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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The History of Antiquity + Vol. V. + +Author: Max Duncker + +Translator: Evelyn Abbott + +Release Date: December 4, 2011 [EBook #38209] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF ANTIQUITY *** + + + + +Produced by Adrian Mastronardi and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="notebox"> +<p><b>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:</b> Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end +of the chapters in this HTML version. Obvious errors in punctuation have been +silently corrected. Other than that, printer's inconsistencies in spelling, +hyphenation, and ligature usage have been retained.</p> +</div> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + +<h5>THE</h5> + +<h1>HISTORY OF ANTIQUITY.</h1> + +<h5>FROM THE GERMAN</h5> + +<h6>OF</h6> + +<h4>PROFESSOR MAX DUNCKER,</h4> + +<p> </p> +<h6>BY</h6> + +<h3>EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., LL.D.,<br /> +<small><i>FELLOW AND TUTOR OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD.</i></small></h3> + +<p> </p> +<h4>VOL. V.</h4> + + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<h4>LONDON:<br /> +<big>RICHARD BENTLEY & SON, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,</big><br /> +Publishers in Ordinary to Her Majesty the Queen.<br /> +1881.</h4> + + +<div class="bbt"> +<h5>Bungay:</h5> + +<h6>CLAY AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS.</h6> +</div> + + + +<h2>CONTENTS.</h2> + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr><td colspan='2'><big><a href="#BOOK_VII">BOOK VII.</a><br /><i>THE ARIANS OF EASTERN IRAN.</i></big></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='right'><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER I.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE LAND AND THE TRIBES</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER II.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE KINGDOM OF THE BACTRIANS</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER III.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE SCRIPTURES OF IRAN</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER IV.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>ZARATHRUSTRA AND THE DATE OF THE COMPOSITION OF THE AVESTA</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER V.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE GODS OF THE ARIANS IN IRAN</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER VI.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE REFORM OF THE FAITH</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_129">129</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER VII.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE DOCTRINE OF THE AVESTA</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_149">149</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER VIII.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE PRIESTHOOD OF IRAN</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_184">184</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER IX.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE LAW OF THE PRIESTS</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER X.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE LATER DEVELOPMENT OF EASTERN IRAN</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_239">239</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2'><br /><br /><big><a href="#BOOK_VIII">BOOK VIII.</a><br /><i>THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES AND PERSIANS.</i></big></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='right'><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER I.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE FOUNDATION OF THE MEDIAN KINGDOM</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_267">267</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER II.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_292">292</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER III.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE TRIBES OF THE PERSIANS</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_319">319</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER IV.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE FALL OF THE MEDIAN KINGDOM</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_335">335</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan='2' align='center'>CHAPTER V.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>THE RISE OF THE PERSIAN KINGDOM</td><td align='right'><a href="#Page_382">382</a></td></tr> +</table></div> + +<div class="bbt"> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> + +<h3><a name="BOOK_VII" id="BOOK_VII"></a>BOOK VII.</h3> + +<h2>THE ARIANS OF EASTERN IRAN.</h2> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span></p> +</div> + +<h1>EASTERN IRAN.</h1> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<h3>THE LAND AND THE TRIBES.</h3> + + +<p>Between the valley of the Indus and the land of the +Euphrates and Tigris, bounded on the south by the +ocean and the Persian Gulf, on the north by the +broad steppes which the Oxus and Jaxartes vainly +attempt to fertilise, by the Caspian Sea and the valley +of the Aras, lies the table-land of Iran. Rising to an +average height of 4000 feet above the level of the sea, +it forms an oblong, the length of which from east to +west is something more than 1500 miles. The breadth +in the east is about 1000 miles, but at the narrowest +point, from the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf, it is +not much more than 500 miles; while the western +edge, reaching from the Persian Gulf to the mountains +of Aderbeijan, again extends over a distance of about +750 miles.</p> + +<p>In this seclusion, neither penetrated by bays of the +sea nor traversed by mighty rivers, the region exhibits +a certain similarity to the highlands of Arabia. The +centre of the Iranian land, like that of Arabia, is occupied +by a great desert where only nomadic life is possible. +But the soil of Iran is more diversified in regard to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>elevation and depression. The northern half of the +land is higher than the southern, the centre is hollowed +out in the form of a trough, so that in the east, at any +rate, the waters from the inner slopes of the mountainous +rim fall into the depression, and collect in +fructifying lakes. The oases and fertile valleys are +more numerous and extensive than in Arabia, and +though the rivers of the inner table-land, like the +streams of the northern edge, which flow to the north, +are lost in the sand or end in unimportant lakes, they +nevertheless render agriculture possible over wide +tracts of country.</p> + +<p>The northern side is more diversified and superior +in formation to the south. The southern edge, which +sinks down to the ocean, closely resembles Arabia +in the climate and the nature of the country; the +mountains of the north, on the other hand, exhibit +green pastures and splendid forests where Arabia has +nothing but bare peaks: in the Hindu Kush, and +Elburz on the Caspian Sea, as well as in Aderbeijan, +they rise into vast Alpine districts. The eastern edge, +extending over a distance of 900 miles, rises like a +steep wall out of the valley of the Indus; a few long +and difficult passes lead from the Indus to the high +ground, which on the north commences with cold bare +flats, and on the south with slopes still more desolate +and barren, and at the same time intolerably hot. Only +the terraces of the valley of the Cabul, which flows +down into the Indus, allow a convenient exit towards +the north, and present a soil to a great extent so +fertile that three harvests can be reaped in the year. +The western edge of Iran, on the other hand, is formed +by parallel ridges running from the north-west to the +south-east, between which, beside extensive mountain +pastures, lie narrow and well-watered valleys. In the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> +north-west the low-lying regions are rich in meadows +and forest; while those between the abutting ridges of +the western and southern edge are warm, and even hot, +in climate, rich and luxuriant in vegetation.</p> + +<p>On this table-land the heat is softened, though not +entirely, by the elevation of the soil. After violent +storms in the spring, no cloud darkens the sky from +May to September; the atmosphere is peculiarly dry +and clear, and through the fine air can be seen, bright +and sharp, the outlines of the mountains and the whole +country, while at night the star-lit sky almost replaces +the light of day. The changes in temperature are +sudden and severe. From cold, snow-covered terraces, +8000 feet in height, we suddenly descend to the +glowing heat of the plains, lying barely 2000 feet +above the sea. In the north-east oppressive heat +alternates with great cold; the north suffers from a +severe winter, with heavy falls of snow and icy storms, +blowing over the Caspian Sea and the broad steppes; in +the south the air is filled with the dust of the desert, +here extraordinarily fine, and the hot winds give the +heaps of sand the appearance of changing waves, and +roll masses of it to the sky.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>As far back as our information extends, we find the +table-land of Iran occupied by a group of nations +closely related to each other, and speaking dialects +of the same language. On the edges of that great +desert, which occupies the centre of the land, are +tracts of pasture, and further inland, treeless steppes, +which, however, are watered here and there by +brackish pools, and produce a salt vegetation barely +sufficient to provide buffaloes and camels with sustenance, +until the soil becomes entirely barren. In the +western part of these steppes wandered a pastoral<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> +people, whom Herodotus calls Sagartians. They were +horsemen, but, according to the historian's statement, +carried no weapons of attack beyond a dagger and a +rope of twisted straps, at one end of which was a loop. +In this they placed their confidence in battle; they +threw it over men and horses, and so dragged them +down and strangled them. In the inscriptions of the +Achæmenids this nation is called <i>Açagarta</i>.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>Close to the Indus, and beyond the bare, hot, treeless +shores of the ocean, the southern part of the plain +consists of sandy flats, in which nothing grows but +prickly herbs and a few palms. The springs are a +day's journey from each other, and often more. This +region was possessed by a people whom Herodotus +calls Sattagydæ, and the companions of Alexander of +Macedonia, Gedrosians.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Among the nations of the +East who were subject to them, the inscriptions of the +Achæmenids mention the "<i>Thataghus</i>," which the +Greeks understood as Sattagush and Gadrush. Neighbours +of the Gandarians, who, as we know, dwelt on +the right bank of the Indus down to the Cabul, the +Gedrosians led a wandering, predatory life; under the +Persian kings they were united into one satrapy with +the Gandarians.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> To the south of the Gedrosians, on +the coast, there dwelt, according to the Greeks, a +miserable race, eaters of fish and tortoises, who built<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> +their houses of the bones of whales thrown up by the +sea. They wove their nets from the bark of palms, +and their weapons were javelins hardened in the fire.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> +The edge on the south allows no streams of any size +to flow to the sea, so that even to this day this coast +presents only a few small fertile spots. About equally +distant from the northern and southern edge of the +table-land, to the east of the desert of the interior, lies +a considerable lake, now called Hamun, but known +to the Greeks as Areios. It forms the centre of a cultivated +district, though the storms from the west often +drive the sand of the desert to its shores. This basin +is formed by and receives important streams flowing +from the inner slopes of the northern and eastern edge. +From the southern spurs of the Hindu Kush comes +the Hilmend, the Haetumat of the Avesta, <i>i. e.</i> rich +in bridges, the Etymandros of the Greeks, which has a +course of about 400 miles, and before falling into the +lake is joined by the Arghandab. The Lora, which +flows from the east, but further to the south, does not +now reach the lake. From the north flow the Harut +and Chashrud. Round this lake, and on the banks of the +Hilmend, the Arghandab, and the Lora, lies a fruitful +region; higher up the walls of the valleys are covered +with forests, until towards the east the upper course of +the rivers is enclosed by bare cliffs. On the shores of +the Hamun, and in the valley of the Hilmend, dwelt a +people whom the inscriptions of the Achæmenids call +<i>Zaraka</i>, i. e. dwellers on the lake. A lake in Old +Persian is <i>Daraya</i>; in the ancient language of the East, +<i>Zarayanh</i>; in modern Persian, <i>Zareh</i>. Hence we +understand why Herodotus calls this nation Sarangians, +the later Greeks, Zarangians and Drangians. +According to the Greeks the Zarakas were a warlike<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> +nation, armed with Median bows and spears, unsurpassed +in battle on horseback; and a tribe of them +which lived under good and equitable laws bore the +name of Ariaçpians.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> The ruins of cities and works of +irrigation testify to the former prosperity of this region. +East of the Zarakas, up the valley of the Arghandab, +dwelt the Arachoti. In the inscriptions of the Achæmenids +they are called <i>Harauvati</i>; in the Avesta, +<i>Harahvaiti</i>, i. e. the rich in water. These names the +Arachoti received from the river on which they were +settled, the older name of which was Arachotus +(<i>Sarasvati</i>).<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Herodotus does not designate the +Arachoti by this name derived from the river of their +land, but by the tribal name of Pactyes; he tells us +that they wore peculiar bows, daggers, and skins.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> +The Afghans, who in ancient times occupied the region +from the Suleiman mountains on the east as far as +the Arghandab on the west, Shorawak on the south, +the Cabul and the range of the Sefid-Kuh on the +north, and in the middle ages forced their way to +Cabul and Peshawur, still call themselves Pashtun and +Pakhtun, or Rohilo, <i>i. e.</i> mountaineers. They still speak +their old rough mountain language, which is closely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> +connected with the dialects of the Arian tribes on the +Indus.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>Eastward of Elburz, the point where the northern +edge of Iran again rises into a lofty range to the west +(Demavend is more than 18,000 feet in height), and +then sinks down to the Caspian Sea, lay the Hyrcanians. +In the inscriptions of the Achæmenids their +land is known as <i>Varkana</i>; the modern name is Jorjan. +Here, according to the Greeks, the mountains were +covered with forests of oaks, where swarms of wild +bees had their hives; in the valleys vines and fig-trees +flourished, and the soil down to the sea was so luxuriant +that corn grew from the fallen grains without +any special sowing.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The description is hardly exaggerated. +The waters pouring from the heights and +snow-fields of Elburz water the soil of the coast so +thoroughly, that a tropical growth flourishes in Jorjan, +Taberistan, and Ghilan, the luxuriance of which is +assisted by the volcanic heat of the earth. The +lagunes of the coast are succeeded by marsh forests; +higher up are fields of rice and plantations of sugarcane, +and beyond these fertile meadows, above which +splendid forests of oaks, planes, and elms clothe the +heights of Elburz. There is abundance of water fruits, +figs and mulberries, olives and oranges, and the +vigorous creepers of the vines run even to the summits +of the trees.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Nevertheless, these favoured regions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> +have a darker side. Frequent earthquakes disturb the +soil; in the winter furious north winds blowing over +the Caspian rage along the walls of Elburz, and even +on the outlying spurs the snow falls to the depth of +several fathoms; the rain-clouds, hemmed in by the +mountain ranges, often burst in water-spouts, which +lay the land far and wide under water, and roll as +torrents down the gorges; the marsh air blanches the +inhabitants, while in the summer the hot and moist +climate breeds deadly fever.</p> + +<p>Further to the east, where the Caspian Sea ends and +the mountains of Iran descend towards the desolate, +pathless steppes of the Oxus, is a wild, hilly country. +In the depressions, and there only, the region of the +Parthians (<i>Parthava</i> in the inscriptions of the Achæmenids<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>) +exhibits fruitful lands, and, further eastward +still, agriculture is favoured by the long, narrow valley +of the Areios (Herirud). Springing from the southern +slope of the Hindu Kush, the river flows towards +the west along the inner edge of the table-land, till +it bursts through the northern barrier in order to lose +itself in the sand of the steppes. In this valley the +district of the modern Herat, lay the Areians, who +are called <i>Haraiva</i> in the inscriptions of the Persian +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>kings. The name points to the possession of water. To +the north of the Areians, in the valley of the Margos +(now Murghab), which rises in the northern edge of +the table-land, and flows to the north-west, where it +also ends in the sands of the desert, in Margiana (Old +Persian, Marghush; Bactrian, Mouru; modern Merv), +lay the Margiani, in a well-cultivated region, rich in +vineyards, with numerous cities and a large population. +But the fertility only extends so far as the soil +can be watered from the Margos and the neighbouring +streams.</p> + +<p>At the foot of the mountain barrier, towards the +northern steppes, and on the edge of the steppes of +the Oxus, to the north of the Hyrcanians, Parthians, +and Margiani, in a land which only partially admits +of agriculture, lay the Chorasmians, a people partly +stationary and partly migratory—the <i>Uvarazmiya</i> +of the Achæmenids, the <i>Hvairizem</i> of the Avesta. +Further to the east, where the edge rises to the lofty +Hindu Kush, there lies on its northern slope a favoured +district in the region of the Upper Oxus. That river +flows from the table-land of Pamire, which lies more +than 15,000 feet above the sea, exactly at the point +where the Hindu Kush abuts on the Belurdagh, the +western edge of the central table-land. On the banks +of the river, which flows in a north-westerly direction, +extend broad mountain pastures, where support is found +in the fresh mountain air for numerous herds of horses +and sheep, and beneath the wooded hills are blooming +valleys. On these slopes of the Hindu Kush, the +middle stage between the table-land and the deep +plain of the Caspian Sea, lay the Bactrians—the <i>Bakhtri</i> +of the Achæmenids, the <i>Bakhdhi</i> of the Avesta. +Curtius, following the accounts of the companions of +Alexander, tells us of the land of the Bactrians that it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> +was much diversified in character; in one part were pastures, +another was rich in beautiful fruit-trees and vines, +and frequent springs watered the rich soil, on which +corn was cultivated. These districts supported a large +number of oxen and horses. Under the range of +Paropanisos (<i>i. e.</i> on the slope of the Hindu Kush) lay +the city of Bactra, on the river of the same name, +which washed its walls. But a great part of the country +was covered with waste tracts of sand. If the winds +blew from the Caspian Sea, they swept the sand into +high hills, under which not only did every trace of +the road disappear, but travellers were at times overwhelmed; +and, as if voyaging by sea, it was necessary +to guide the course by the stars.