles and capitals (which are either +the fore-quarters of horses or bulls or inverted +cups) are high and delicate. The socles do not +project far, the capitals are slender; the buildings, +which were covered by roofs of beams, overlaid no +doubt with plates of gold and silver, thus acquired, +along with their solidity, the impression of imposing +elevation and delicate lightness. The sculptures also +are distinguished from those of Babylon and Assyria, +not merely by the fact that they are carried out in +harder material, but they have also greater repose in +the expression, the figures are less compressed, the +muscles less prominent, the development of the forms +more noble and free, the fall of the folds simple and +natural. Animals are represented with extraordinary +vigour and life. The execution in detail is careful, +but flatter and duller than at Nineveh. The expression +of the heads does not possess the energy and +life which the sculptures of Assyria present; even +in the most excited action it is ceremonious. It is +solemn, massive, earnest, dignified, and restrained, but +wanting in character. Beside the sculptures which +symbolically represent the dignity, business, or deeds +of the officers of the empire, the remaining reliefs of +Persepolis give no chronicle of the reign of Darius +and Xerxes; we find neither battles nor sieges; they +merely glorify the splendour and greatness of the +monarchy; they exhibit the throne of the king which +the subject nations carry, surrounded by the princes of +the kingdom, and protected by the body-guard. We +see the subject nations bringing tribute, and thus +we have a picture of established power, and secure +majesty, but not of the individual acts and victories<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[Pg 388]</a></span> +of the king. The only historical sculpture which is +at present known, is the inscription of Darius at +Behistun. The style is simple and severe, the treatment +far less minute than on the reliefs of Persepolis +and Naksh-i-Rustem, but naïve and vigorous.</p> + +<p>Susa, so Strabo tells us, was adorned more than +other cities by the kings of the Persians; each built +a separate dwelling there as a memorial of his reign; +after Susa they honoured the palaces of Persepolis +and Pasargadae; at Gabae also in upper Persia and +at Taoke on the coast they had castles.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> From +Xenophon we learn that "the kings of Persia, it is +said, pass the spring and the summer in Susa and +Ecbatana."<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> We may conclude from these statements, +and from the fact that the Achæmenids not only +preserved but multiplied the gold and silver ornaments +of the citadel of Ecbatana, as well as the buildings +of the palace (V. 315), that Susa remained the ordinary +residence even under the successors of Darius, but +that in the height of summer—in order to avoid the +heat of the plains of Elam—the court sought the +cooler air of the ancient residence of Phraortes and +Cyaxares—a change advisable on political grounds also. +Even a short residence in Ecbatana showed that +Media did not occupy the last place in the kingdom. +The Persian kings also resided at times in Babylon. +The Sassanids pursued the same course. Ardeshir built +Shahabad in Elam, his successors resided in Madain, +but during the summer in Hamadan.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> The palaces<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[Pg 389]</a></span> +in the mother country were visited by Darius and his +successors from time to time, who like himself caused +their sepulchres to be cut either in the rocks of Naksh-i-Rustem, +or on Mount Rachmed, immediately to the +east of the citadel. There are three sepulchres by the +side of that of Darius, and three on Mount Rachmed.</p> + +<p>The size and splendour of the palaces at Susa, +Ecbatana, Persepolis, and Pasargadae were matched +by the numbers and brilliance of the court. The +ceremonies and the arrangement of the service were +taken from the pattern of the Median court, but not +without considerable variations, and the Medes, in +turn, had imitated the style of the Assyrian and +Babylonian court. The prominent position of the six +tribal princes, the supreme judges, the "kinsmen and +table companions of the king," were without a parallel +among the Medes; it was they who immediately +surrounded the king next to the occupants of the +great offices of state or honour. It was the opinion +of Cyrus, Xenophon tells us, that the ruler should not +only be superior to his subjects in valour, but he +must exert a charm over them also. Thus he accustomed +both himself and his officers to give commands +with dignity, and for himself and for them he adopted +the Median dress, as being more imposing and majestic. +On solemn occasions the king appeared in a long +purple robe, bordered with white—such as no one but +himself might wear,<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> a Kaftan (Kandys) of brilliant +purple was thrown over it.<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> The embroidery exhibited<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[Pg 390]</a></span> +falcons and hawks, the birds of the good god, which +dwell in the pure air nearest to heaven. This garment +was held together by a golden girdle, in which was +a sabre adorned with precious stones. The trowsers +were of purple; the shoes of the colour of saffron.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> +The head was covered by the upright tiara or kidaris,<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> +of a white and blue colour, or by a band of the same +colours, and also by a crown, as we see from the +picture of Darius on a seal at Behistun.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> Plutarch +tells us that the king's attire was valued at 12,000 +talents (nearly £3,000,000); his ornaments and attire +on solemn occasions are no doubt meant.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> If the +royal court of the Sassanids was arranged after that +of the Achæmenids, the attire of the king was even +more extravagant. As the Greeks inform us, the +king of the Persians was a sight seldom seen by the +Persians.