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Strabo remarks, +after Apollodorus of Artemita, that Bactria was the +best part of East Iran (Ariana). In ancient times the +Bactrians were hardly distinguished from nomads; +but their land was extensive, and produced fruits of all +kinds, with the exception of the vine. The fertility +of the land enabled the Hellenic princes to make great +conquests. Their cities were Bactra, traversed by the +river of the same name, Darapsa, Aornus (<i>avarana</i>, +<i>i. e.</i> protection), Kariata, and many others, and besides +these cities, the Bactrians had citadels on lofty rocks.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> +According to Strabo, Bactra was also called Zariaspa, +and Pliny asserts that at any rate in earlier times it +was called by that name. In Arrian Zariaspa is the +largest city of Bactria, while Ptolemy places Zariaspa +to the north of Bactra, on the bank of the Oxus. +Zariaspa means golden horse. A river might possibly +be known by such a name, but hardly a city, unless it +belonged to a tribe of the name of Zariaspians, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> +was inhabited by them. In fact Ptolemy places the +tribe of the Zariaspians in his Zariaspa.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<p>The air on these north-western terraces of the Hindu +Kush is warm, and the soil sufficiently vigorous, under +irrigation, to produce rice and southern fruits. Eight +leagues below the snow-fields of the mountains, which +resist even the hottest months of the year, two good +leagues to the north of the place where the Dehas, +after forcing a passage through the last heights, reaches +the plains, lies the city of Balkh, on the banks of that +river. At this day it is a town only partially inhabited; +but the ruins of the ancient city are said to +cover a circuit of several leagues. The adjacent soil +is now well cultivated; the fields are thickly planted +with trees, and beside old water-courses, now dried up, +and extensive ruins of yet older aqueducts, eighteen +channels still convey their rills to fields under active +cultivation.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> + +<p>North of the Bactrians, beyond the Oxus, on the +western slope of Belurdagh, in the valley of the Polytimetus +(Zarefshan, <i>i. e.</i> strewing gold), which flows +towards the Oxus from the east, but, instead of joining +it, ends in Lake Dengiz, lay the Sogdiani of the Greeks, +the <i>Suguda</i> of the Old Persian inscriptions, and <i>Çughdha</i> +of the Avesta, in the region of the modern Sogd. +As the Oxus in its upper course separates the Bactrians +from the Sogdiani, the Jaxartes, further to the north, +separates the latter from the Scyths. According to +Strabo, the manners of the Bactrians and Sogdiani +were similar, but the Bactrians were less rude.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> Maracanda +(Samarcand), the chief city of the Sogdiani, on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> +the Polytimetus, is said to have had a circuit of 70 +stades in the fourth century <small>B.C.</small> The soil is not +without fertility, but the climate varies between great +heat and severe cold.</p> + +<p>Herodotus observes that the Bactrians, who carried +bows of reed and short lances, closely resembled the +northern Indians in armour, clothing, and mode of +life, and then informs us that the Areians, Parthians, +Sogdiani, and Chorasmians resembled the Bactrians. +All these tribes of the east, according to the account +of Herodotus, carried the Indian bow of reed; the +Areians alone used the Median bow, which Herodotus +states to have been in vogue not only among the Medes, +but also among all the nations of Western Iran. He +adds that in ancient times the Medes were called +Areians by all men. Strabo uses the name Ariana for +the land of all the nations of Iran, except that of the +Medes and Persians, <i>i. e.</i> for the whole eastern half +of Iran.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> In Diodorus also the nations of Eastern Iran +are Arians.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> The Avesta, which, as we shall show, +belongs to the east of Iran, calls its native land <i>Airyao +Dahvyu</i>, i. e. abode of the Airyas; or <i>Airyao Danhavo</i>, +<i>i. e.</i> land of the Airyas, in contrast to the <i>Anairyao +Danhavo</i>, i. e. the non-Arian lands.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> In his inscriptions +king Darius styles himself "a Persian, son of a +Persian, an Arian (<i>ariya</i>) of an Arian tribe,"<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> and therefore +the name must have held good of the west of Iran +also, and have included all the nations of Iran, though +afterwards it continued in use more especially for the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> +tribes of the east. The inhabitants of the modern +Persian kingdom call their kingdom by the general +name of Iran. Iran is only the regular new Persian +form of the old name, which in the west was pronounced +Ariyana, and in the east Airyana.</p> + +<p>We remember that the ruling nation of India called +themselves Arya, and this name compared with Airya +and Ariya shows us that the nations of Iran assumed +the same title with very little difference. Among the +Greeks Ariya and Airya became Areioi and Arioi, and +the name of the land, Ariyana and Airyana, became +Ariana. We have learnt the meaning of the names +Aryas, Ariyas, Airyas; they signify "the noble or +ruling people" (IV. 8). Much the same is the sense +of the name Artæans,<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> which, according to the assertion +of Herodotus, was the title by which the Persians +called themselves; it signifies "the exalted," or +"mighty." The Persians may have assumed it after +they became the ruling people in Iran and Hither +Asia.</p> + +<p>These distinctions show us that the Aryas whom we +found on the Indus and in the Panjab, and who forced +their way from thence to the conquest and colonisation +of the valley of the Ganges, and then extended +their dominion over the Deccan, and imported their +religion and their civilisation into those wide regions, +were closely connected with the group of nations which +occupied the table-land of Iran. It is obvious that +this relationship was most strictly maintained and +most strongly marked where the intercourse between +the neighbouring nations was most lively, <i>i. e.</i> among +the nations of Eastern Iran. The conclusion drawn +from the common title of the two nations on the west +and east of the Indus, and from the statements of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> +Herodotus about the manners of the eastern and the +name of the western nations of Iran, is confirmed by +the examination of the existing remnants of the +ancient languages of Iran, whether spoken in the east +or the west. This evidence derived from the names +and the language is confirmed yet further by the +coincidence in certain traits of religion and worship.</p> + +<p>We are not in a position to fix the place from which +and the time when the Arian tribes entered the table-land +of Iran and peopled it. That Iran was not +their native country is clear from the divergence of +the Arian stock from the common stem of the Indo-Europeans +(IV. 4). Still less can we decide whether +the Arians found an older population already settled +in Iran. So far as the ancient monuments of east +and west allow us to form an opinion, there exist no +elements of an alien language from which we could +deduce the existence of an earlier population, which +the Arians conquered. Yet we cannot deny that +tribes of an alien origin and character were settled on +the western spurs of the mountain wall of Iran, in the +north no less than in the south.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> The foreign elements +which the later forms of the language of Iran have +adopted are due to the influence which the Semitic +neighbours of the Arians on the west, and the +dominion of the Arabs, exercised on Iran. As to the +direction in which the Arians entered Iran, we can +only conclude, from their close relationship to the Arians +of India, that they peopled the east of Iran before the +west. If the Arians of India came into the Panjab, as +we assumed, soon after 2000 <small>B.C.</small>, the Arians of Iran +entered the eastern part of that country at a date +certainly not later. According to the list of dynasties<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> +furnished by Berosus, the Arians about 2500 <small>B.C.</small> were +not only settled in Iran, but already possessed the +western part of the country. He represents the Medes +as conquering Babylonia in 2458 <small>B.C.</small>, and from this +date down to 2224 <small>B.C.</small> mentions eight Median kings +as ruling over Babylon (I. 241, 247).</p> + +<p>In spite of their cruel treatment, the nucleus of the +ancient Arian population of Iran has not succumbed to +the alien dynasties, the Seleucids, Arabs, and Mongols +who have invaded the land since the fall of the Achæmenids; +and the ancient territory has been maintained, +with some losses, even against the incursions +and immigrations of the Sacæ, Yuëchis, and Turkish +hordes. As in the vast regions of the Indus and the +Ganges, so in Iran the ancient language still lives +on the lips of the modern population. Yet the +changes have been great. Under the Arsacids the Old +Persian passed into Middle Persian, which at a later +time was known by the name of the Parthians, the +tribe at that time supreme in Persia. Pahlav and +Pehlevi mean Parthian, and, as applied to language, +the language of the Parthians, <i>i. e.</i> of the Parthian era.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> +In the west this older Middle Persian grew up out of +the Old Persian, in the east out of the Old Bactrian. +In the latest period of the dominion of the Sassanids, +the recent Middle Persian or Parsee took the place of +Pehlevi. When the kingdom of the Sassanids succumbed +to the Arabs, and Arabic became the language +of the ruling people in Iran, the reaction which took +place in the eastern districts of the country against the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> +dominion of the Abbasids brought about the formation +of the new Persian, which was finally completed +when the national reaction broke out in the beginning +of the eleventh century of our era. Beginning from +Merv, Balkh, and Sejestan (the ancient Haetumat), that +rising found its strongest point in Ghasna and Cabul. +It did not preserve the religion, but it saved the +language, nationality, and independence of Iran. The +change from the Middle Persian to the modern began +with the north-eastern dialects; in the south-east the +Afghans and Beluchees still speak in ancient forms, +closely akin to the dialects of the peasants of the Panjab. +To this day the greater part of the entire population +of Iran consists of the descendants of the Arians, in +spite of all the distress and ruin which the land has +suffered,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> though the residuum of foreign elements is +larger here than beyond the Indus, especially in the +north-west, in Aderbeijan, and above all in Bactria and +Sogdiana, in the north-east. The descendants of the +Arians are still recognised by the formation of their +bodies, which appeared so striking to Western nations +in antiquity—the slender growth, the semicircular, +united eyebrows, and the yellow skin, which becomes +browner towards the east. The Persians and Afghans +still possess a sound judgment, a keen intelligence, and +lively sense of poetry—characteristics which, as we +saw, belonged in a pre-eminent degree to the Arians +of India.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ritter, "Erdkunde," 7, 234-240; 8, 721.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Herod. 1, 125; 7, 85; Lassen, "Z. D. M. G." 6, 55. Herodotus +reckons the Paretaceni among the tribes of the Medes (1, 101); the +Sagartians, whom he represents as armed partly like Persians, partly +like Pactyans, with the Carmanians, he places among the Persians. +Yet the nomad Sagartians seem rather to have had relations with the +Medes than the Persians; for, according to the inscription of Behistun, +a rebel obtains a following among the Sagartians by giving himself out +to be a descendant of Cyaxares, the Median king. Ptolemy places the +Sagartians in Media; cf. Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Arrian, "Anab." 6, 22 ff.; "Ind." 25, 26; Curtius, 9, 10, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Behistun, 1, 6; Persep. 1, 17; Herod. 3, 91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Strabo, p. 711; Arrian, "Ind." 25, 26; "Anab." 6, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Arrian, "Anab." 3, 27; Diod. 17, 81; Strabo, p. 724.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Vol. IV. p. 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The city of Kapisakani, which Darius, according to the inscription +of Behistun (3, 9, 1), conquered in the land of the Arachoti, is no doubt +the Capissa of Pliny, in the district of Capissene; "Hist. Nat." 6, 25. +Pliny speaks of the city and river of Cabul as belonging to the +Arachoti. The inhabitants of the southern slope of the Hindu Kush +are known to the Greeks as Paropanisadæ. The explanation of the +name by Paropanisos (Paropamisus), Paropanishadha, given by Lassen, +is quoted in Vol. IV. p. 21, <i>n.</i> 2. In the Babylonian text of the inscription +of Behistun, the Gandaras of the Persian text are called Parupanisana. +In the narrower sense the name denotes the south-western +part of the range of the Hindu Kush, the group which forms the cradle +of the Herirud and Hilmend, the modern Ghuristan, to the west of +the plateau of Ghasna.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Lassen, "Indische Alterthumskunde," 1, 428. Fr. Müller ("Ueber +die Sprache der Afghanen") is of the opinion that the Afghan does not +come between Indian and Persian, but belongs to the Iranian stem, +and the Afghan has preserved the old Bactrian relations of sound more +faithfully than the Persian, and thus shows itself to be a direct +descendant of the old eastern dialect of Iran. Trump proves that +Afghan is an ancient independent language of strong Indian type. +"Z. D. M. G." 21, 10 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Strabo, pp. 508, 514, 724; Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 29; Diod. 17, 75.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Ritter, "Erdkunde," 8, 425 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Isid. "Charac. Mans. Parth." 10-14. The Parthians rose with +the Hyrcanians against Darius; Parthians and Hyrcanians formed one +satrapy. The Parthians are the Pahlav of Moses of Khorene, the +Pehlew of later writers. The mention of them in the inscriptions of +Darius proves that they are not a later immigrant Scythian, <i>i. e.</i> non-Arian, +nation, as Justin, Strabo, and others maintain. The cities +which the inscription of Behistun mentions in Parthia (2, 95; 3, 4), +Viçpauzatis and Patigrabana, we cannot fix more definitely; Ammian +(23, 6) mentions Patigran in Media. Parthunisa, with the graves of +the Parthian kings, mentioned in Isidorus, "which the Greeks call +Nisæa," is Parthava-Niçaya, and must be sought for near the modern +Nishapur. It must be the Niça which the Vendidad places between +Mouru and Bakhdhi. Justi, "Beitrage," 2, 6 compares Isidorus' +Βατζιγράβαν, ὅ ἐστι +τελώνιον.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Curt. 7, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Strabo, pp. 118, 516, 682; Arrian, "Anab." 3, 29. On Aornus, cf. +Vol. IV. p. 395.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Ptolem. 6, 11; 8, 7; Strabo, pp. 514, 516; Arrian, "Anab." 3, 29; +4, 1, 16, 22; Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 17, 18; Steph. Byz. <i>sub voc.</i> Firdusi +mentions a hero Zarasp.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Elphinstone, "Kabul," 2, 213, 214.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Strabo, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Herod. 7, 62; Strabo (pp. 516, 517, 724) includes in Ariana, +Gedrosia, Arachosia, Drangiana, Paropanisus, Aria, Parthia, and +Caramania. Cf. Pausan. 2, 3, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Diod. 1, 94. Damascius ("De Primis Principiis," p. 384) speaks of the +Μάγοι δὲ καὶ πᾶν +τὸ ἅριον γἑνος.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> "Vendid." 19, 132; "Mihr Yasht," 4, 13; "Tistar Yasht," 9, 56, 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Naksh-i-Rustem, a., 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Herod. 7, 61. Cf. Steph. Byz. Ἀρταία.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> On the tribe of the Brahuis in the south-east, on this side of the +Indus, cf. Vol. IV. p. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Haug, "The book of Arda Viraf," p. xxv. Mordtmann has shown +on the coins of the Arsacids and Sassanids the stages between the +older forms and the language of Firdusi; "Z. D. M. G." 4, 84 ff., 8, +9 ff. On the forms of the Old Bactrian on the coins of the Græco-Bactrian +and Indo-Scythian princes: Lassen, "Indische Alterthum." +2<sup>2</sup>, 834 ff. Spiegel, "Parsigrammatik," s. 116 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> It has been recently proved that the inhabitants of the mountain +country between Cabul and Herat, the Aimaks and Hazares, speak +Persian.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<h3>THE KINGDOM OF THE BACTRIANS.</h3> + + +<p>Among the ruins of the residence of the kings of +Asshur at Chalah, on the confluence of the Greater Zab +and the Tigris, was discovered the obelisk which +Shalmanesar II., who reigned from 859 to 823 <small>B.C.</small> over +Assyria, erected in memory of his successes. In the +tribute offered to him we find the rhinoceros, the +elephant, the humped ox, and the camel with two +humps (II. 320). This species of camel and the yak are +found in Bactria, on the southern edge of the Caspian +Sea, and in Tartary, and we afterwards find elephants +in the possession of the rulers of Bactria.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> Hence, in +order to obtain these animals for tribute, the armies of +Shalmanesar must have advanced as far as the eastern +tribes of the Iranian table-land. From the inscriptions +of Tiglath Pilesar II., it is clear that he advanced +along the same table-land as far as the Hilmend +and the Arachoti, if not as far as Bactria. Among +the lands subjugated in 745 <small>B.C.</small>, he enumerates Nisaa, +Zikruti, and Arakuttu. In Nisaa we cannot mistake +Nisæa in the east of Media (p. 31). The Zikruti were +no doubt the Sagartians of Herodotus, the Açagarta +of the old Persian inscriptions.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> Arakuttu represents<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> +in a Semitic form the name of the Arachoti, the +Harauvati of the Achæmenids (p. 8). So far as we +can at present judge from inscriptions, the successors of +Tiglath Pilesar did not carry their campaigns further +to the east of Iran, and we can assert with certainty +of both the sovereigns who raised the power of Assyria +to its summit, Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal (681-626 +<small>B.C.</small>), that they made no conquests in this direction.</p> + +<p>If the inscriptions of the Assyrians leave us in +almost total darkness about Bactria, the Medo-Persian +epic poetry can give us full information about the +country. When Ninus, king of Assyria, had subjugated +all the nations of Asia as far as the Nile and the +Tanais, he made an attempt upon Bactria, but without +success. The entrance into the land was difficult, the +number of warriors great, and they knew how to fight +bravely. Then Ninus collected an army of two millions +of soldiers, which was opposed by Oxyartes, the +king of the Bactrians, with 400,000 men. When the +Assyrian army came in detachments out of the passes, +Oxyartes attacked and drove them back into the +mountains with the loss of 100,000 men. The army +of Ninus then combined, outnumbered and overcame +the Bactrians, and scattered them into their cities, +which Ninus took with little trouble. But Bactra, +where was the palace of the kings, was large and well +supplied, and had a very strong citadel in a high +position, while the city extended over the plain. It +resisted for a long time, till Semiramis ascended the +citadel, and Ninus was enabled to take possession of +the treasures of gold and silver which were in Bactra. +At a later time Semiramis collected her vast army +for the invasion of India in Bactria, and returned +to Bactra after she had been defeated on the Indus, +and had lost two-thirds of her army (II. 10). Such<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> +are the descriptions given by the epic poetry of the +Medes and Persians, in the account of the rise of +Assyria and subjugation of Bactria. The Bactrians are +again brought forward in the narrative of the overthrow +of Assyria, which was the proper theme of these poems. +When Sardanapalus has already thrice defeated the +Medes and Babylonians, a strong force comes to his +assistance from Bactria. The leader of the Medes +determines to attack this first, if it would not join in +the contest for freedom against Assyria. The Bactrians +joined the Medes, the power of Assyria was broken, +and Nineveh destroyed (III. 253).</p> + +<p>From these poems it follows that in the first half of +the sixth century <small>B.C.</small>, in which the Medo-Persian epic +attained its original form, the tradition, or at any rate +the opinion, existed among the minstrels of Media that +a powerful kingdom and large metropolis once existed +in Bactria, the situation of which is correctly described. +This kingdom possessed a strong citadel and abundant +treasures, and could put in the field a large army of +brave warriors. Without such a conception they could +not represent the first attack of the Assyrians on +Bactria as a failure, the second as successful only +after considerable time and trouble had been spent, +and the conquest as the last and greatest achievement +of Ninus, the mightiest sovereign of Assyria, which he +only performed with the aid of Semiramis.</p> + +<p>The inscriptions of the Assyrians have already informed +us that no dominion of Assyria over Eastern +Iran existed in the earliest period of the kingdom; on +the contrary, even when her power was at the highest +Assyria could only carry on temporary excursions +into that region. The western part of the country +was first trodden by the armies of Shalmanesar II.; +his inscriptions mention tribute of the Medes, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> +from the inscriptions of his successors it is distinctly +clear that only the nations of Western Iran were +tributary dependants of the kings of Asshur from +the period of Tiglath Pilesar, <i>i. e.</i> from the middle of +the eighth century <small>B.C.</small>, till the period of Phraortes and +Cyaxares of Media, <i>i. e.</i> till the middle of the seventh +century <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<p>The conquests of Cyrus, who overthrew the power +of the Medes, founded the Persian empire, and extended +it to the east, would give us more accurate information +about Eastern Iran if connected accounts of these were +in existence. Herodotus contents himself with stating +that Cyrus, after subjugating the Lydians, determined to +march against the Bactrians and Sacæ. He conquered +all the nations of Upper Asia, one after the other, +without omitting any.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Ctesias relates that the Bactrians +after a doubtful battle submitted voluntarily +to Cyrus. According to the account of Xenophon, the +Hyrcanians, Cadusians, and Sacæ joined Cyrus, and in +the fragments of Nicolaus also the Hyrcanians, Parthians, +and "the other nations" passed over to Cyrus +immediately after the conquest of the Medes. However +this may be, there is no doubt that the east of +Iran was subject to Cyrus. He marched through the +land of the Arachoti, entered into relations with the +Ariaçpas (p. 8), and subjugated the Gandarians on +the south of the Cabul. He is also said to have +imposed tribute on the Açvakas to the north of the +river (IV. 384). The Sogdiani, in any case, were his +vassals. On a stream which flows into the Jaxartes +he built a fortress called by his own name, known to +the Greeks as Cyresbata (<i>ultima Cyra</i>, or with others +Cyropolis), <i>i. e.</i> the furthest Cyrus. The walls and +citadels were strong and spacious, and in the neigh<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span>bourhood +were six other citadels.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> The value placed +by Cyrus on the regions of Eastern Iran is not only +clear from these fortresses, but may be deduced from +the statement that his second son Bardya, whom the +Greeks call Smerdis, was intrusted with the government +of Bactria, if indeed the statement is genuine.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<p>The nations and condition of Eastern Iran can be +ascertained more clearly from the inscriptions of +Darius. According to his inscription at Behistun, +his empire in that direction comprised the Parthians, +Sarangians, Areians, Chorasmians, Bactrians, Sogdiani, +Gandarii, Sattagydæ, Arachoti, and Sacæ; and to these +the Idhus, <i>i. e.</i> the Indians on the right bank of the +upper course of the Indus, are added in the inscriptions +of Persepolis and Naksh-i-Rustem.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Further +information is preserved by Herodotus with respect +to the tribute imposed by Darius on these nations. +As these statements are undoubtedly derived from +Persian tribute lists, they serve to throw a side light +on the state of civilisation existing in the east of Iran +at the division of the sixth and fifth centuries <small>B.C.</small> +The Sarangians, who, as we have seen (p. 7), inhabited +the fertile land round Lake Areios (Hamun), +together with the Sagartians and some neighbouring +nations on the south, paid yearly 600 Babylonian +talents into the treasury of the king. The Areians +(Haraivas), Parthians, Sogdiani, and Chorasmians, who +formed the sixteenth satrapy of the Persian empire, +had to pay 300 talents; the Gedrosians and Gandarians +together paid 170 talents; the Caspiani (<i>i. e.</i> +no doubt, the Tapurians and other tribes on the +southern shore of the Caspian Sea) and the Sacæ, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> +traversed the steppes of the Oxus, <i>i. e.</i> the fifteenth +satrapy, paid 250 talents; and the Bactrians, the +twelfth satrapy of the empire, paid 360 talents.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> +These sums, which do not include the whole of the +burdens of the provinces, but are only the land taxes +which they had to pay,—in addition, tolls were levied +and contributions in kind to the court of the king and +the satraps, as well as for the maintenance of the army,—show +that at the time of Darius agriculture and +wealth had proceeded far beyond the earliest stages +in the eastern districts of Iran. The Babylonian silver +talent amounts to more than 2000 thalers (6000 +shillings).<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> If a sum of more than 1,200,000 thalers +(£180,000) could be raised every year in land tax +from the districts round Lake Hamun, extensive +though they were, and 720,000 thalers (£108,000) in +a similar manner from the land of the Bactrians, the +gardens, fields, and pastures of these regions must have +been considerable in breadth, and of great fertility.</p> + +<p>Beyond this indication of the state of the civilisation +in these districts, we learn but little of their fortunes +under the dominion of the Persians. Darius (521-485 +<small>B.C.</small>) informs us, at the beginning of his reign, that his +father Hystaspes (Vistaçpa), his viceroy in Persia, the +native land of the kingdom, and with him Vivana the +Persian, the satrap of Arachosia, and Dadarshis the +Persian, the satrap of Bactria, had quelled the rebellions +of the Parthians, Hyrcanians, and Margiani; +that the Mede Takhmaçpada had conquered the rebellious +Sagartians, and captured their leader, Chitratakhma, +whom he, Darius, had crucified at Arbela. +The army of the second Pseudo-Smerdis, which attempted +to gain possession of Arachosia, Vivana had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> +defeated at the fortress of Kapisakani, in Arachosia, +and the leaders, with their chief associates, had been +captured in the fortress of Arsada and put to death. +Hystaspes had slain 6560 men of the Parthians and +Hyrcanians, and taken 4182 of them captives. Dadarshis +had subjugated the Mardians by slaying 4203 +of them in battle, and taking 6562 of them captive.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> +Xerxes, the successor of Darius, successively intrusted +two of his brothers, Masistes and then Hystaspes, +with the government of Bactria.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> In the great campaign +against Hellas, the Bactrians, like all the other +nations of the kingdom, had to furnish their contingent; +and when Mardonius had to select the best troops +in the army in Hellas, in order to winter with them in +Thessaly, he retained, besides the Persians and Medes, +the infantry and cavalry of the Bactrians, Sacæ, +and Indians.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> The Bactrians, under their viceroy +Hystaspes, revolted against Artaxerxes, the brother +of Hystaspes. The first battle was not decisive; in +the second Artaxerxes conquered, "because the wind +blew in the face of the Bactrians," and subjugated +the land.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> To the army of Darius III. with which +he met the Macedonians in Assyria, the Bactrians +contributed 30,000 cavalry; and in the battle of +Arbela they fought with the Arachoti on the left wing. +Accompanied by Bactrian horsemen, Darius escaped +from the field of battle to Media, and sought afterwards +to maintain his position in their country. The +Caspian gates, the pass of Damaghan, were gained, +when the satrap of Bactria got possession of the king, +and put him to death before he reached Bactria. The +satrap hoped to establish an independent power +there,<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> but without success. Though Alexander at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> +first overcame the Bactrians, who were astonished at +his rapid approach, he soon found a stubborn resistance +in Sogdiana and Bactria, which occupied him for two +years.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> Not till then could he make his preparations +in Bactria for the invasion of India, and collect at +Bactra the army intended for the subjugation of that +country, in order to pass over the Hindu Kush into +the valley of the Cabul.</p> + +<p>In the contests which the successors of Alexander +carried on for the supremacy after his death, the +valley of the Euphrates and Tigris, and the table-land +of Iran, finally fell to the lot of Seleucus. But in +the middle of the third century (256 <small>B.C.</small>), Arsaces in +Parthia and the satrap Diodotus in Bactria rebelled +against the second successor, Antiochus Theos. The +descendants of Arsaces not only succeeded in maintaining +their independence against the Seleucids, in +spite of severe reverses, but Mithridates I., the sixth +Arsacid (174-136 <small>B.C.</small>), united all Iran under his +dominion. The Greeks lost their supremacy, and Iran +again became subject to native princes.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Diodotus had founded an independent +supremacy in Bactria. His son, of the same name, was +succeeded by Euthydemus, against whom, towards the +year 200 <small>B.C.</small>, Antiochus III. marched, in order to force +Bactria to submission. Euthydemus was defeated at +the river Areios (p. 10), and fled to Zariaspa. By +the surrender of his elephants he obtained an established +recognition from Antiochus. Demetrius and +Eucratides, the successors of Euthydemus (after 180 +<small>B.C.</small>), extended the sphere of their dominion to the +east over the land on the Cabul to the Indus. The +kingdom of Chandragupta, Vindusara, and Açoka, which, +as we know, included the east of Iran, and has left<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> +us inscriptions at Peshawur (IV. 525), fell to pieces +under Açoka's grandsons. Apollodorus of Artemita +told us above that the fertility of the Bactrian soil +enabled the Greek rulers to make important conquests +(p. 12); he informs us that Eucratides founded the +city of Eucratideia in Bactria, and subjugated a +thousand cities in India. We may assume that Bactria +under these princes was not merely powerful, +but prosperous. According to the statement of Justin, +a thousand cities were at that time enumerated in +Bactria,<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> and we possess satisfactory evidence that +these rulers and their courts, and the Greek settlements +which Alexander founded in the distant East, +were able permanently to establish the style and art of +Hellas. The coins of these princes, who are designated +in Greek as "kings," "great," "invincible," rival the +best work which proceeded from Greek mints. The +faces present the heads of the princes, in characteristic +and individual portraits; the reverses exhibit Heracles, +Athena, Apollo with a crown of rays, the Dioscuri on +horseback, lance in hand. But by degrees the national +types of the East are again employed on these coins. +The reverse presents the galloping horse, the animal of +Bactria, the elephant, and the humped ox.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> The head +of Demetrius, who first conquered territory in India, +and that of some of his descendants, is covered by a +helmet adorned with the tusks and trunk of an +elephant. Besides the round, numbers of rectangular +coins have also been found, from which we can discover +the native traditional form of the Bactrian coinage.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> +After the reign of Eucratides these rectangular coins +present on one side Greek inscriptions, which are +repeated in other characters on the reverse. To the +inscriptions of king Açoka at Kapur-i-Giri, and to +these coins, together with those of the Græco-Indian +kings, and some later coins belonging to the Arsacids +and the Indo-Scythian princes, we owe the information +that the east of Iran possessed a peculiar alphabet and +mode of writing, while the Medes and Persians of the +west borrowed their earliest letters from the Assyrio-Babylonian +cuneiform writing, and afterwards, from +about the fourth century <small>B.C.</small>, adopted the cursive +character of the Aramæans.</p> + +<p>Although, as we may conclude from these indications, +the Greek sovereigns of Bactria resolved to pay a +certain respect to the civilisation of their subjects, +their kingdom was short-lived. The nations of the +steppes of the Oxus, themselves under pressure, began +to advance to the south (after 160 <small>B.C.</small>); in the west +the Parthians rose into power. Mithridates I. of Parthia +incorporated Bactria in his kingdom about 140 +<small>B.C.</small>, and Bactria subsequently became a part of the +Parthian empire. Heliocles, the son of Eucratides, was +thus limited to the land of the Cabul and Indus, but +on the borders of India the power and influence of the +Greeks remained unbroken. Greek captains—Menander, +and after him Apollodotus, who had previously +no doubt been subject to the Bactrians—issued +from the southern slope of the Hindu Kush in the +last decades of the second century <small>B.C.</small>, and conquered +the land of the Indus as far as the mouth of the river, +and the Panjab. They advanced to the Yamuna, and +reduced Surashtra (Guzerat) and Cashmere to dependence. +Even at the end of the first century <small>B.C.</small> +coins of these princes were current on the coast of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> +Surashtra, and they are still found on the banks of +the Yamuna.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> + +<p>On the western coast of India, from the Gulf of +Cambay to Bombay, we find from one hundred to one +hundred and fifty thousand families whose ancestors +migrated thither from Iran. The tradition among them +is, that at the time when the Arabs, after conquering +Iran and becoming sovereigns there, persecuted and +eradicated the old religion, faithful adherents of the +creed fled to the mountains of Kerman. Driven from +these by the Arabs (in Kerman and Yezd a few +hundred families are still found who maintain the +ancient faith<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>), they retired to the island of Hormuz +(a small island close by the southern coast, at the +entrance to the Persian Gulf). From hence they +migrated to Din (on the coast of Guzerat), and then +passed over to the opposite shore. In the neighbourhood +of Bombay and in the south of India inscriptions +have been found which prove that these settlers reached +the coast in the tenth century of our era.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> At the +present time their descendants form a considerable +part of the population of Surat, Bombay, and Ahmadabad; +they call themselves, after their ancient home, +Parsees, and speak the later Middle Persian (the +Parsee, p. 17). Their worship and life they regulate +by the rules given in certain scriptures which they +brought with them from their ancient home. These<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> +are fragments of a much larger whole, part of a book +of law, and a collection of sacrificial songs and +prayers. The Parsees no longer speak or understand +the language of these scriptures (the Avesta), and +even the priests, who use them every day, ascertain +the meaning through an accompanying translation into +the later language.</p> + +<p>That these scriptures arose in the east of Iran is +clear from the language of the Avesta. It exhibits a +close relationship with the forms of the Veda and +Sanskrit, the ancient language of the Arians in India. +If, on the other hand, we compare the language of the +Avesta with the ancient language of Western Iran as +we possess it in the inscriptions of the Achæmenids, +we find that both are merely different dialects of one +language, but they differ in such a manner that the +language of the inscriptions of Darius and Xerxes is +less closely connected with Sanskrit than the language +of the Avesta. This language then we may regard as +the ancient speech of Eastern Iran, and this assumption +is raised into evidence by the contents of the +Avesta. These prove that the Avesta arose in the +east of Iran, with even greater certainty than the +songs of the Rigveda prove that that collection arose +in the land of the Indus and the Panjab. The Avesta +entirely ignores the west of Iran. No mention is +made of Ecbatana and Pasargadæ, the abode of the +Median and the Persian kings, though they reigned over +the whole of Iran and Hither Asia; nor even of the +nations of the west, the Medes and Persians. It +speaks of the land of the seven streams, <i>i. e.</i> India +(IV. 12), and the heat which prevails in that land;<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> +it mentions the beautiful Harahvaiti (Arachosia) and +Haetumat (afterwards Sejestan<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>): the latter is extolled<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> +as a beaming, glowing, brilliant country.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> The knowledge +of the Avesta is most accurate in the north-east. +Here we find Airyana Vaeja, <i>i. e.</i> home or canton +of the Airyas,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> Çughdha (Sogdiana), Bakhdhi (Baktra), +Mouru (Margiana, Merv<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>), Niça, between Bakhdhi +and Mouru, Haraeva (Haraiva in the inscriptions; +Herat, the land of the Areians), and Vehrkana, <i>i. e.</i> +land of wolves (Hyrcania).<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> The furthest point known +to the west is Ragha in Media, which, according +to the Avesta, consists of three citadels or tribes.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> +These statements carry us very distinctly to the east +of Iran, the region from Ragha to the Indus. Mouru +is "the high," "the holy," and Bakhdhi's "high +banner" is extolled. In this way this city was no +doubt marked out as the seat of an important dominion, +the centre of a kingdom.</p> + +<p>If we might assume that in these fragments of the +sacred books of the Parsees we have not only the +ancient language, but also the ancient religion of +Eastern Iran before us, we might also hope that we +should meet in them with remnants of the tradition, +with native accounts of the fortunes of the country, +enabling us to supplement the scanty information +which we could glean from the inscriptions of the +Assyrians and Darius, and the accounts of Western +writers. Leaving out of sight for the present the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> +question, At what period did these writings come +into existence? we may collect what we can find in +them on the early history of Iran.