<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> Only the six tribal princes could enter +without being announced. The attempt in any other +person would be punished with death, unless the king +forgave the offence.<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> It required time and trouble, +and even special favour, to make way through the +troops of body-guards, servants, eunuchs, under-officers, +and court nobles; and when this was done it was +necessary to be announced by the officers who introduced +strangers, or by the chief door-keeper. The +king sat on a golden throne when he gave audience. +Over this was stretched a baldachino of vari-coloured +purple, supported by four golden pillars adorned with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[Pg 391]</a></span> +precious stones.<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> It was the custom among the +Persians for the lower to bow to the earth before the +more honourable,<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> no one approached the king without +falling in the dust before him.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> Any one who spoke +to the king was compelled to keep his hands hidden +in the long sleeves of his upper garment, in order to +show that he neither could nor would use them.<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a></p> + +<p>According to Xenophon the king of the Persians +at day-break praised the powers of heaven, sacrificed +daily to the gods, whom the Magians indicated. +Plutarch tells us that he was awaked daily +by a chamberlain with the words: "Arise, O king, +and think of the things which Auramazda has given +thee to think of."<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> At table the queen-mother and +the queen sat beside him. The first sat above +him, the second below, the king was in the middle +of the table.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> Like all the Persians, he ate but +one meal a day, but this lasted a long time. The +princes, the "kinsmen" and "table companions" of +the king, as a rule, ate in an ante-chamber, but +at banquets they were in the same hall with him, +in their proper order, the king on a rich divan with +a golden frame, the companions on pillows or carpets +on the floor,<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> so arranged that those whom the king +trusted most were on his left, the others on his right; +"because the king," as Xenophon says, "could in +case of need defend himself better with his right +hand."<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> Before it was brought to the king the food<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[Pg 392]</a></span> +was tested by tasters; and before handing the goblet +to the king, the butler drank a few drops out of it +with a spoon, to prove that it was not poisoned.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> +Many kinds of food were set on the table, but +only a moderate portion of each was placed before +every person. Xenophon praises the abstinence of +the well-bred Persians at table; they regarded it as +low and brutish to show desire for food or drink.<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> +Plutarch says: "Not only the friends, and commanders, +and body-guard of the king had portions +from his table, but also what the slaves and dogs +ate was put upon the board, so that the kings of +the Persians made all who were in their service the +companions of their table and their hearth."<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> What +was left from the table of the king was carried into +the courts and distributed in equal portions among +the body-guard and the servants.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> If the meal was +followed by any drinking, the queen-mother and the +queen retired, before the concubines entered to play +and sing.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> The table-companions might not look at +the concubines, and the eunuchs, who brought the +women into the hall, took care that they should not. +Even at night, when the king retired to rest, the +concubines played and sang by the light of burning +lamps.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> On the festival of Mithra, the king was +allowed to dance in Persian fashion, and to be intoxicated;<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> +on his birthday he gave a great banquet, +which, as Herodotus tells us, was called among the +Persians the perfect banquet. On this day the king +gave presents to the Persians (<i>i. e.</i> they received a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[Pg 393]</a></span> +largess of money), and at the banquet, in which the +women took part, he could not refuse any petition.<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> +In accordance with the doctrine of the Avesta the +king celebrated the day which had called him into +life, and, as Plato tells us, all Asia celebrated with +sacrifices and feasts the day which had given them +their ruler.<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a></p> + +<p>No one ever saw the king on foot; if he passed +through the courts of the palace carpets of Sardis +were spread before him, on which no other foot might +step.<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> Outside the palace the king was sometimes +seen on horseback, but more frequently in his chariot. +It was a much-envied distinction among the princes +of Persia to be allowed to assist the king to his horse.<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> +If he descended from his chariot, no one might reach +out his hand to support him; it was the duty of the +bearer of the royal stool to place a golden stool for him +to descend. At solemn processions, the roads on which +the royal train passed were cleansed, as in India, +strewn with myrtle and made odorous with frankincense; +a string of guards and whip-bearers were +placed along the way to prevent any one from coming +forward to the chariot of the king.