</p> + +<p>In the Avesta the god Haoma says, Vivanghana +was the first who crushed out the juice of the Haoma. +As a reward there was born to him the brilliant Yima, +the lord of the nations, the most famous of all who +have seen the sun. While Yima Kshaeta (Yima the +king) reigned there was neither cold nor excessive +heat, neither age nor death, nor envy, caused by the +evil spirits: fathers and sons equally had the vigour +of men of fifty years. Yima caused the means of +support for mankind to be inexhaustible; he liberated +the waters and trees from drought, and the herds from +death.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> In an invocation to the goddess Ardviçura, +the giver of water, to whom Yima sacrifices a hundred +horses, a thousand oxen, and ten thousand head of +small cattle on Hukairya, the summit of the divine +mountain, he prays, "Grant to me, Saviour Ardviçura, +that I may be the sovereign of all lands, that I may +carry away from the Daevas (the evil spirits) increase +and health, fodder and herds, joy and glory." To the +goddess Ashi vanguhi, Yima also offers a prayer "that +he may bring food and flocks to the creatures of Mazda, +and immortality, and may remove hunger and thirst, +age and death, the hot wind and the cold from the +creatures of Mazda for a thousand years." And the +morning wind, Vayu, is entreated that "Yima may be +the most merciful of all creatures, and that under his +dominion he may make cattle and mankind immortal, +that the waters and trees may never dry up and +wither." In the fragments of the book of the law in +the Avesta, Zarathrustra inquires of Auramazda to +whom he (the god) had first revealed the true doctrine.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> +Auramazda answers, "I spoke first with Yima, the +excellent one. I said to him, Yima, thou beautiful +son of Vivanghana, be thou the preacher and bearer +of my doctrine. But Yima answered, I am not +fitted to be the preacher of the doctrine. Then I, +Auramazda, spoke and said, If thou wilt not obey me, +Yima, to be the bearer of my law, yet make my world +fruitful; be the keeper of my earthly creatures, their +protector and lord. And Yima, the excellent one, +answered, I will cause thy creatures to prosper and +increase; I will be the keeper, protector, and lord +of them. Therefore I, Auramazda, gave to him two +instruments, a golden staff and an ox goad adorned +with gold, and three hundred years passed by. And +the land was full of herds and beasts of draught, of +men, and dogs, and birds, and red flaming fires. And +there was no more any room for the flocks, and men, +and beasts of draught. Then I warned Yima: O +Yima, excellent one, son of Vivanghana, there is no +more any room for the herds, and beasts of draught, +and men. And Yima went forth to meet the stars +and the path of the sun (<i>i. e.</i> towards the east). He +struck with the golden staff upon the earth, and smote +it with the goad, and said, Çpenta Armaiti (O holy +earth), arise, part thyself asunder, thou bearer of +animals and of men. And Yima pushed the earth +asunder so that it was a third part greater than before. +Then the flocks found a home, the beasts of draught, +and men, according to their wish and desire." Again +three hundred years passed, and there was no more +any room for herds, beasts, and men; and at Auramazda's +command Yima again caused the earth to +stretch asunder, and it became two-thirds greater +than before; and after another three hundred years +Yima caused the earth to become as large again as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> +before.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> Then a thousand years passed, and Auramazda +said to Yima, "Bitter cold and sharp frost will fall upon +the earth, and the snow will lie deep on the summits +of the mountains and in the clefts of the valleys. Make +an enclosure (<i>vara</i>) of the length of a horse's course on +each of the four sides. Bring into it a stock of herds +and beasts of draught, of men and dogs, and birds and +red flaming fires, and make the enclosure to be a +dwelling for men and a stall for the cattle. Carry +water thither, and build houses and tombs, and a fortification +and palisade round about, and drive them with +the golden staff into the citadel, and shut to the door. +And Yima made a citadel of the length of a horse's +course. Thither he brought a stock of all men and +women who were the tallest, best, and most beautiful +of earth, and a brood of all animals which were largest, +best, and most beautiful, and the seeds of all fruits and +growths which were best and most beautiful. And he +provided that a pair were ever together. There was no +evil speaking there, nor strife, nor injury, nor deception, +nor meanness; nothing crooked, no mal-formation +of teeth, no crippled form, nor any other of the signs +which are the signs of Angromainyu. In this enclosure +which Yima made men lived the happiest life. A +year was a day, and every forty years two children, +a male and a female, were born from each pair of +human creatures, and so also of each kind of animal."<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> + +<p>In an invocation in the Avesta we are told that +the bright gleaming majesty in the form of the bird +Varaghna had passed from Yima when he began to +love lying speech. Yima fell terrified to earth, and +Mithra, the lord of wide pastures, seized the majesty.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> +When it passed a second time from Yima, Thraetaona +seized it, and when it passed a third time, Kereçaçpa +seized it.</p> + +<p>The second who crushed the juice of the Haoma +was Athwya. Hence there was born to him a son, +Thraetaona, in the land of Varena. The evil spirit +Angromainyu had created a wicked being, "with +three heads, three throats, six eyes, and a thousand +strengths"—the Azhi dahaka, <i>i. e.</i> the biting serpent, +which swallowed horses and men, and threatened to +desolate the world. But Thraetaona sacrificed a hundred +horses to Ardviçura, a thousand oxen, and ten +thousand head of small cattle, and called on the +goddess, and with bound bundle of rods, on Vayu +on his golden throne, with golden footstool and +golden canopy, to grant that he might smite the strong +Druj, which Angromainyu had created as the strongest +to bring death upon the pure world; and he overcame +the monster, because Verethraghna was with him, the +most victorious of mortals.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> And Thraetaona obtained +the splendour of the dominion when it departed a +second time from Yima. In the prayers of the Avesta, +Thraetaona, who has slain the great serpent, is invoked +as helper against the "pain which is caused by the +serpent," against fever and sickness.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p>The third who crushed the juice of the Haoma for +the sacrifice was Thrita, of the race of Çama. Thrita +was the first who by skill in medicine kept back sickness +and death from the bodies of men. He wished for +means to withstand the pains, the sickness, the death, +the hot and cold fever which Angromainyu had created +for the bodies of men. "Then I, Auramazda, caused +healing plants to grow by hundreds, by thousands,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> +by tens of thousands around the one Gaokerena." And +in reward for his offering of Haoma two sons were +born to Thrita—Urvakshaya, who put in order the law, +and Kereçaçpa (<i>i. e.</i> having slim horses), the youth +of beautiful form, the bearer of the weapon Gaeçu.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> +Kereçaçpa smote the poisonous green serpent Çruvara, +on which flowed poison to the thickness of a thumb, +and it swallowed men and horses. Afterwards, after +he had sacrificed to Ardviçura on the shore of Lake +Piçano (<i>i. e.</i>, no doubt, in the valley of Pishin in Sejestan), +he smote the giant Gandarewa, who dwelt in Lake +Vourukasha, and the descendants of the nine robbers, +and Çnavidhaka, who had attempted to overcome +Auramazda and Angromainyu. And when his brother +Urvakshaya had been slain by Hitaçpa, Kereçaçpa +besought the wind, who works on high, to grant to +him to slay Hitaçpa in revenge for the death of his +brother. And he conquered him, and yoked him to +his chariot. When for the third time the majesty +departed from Yima, Kereçaçpa seized it, the strongest +of men after Zarathrustra. In the prayers of the +Avesta, Kereçaçpa's help is invoked against robbers +and hostile hosts.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> + +<p>Yima, Thraetaona, Kereçaçpa, and the forms which +are genealogically connected with them, Vivanghana, +Athwya, Çama, Thrita, and Urvakshaya, are collected +by the Avesta under the name <i>Paradhata</i>, i. e. those +who first exercised dominion.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> Indications in our +fragments show that other names were also included<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> +in them. Thraetaona's son was Airyu, and Airyu's son +was Manuschithra.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> These most ancient sovereigns were +followed by a second group, whose distinguishing mark +is the surname <i>Kava</i>. The first of these Kavas, whom +the Avesta mentions merely as the wearer of the +divine majesty, is Kava Kavata.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> He is succeeded by +the agile, brilliant Kava Uça, who sacrifices to Ardviçura +on Mount Erezifya in order to obtain the +dominion over all lands, over Daevas and men, wizards +and Pairikas, and this favour the goddess granted him. +After Uça the royal majesty united itself, to use the +phrase in the Avesta, with the beautiful pure body of +Kava Çyavarshana. He died by a violent death.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> +His son was Kava Huçrava, "the brave uniter of the +Arian lands into one kingdom," as the Avesta tells us, +which then goes on to relate that he was without sickness +or death. He had to contend against the destructive +Franghraçianas, the Turanians (<i>tura</i>, <i>tuirya</i>). He besought +Ardviçura that it "might be granted to him to +put an end to the long dimness, and bind the Franghraçianas +in their abundance and pride." This prayer +the goddess granted. Haoma himself desired "to bind +the destructive, murderous Franghraçiana and carry +him away as a captive of the king Huçrava, and that +Kava Huçrava should slay him behind the lake Chaechaçta, +the deep lake with broad waters."<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> Kava +Huçrava was followed by king Aurvataçpa, the son of +Naotara, the son of Manuschithra, the son of Airyu; +and Aurvataçpa was succeeded by his son the strong +and warlike Vistaçpa.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Of the twenty-nine sons of this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> +king, the Avesta mentions the strong Çpentodata, and +informs us that Frashaostra and his brother Jamaçpa, +of the race of Hvova, were men of importance with the +king. Like Huçrava, Vistaçpa had to contend with a +Turanian, Arejataçpa, <i>i. e.</i> the winner of horses, who +sacrificed to Ardviçura in order to obtain the victory +over Kava Vistaçpa and the warrior on horseback, +Zarivairi (the brother of Vistaçpa). The goddess heard +him not, but heard Vistaçpa when he sacrificed to her +behind the water of Frazdana, in order to overcome +the hostile Arejataçpa, born of darkness, skilled in +evil, who sought to smite the lands of the Arians.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> +But Zarathrustra, the son of Pourushaçpa, of the +race of Haechataçpa, sacrificed to Ardviçura that +he might unite with the mighty Vistaçpa, the son of +Aurvataçpa, and to Drvaçpa, "that he might unite +with Hutaoça, and she might impress on his memory +the good law."<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> Zarathrustra proclaimed a new +law, the law of Auramazda. The heroes and kings +before him were known in the Avesta by the name +<i>Paoiryotkaesha</i>, i. e. the men of the earliest custom, +the earliest law.</p> + +<p>These are all the traits and pictures of the antiquity +of East Iran, of any importance, which can be +gathered from the remaining fragments of the Avesta. +Of the antiquity and genuineness of the narrative +there is no doubt. The close relationship and coincidence +which they exhibit with the form and views of +the Veda are proved on both sides. As we saw, the +Veda distinguishes the sacrificers and sages of the +ancient time, the earlier time, and the present (IV. 29.)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> +The god Haoma is the well-known god Soma of the +Arians in India, the variation in the name being due to +the change of sounds which distinguishes the Old Bactrian +from the language of the Veda. Here, as there, +he is the sacrificial libation, and at the same time the +god who pours the libation, and is its power. The great +heroes Yima, Thraetaona, Kereçaçpa and Zarathrustra +were born to their fathers as a reward for offering the +libation of Soma. King Yima (Yima Kshaeta) in the +Avesta is no other than the Yama (Yama Rajan) of the +Veda. Yama is the son of Vivasvat, the brilliant, the +shining, the giver of light; and in the Avesta Yima is +the son of Vivanghana. In the Veda he is the assembler +of the people, the first king, the first mortal who shows +to men the way which leads from the depths to the +height of heaven; who first experiences death, but +returns into heaven as the son of the god of light, +where he gathers round him the brave and pious for +new life in imperishable joy (IV. 61). Yima is also the +assembler of men, the first king; he rules with the +golden staff; he founds the religious worship, a merit +which in the Veda belongs to Manu. Under Yima the +earth is filled with red-glowing fires; he worships Vayu +and Ardviçura. He is the representative of the +golden age; in his reign there is neither heat nor cold, +age nor death, hate nor strife; and his dominion +continues a thousand years. It was the first happy +period of the world, which men passed under the +dominion of the son of the god of light. At what an +elevation Yima must have been placed in the oldest +form of the mythus of East Iran is clear from the +fact that creative acts and the triple extension of the +earth are ascribed to him. After the close of this +golden period, winter comes upon the earth, heat and +cold, strife, sickness, and death. The happy life of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> +the golden age only continues within certain limits, in +the enclosure of Yima, where he carries on the blessed +and immortal life with selected men, trees, animals, and +food. Here Yima is to live till the end of all things, +when his companions will again people the earth. As +in this garden of Yima the sun, moon, and stars shine +together,<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> it must be sought in the sky, or at any rate +on the bright, divine mountain Hukairya, where there +is neither night nor gloom, and which is at the same +time described as Yima's place of sacrifice.</p> + +<p>If the Indians have placed the old Arian legend of +a golden age on earth in the days of Yima's reign, +they have also, after their manner, depicted his heavenly +kingdom with brighter colours, while among the +Iranians this part of the legend is combined with the +heavenly garden into which Yima receives the men he +has selected as the best. Nevertheless, a reminiscence +of Yima's garden has remained beyond the Indus in +the story of the Uttara Kurus, who dwell beyond the +holy mountains to the north.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> + +<p>The most striking variation from the common Arian +myth in the Avesta is the statement that Yima is +subordinate to a deity, Auramazda, of whom the Arians +of India knew nothing. The old legend is thus brought +within the sphere of new views, which must have exer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span>cised +still further influence upon it. It is Auramazda +who places in the hand of Yima the control, superintendence, +and protection of animals and men. It is +not through Yima's own desire, as was certainly the +case in the old legend, but at Auramazda's bidding, +that the enclosure is made, and the selected men, +animals, and trees brought into it. The main reason +for this change was the necessity of giving an answer +to the question, Why did not the golden age continue? +and if, long after Yima, Zarathrustra proclaimed +a new and better law, why had not Auramazda revealed +this law to the favoured Yima? In order to answer +this riddle, the Avesta represents Auramazda as asking +Yima to become "the preacher and bearer of his +doctrine," and Yima refuses to accept this mission. +Hence Yima becomes guilty of a fault, and a reason is +given why the golden age, the thousand years of the +reign of Yima, came to an end. Without the good +doctrine, the invasion of evil spirits, and with them +of heat and cold, sickness and death, strife and blight, +could not be kept back from the earth. This trait of +the guilt of Yima, which is entirely unknown to the +earlier legend, is carried out still further. According +to the prayer in the Avesta (p. 34) blessing and +immortality continued in the kingdom of Yima, "till he +began to love lying speech." When he had rejected +Auramazda's law he cannot himself resist the seduction +of evil spirits. The first offence brings on the second, +and this causes the triple loss of majesty, which at +length ends in the fall and violent death of Yima, an +incident already indicated in the Avesta.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> How this +form of the legend allowed the garden of Yima to be +placed on the divine mountain, and whether the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> +contradiction was removed or not, our fragments do +not enable us to decide.</p> + +<p>In the Veda it was Indra who had to contend +against Vritra and Ahi, <i>i. e.</i> the serpents, and the +black spirits, which desired to drink up the water of the +sky and veil its light. In Iran, as we shall see, this +office is transferred to other spirits, and also to Thraetaona. +The Azhi dahaka of the Avesta is the Ahi +of the Veda. Ahi and Azhi are the same word, with +the same meaning; the addition <i>dahaka</i> refers to the +destructive power of this demon. Verethraghna, <i>i. e.</i> +the slayer of Vritra, stands in the Avesta at the side +of Thraetaona in his struggle with Azhi (p. 35), and +the morning wind supports him just as in the Veda +the winds assist Indra against Ahi and Vritra. Among +the Indians, Traitana is a spirit of the air, who +dwells in the remotest regions of the sky, who hews +off the head of a giant from his shoulders, and in the +Veda, Trita, the son of Aptya, drinks the draught of +Soma, in order to win strength for the slaying of +Vritra; he slays the snake with three heads and seven +tails; with his iron club he splits the hollows in the +rock in which the demons have hidden the cows of the +heaven (the rain clouds).<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> In the Veda, Aptya is the +father of Trita; in the Avesta, Athwya is the father +of Thraetaona. Of Trita, whom it represents as sprung +from Çama, the Avesta declares that he was the first +physician; in the Veda we are told of Trita he knew +how to heal sickness as the gods had taken his sickness +from him; that he bestowed long life.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> The two +figures of Trita and Traitana gradually unite in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> +Veda; in the Avesta, Thrita and Thraetaona remain +separate persons. The Kereçaçpa of the Avesta seems +to correspond to the Kriçaçva of the Indians, whom we +first find in the Epos, where he is celebrated as a +warlike Rishi.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p> + +<p>If the Paradhatas, Yima, Athwya, Thraetaona, +Thrita, and Kereçaçpa in the original conception are +spirits of the sky, if the monsters with which Thraetaona +and Kereçaçpa struggle are not to be sought +on earth but in the heavens, if in these dragons +we find once more the cloud-serpents, against which +Indra and his company have to contend—we do not at +once set foot upon earth, when we come to the Kavanians. +According to the later tradition of Iran, Kava +Kavata was fetched from the divine mountain in order +to reign over the country; two white falcons bring +him a golden crown. The Rigveda mentions Kavya +Uçanas, <i>i. e.</i> Uçanas, the son of Kavi, who brings the +cows of the sky, <i>i. e.</i> the clouds, to the pasture.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> In +the Avesta, Kava Uça sacrifices not only to rule over +the whole earth but also over the spirits. According +to a later tradition this sovereign—now called Kai +Kaus—causes beautiful castles to be built on the divine +mountain by the demons, and is then carried by four +eagles into heaven. Kava Huçrava, for whom in the +Avesta the god Haoma contends, is without sickness +and death (p. 37). In the later tradition, in which he is +known as Kai Chosru, he begins a pilgrimage to heaven +after conquering and slaying his opponent the Turanian +Franghaçiana, like the sons of Pandu in the Mahabharata +after their victory over the Kurus and their happy +reign. Like them also, Kai Chosru climbs the mountains +and disappears from his companions at a well. Against<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> +his command they seek him in the mountains, and are +all buried in a great snow-storm. From the name +Manuschithra (p. 37), <i>i. e.</i> scion of Manu, we may +conclude that the twin brother of Yama, "father +Manu," was not unknown to the Arians of Iran. +But the genealogy in which the Avesta has preserved +these names has no greater claims to historical value +than the figures which have passed in review before us. +Airyu is the son of Thraetaona; <i>i. e.</i> from the mightiest +hero, the slayer of the great dragon, are sprung the +sovereigns and the nation of the Airyas; the son of +Airyu is Manuschithra; from whose son, Naotara, +are derived the two last Kavas, Aurvataçpa and +Vistaçpa.</p> + +<p>If the coincidence of the forms from Yima to +Kava Huçrava with the Veda is a proof of the +antiquity and genuineness of the tradition of the +Avesta, the gain for history becomes less instead of +greater. No one would take mythical persons for +historical. Yet the style and form in which we +find these traditional statements in the fragments of +the Avesta supply certain guides for the lost history +of Eastern Iran. The splendour of the royal majesty +is so often and so distinctly brought into prominence, +that the conclusion forces itself upon us, that the +regions in which the Avesta arose, <i>i. e.</i> the north-east +of Iran, must have been acquainted with a powerful +and highly-respected monarchy. The ancient spirits +of the sky are changed in the Avesta into mighty +warriors and far-ruling kings, a circumstance in favour +of the supposition that an empire once existed here, the +image of which is reflected on prehistoric times. It is +in Epic poems that the spirits of the first sky become +heroes, and Epic poetry only arises in and follows on +periods of war and conflict. The fact that the forms of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> +the spirits thus changed into heroes by Epic song are +turned into the forefathers of the kings and progenitors +of the nation, further establishes the conclusion +that a military monarchy must have been in existence +here; only warlike princes could appear as the heirs +of heroes. Moreover, the Avesta extols the high +banner of Bakhdhi and speaks of the neighbouring +regions as favoured; the later tradition of Iran marks +out Bactria very clearly as the abode of Aurvataçpa +and Vistaçpa; in the third century <small>B.C.</small> Bactria +supplied its princes with means not merely to achieve +their own independence, but to maintain it against +the great kingdom of the Seleucids and to subjugate +the land of the Indus (p. 25 ff.); and if, in addition to +these facts, we bear in mind the conceptions found in +the Median poems of the great power of the kings of +the Bactrians, their treasures in gold and silver, their +fortified city, the conquest of which was the greatest +achievement of Ninus—we may venture to assume +that before the days of the Medes, <i>i. e.</i> before the +year 650 <small>B.C.</small>, there must have existed an important +monarchy in the north-east of Iran.</p> + +<p>With the assistance of the Avesta we may go +a step further. We saw that Kava Huçrava no less +than Vistaçpa is represented as fighting against the +Turas or Tuiryas. Who were these enemies? In +Old-Bactrian the word means the enemy, the oppressor. +Strabo speaks of a region of Turuia in the +north of Parthia, towards the steppes of the Oxus.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> In +the later tradition of Iran the Turanians are the +constant and most dangerous enemies of the kings of +Bactria. The steppes of the Oxus and Jaxartes were +inhabited by nations to whom the Persians gave the +collective name of Sacæ, while the Greeks called them +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span>Scythians. They found but scanty pasture on the +steppes, and it was natural that they should look with +longing eyes on the more fertile regions of Bactria and +Sogdiana. It has already been mentioned how careful +Cyrus was to protect these countries, when he had +conquered them, against the nations of the steppes. +At a later time, from the middle of the second century +<small>B.C.</small> downwards (p. 28), we have definite information +of the pressure of these nations on Parthia, Margiana, +and Bactria. When freed from the attacks of the +Seleucids on the west, the Arsacids had to defend the +east of the kingdom. Phraates II. and Artabanus II. +fell in battle against the nomads; Mithridates II. +succeeded in protecting Parthia, but about the year 100 +<small>B.C.</small> the Sacæ were able to force a way through +Bactria. They possessed themselves of the best land +in the east of Iran, the valleys of the Hilmend (p. 7), +bequeathed their name to the country (Sikashtan, +Sejestan), and from the valley of the Cabul extended +their dominion beyond the Indus. The white +Huns, or Yuëchis, followed the Sacæ; and they also +reached the Indus. Is there any reason to doubt the +Avesta that even before the Medes and Cyrus the +princes of Bactria and Sogdiana were occupied with +beating back the tribes of the steppes?</p> + +<p>In ancient times, as Strabo tells us, the Bactrians +and Sogdiani were little removed from wandering +shepherds. The Avesta exhibits them in close connection +with horses. The names compounded with <i>açpa</i> +(horse) are common; Kereçaçpa, Aurvataçpa, Vistaçpa, +Haechataçpa, Jamaçpa, Pourushaçpa. Of Zariaçpa and +the Zariaçpians we have already spoken. The most +important source of wealth must have consisted in +horses, for which the mountains supplied ample pasture. +The horse-sacrifice is the chief sacrifice of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> +Avesta. One hundred horses were equal to 1000 +oxen, and 10,000 head of small cattle. We found +that Bactria could furnish the last Darius with 30,000 +cavalry, and the horse was the symbol of Bactria on +the coins of the Greek princes of the land (p. 27).</p> + +<p>From all these indications we may assume that when +the Arians had settled in Margiana, Bactria, and Sogdiana, +and agriculture became of importance beside +the breeding of cattle, the necessity of protection +against the migratory tribes of the endless plains +stretching to the north, created among the Arians a +warlike nobility who took upon themselves the duty +of defence. The valley of the Zarefshan (Sogdiana), the +terrace of Bactria, the region of Merv, became in the +hands of the Arians advanced posts of civilisation in +the desert. If Western Iran was protected in the north +by the Alps of Aderbeijan and the Caspian Sea against +attacks from that quarter, Eastern Iran lay open to +the nomads of the steppes, and had nothing but arms +to defend its cultivated lands. We have already seen +that Bactria even in the sixth century had passed +beyond the earliest stages of civilisation (p. 24). But +even a less degree of prosperity was sufficient to excite +the sons of the desert to invasion. Hence we may +assume that the incursions and raids of the nomads of +the steppes began with the increase of the flocks and +the prosperity of agriculture in the valleys of Merv, +Bactria, and Sogdiana. The increasing severity of these +attacks compelled the Bactrian soldiery to collect their +forces for more successful resistance, and to place the +best warriors at the head of the community. Thus it +was not by spontaneous development, but rather by +the opposition to the nations of the steppes, that the +north-east of Iran first outgrew the tribal life, and +became transformed into a larger state. Of this king<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span>dom +Aurvataçpa and Vistaçpa became the rulers; in +the Avesta they are distinguished from the Paradhatas +and from Kava Kavata, Kava Uça, and Kava Huçrava, +by a new addition to the name and other peculiar +traits, and form a third group. The progress of our +investigation will show that the formation of this +Bactrian kingdom cannot be placed later than 1100 +<small>B.C.</small>; the date of Vistaçpa must be put about 1000 +<small>B.C.</small>, and it was the successors of Vistaçpa who sent to +Shalmanesar II. the tribute of camels with two humps, +and yaks (about 850 <small>B.C.</small>), who found themselves +menaced once more by the advances of Tiglath Pilesar +II. to Arachosia in the year 745 <small>B.C.</small>, and at length +succumbed to Cyrus. We shall find that this kingdom +was not without its warlike races and priestly families, +that Zariaçpa and Bactria were the centres of it, and +that the sovereigns attained despotic power. Yet the old +warlike families must have preserved a certain importance +under the monarchy, unless they regained it when +lost under the viceroys of the Achæmenids. It was +the chieftains of the Bactrians whom Alexander summoned +to Zariaçpa, and who with the Sogdiani at their +side took the lead in resistance. The most powerful +of them stubbornly defended their rocky citadels +against the Macedonians.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Polyb. fragm. 34 f.; below, p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Above, p. 6; Vol. III. p. 3, "Zikruti in rugged Media I added to +the land of Assyria;" <i>ib.</i> p. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Vol. III. p. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Herod. 1, 153, 177, 201, 204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Strabo, p. 517; Arrian, "Anab." 4, 23; Plin. "H. N." 6, 18; +Ptolem. 6, 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Ctes. fragm. Pers. c. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Behist. 1, 6; Persep. 25; Naksh-i-Rustem, 12-14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Herod. 3, 91, 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Vol. I. p. 285. The amount is about 2096 thalers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Behist. 2, 14-16; 3, 10-12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Herod. 7, 64, 82; 9, 113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Herod. 8, 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Diod. 11, 69; Ctes. Pers. ecl. 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Arrian, "Anab." 3, 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Arrian, <i>loc. cit.</i> 3, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Justin. 41, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> As was shown in Vol. IV. p. 278, the Vishnu Purana represents the +sacrificial horse of Pushpamitra, who sat on the throne of Magadha +between 178 and 142 <small>B.C.</small> (Vol. IV. p. 550), to have been carried off by +an army of Yavanas on the right bank of the Indus, and then restored. +The dominion of the Græco-Bactrian princes in the East existed from +200 to 150 <small>B.C.</small></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Strabo, p. 516. I need not prove that Ἰωμάνης must be read here +for Ἰσάμος, or that +Σαραόστου παραλία +is Surashtra; cf. Wilson, "Ariana antiq." p. 281. Apollodotus, Apaladata on +the Arian legends of his coins, is no doubt the Bhagadatta of the Mahabharata, +just as the Dattamitra there mentioned is Demetrius; Vol. IV. p. 80, +<i>n</i>. Among the Indians Menander appears in the form Milinda.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> In the year 1843 there were about 1000 Guebre families in Yezd, +and a hundred in Kerman. Westergaard, "Avesta," 1, 21: the persecution +of 1848 considerably reduced their numbers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Haug, "Pahlavi-Pazand Glossary," pp. 80, 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> "Vendid." 1, 73-76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> "Vendid." 1, 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> "Vendid." 19, 130; 1, 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Burnouf, "Jour. Asiat." 1845, pp. 287, 288. It seems to me doubtful +whether we should look for Airyana Vaeja on the sources of the Oxus. +The statement in the Bundehesh that Airyana Vaeja was situated beside +Atropatene is, however, of very little weight against the fact that the +Arians of East Iran are nearest to the Arians of India. I shall return +to this point below. The remark in Stephanus, "Ἀριανία, a nation +among the Cadusians," would be of some importance if it were +taken from Apollodorus of Artemita, and not from the grammarian of +that name. The district of Arran on the Kur may possibly be meant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> "Vendid." 1, 14-18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> "Vendid." 1, 30, 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> "Vendid." 1, 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> "Yaçna," 9, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> "Vendid." 2, 1-21, after Karl Geldner's translation. [Cf. Darmesteter's +translation in M. Müller's 'Sacred Books of the East,' Vol. IV.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> "Vendid." 2, 21-43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> "Aban Yasht," 9; "Farvardin Yasht," 131; "Bahram Yasht," +40; "Ram Yasht," 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 131 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> "Yaçna," 9, 30; "Vendid." 20, 11 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> "Vendid." 20; "Yaçna," 9, 32, 39; "Ram Yasht," 7, 28; +"Farvardin Yasht," 136; "Zamyad Yasht," 41 ff. According to the +"Mainyo-i-Khard," Kereçaçpa, besides slaying the serpent Çruvar, +slew the wolf Kapod, the water demon Gandarsi, the bird Kamak, and +kept back much oppression from the world. West, "Mainyo-i-Khard," +c. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Justi, "Handbuch," <i>s. voc.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 132; "Zamyad Yasht," 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> "Gosh Yasht," 18; "Ashi Yasht," 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> "Aban Yasht," 49; "Gosh Yasht," 18; "Ashi Yasht," 38; "Afrin +Zartusht," 7; "Zamyad Yasht," 77; "Ram Yasht," 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> "Aban Yasht," 76, 98; "Ashi Yasht," 46; "Farvardin Yasht," +102; "Ram Yasht," 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> "Aban Yasht," 109, 117; "Farvardin Yasht," 38; "Gosh Yasht," +29, 30; "Ashi Yasht," 50, 81; "Zamyad Yasht," 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> "Aban Yasht," 104-106; "Farvardin Yasht," 142; "Gosh +Yasht," 26; "Ram Yasht," 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> "Vendid." 2, 39, 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Vol. IV. 21 <i>n.</i> Spiegel, "Avesta," 3, Einl. s. 58. The favourite +comparison of the enclosure of Yima with the deluge of the Hebrews +appears to me anything but apposite. Iran, and still more Bactria, is +unsuited to give rise to the legend of a flood. Nor is there any question +of the destruction of evil men (if there had been, Yima would have +been the most guilty and the least deserving of pardon), but of the end +of the golden age, as is shown in the Vendidad, the Yaçna, and the +Yashts: the earth becomes more thickly peopled, men and animals do +not grow old or die. If we must bring together things which have +really no relation to each other, it would be more apposite to compare +the paradise of the Hebrews. The reason for the end of the golden age +is the guilt of Yima. [Cf. Kuenen, "Religion of Israel," 3, c. 9, E. T.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> "Zamyad Yasht," 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> "Rigveda," 1, 158; 10, 8, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Westergaard in Weber's "Ind. Studien," 3, 413 ff., 426 ff. Kuhn +combines Trita with Triton and Tritogeneia; Hofer's "Zeitschrift," 1, +276, 289.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Haug, "Essays," pp. 235, 236.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Kuhn, "Beiträge," 4, 44; Haug, "Essays," pp. 235, 236.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Strabo, p. 517. +[Τοριούαν is a <i>v. l.</i> for +Ταπυρίαν.]</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<h3>THE SCRIPTURES OF IRAN.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></h3> + + +<p>The statements of the Avesta concerning the ancient +rulers of Eastern Iran were proved to be without historical +value, yet we found in them an ancient and +genuine tradition, the form of which allowed us to draw +certain conclusions about the political condition of that +region in a period for which we have no other records +except the poetry of Western Iran. But what the Avesta +tells us of the rulers of ancient days is of secondary +importance for the book, which comprises the doctrines +and ordinances of the faith proclaimed by Zarathrustra, +and the rules of life which he is said to have laid +down. May we assume that we possess these in a +genuine and unaltered form in the Avesta, though +they have only come down to us in fragments?</p> + +<p>A book of the Parsees of India, which tells the story +of their flight from their ancient home, relates that +Iskander (Alexander of Macedon) burned the revealed +scriptures, and the faithful were persecuted for 300 +years. When Ardeshir (the first Sassanid) ascended +the throne, the true faith was restored, under the +superintendence of Arda Viraf. After this the true +religion was again suspended till king Shapur (Shapur +II.) rose and once more made the faith famous, and Aderbat +Mahresfant girded his loins in the good cause. The +same account is given in the Book of Arda Viraf, also +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span>a book of the Parsees of India. From this we learn +that the religion received by the pious Zarathrustra +lasted for 300 years in purity. Then the evil one stirred +up Iskander Rumi, so that he spread war and devastation +over Iran, and slew the rulers of the land. The +Avesta which was preserved at Stakhar Papakan (Persepolis), +written on cow-skins with golden ink, he burned, +and put to death many priests and judges, pillars of the +faith, and spread hatred, strife, and confusion among +the people of Iran. They had now no lord, guide, +and high priest, who knew their religion; they were +full of doubts and had different modes of belief and +worship of various kinds, and different laws prevailed +in the world till the time when Ardeshir came to the +throne and listened to the words of the holy Arda +Viraf and believed him. But after Ardeshir's death +a schism broke out, and more than 40,000 souls +fell away from the true faith, till the day when the +holy Aderbat Mahresfant arose.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> An older writing +of the Parsees, the Dinkart (composed under the +Sassanids), tells us, apparently on the ground of a +proclamation of the Sassanid Chosru Parvez (590-627 +<small>A.D.</small>) that king Vistaçpa of Bactria had commanded +that all books which were written in the language of +the Magians should be collected, in order that the faith +of the worshippers of Auramazda might have some +support, and all men were to go to Frashaostra (whom +the Avesta mentions as a companion of Zarathrustra) +to be instructed in the faith. And Darai, the son of +Darai (Darius Hystaspis is meant), commanded that +two copies of the entire Avesta, precisely as Zarathrustra +had received it from Auramazda, should be +preserved, the one in the treasury at Shapikan, and +the other in the city of scriptures. Then Valkosh<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> +(Vologeses), the descendant of Ashkan (Arsaces), +gave orders that so much of the Avesta as had +escaped destruction and the ravages of Iskander and +the warriors of Rum, and existed in fragments or +in oral tradition, should be sought out and brought +from every city. And king Artakshatr (Ardeshir) +summoned the Herbedh (<i>i. e.