<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> The body-guard +in their golden ornaments with crowned tiaras led the +way and brought up the rear. The chariot of Mithra, +yoked with eight Nisaean greys, went before the king; +the sacred fire was carried before him by the Magians; +and beside the chariot of the king, which was drawn +by six or four Nisaean horses, marched staff-bearers. +The chiefs of the tribes, the Achæmenids, the great +officers of the court, the "kinsmen and table companions" +of the king followed. In the train in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[Pg 394]</a></span> +rear no doubt the royal horses, two or four hundred +in number, were, no doubt, led in splendid trappings.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a></p> + +<p>Darius was married before he ascended the throne +of the Magian. His wife was the daughter of Gobryas, +the chief of the Pateischoreans. She had borne him +three sons before he came to the throne: Artabazanes, +Arsamenes, and Ariabignes.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> When he had acquired +the throne, he made Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, +his queen, <i>i. e.</i> his legitimate wife; the younger line +of Achæmenes was thus yet more closely united with +the elder. The daughter of Gobryas fell into the +rank of the second wives; Atossa took the place +which Cassandane had held beside Cyrus, and which +she herself had previously occupied with Cambyses. +The second daughter of Cyrus, Artystone, and Parmys +the only daughter whom Smerdis had left, passed +into the harem of Darius. Atossa bore him four +sons: Xerxes, Hystaspes, Masistes, and Achæmenes; +Artystone bore Arsames and Gobryas, and Parmys +Ariomardus. Darius had also sons by other women, +as Phratagune, the daughter of his brother, Artanes; +"he had many sons," is the remark of Justin.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> The +secondary wives of the king ranked above the concubines. +The number of the latter was, at any rate +under the successors of Darius, very considerable; it +is given at 300, 350, and 360. After the battle +of Issus, 329 concubines of the last Darius were +discovered among the captives.<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> These women, as +Diodorus informs us, were sought out from the most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[Pg 395]</a></span> +beautiful maidens in Asia; for the new-comers, +according to the book of Esther, a year's preparation +was necessary. This went on in a special department +of the seraglio, and consisted in the use of ointments, +spices, and perfumes.<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> They were so far beneath the +queen, that they were compelled to prostrate themselves +before her when she looked at them;<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> at no +time, except at the table of the king, could they be +seen by men. If they accompanied the king on the +chase or on journeys, and, as became usual at a +later time, to the field, they were always in closed +conveyances. Any one who touched one of the concubines +was put to death, and even any one who +approached their waggons, or passed through the +train.<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> The queen enjoyed greater liberty. We are +told of Stateira, the consort of Artaxerxes II., that +she always travelled with her hangings drawn back, +and allowed the women of the people to come up to +her car and greet her.<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a></p> + +<p>We have mentioned already how numerous were +the persons about the court. The Greeks call attention +to the splendid attire of the servants, and +remark that the preparation of the king's table and +the waiting gave them a great deal of trouble: in +fact half the day was taken up with this. Each of +the great court officers had a large number of subordinates. +The chief door-keeper had at his disposal +a number of eunuchs, who watched over the inner +courts of the palace and the harem, waited on +the women and carried messages. The degrading use +of castration was unknown to the nations of the +Arians, and contrary to their religion, which put so<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[Pg 396]</a></span> +high a value on life, and the preservation of the +germs of life. It was from the princes of the Semites, +the Assyrian and Babylonian court, that the use of +eunuchs for guarding the harem, for waiting on the +king and his women, and service in the inner +chambers, was borrowed by the Median kings. In +addition to other burdens, Babylonia supplied each +year 500 mutilated boys to Darius. Eunuchs were +never employed in the Persian army for commanders, +or for officers of state, as was the case in Assyria and +Babylonia; but personal attendance on the king, +which even in the time of Cyrus devolved on eunuchs, +brought some of them into favour and influence under +him, and subsequently under Cambyses.<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> Beside the +chief door-keeper and his eunuchs, was the chief +staff-bearer with his subordinates. It was his duty +to introduce strangers and those who came to ask +for assistance; the envoys from countries and cities; +to preserve order in the palaces, to superintend and +punish the servants. The chief butler was at the +head of a large number of butlers and waiters. The +chamberlains, the valets of the king with their subordinates, +the spreaders of pillows and carpets, the +carvers and table-dressers, the cooks and bakers, the +preparers of ointment, the weavers of crowns, the +lamp-lighters and palace-sweepers formed a considerable +body. In addition there was the chief groom +with his subordinates, the master of the hunt, the +hunters and dog-keepers. Physicians also were at +hand, chiefly from Egypt, who had the greatest +reputation in the east; then came the Greeks.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a></p> + +<p>Long caravans, surrounded by the body-guard, con<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[Pg 397]</a></span>ducted +the court, when a change of residence was +made, from Susa to the palaces of Persia or Ecbatana. +A large amount of splendid furniture, cattle for +slaughter, food and drink of special quality, were +taken with them. Herodotus tells us that the king +of Persia drank only the water of the Choaspes, <i>i. e.