</i> the priest)<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Tosar with +the holy scriptures, which were scattered, to his residence, +and when Tosar came he gave command to the +other priests that everything, which differed from that +which was now considered to be knowledge and +wisdom, should be suppressed. The son of Artakshatr, +Shapuhar (241-272 <small>A.D.</small>), the king of kings, gave +command that all writings on medicine or astronomy +or other subjects in Hindostan, Rum, and other lands, +should be collected, and again united with the Avesta, +and that an exact copy should be deposited in the +treasury of Shapikan. Lastly Atropat (Aderbat) in +the reign of Shapuhar (Shapur II, 309-379 <small>A.D.</small>), +the son of Auharmazdi, purified the sayings of Zarathrustra +and enumerated the Nosks (chapters) of the +sacred scriptures.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> + +<p>In the rivayats of the Parsees in India, <i>i. e.</i> in the +collections of the sayings of the priests on their +doctrine, we find an enumeration of these sections +of the scriptures. At each book this list notes how +many chapters were re-discovered "after Alexander." +According to this enumeration the scriptures of Iran +consisted of twenty-one books.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> The first book contained +the songs of praise to the supreme spirits in 33 +chapters; the second (22 chapters) treated of good +works; the third (22 chapters) of the sacred word; the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> +fourth (21 chapters) of the gods; the fifth (22 chapters) +of the earth, of water, of trees, of wild animals; the +sixth (35 chapters) of the heavens and the stars; the +seventh (22 chapters) of pure and impure kinds of +food, and of the celebration of the great festivals; the +eighth (50 chapters) of the kings and priests, of pure +and impure animals; the ninth (60 chapters) of the +laws according to which the kings and judges were to +give sentence; the tenth (60 chapters) of virtue and +wisdom; the eleventh (60 chapters) of the reign and +conversion of king Vistaçpa; the twelfth taught agriculture +in 22 chapters, the planting of trees, the duty +of the priests and laity, and treated of the orders; the +thirteenth (60 chapters) was occupied with the sacred +sciences, the teachers and pupils, and the miracles +which Zarathrustra worked; the fourteenth book (22 +chapters) spoke of the life of men from birth to +death; the fifteenth (17 chapters) contained songs of +praise; the sixteenth (54 chapters) laid down rules for +what was permitted and what was not; the seventeenth +(64 chapters) contained the doctrines of medicine +and astronomy; the eighteenth (65 chapters) the +doctrine respecting animals and their treatment; the +nineteenth (52 chapters) contained the civil and +criminal law; the twentieth (22 chapters) the rubrics +for the removal of impurity; the twenty-first gave in +30 chapters the history of creation.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p> + +<p>According to this list the scriptures of Iran must +have been of very considerable extent. The Arabian +author Masudi, who lived about the middle of the +tenth century <small>A.D.</small>, also puts the number of books at +twenty-one. "Zartusht," he says, "gave the Parsees +the book which is called the Avesta. It consisted of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> +twenty-one sections, of which each amounted to 200 +pages. This book was written in the character which +Zartusht invented and which the Magians call the +religious character, on 12,000 cow-hides, and these +were kept together by bands of gold. It was composed +in the old Persian language, which no one now understands."<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> +From the list of the books and chapters it +is clear that these writings comprised not only the +religious doctrine and law, together with the rules for +correct conversation, but also the rubrics for the liturgy +and ritual. They were at the same time the code of +criminal and civic law, and in them was deposited +what was known of medicine and agriculture, and the +sum total of the science of their authors.</p> + +<p>Can we assume that writings of this importance, +nature, and extent existed in Iran before Alexander of +Macedon overthrew the kingdom of the Achæmenids? +Herodotus tells us that the Magians or priests of the +Persians recited the theogony, <i>i. e.</i> long poems, at their +sacrifices. The disciples of the sophist Prodicus are +said to have asserted that they were in possession of +writings of Zoroaster, who taught the Persians their +religion.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> Hermippus of Smyrna, who wrote in the +second half of the third century <small>B.C.</small>, and devoted +especial attention to the religions of the east, stated +that the Magians maintained two principles, a good +and an evil deity; the one they called Zeus and Oromasdes, +the other Hades and Areimanius.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Zoroaster, +who founded the doctrine of the Magians, had composed +twenty books, each of 100,000 lines, and Her<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span>mippus +gave the contents of the various books and +quoted regulations from them. Pliny tells us: "The +doctrine of the Magians prevails to this day among a +great part of the nations, and in the East is supreme +over the king of kings" (<i>i. e.</i> the Arsacids); and +vouches for Hermippus that he had written with great +care about the Magians,<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> from whose work no doubt he +quotes some particulars of the doctrine of Zoroaster. +According to Zoroaster's rule the sowing of the fields +should take place when the moon is in the sign of +Taurus; and it was forbidden to expose the person +before the sun or moon, or to defile a man's shadow. +Pliny also mentions the precious stones, of which +Zoroaster had extolled the brilliance; the herbs, used +by the Magians; and enumerates a number of remedies, +which they applied. Finally, he speaks of the +Nyktegertos, a herb growing in Gedrosia, which the +Magians used when making vows.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> Philo of Byblus +quotes a passage, apparently from "the sacred collection +of Zoroaster," on the nature of the deity, and +assures us that the Persian Osthanes maintained the +same in the Octateuch.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Plutarch gives us a short +but accurate account of the system of Zoroaster; his +contemporary Dio Chrysostom asserts that Zoroaster +and the sons of the Magians had sung of the balance of +Zeus and the constellation of the day in strains more +sublime than those of Homer or Hesiod;<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> and Pausanias +relates that at the kindling of the sacrificial fire the +invocation was sung by the Magians from a book in a +barbarous language wholly unintelligible to the Greeks.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> + +<p>This evidence from the West confirms the existence<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> +of sacred writings in Iran after the time of Alexander, +and also indicates that they existed previously to +that date; it contradicts the story of their destruction +by the Macedonians. The books must have been +in existence when Hermippus could speak of their +extent, and quote rules from them; and writings of +the kind must have been known when, in the days +of Pausanias, the Magians could sing their invocations +from a book. From other sources we are sufficiently +informed that Alexander's efforts were not directed +towards destroying the national character and traditional +religion of the Persians. Arrian tells us that +Magians no less than Greek soothsayers took part +in their festivals.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Nor were the Seleucids more +desirous than Alexander to effect the destruction of +the Iranian nationality; just as the Ptolemies never +attempted to set aside the Egyptian religion and life. +Even if they had cherished such views, they were far +from being strong enough to carry them out, for the +Greek empire over Iran lasted in its integrity only +eighty years. The Arsacids also, who recovered Iran +from the Seleucids, were not averse to the Greek +nation. They called themselves friends of the Hellenes, +and not only was Greek spoken, but even the tragedies +of Euripides were acted at their courts. The +scanty remains of the monuments present us with +echoes of Greek;<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> their coins, with few exceptions, +bear Greek legends like those of the Bactrian princes +whom they overcame. But though the influence of the +Hellenic character continued under the Arsacids, and +at the same time the Aramæan language and manners<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> +obtained even greater recognition than Hellenism +during their dominion, the reign of the Arsacids was a +restoration and revivification of the Iranian nationality. +According to the evidence of western writers the +Magians together with the members of the royal race +formed the council of the Arsacids.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> Pliny has already +told us that these princes obeyed the rules of the +Magians, and we also find that they invoked Mithra +as the Achæmenids had done, and "saluted the sun."<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> +Like the Achæmenids, too, they would not permit +their armies to fight by night, and we are told that +in their time the greatest weight was given to the +love of truth and fidelity, <i>i. e.</i> to the virtues which, +according to Herodotus, the Persians of his time considered +the most important, and on which the Avesta +insists above all others.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> We also learn from western +writers that the founder of the kingdom (Arsaces I.) +was a descendant of Phriapites (Friyapaiti), and with +his brother Tiridates and five others he slew the satrap +of Antiochus Theos, and drove out the Macedonians;<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> +just as Darius with the six Persian princes overthrew +the dominion of Gaumata; and the Arabs relate that +the Arsacids trace back their stock to Çyavarshana, +the son of Kava Uça, a story which cannot have been +invented in Arabia.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> In the list of the Arsacids we +also find the name Chosru (108-130 <small>A.D.</small>), the Kava +Huçrava of the old legend (p. 37); on the coins we +find a Vologeses and a Phraates before the fire-altar, +the characteristic symbol of the ancient worship of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> +Iran. Just as the old Arian character appears beside +the Greek on the coins of the Greek princes of +Bactria, the Greek character on the coins of the +Arsacids gradually degenerates until at length it gives +way to a new Iranian character and language. The +tradition sketched in the Dinkart, as we have seen, +represents the Arsacid Vologeses (which of the four +princes of the name is meant is not clear)<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> as collecting +what fragments remained of the holy scriptures +in the memory of the priests. The burning of the +scriptures by Alexander, as related in the books +of the Parsees on their exodus and the Arda Viraf, +is merely a transference to him of the conduct of +the Moslems on their conquest of Iran. Of the +continuance of the ancient religion of Iran under +the Arsacids there can be no doubt, though it is true +that along with it, in the Greek cities which Alexander +and the Seleucids founded, and which were +independent within their walls even under the Parthians, +Hellenic rites were practised. In these cities +Syrian modes of worship were also permitted, and the +Aramaic language and culture found entrance into +Iran.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> + +<p>In the land of Persia, among the Persians whom +Mithridates I. subjugated to the dominion of the +Arsacids, reminiscences of the ancient time, of the +splendour and glory of the Achæmenids, were naturally +more lively than in Parthia, which was formerly subject +to the Persians, and now under the Arasacids stood at +the head of Iran. In Persia, Artakshatr (Ardeshir), +the son of Papaki, the grandson of Sassan, rebelled<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> +against king Artabanus IV. In three great battles +the Persians contended with the Parthians; the latter +were conquered, and Artabanus fell, and with him the +kingdom of the Arsacids after a continuance of 476 +years (225 <small>A.D.</small>). With the reign of Ardeshir began +a more energetic restoration of Iran. He and his +successors after him revered the memory of the Achæmenids, +and strove to continue their achievements<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>. +We again hear of seven houses, and seven princes who +had the right to wear diadems beside the king, like +the seven tribal princes of the old Persian kingdom;<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> +we find the fire-altar before the tent of the Sassanids +as well as the Achæmenids; and in the army of the +Sassanids, no less than in that of Darius and Xerxes, +was a troop of "immortals." Ardeshir, like the founder +of the Persian empire, caused a portrait of himself on +horseback to be cut in a rock-wall to the north-west +of Persepolis (Naksh-i-Rustem) in remembrance of the +achievements which established his kingdom—the rock +on which 700 years before Darius had marked his +tomb by a portrait and inscription. The inscription +under this portrait (in the Pehlevi of East and West +Iran, with a Greek translation) runs thus: "Portrait of +the worshipper of Mazda, the god Artakshatr (Artaxares +in the Greek), the king of kings of the Arians +(of the kings of Airan, in the Pehlevi texts), the scion +of the sky (<i>minu chitri</i>), the son of the god Papaki, +the king."<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> Ardeshir's son, Shapur I. (241-272 <small>A.D.</small>), +caused his victory over Valerian and his capture of +the emperor to be recorded on the same rock; we see +Shapur on horseback, and Valerian kneeling before +him, a representation which recurs at the old Persian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> +city of Darabgerd. At Naksh-i-Rejeb, between the +rock-wall of Naksh-i-Rustem and Mount Nachmed, on +which abutted Persepolis, the proud citadel of the +Achæmenids, and in the grotto of Haiyabad, we +find in the one case a portrait of Shapur, and +in the other inscriptions which mention this ruler +and king Varahran. At Kermanshah, on the western +side of Mount Behistun, on the eastern side of which +mountain Darius inscribed the proudest memorial of +his achievements, we see king Ardeshir, and beneath +him the corpse of Artabanus; behind the king is +Mithra with the club which gave him victory, and +before him Auramazda who presents the ring of empire +to Ardeshir. Not far from this portrait Shapur II. +(309-379 <small>A.D.</small>) caused a grotto to be excavated in the +rock. In the sculpture of this cave we see the goddess +Anahita, who presents to the king the ring of empire; +at some distance are the hunting expeditions of the +king; a second grotto close to this exhibits the pictures +of king Auharmazdi II., the father of Shapur II., and +of Shapur III. his second successor.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> + +<p>Though the Sassanids sought to restore the kingdom +of the Achæmenids, and immortalise their own achievements +beside those of the early kings, the religious +revival which they undertook was far more thorough +than the political. In this direction they went further +than the Achæmenids; they caused the forms which +the old faith of Iran had retained and forced on the +East, to be current throughout the whole kingdom. +Agathias assures us that Ardeshir was eagerly devoted +to the study of the doctrine of the Magians, who +since his accession had gained an importance such +as they never enjoyed before. The business of the +State was decided upon their advice and predictions;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> +they assisted individual persons in their private matters +and suits at law, and the Persians did not regard anything +as legal and right which was not confirmed by a +Magian.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> At the head of the Magians, we are told in +another account coming from a western source, a Grand +Magian was placed under the Sassanids,<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> and as a fact +the Magians now received a thorough organisation. +At the head of their caste was the High Magian +(<i>Magupat</i>, Mobedh); and over all the High Magians +was the Grand Magian (<i>Magupatan magupat</i>); to the +Magians belonged the judicial power; and the Grand +Magian performed the coronation of the king. The +Sassanids erected fire-temples in Persia no less than +in Aderbeijan; their coins always exhibit the fire-altar, +and as a rule two priests before it. They carried +their genealogy beyond Sassan through Çpentodata +(p. 38) to Vistaçpa of Bactria, who is now said to +have established the seven princes; they call themselves +by the names of the ancient heroes who met us +in the Avesta; Kavadh (Kava Kavata) and Chosru +(Kava Huçrava). While styling themselves the worshippers +of Mazda (Auramazda) like the founders of +their empire, they went so far as to assume the names +of the gods of the Avesta; some even called themselves +after Verethraghna (Varahran, Bahram), others Auharmazdi +after Auramazda himself. The numerous Christians +on the Euphrates and Tigris as well as in Armenia +had to undergo severe persecutions; especially under +Shapur II., Varahran V., and Yezdegerd II. (438-457 +<small>A.D.</small>), whose viceroy declared to the Armenian Christians +that the Daevas (Dews) of Ahriman had deceived +them; it was not the good God who had created evil +and death but the wicked spirit. Defection from the +faith of Auramazda was punished with death. In the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> +treaties of the years 422, 533, and 563 <small>A.D.</small> Theodosius +II. and Justinian obtained the concession that +the Christians in the kingdom of the Sassanids should +not be compelled to conform to the rules of the +Magians; they were to be at liberty to bury their +dead,<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> whereas the doctrine of Zarathrustra required +that the corpses should be exposed.</p> + +<p>As such was the attitude of the house of the +Sassanids, we may believe the books of the Parsees +that Ardeshir eagerly took in hand the revival of the +true faith, and that he was assisted in this by competent +Magians; by Arda Viraf, according to the book +of the Exodus and of Arda Viraf (p. 50); according +to the Dinkart, by the Herbedh Tosar. The book of +Arda Viraf relates at length how he fell asleep in the +assembly of priests before Ardeshir, and his soul was +carried by the god Çraosha through heaven and hell. +And when the Dinkart represents a standard of true +religion as being set up under Ardeshir, there is no +reason to doubt the statement. After the reign of +Ardeshir, we are told in the Book of the Exodus, the +true religion was again suspended, or, as the Book of +Arda Viraf tells us, a schism arose. The cause of this +division is sufficiently known from other sources. In +the reign of Shapur I. (241-272 <small>A.D.</small>) a native of +Ctesiphon, of the name of Mani, came forward with a +new doctrine which attempted to mingle Chaldæan, +Jewish, and Christian elements in the faith of Iran, +and to resolve it into abstractions. He found numerous +adherents.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> Varahran II. (276-293 <small>A.D.</small>) allowed him +to dispute with the Magians, and then put him to +death. Under Shapur II., who succeeded his father +Auharmazdi II. as a posthumous child (309-379 <small>A.D.