</i> +the Kerkha, which was boiled and carried in silver +vessels on four-wheeled cars both into the field, and +on journeys.<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> Beside numerous waggons the conveyance +of the court required 1200 camels.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> Along +with the military equipage of the last Darius 277 +cooks, 29 pastry-cooks, 13 preparers of milk diet, +17 preparers of liquors, 70 cellarmen, 40 preparers +of ointment, and 41 chaplet-makers were captured.<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> The name in Hebrew is Shushan, among the Assyrians, Shusan, +<i>hodie</i>, Shush.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> Loftus, "Travels in Susiana," p. 425 ff. Nöldeke ("Göttingen +G. G." 1874, s. 173 ff.) has treated exhaustively of the various names +of ancient Elam, as Susiana is invariably called among the Assyrians, +Babylonians, and Hebrews. He proves that the name +Κισσίη +which is in use among the older Greeks, Aeschylus, Hecataeus, and Herodotus, +must be derived from the Kossaeans, a tribe who inhabited the northern +and higher part of Susiana, and the mountainous edge towards Iran. +Of later writers Polybius only uses the name Cissians, who also uses +the name Matieni in the sense of Herodotus. Uwaya, the name common +among the Persians for Susiana, is taken from the Uxians, who were +the eastern neighbours of Persia, <i>i. e.</i> the tribe in Susiana which dwelt +nearest to Persia; it is retained in the new Persian Chuz and Chusistan. +Among the Greeks the name Elymaeans is first used by the companions +of Alexander as the name for a tribe, and then in the second century +<small>B.C.</small> as the name of a new kingdom which restored the ancient Elam. +Yet to this tribe which inhabited the plain and the hills of Susa and +Shuster was due the foundation and government of the kingdom +which once ruled in the valley of the Euphrates, which so long +resisted the Assyrians, but was entirely unknown to the Greeks. The +rivers of Susiana are difficult to fix, as both Persian and native names +are indifferently used. The name Choaspes, which contains <i>açpa</i>, is +plainly Persian; it is no doubt the Kerkha. On the Eulaeus, Koprates, +and Pasitigris, see Droysen, "Hellenismus," 1<sup>2</sup>, 266 <i>n.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> Aesch. "Pers." 16, 120; Athen. p. 513; Strabo, p. 728, 731, 739; +Diod. 17, 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> Polyb. 5, 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 31; Daniel viii. 2, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> "Pers." 3, 4, 159, 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Ael. "Hist. An." 1, 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> Ménant, "Achaemenides," p. 140, 141; Oppert, "Peuple des +Mèdes," p. 229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> Curtius, 5, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> Diod. 17, 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> Oppert, "Peuple des Mèdes," 196.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> Oppert, <i>loc. cit.</i> 19, 148; Spiegel, "Keilinschriften," s. 49; +Schrader, "Assyr. Babyl. Keilinschriften," s. 363.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> Texier, "Description," pl. 100.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> Impressions of seals which have been discovered in the palace +of Sennacherib at Kuyundshik, represent the king of Assyria in +precisely the same position.—Layard, "Nineveh and Babylon," +p. 154, 161.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Esther i. 6, 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> Inscriptions H. and J. Oppert, "Journal Asiatique," 19, 141; +Spiegel, "Keilinschriften," s. 49. Oppert now translates <i>aniya</i> not by +"enemy" but literally by "the other;" by which Angromainyu +would be meant: "Peuple des Mèdes," p. 199.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> <i>Viçadahyaus</i>; Spiegel, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 57; Benfey, "Keilinschriften," s. +63-65; Schrader, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 364.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Above, p. 272 <i>n.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> Oppert. "Z. D. M. G." 11, 133 ff.; Mordtmann, <i>loc. cit.</i> 16, 109 +ff.; Spiegel, "Keilinschriften," s. 52; Schrader, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 361.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> Above, p. 272 <i>n.</i>, 307.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> So the Babylonian text.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> It is merely a guess that <i>saraçtibara</i> means bow-bearer; Spiegel, +"Keilinschriften," s. 106. Oppert translates: bearer of the commands +of the king; "Peuple des Mèdes," p. 213.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> Strabo, p. 728, 735.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> "Anab." 3, 5, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> Nöldeke, "Tabari," s. 353. Xenophon's statements about the +residences in the "Anabasis" (<i>loc. cit.</i>) cannot be outweighed by the +systematized arrangement in the "Cyropaedia" that Cyrus spent three +months at Susa, two at Ecbatana, and seven months at Babylon, +which Plutarch ("De Exilio," c. 12) repeats in the form, that the Persian +kings passed the spring at Susa, the summer in Media, and the winter +in Babylon. With Aeschylus and Herodotus Susa is a fixed residence, +and so also in the treatise "De Mundo," p. 398, and the Hebrews, +<i>e. g.</i> Nehemiah i. 1. Joseph. "Antiq." 10, 11, 7. Athenaeus, p. 513, thinks +that Persepolis was the residence for the autumn. In the winter of +the year 396-395 Conon finds Artaxerxes II. at Babylon; the same +king says in Plutarch ("Artax." c. 19) to Parysatis, that he will +never see Babylon as long as she lives.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> Diod. 17, 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> Aeschyl. "Pers." 660.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." c. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> Diod. 17, 77; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 3, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> Plutarch ("Artax." c. 24) maintains, it is true, that this is the +value of the garments which the king habitually wore. Arrian treats +of this subject, "Anab." 4, 7, and Curtius, 3, 3, 17-19; 6, 6, 4. With +respect to the royal colours, cf. Esther i. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> Phan. Eres. Fragm. 9, ed. Müller; Plut. "Artax." c. 20, 23; Strabo, +p. 525.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> Esther iv. 11. Cf. Herod. 3, 118, 119.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> Heracl. Cum. fragm. 1, ed. Müller; Esther v. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> Herod. 1, 134; Strabo, p. 734.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> Arrian, "Anab." 4, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> Xenoph. "Hellen." 2, 1; 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> Herod. 7, 54; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 1, 23, 24, with the addition +that this was the custom in his day. Plut. "Ad princ. ineruditum," 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> Plutarch, "Artax." c. 5; "Conjug. praecepta," c. 16; "Quaest. +Conviv." 1, 3, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> Heracl. Cum. fragm. 2; Xenoph. "Hellen." 4, 1, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> "Cyri Inst." 8, 4, 2, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> Suidas, Ἐδέατρος.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> "Cyri Inst." 5, 2, 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> Plut. "Quaest. Conviv." 7, 4, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> Athenaeus, p. 145. Above, p. 352.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> Plut. "Quaest. Conviv." 1, 1, 1; "Conjug. praecepta," 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Heracl. Cum. fragm. 2; Diod. 17, 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> Ctesias and Darius, in Athenaeus, p. 434.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> Herod. 9, 110, 111; Esther ii. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> "Alcib. I." p. 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> Heracl. Cum. fragm. 1, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> Xenoph. "Anab." 4, 4, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> Herod. 7, 54; Curtius, 5, 1, 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> Herod. 7, 40, 41; 54, 55; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 3, 5-10; +Curtius, 3, 3, 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> Herod. 7, 2, 97; 8, 89. Herodotus (7, 68) calls Arsamenes the +son of Darius, and (7, 69) Arsames the son of Darius and Artystone. +Artabazanes is called by Justin (2, 10) Artamenes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> Herod. 7, 224; Justin, 2, 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> Diod. 17, 77; Athenaeus, p. 557.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> Esther ii. 7-17; v. 2; viii. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> Deinon in Athenaeus, p. 557.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> Heracl. Cum. fragm. 1, ed. Müller; Plut. "Artax." c. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 7, 5, 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 1, 9; 8, 8, 20; Plut. "Artax." c. 19; +Nicol. Damasc. fragm. 66, ed. Müller. On the physicians, above, +p. 134, 313.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> Herod. (1, 188) ascribes this custom to Cyrus, though the reference +to Susa which he adds shows that it can only have come into existence +after Susa became a residence.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> Demosth. "Symmor." p. 185.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> Athenaeus, p. 608.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[Pg 398]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER XX.</h2> + +<h3>RETROSPECT.</h3> + + +<p>The arrangement which Darius had given to his vast +empire allowed the character, laws, manners, and +religion of the subject nations to remain as far as +possible unchanged, and only interfered, exceptionally, +in the hereditary local customs of the provinces. Adequate +provision for the maintenance of the central +government, the establishment of rapid combinations, +care for the training of the generals and officers, +ample and obvious rewards for service, a system of +taxation far removed from extortion, regulations for +the advancement of agriculture, development of the +trade on the southern sea, or by land, since the +caravans could pass unharmed and even protected +from Miletus to Susa, from Cyrene to the Indus, +seemed to give a solid foundation, an adequate support, +and abiding power to the empire of Cyrus and +Darius. Yet for the security and continuance of it, +it was of the first importance, whether the national +feeling of the subject peoples, in spite of or owing +to the tolerance of the empire, was still sufficiently +vigorous and strong to create in them the desire to +rise from the subjection in which they were, to win +back their independence, and develop their national +existence; whether the controlling power of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[Pg 399]</a></span> +ruling people was sufficient to maintain itself for a +length of time over such wide regions; whether, in +fine, the ruling house would preserve, amid the splendour +of its new palaces, and the brilliance of extraordinary +success, the vigour and force required to +sustain the heavy task of administering the empire +in the manner of Darius.</p> + +<p>Under his sceptre the national civilizations of Asia +which had hitherto been separated were united into +a great whole. Beside the ancient civilization of +Babylon stood the yet more ancient civilization of +Egypt; beside the Lydians and Syrians, and the +Hellenes of the Anatolian coast, stood the forms of life +existing on the Indus, all united in equal rights; +above these, and yet owing to the formation of this +empire, side by side with them, was the characteristic +civilization of the Bactrians, Medes, and Persians. +The ancient communities of Egypt, Babylonia, and +Phoenicia were able, it is true, to make attempts, and +even stubborn attempts, at resistance, but they did +not succeed in effecting a new departure. On the +contrary, the various forms of civilization united +together began by degrees to exercise a mutual +influence, and each wore down the other. Only the +religious feeling of that Syrian tribe, whose states +had been crushed beneath the armies of the kings +of Asshur and Babylon, remained free from this +assimilation, and self-secluded; in the native soil, +which Cyrus had once more allowed the exiles to +occupy, they struck new and deeper roots, which +promised the noblest fruits from the old sturdy stock.