</small>),<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> +in order to check Manicheism and the advance of +Christianity, it was necessary to go back to the principles +of the old faith, and to invigorate these by the +collection and establishment of the sacred scriptures. +We may therefore have the fullest confidence in accepting +from these three books of the Parsees the facts +that Shapur "made the sacred faith to be famous;" +that Aderbat, whose work under Shapur is confirmed +by Hamza of Isfahan, collected the scriptures, purified +the sayings of Zarathrustra, and enumerated the chapters. +It is on this redaction of the canon by Aderbat +Mahresfant under Shapur II. that the list of the books +and chapters rests, distinguishing what were originally +in existence and what were then preserved. What was +not discovered "after Alexander" means what was not +discovered or not accepted at this redaction. Instead of +the 815 chapters which the Avesta is said to have previously +contained, the new canon amounted to only +348 chapters. That Aderbat was the founder of this +canon is clear not only from the epithet which the +books of the Parsees give him (Mahresfant, Old Bactrian +Manthraçpenta, meaning "the sacred word,") but +also from the confession of faith still in use among the +Parsees: "I abide in the law which Zarathrustra +taught to Vistaçpa, to Frashaostra, to Jamaçpa, and +Çpentodata, which came in the succession of generations +to Aderbat, who duly corrected and purified it."<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> +It was shown above that the language of the sacred +books thus again collected was that of Eastern Iran +(p. 30). When Aderbat revised the canon it had +long ceased to be spoken. But there were already +translations of the sacred books into the later forms +which the language of Iran had received in the time +of the Parthians, or at any rate such translations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> +were made after the revision of the canon.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> Masudi +informed us that the Avesta was composed in the old +Persian language, which at that time (tenth century +<small>A.D.</small>) was no longer understood. Ibn Haukal, who +travelled in Persia in the same century, tells us: "In +Fars three languages are in use; the Farsi, in which +the inhabitants converse with each other; the Pehlevi, +which was the language of the ancient Persians, and +in which the Magians wrote their historical books, but +which in our time is no longer understood by the +inhabitants of Fars without a translation; and the +Arabian.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>" When Aderbat revised the Avesta in the +middle of the fourth century <small>B.C.</small>, the Parsi (Farsi), <i>i. e.</i> +the later Middle Persian, was still in formation; the +older Middle Persian or Pehlevi was still intelligible, +but translations of the Avesta into this language did +not make clear to every one the meaning of the ancient +language in which the scriptures were composed. In +the time of the Parthian empire the old mode of +writing was given up in the West as well as in the +East of Iran, and exchanged for new methods. In the +West a cuneiform character derived from the writing of +Babylon and Assyria had been adopted; the East used +the Arian alphabet. Under the Arsacids the Pehlevi +became common. Like the old Persian cuneiform +this is borrowed from a Semitic pattern. The chief city +of the Parthians lay on the Tigris in the midst of a +Semitic population. The cursive character of the +Aramæans, as we find it on the coins of the satraps of +the Achæmenids of the fourth century <small>B.C.</small>, with a few +modifications, forms the base of the Pehlevi; and the +earlier shapes of this character are seen in the coins of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> +the Arsacids of the first century <small>A.D.</small> But it is not +the character which forms the peculiar mark of Pehlevi. +Along with the Aramaic letters the Parthians took the +Aramaic vocabulary; they wrote the Aramaic word +instead of the Persian, and to this they attached the +termination or case-ending of the corresponding Persian +word; the reader must understand Aramaic and substitute +the Persian word for the Aramaic when reading.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> +Hence Pehlevi was in reality a secret mode of +writing, intended exclusively for the learned, <i>i. e.</i> for +the priests. It is a proof of the close connection +between the priests of the East and West that this +character, which arose in the West out of the contact +with the Aramaic population on the Euphrates and +Tigris, spread to the East also and was adopted by the +scholars there. Nor was this all. The variations in +the Eastern dialect brought about certain modifications +in the forms of the letters, and thus there arose +an Eastern alphabet of Pehlevi beside the Western +alphabet. When Ardeshir destroyed the empire of the +Parthians in the year 226 <small>A.D.</small> these two alphabets were +in existence. The Eastern alphabet finally triumphed +over the Western. It became the royal mode of +writing, and as such was used on the coins. The letters +in the manuscripts of the Pehlevi translation of the +Avesta in the possession of the Parsees agree throughout +with the characters on the legends of the coins of the +Sassanids about the year 600 <small>A.D.</small><a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> The characters<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> +also, in which the text of the Avesta is written in the +manuscripts of the Parsees, belong to the later East-Pehlevi +alphabet, which, owing to the greater wealth +of the old Bactrian alphabet in sounds, especially in +vowels, possesses a greater number of letters.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> The +coincidence of the letters in the manuscripts of the +Parsees with those on the coins of the later Sassanids, +proves beyond contradiction that although the oldest +existing manuscripts belong to the fourteenth century +of our era,<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> they are nevertheless true copies of the +characters in which the Avesta was written in the last +century of the empire of the Sassanids.</p> + +<p>All that the Parsees of India now possess are some +not very extensive remains of the revision of the +sacred scriptures made in the reign of Shapur II. +The existing part of the laws corresponds in the title, the +divisions and their arrangements, with the twentieth +book of the text (p. 52). It contains the rubrics for +purification, for repelling and removing the evil spirits. +The title is the Vendîdad, or, in the older form, the +Vidaevodata, <i>i. e.</i> "given against the Daevas," or evil +spirits. Obviously this book was regarded as the most +important and valuable part of the law, and to this +circumstance it owes its preservation. Besides this we +have invocations and prayers, chiefly belonging to the +liturgy. They form a considerable collection, known +by the title of Yaçna, <i>i. e.</i> worship. The remainder of +the 348 chapters was lost in the invasion of the Arabs +into Iran, owing to their fanatical zeal for conversion.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span></p> + +<p>Though we were able to establish the fact that these +fragments belonged in their language, their contents, +and their written character to Eastern Iran, and the evidence +of Western writers proved to us that at the time +when Alexander of Macedon overthrew the kingdom +of the Achæmenids, there were sacred scriptures of considerable +extent in Iran—this does not enable us to +decide the date of the origin of these scriptures. We +have to inquire whether these writings were known in +the West of Iran also, before the date of the Sassanids; +whether the new collection and revision about the +year 350 of our era was satisfied with faithfully representing +the old condition of the scriptures, so far as it +could be discovered, or whether it altered their contents; +whether the influence exercised by Hellenic and +Aramaic elements in the time of the Seleucids and +Parthians—so obvious in the one case and so searching +in the other—affected the contents of the Avesta.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> +This question cannot be set aside, because even under +the Sassanids, in spite of their zeal for the Avesta and +for Iran, these elements were not unknown. We are +aware that Greek and Jewish schools flourished in +Syria and Mesopotamia at the date of the Sassanids, +that Chosru Nushirvan (531-578 <small>A.D.</small>) gave his protection +to Damascius and the Platonists in his kingdom, +and caused Greek works to be translated. However +much other virtues, required in the Avesta, were +extolled in this ruler, such as the foundation of fire-temples, +and appointment of sacristans for them, the +promotion of agriculture (no temple was to be without +cultivated lands) and of marriages—nevertheless sects<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> +sprung up within the true religion. Even in official +documents of the fifth century we find a certain deviation +from the doctrine of the Avesta; under king +Kavadh (488-453 <small>A.D.</small>), Mazdak, who proclaimed the +community of goods and women, found adherents, +and the Arabs speak of sects in Iran which opposed +the teaching of the Magians.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> They mention the +Zarvanites, the Gayomarthians, and others, of whom +the Zarvanites sought to derive the good and evil +deity from some higher abstraction,<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> while the Gayomarthians +represented the evil deity as proceeding from +the thought of the good deity. Had conceptions of +this kind, and other later views which we find in their +doctrines, influence on the restoration of the canon? +The fact that the sacred writings were composed in +a language no longer current, when the canon was +restored, is not a complete safeguard against changes +and interpolations, for the priests at that time may +have understood the language, and therefore may +possibly have been able to compose in it.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> [Cf. Darmesteter, "Zend-Avesta," Introduction, c. iii.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Haug, "The Book of Arda Viraf," p. 142 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Herbedh is the old Bactrian <i>athrapaiti</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Haug, "Pahlavi-Pazand Glossary," p. 144, 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> It is found in the so-called "Great Rivayat."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Vullers, "Fragmente über die Religion Zoroasters," s. 15-42; +Haug, "Essays," p. 125.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Quatremère, "Journ. des Savants," 1840, p. 413.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Clemens Alex. "Strom." p. 598.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Diogen. Laert. prooem. The corrupt passage in Athenæus (p. 478) +is not a sufficient reason for refusing to accept Hermippus of Smyrna +as the author of the treatise on the Magians. Pliny could not quote +the Berytian Hermippus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Plin. "H. N." 30, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> "H. N." 37, 49, 55, 58; 26, 9; 27, 35; 28, 19, 27; 29, 38; 21, 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Philon. Bybl. fragm. 9, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Dio Chrysost, ed. Dind. 2, 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Pausan. 5, 27, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> "Anab." 7, 11, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> <i>E. g.</i> the bas-relief on Mount Behistun in the winged victory, +which refers to the battle between Vardanes and Gotarzes, between 40 +and 50 <small>A.D.</small> [Cf. Rawlinson, "Sixth Monarchy," p. 389, where a +sketch of the relief is given.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Poseidonius in Strabo, p. 515; Justin, 42,1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Herodian, 4, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Plut. "Crassus," c. 29; "Anton." c. 47; Joseph. "Antiq." 18, 9, +3; Justin (12, 3), and Horace ("Ep." 1,2, 112), are of another opinion +in regard to the latter point.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Above, p. 26. Arrian, "Parth." 2, ed. Müller; Eunap. p. 222.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Al Biruni in Droyson, "Hellenismus," 3<sup>2</sup>, 372.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Vologeses I. reigned 50-80 <small>A.D.</small>; Vologeses II. 130-149 <small>A.D.</small>; +Vologeses III. and IV. 149-208 <small>A.D.</small>; the son of the fourth, also +Vologeses, reigned beside Artabanus IV.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Joseph. "Ant." 18, 9, 1; "Bell. Jud." Prooem. 1, 2; Ammian. +Marcell. 23, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Ammian. Marcell. 17, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Nöldeke, "Tabari." s. 437.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> De Sacy, "Memoires de l'institut Cl. Hist." 2, 162-242. [Rawlinson, +"Seventh Monarchy," p. 70, 606.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Rawlinson, <i>loc. cit.</i> p. 602, 607, 92 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Agathias, 2, 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Sozomen, "H. Eccl." 2, 10, 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Menandri Protect. fragm. 11, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> [Cf. Rawlinson, "Seventh Monarchy," p. 96 ff.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Spiegel, Avesta, 3, 214, 218, 219, 227.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Above, p. 17. On the date of these translations, Haug, "Pahlavi-Pazand +Glossary," p. 147.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Quatreinère, "Journal des Savants," 1840, p. 412.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Haug, "Pahlavi-Pazand Glossary," p. 120 ff.; 128 ff. West, +"Pahlavi Texts," part 1. Introd. § 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Lepsius, "Zendalphabet, Abh. B. Akad." 1862, s. 338; Lenormant, +"Sur l'alphabet Pehlevi Journ. Asiat. 1<sup>er</sup>." 6, 6, 180 ff.; Levy, "Beiträge +Z. D. M. G.", 21, 459 ff. From Ardeshir down to Narses, <i>i. e.</i> from 226 +to 302 <small>A.D.</small>, the writing on the coins agrees with the West Pehlevi of +the monuments of the Sassanids. From 302 to 600 <small>A.D.</small> the character +on the coins is different. From 600 the writing on the coins agrees +with the MSS. of the Parsees; Mordtmann, "Z. D. M. G." 8, 12 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Lepsius, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 306.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Westergaard, "Avesta," 1, 4 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> That the author or authors of the Bundehesh,—for the work consists +of a collection of fragments of various character,—had before them +larger remains of the Avesta, or a commentary which included more +than our fragments, may be conceded. The composition of the work +cannot be placed before the time of the Arabs, for the whole period of +the Sassanid empire is given, and even on an extended scale (p. 82), +mention is made of the empire of the Arabs, and Arabian words occur. +Cf. Justi, "Bundehesh," p. ix. ff; cf. below, p. 73. [West, "Pahlavi +Texts," 1, Introd. p. xci. ff].</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> On the Aramean sketch of the dialectic of Aristotle which was +written for Ohoeru, cf. Renan, "Journ. Asiat." 1852, p. 311.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> [Cf. Rawlinson, <i>loc. cit.</i> 448 ff.; 342 ff.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> "Sharastani," by Haarbrücker, 2, 284. The son of Mihr Narses is +called Zarvandadh.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span></p> + +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<h3>ZARATHRUSTRA AND THE DATE OF THE COMPOSITION OF +THE AVESTA.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></h3> + + +<p>The examination of the difficult questions, whether, +from what period, and to what extent, the Avesta was +known in Western Iran before the time of Alexander, +when the book came into existence, whether its contents +have come down uninjured from an ancient +period, or whether it underwent alterations in the +time of the Parthians and the Sassanids, will be best +opened by collecting and testing the accounts which +have been preserved in the West about Zarathrustra +and his work. Herodotus does not mention him, but +Xanthus the Lydian is said to have spoken of him, +before the date of Herodotus. Plato describes Zoroaster +as the founder of the doctrine of the Magians, +and calls him a son of Oromazes.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> With Hermodorus, +a pupil of Plato, Zoroaster is a Persian, the first +Magian.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Deinon concludes from the name that he +was a worshipper of the stars. Hermippus of Smyrna +speaks of him as a Bactrian, and is said to have +described him as a pupil of Azonakes (or Agonakes).<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> +Diodorus informs us that Zoroaster gave out among +the Arians that the good spirit had revealed to him +the laws which he published.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> Trogus Pompeius<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> +relates that Ninus finally carried on war with Zoroaster +the king of the Bactrians, who discovered the +art of the Magians, and inquired accurately into the +primal forces of the world, and the movements of the +stars; he was slain by Ninus.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> Pliny observes that +Zoroaster, the founder of the doctrine of the Magians, +smiled on the day of his birth, and beat his head +vigorously as a symbol of his wisdom; for thirty +years he lived in the desert on cheese. Plutarch's +account is that Zoroaster took no other food or drink +all his life but milk, and like Lycurgus and Numa, he +associated with the Divine Being.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> Dio Chrysostom +tells us that Zoroaster from his love for wisdom and +justice lived remote from men in solitude on a mountain, +which had been kindled by fire from above, and +burned continuously, and when the king approached +the mountain with his leading men to offer prayer to +the god, Zoroaster came unharmed out of the fire, and +bade them offer sacrifice for the god had visited the +place. After this Zoroaster did not associate with all +men, but only with those who were most adapted to +receive the truth and converse with the god, whom +the Persians called Magians, <i>i. e.</i> those who have skill +to serve the Divine Being.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> Kephalion asserted that +Zoroaster the Magian, the king of the Bactrians, +fought with Semiramis and was vanquished by her.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> +Theon of Alexandria also speaks of the conflict between +Semiramis and the Bactrian Zoroaster. Arnobius is +aware of the battle of Ninus with Zoroaster and the +Bactrians,<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> and in Eusebius Zoroaster, the Magian, the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span>king of the Bactrians, fights against Ninus.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> According +to the treatise of Eubulus of Athens on Mithras, +Porphyrius related that Zoroaster had consecrated a +natural cave, in which were flowers and springs, in +the neighbouring mountains of Persia, in honour of +Mithra, the creator and father of all, and since that +time the favour of the god had been sought in a cave.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> +Ammianus Marcellinus calls Zoroaster a Bactrian, and +tells us that Hystaspes, the father of Darius, spread +abroad the doctrine of the Magians.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> Agathias remarks +that the Persians of his time asserted that +Zoroaster, or Zaradus, as they called him, who gave +them their religious doctrine and law, the son of +Oromasdes, lived at the time of Hystaspes; but they +made the assertion in such a manner that no man +knew whether this Hystaspes was the father of Darius +or some other of the name. But whatever the date of +his life, he changed the earlier forms of worship, and +was the discoverer of the doctrine of the Magians.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> +Suidas distinguishes between the Perso-Mede Zoroaster, +the chief of the Magians, and the astronomer of the +same name, an Assyrian, who lived at the time of +Ninus.