</p> + +<p>The Persians, and especially the upper orders, could +not remain uninfluenced by the privileged position +of the ruling people and reigning class in such a +wide empire, and by the pattern of the court. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[Pg 400]</a></span> +fruits of dominion flowed in upon them; their lives +were opulent and full of enjoyment. The Greeks can +tell us a great deal of the splendour and luxury of the +Persians, which were introduced in the time of Darius +and subsequently. They inform us that the Persians +adopted a richer style of dress. Like the Indians, +the Medes and the Persians after them delighted to +adorn themselves; but according to the Greeks the +Persians were even more anxious to give themselves +a dignified and imposing appearance. They wore the +loose dress of the Medes, in blue and red purple; +they also followed the Medes in wearing chains, and +armlets, and earrings of gold.<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> The hair and beard +received careful attention. In summer the parasol-bearers +were always at hand, in winter gloves were +worn.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> The houses were adorned with costly carpets; +the Persians lay on beds with golden feet, and soft +cushions; and on the tables of the higher classes glittered +goblets, bowls, and pitchers of gold and silver. +The servants were numerous, trained butlers, bakers, +and cooks were kept.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> The table of the Persians, as the +Greeks tell us, presented but few kinds of farinaceous +food, but whole animals were served up, and the dessert +was plentiful and in various courses.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> The hereditary +moderation in wine was not observed. Herodotus tells +us that: "The Persians readily accept foreign customs. +They wear the Median dress because they consider it +more beautiful, and in war they use Egyptian coats +of mail. They adopt any customs which please<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[Pg 401]</a></span> +them, and in addition to a large number of wives, +they have many concubines."<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> About the year 500 +<small>B.C.</small> the Persians were so accustomed to convenience +in their domestic economy, that they took even into +the field of battle their servants together with their +cooks and maid-servants, their entire harem with +costly furniture, partly in closed waggons and partly +on camels; even the men of the guard were followed +by their women and furniture. The nobles encamped +under tents splendidly wrought with gold and silver.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> +But in spite of this luxury, self-control and military +vigour were never eradicated in the Persians. They +were always seen in a becoming attitude. They were +never observed to eat or drink greedily; they never +laughed loud, or quarrelled, or gave way to passion.<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> +The education which the sons of the nobles received +under the eye of the king and the satraps, and the +rich rewards in store for eminent valour, kept up a +manly spirit. We have more than one instance of +acts of rare devotion to the king and the empire. +The remembrance of the conflicts of Cyrus, of the +wars which Darius carried on, the consciousness of +great successes, the proud feeling that they governed +the nations of Asia, formed strong counterpoises to +the advance of effeminacy. Even those who lived +most delicately at home eagerly joined in the chase, +in the prescribed extirpation of the animals of Angromainyu, +and the princes did not disdain to do garden-work +with their own hands day by day. At that +time, as Xenophon observes, the old Persian sobriety +and force existed beside the Median dress and luxury, +and Heracleides of Pontus tells us that the Persians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[Pg 402]</a></span> +and Medes, who loved luxury and excess above others, +were also the bravest and most magnanimous of the +barbarians.<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> Artaxerxes Mnemon, in spite of his golden +ornaments and purple kaftan, dismounted from his +horse, and marched on foot, shield on arm and quiver +on shoulder, day by day at the head of his soldiers, +through the roughest and steepest mountain paths, +though the day's march reached 25 miles or more. +In spite of armlets and purple hose the leading +Persians long after the time of Darius leapt from +their horses into the mud, in order to extricate a +baggage-cart, which prevented the march of the army; +and the common soldier, even when frozen with cold, +hesitated to lay the axe to beautiful trees which +would be consumed merely to warm him by his +watch-fire. The prescripts of religion were not without +effect. The kings kept their word when given; +every Persian regarded it as shameful to break the +pledge of plighted hands, to refuse reverence to his +parents—his mother especially—to speak falsely, and +to seek for gains by trade. Thucydides says of them +that they liked better to give than to receive.<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> The +pride of the Persians preferred to serve the king with +arms and receive favour and presents from him, than +to carry on any kind of trade. A great number of +the Persians were constantly under arms in the +standing army; the rest tended their flocks and cultivated +their fields in the hereditary way. They kept +to the old Persian dress, the close and short garment +of leather; their coats reached only half way down +the thigh, and instead of the tiara they wore a low +band round the head. Along with their dress and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[Pg 403]</a></span> +mode of life, they kept true to the manners and +moderation of their forefathers, and practised the old +arts of riding and archery.</p> + +<p>More serious for the future of the kingdom than +any splendour or magnificence on the part of eminent +Persians, was the influence, which in the composition +of the court was unavoidable, of his personal servants +on the king and on his resolutions—and the danger +that court intrigues might override the interest of +the empire; above all, the still more unavoidable +influence of the harem. If the position of the queen-mother, +who, in accordance with the doctrines of +Zarathrustra, enjoyed a position of great respect at +court, and her relations to the queen or first wife +gave occasion for jealous rivalry, each secondary +wife had still stronger motives to seek or maintain +influence with the king, to disparage the queen and +the other wives before him, and make provision for +her sons if she could not aspire to gain the succession +to the throne. Thus a door was opened to ambition +and intrigue, and the eunuchs of the wives found in +this occupation only too good an opportunity for +gaining importance and weight. If such evils were +a little matter under a ruler of the determination +and wisdom of Darius, it was impossible to count +on the fact that he would be followed by a series of +kings like himself, and equally great. But if the +court outgrew the state, and the fortunes of the +empire were decided in the seraglio, the empire itself +might be thrown into danger with a change in the +succession. The education given to the princes, and +especially to the heir to the throne, has been mentioned +already, as well as their instruction in the +wisdom of the Magi. The crown descended to the +eldest son of the legitimate wife or queen. Whenever<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[Pg 404]</a></span> +the king took the field, in order to prevent contention +he nominated his successor. Even about the successor +of Darius a difficulty might arise. His first wife, +the daughter of Gobryas, had borne him three sons +before he came to the throne; when king, he had +made Atossa his queen, and had four sons by her +(p. 394). Which was the legitimate heir, the eldest +of the first family, or of the second?—Artabazanes +or Xerxes?</p> + +<p>At the death of the king, as Diodorus tells us, +the sacred fire in the royal palace, and in all the +houses of the Persians, was put out.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> We remember +the prescript of the Avesta that the fire of the hearth +must be removed from the house of the dead, together +with all the sacred vessels, the pestle, the cup, the +bundle of rods and the Haoma, and that the fire could +not be kindled again till the ninth or thirtieth day after +the death (V. 215). The heir to the throne repaired +to Pasargadae, to receive consecration from the Magi +there. "In that city," says Plutarch, "there is the +shrine of a warlike goddess who may, perhaps, be +compared with Athene; to this the prince who is +to be consecrated goes, and there lays his robe aside, +in order to put on the garment which Cyrus wore +before he became king: then he eats a cake of dried +figs, bites a terebinth, and drinks a cup of sour milk +(no doubt in remembrance of the old life of the Persians). +Whether he has anything to do beyond this +is unknown."<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a> We are told elsewhere that the new +king put the royal <i>kidaris</i> on his head; and no doubt +the act would be accompanied with invocations by +the Magi. The shrine of the goddess mentioned by +Plutarch must have been a place of sacrifice to +Anahita; the heroes and kings of the Avesta sacrifice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[Pg 405]</a></span> +to this goddess in order to attain the splendour of +majesty, the supreme dominion.<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a></p> + +<p>The Arian tribes of the table-land of Iran have +preserved the original character of their family more +truly than their kinsmen who settled on the Indus +and the Ganges, and filled the Deccan with their +civilization. Placed in a less tempestuous region, in +a land where there were sharp contrasts of climate, +of hill and plain, of fertility and desolation, of snow +and sand storms, the life of the Arians in Iran was +more vigorous and manly than life in India. The +tribes in the north-east attained to civic life and +intellectual progress before the tribes of west Iran. +The contrast in which the former stood to the hordes +of the neighbouring steppes, and the repulsion of their +attacks, led the Bactrians to a larger state, and the +formation of a military monarchy, which arose from +the midst of an armed nobility, while the weight of +the ancient and powerful states of the Semites in the +valley of the Euphrates and the Tigris, repressed the +independent development of the tribes of western +Iran. The foundations of the religious views of the +Arians were the same to the east and west of the +Indus. With the Arians of the Panjab, the Arians of +Iran shared the belief in the power of the spirits of +light which gave life and blessing, in the destructive +power of the black spirits, and the struggle of the +spirits of light against the spirits of darkness. The +peculiar intensity of the contrasts in nature and in +the conditions of life in the north-east, gave an +impulse to the development of religious views there, +which led to the systematic opposition of the hosts +of heaven and of hell, and the union of these groups +under two supreme spirits, and to deeper ideas of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[Pg 406]</a></span> +their nature. It was a transformation of the old +conceptions which at the same time carried with it a +change and increase in the ethical demands made +upon men. While the development of conceptions +beyond the Indus tended to set man free from all +sensuality, and sought to bring him back to his +divine origin, by crushing the body and quenching +the individuality, the doctrine of Zarathrustra excludes +only the harmful side of nature, and demands the +increase of the useful side; it pledges every man to +take a part in the conflict of the good spirits against +the evil, demands that by his work, his activity, and +the purity of his soul, he enlarge the kingdom of +the good and light spirits to the best of his ability, +and thus forms sound and practical aims for the +conduct of men. When this doctrine had penetrated +to the nations of west Iran, and struck deep roots +among them, the Medes succeeded in combining their +tribes, and repelling the supremacy of the Assyrians. +In no long time the borders of their dominion extended, +in the west to the Halys, and in the east +over the whole table-land of Iran; in union with +Babylon they overthrew the remnant of Assyria, and +shared with that city the empire over Hither Asia. +What the Medes had begun, the Persians finished, +when they had taken the place of the Medes. One +after another the ancient kingdoms of Hither Asia +fell before them—the Lydian empire, which had +finally united under its sway the tribes and cities of +the western half of Asia Minor, ancient Babylon, +which had once more united the valley of the two +streams, the states of Syria, and the cities of the +Phenicians, and at length even primeval Egypt.</p> + +<p>Arian life and Arian culture were now dominant +through the whole breadth of Asia, from the pearl-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[Pg 407]</a></span>banks +and coral-reefs of the Indian Ocean to the +Hellespont. At the time when the first Arian settlers +were landing far in the east on Tamraparni (Ceylon) +the cities of the Hellenes on the western coast of +Anatolia and the strand of the Aegean were compelled +to bow before the arms of Cyrus. The world had +never seen before such an empire as that of Darius, +the borders of which reached from the Libyans, the +plateau of Barca, the Nubians and negroes beyond +Egypt, the tribes of the Arabian desert to the summits +of the Caucasus, the remote city of Cyrus on the +Jaxartes, and the gold-land of the Daradas in the +lofty Himalayas. And not contented with this range +Darius aspired to extend yet further the limits of +his empire.</p> + +<p>Beyond the Aegean Sea a branch of the Arian stock +had developed an independent civilization and civic +life in small mountain cantons surrounded by the +sea. The eye of the potentate of Asia looked no doubt +with contempt on these unimportant communities, +whose colonies in Asia and Africa had long been +subject to him; on states of which each could put +in the field no more than a few thousand warriors. +The sea, which separated the Persian kingdom from +the cantons of the Greeks, had already been crossed; +the Persians had seen the mouths of the Danube; +the straits of the Bosphorus and the Hellespont were +in the power of Darius, the coasts of Thrace and the +Greek states were subject to him; he had already +planted a firm foot at the mouths of the Hebrus and +the Strymon, and the prince of Macedonia paid him +tribute. At his command Phenicians and Persians +had investigated the coasts of the Aegean Sea, and +of Hellas.</p> + +<p>Was it possible that these small cantons, without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[Pg 408]</a></span> +political union or common interests, living in perpetual +strife and feud, excited and torn by internal +party contests in which there were almost as many +views as men, whose exiles made their way to the +lofty gates of the Persian monarch, whose princes were +at pains to secure their dominions by vassalage to the +great king, and join in leagues with him against +their countrymen—was it possible that these cantons, +in this position, would maintain their independence +against Persia, and resist the attack of this universal +empire,—the onset of Asia? Would the Greeks be +bold enough to venture on such a hopeless struggle, +to oppose the Persians, whose name was a terror to +all their neighbours, and even to the Hellenes? Few, +Herodotus tells us, could even bear the sight of the +Persian cavalry, and Plato remarks that the minds +of the Greeks were already enslaved to the Persians.</p> + +<p>It was a question of decisive importance for the +civilization and development of humanity; whether +the new principle of communal government, which +had been carried out in the Hellenic cantons, should +be maintained, or pass into the vast limits of the +Persian empire, and succumb to the authority of the +king: state power and civic life, absolute authority +and the will of the majority, abject obedience and +conscious self-control, the masses and the individual—these +were ranged opposite each other, and the +balance was already turning in favour of overwhelming +material force.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." c. 13; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 1, 40; "Anab." +1, 5, 8; Strabo, p. 734.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 8, 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> Aeschyl. "Pers." 543; Xenophon, "Cyri Inst." 8, 8, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> Herod. 1, 133; Heracleides of Cyme (Fragm. 2, ed. Müller) contests +the excess of the king at table as well as of the officers and +generals. Cf. Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 5, 2, 17; 8, 8, 10; Strabo, p. +733, 734.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> Herod. 1, 135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> Herod. 7, 83, 187; 9, 76, 80, 81, 82; Xenoph. "Anab." 4, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 8, 8 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 8, 15; Heracl. Pont. ap. Athenaeum, p. +512.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." 24, 25; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 5; "Cyri Inst." 8, 8, +2; Thuc. 2, 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> Diod. 17, 114. Cf. Curtius, 3, 3, 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> Vol. V. 32, 37. "Aban Yasht," 22, 25, 46, 50.</p></div> + + +</div> + + + +<div class="bbt"> +<h4>THE END.</h4> +</div> + + +<h5>BUNGAY: CLAY AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS.</h5> +<p style="text-align: right;"><i>J. 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