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> In Syncellus, Zoroaster is the first of the +eight Median kings, who, according to the statement +of Berosus, reigned over Babylonia from 2458 to +2224 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p> + +<p>These statements do not amount to much. Yet we +find the tradition maintained from the pupils of Plato +down to Agathias, that Zoroaster founded the doctrine +of the Magians; Diodorus, Plutarch, and Dio mention +the intercourse of Zoroaster with the good spirit or the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> +deity. Diodorus calls him an Arian, <i>i. e.</i> an inhabitant +of Eastern Iran. Hermippus, Trogus Pompeius, +Kephalion, Theon, Arnobius, and Eusebius speak of him +as a Bactrian, and the king of the Bactrians, and +represent him as fighting with Ninus or Semiramis, +which is also asserted by Moses of Khorene.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> Hence +in the last two centuries <small>B.C.</small> it must have been known +in the West that Zoroaster belonged to the East of +Iran, and thus he was brought into connection with the +most prominent fact known in the history of Bactria, +the contest of the Bactrians against Ninus and Semiramis. +This story, as we said, comes from the Medo-Persian +Epos, and moreover the Epos did not authorise +this connection of Ninus and Zoroaster. The opponent +of Ninus, who reigned over Bactria, was, according +to Diodorus, Oxyartes or Exaortes (p. 20). The +fact that Zoroaster was the most important name in +the antiquity of Iran among western nations obviously +induced Syncellus to put him at the head of the +supposed ancient Median dynasty. If Zoroaster, as +Pliny and Plutarch think, lived only on milk and +cheese, and passed thirty years in the wilderness, these +are merely traits taken from the lives of the Brahman +ascetics. The story in Dio Chrysostom, that Zoroaster +came unharmed from the fire, and the opposite statements +of the Chronicle of Alexandria and of Suidas, +that he brought down fire from heaven and was consumed +by it, or struck by lightning, contain traits +which have obviously sprung from the importance +which the doctrine of Zoroaster and the Magians +ascribe to the worship of fire, and from the division +between the fire of lightning and earthly fire, of which +we shall speak below. The narrative of Eubulus is +founded on the mysteries of Mithra, which came into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> +the West in the first century <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> These mysteries +are due to the confusion of the Mithra of the Iranians +with the sun-god of the Syrians; the mystæ were +consecrated in caves, or in places called caves, and +there underwent their probation. As the god of +light and the soul Mithra slays in the cave, that is in +the world of gloom and matter, the bull which is the +symbol of matter, as opposed to light, in its creative +power, and conveys the soul, the side of man akin to +light, out of the gloom of matter through the heaven +of the fixed stars, and then through the heaven of +the planets, to the light.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> Ammianus Marcellinus +and Agathias have better information about Zoroaster. +They are aware that he stands in some relation to +Hystaspes. Ammianus, though he expressly describes +Zoroaster as a Bactrian, puts Hystaspes the well-known +father of Darius, as the supporter of the doctrine +of the Magians, in the place of the Vistaçpa of the +Avesta, who opens a wide path for the teaching +of Zoroaster; Agathias, on the other hand, expresses +himself with greater circumspectness; he cannot decide +whether the father of Darius or some other +Hystaspes is meant.</p> + +<p>The result is this: Before the time of Alexander +of Macedon, at the latest in the first half of the fourth +century <small>B.C.</small>, the Greeks were aware that Zoroaster +had founded the doctrine of the Magians; in the last +centuries <small>B.C.</small> and onwards it was known that he +belonged to Bactria and Eastern Iran; but it was not +till the fourth century <small>A.D.</small> that he was known to have +lived under king Hystaspes; at any rate we have no +older evidence on this point.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span></p> +<p>Much more recent in date, and of far less value, +is the information derived from the East, with the +exception of the Avesta, on Zarathrustra. It does not +go back beyond the period of the Arabian empire over +Iran. The Bundehesh, written in this period (p. 65, <i>n.</i> 3), +contains a genealogy, which carries Zarathrustra's origin +beyond Pourushaçpa and Haechataçpa, from whom, +according to the Avesta, he was sprung (p. 38), through +twelve generations to Manuschithra (Minocher). In +the Avesta, the soul of the pure Manuschithra, the +son of Airyu, is invoked;<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> it has been observed above +that the national genealogy in Iran placed Thraetaona, +and not Manu, at the head; Airyu, the son of Thraetaona, +was the proper progenitor of the Airyas. With the +name Manuschithra, <i>i. e.</i> scion of Manu, who is now +the son of Airyu, this table passed back into the old +Arian conception of the father Manu (p. 44). In the +Avesta, Zarathrustra is connected by his father, the +fourth sacrificer of the Haoma, with the old sacrificers; +and by deriving his family from Manuschithra the +Bundehesh places him in the closest relation to the +progenitors of the Airyas. For the rest this book has +little to say about the life of Zoroaster. It informs +us that the house of Pourushaçpa lay on a hill on the +river Daraja, a river which we cannot identify;<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> the +Bundehesh places it in Airyana Vaeja (Airanvij), in a +district which we must place in the high region of the +Hindu Kush, on the sources of the Oxus (p. 31, <i>n</i>. 2), +though the Bundehesh informs us that "it lay by the +side of Atropatene." According to another passage in +the book, Airyana Vaeja lay near the garden of Yima +and Cashmere. In a third passage the garden of Yima, +which we are compelled by unmistakable indications<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> +in the Avesta, to seek on the divine mountain, lies in +the centre of Iran, under Mount Damkan.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> Atropatene, +as a name for the Alpine land in the north-west +of Iran (now Aderbeijan), came into use in the +time of the Greek empire; at any rate we cannot trace +it earlier.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> <i>Athrapaiti</i> means "lord of fire"; <i>athrapata</i>, +"one protected by fire"; in the remote mountains of +this district the old fire-worship was preserved with +peculiar zeal under the Seleucids; from the time of +Ardeshir the Sassanids venerated the fire-temple Adar +Guçasp (near Takht-i-Soliman), which lay in this region, +above all others, and this was the reason why in the +time of the Arabs it was thought that Airyana Vaeja +must be sought there.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> In any case it is impossible, +out of regard to the Bundehesh and even later statements +of the Moslem period, to place Zarathrustra in +the north-west of Iran in order to represent him as a +foreigner, reforming the religion of the north-east, when +the Avesta, which distinctly places him in the east +and puts him among the sacrificers and heroes of the +east and rulers of Bactria, together with the older +and more important evidence of the West, is on the +opposite side.</p> + +<p>The "Book of Zartusht," one of the most recent +books of the Parsees (it dates from the thirteenth +century of our era), can only tell us of the marvellous +preservation of Zarathrustra and the miracles which +he wrought. The first miracle recorded in it is the +fact that Zoroaster smiled at his birth. But the +wicked king Duransarun sought to murder the newly-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span>born +child in his cradle. His arm is paralysed, and +he cannot strike the blow home. Then the evil spirits +steal the child, kindle a great fire in the desert, and +throw him into it. But he sleeps peacefully in the +fire, and his mother recovers him without injury. A +herd of cattle are about to trample him on a narrow +path, when the largest one stands over and protects +him, till the herd have passed by. In a similar manner +he is preserved when a pair of wild horses are driven +over him. Even the wolves will not eat him. When +he has reached his thirtieth year these trials are over, +and Zarathrustra emigrates with his followers. On +reaching Iran the good spirit Vohu mano appeared and +conducted him to Auramazda. He had to pass over a +fiery mountain, but the fire did not singe a hair; +molten metal was poured on his breast, and he felt it +not; his entrails were removed and then replaced +without injury to him. Auramazda gave him the +Avesta and commanded him to go to king Vistaçpa +(now Kai Gushtaçp) to Balkh, and proclaim it to him. +In Balkh Zoroaster overcame the sages of the king in +argument, but they maligned him before their master +as a wizard, and he was put in prison. Then the feet +of the king's horse were drawn up into its belly, and +the king bade Zarathrustra heal his horse. He required +the king to believe in him and his doctrine; +and when the king had acknowledged the new faith, +one of the horse's feet was restored to it. Zarathrustra +further demanded that Vistaçpa's son Çpentodata +(Isfendyar) should consecrate himself to the defence of +the new faith, that the king's consort should adopt the +law, and those who maligned him should be punished. +When these three requests had been complied with, the +horse recovered all its four feet. After this Vistaçpa +did nothing without the advice of Zarathrustra, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> +built fire-altars and fire-temples. And Zarathrustra +showed the king the place he would one day occupy in +heaven, and made Çpentodata invulnerable.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p> + +<p>Hence from the Bundehesh we obtain no more than +the genealogical tree of Zarathrustra, which though +characteristic for the place allotted to him, is without +historical value; and from the Zartusht Nameh, +Sharastani, and Mirkhond, which repeat some miracles +more or less similar to those quoted, we gather nothing +beyond certain traits: the smiling at birth, the fiery +mountain, the preservation of Zarathrustra in the +fire, which Pliny and Dio Chrysostom had already +made known to us, and which belong to the ancient +tradition of Iran. In the miracles which take place by +means of oxen and horses, we can merely recognise +the ancient and close relation of the Arians in Iran +to these animals, a relation which has already been +remarked (p. 46). We might perhaps add that Firdusi +represents Zarathrustra, whom he puts beside +Vistaçpa, as having been killed at a fire in Balkh when +the city was captured by Turanians. The intercourse +of Zarathrustra with Auramazda was known +to Western writers, as we saw, at a far earlier +date.</p> + +<p>If we can hardly glean anything worth notice from +these accounts about Zarathrustra's life and work, +we may perhaps gain some information about his +date. The evidence of Ammianus Marcellinus and Agathias, +when they represent him as a contemporary of +Hystaspes, in whom we recognise Vistaçpa of Bactria, +carries us no further than the Avesta, which places +him in the closest relation to this prince (p. 38), because +his date is equally uncertain. Trogus Pompeius,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> +Kephalion, Theon, and Eusebius make Zarathrustra +an opponent and therefore a contemporary of Ninus +and Semiramis. But as neither Semiramis nor Ninus +ruled over Asshur, and they are to be regarded as the +personification of the rise of the power and dominion +of that country (II. 23), we must substitute for this +king and queen the ruler or rulers of Asshur of whom +it is certain that their campaigns reached the east of +Iran. We found that so far as we can at present +judge from the monuments it was only Shalmanesar +II. who received tribute from the Eastern lands, and +that the armies of Tiglath Pilesar II. trod the soil +of Arachosia (p. 19). If we could assume that the +contests of Ninus and Semiramis have taken the place +of the achievements of these rulers in the East of Iran, +the date of Vistaçpa and Zarathrustra would have +to be placed between 860 and 740 <small>B.C.</small> But this +supposition is really without any basis.</p> + +<p>The more ancient statements of the Greeks carry +us much further back than the reasoning of Trogus +Pompeius and his successors. If we set Pliny aside, +who asserts "that the kind of Magism established by +Zoroaster was many years older than that taught by +Moses," Hermippus of Smyrna puts Zoroaster 5000 +years before the Trojan war. Even before Hermippus, +Theopompus of Chios, and Hermodorus, the pupil of +Plato, had ascribed the same date to him. Eudoxus +of Cnidus, the contemporary of Plato, placed him still +higher; he thought that Zoroaster lived 6000 years +before the death of Plato. According to Pliny, Aristotle +ascribed to him the same antiquity, and, as we learn +from Diogenes Laertius, maintained that the Magians +were older than the Egyptians. And even in the +fifth century <small>B.C.</small>, Xanthus the Lydian is said to have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> +written that from the time when Zoroaster lived to +the march of Xerxes against Hellas a period of 6000 +years had elapsed.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> + +<p>Through these statements there runs, beyond all +doubt, a system, the knowledge of which began in the +fifth century <small>B.C.</small> among the Greeks and continued +beyond the time of Alexander. Whether we take +5000 years before the Trojan war, or 6000 years before +Plato's death, we are equally brought back into the +seventh millennium <small>B.C.</small> If the later statements of the +West, which make Zoroaster a contemporary of Ninus +and Semiramis, are the results of combining the most +prominent name in Bactria with the conquest of Bactria +by the founder of the Assyrian power, as related +in the Medo-Persian Epos, the fixing of Zoroaster's +date so many thousand years previously must have +been taken by the Greeks from the Persians. In these +dates we seem to be dealing with certain cyclic +periods. We learn from Theopompus of Chios, that +according to the doctrine of the Magians, one of the +two gods Oromazdes and Areimanius would reign and +the other be subject for 3000 years; for another 3000 +years they would be in conflict, and one destroy the +works of the other, until at length Areimanius would +succumb and men become happy.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> From this we +may with certainty conclude that periods of 3000 +years were in use among the priests of Iran to denote +certain spaces of time, and that these cycles form the +base of the statements of the older Greeks, if we +can prove the use of such periods in the Avesta or +in the books of the Parsees.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span></p> + +<p>In the fragments of the Avesta which have come down +to us we find invocations addressed to the "time without +beginning," "the time that rules the long periods."<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> +But the fact that Yima's reign is fixed at 1000 years +shows that the priests of Iran reckoned by long +periods, and other expressions in the Avesta (p. 33) +prove that triple multiplications were in use,<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> which +agrees with the periods given by Theopompus. If, +therefore, the Greeks of the fifth and fourth century +<small>B.C.</small> relate that Zarathrustra lived about 6000 years +before their time, a system must by that time have +been current among the priests of Iran in which two +cycles of 3000 years were supposed to have elapsed +since the time of the prophet, and the third cycle +had commenced. A book of the Parsees, the Mainyo-i-Khard, +which appears to have been written towards +the close of the empire of the Sassanids,<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> tells us that +Angromainyu made a compact with Auramazda for +9000 winters, and when these winters were past, +Angromainyu would be destroyed, and the creation +and all creatures would be as Auramazda had made +them.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> The Bundehesh also speaks of a similar compact, +but divides the years in a different manner. All time +consists of 12,000 years. In the first 3000 Auramazda +reigned alone with the creatures which he had created +in an invisible manner; for the first 3000 of the next +9000 everything went according to the will of Auramazda; +for the second 3000 the will of Auramazda +was crossed by that of Angromainyu, but for the last +3000 Angromainyu will be powerless. The Bundehesh +goes into yet further detail in these matters: in the +first 3000 years the heavenly creation was secure from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> +attack; in the next 3000 Gayo maretan and the ox, +<i>i. e.</i> the first man and the first bull, came into existence. +After these 6000 years the enemy arose and slew the +first man and the first bull. The reign of Yima is +placed by the Bundehesh in the first millennium of the +new period, but this reign extends only to 716 years, +the first 284 years of the thousand being filled with +creatures prior to Yima. The second millennium of +the period is occupied with the reign of Thraetaona, +Manuschithra, Kava Kavata, Uça, Huçrava, and +Aurvataçpa, and the early part of the reign of Kava +Vistaçpa, whose thirtieth year coincides with the end +of the second millennium.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> At the beginning of the +third millennium, <i>i. e.</i> a thousand years after the death +of Yima, Zarathrustra appears; and the period of +more successful opposition to the evil spirits begins. +According to the more ancient conception, which may +still be plainly traced in the Avesta, the world began +with the happy age of Yima; it is owing to later views +formed within priestly circles that earlier creatures +such as the first man and first bull are placed before +this period; but it will be shown below that these +views existed when the Avesta was written down. A +later book of the Parsees, the Sad-der-Bundehesh, puts +the period of the conflict between the good and evil +deity at 6000 years, and places Zarathrustra exactly +in the middle of it; he was created 3000 years after +the period of Gayo maretan, and 3000 years before +his own resurrection.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> Hence it is clear that the +formation of these cycles rose among the priests of +Iran from the necessity of limiting the period of the +old and new law, and of conflict between the good and +evil spirits, and the desire to fix the date of the more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> +successful repulse of evil which came in with Zarathrustra. +The abbreviation of the period of Yima shows +us that the cycles in the Bundehesh do not throughout +agree with those of the Avesta. But it is sufficient to +establish the fact that periods of 3000 years were in +use, and that Zarathrustra appeared at the beginning +of a new millennium, in order to understand that the +Persians could speak to the Greeks of millenniums in +this sense, and of one or two cycles which had elapsed +since Zarathrustra's time.</p> + +<p>The idea and tendency of such a scheme for the +history of the world are easily understood: these +periods of 3000 years, which can be increased or diminished +without alteration of the sense, have only a +dogmatic value. We cannot obtain from them any +chronological date for the appearance of Zarathrustra, +nor can we obtain such a date by the attempt to go +back from the chronological statements in recent Parsee +works to the older periods. We may leave unnoticed +the assertion in the book of Arda Viraf that the true +faith had existed in purity for 300 years down to the +time that Alexander came into Iran (p. 50), which would +thus bring Zarathrustra into the seventh century <small>B.C.</small> +The Bundehesh allows 460 years for the reigns of the +Sassanids, 246 for the Askanids, <i>i. e.</i> the Arsacids, 16 for +Alexander, before whom come Darai the son of Darai +with 14 years, Darai Chirazatan with 12, Huma (a queen) +with 30, Vohumano with 112, and Vistaçpa with 90,—all +subsequent to the appearance of Zarathrustra.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> According +to this, 996 years elapsed between Zarathrustra +and the fall of the Sassanids, and he would thus, if we +reckon from the battle of Nahavend (640 <small>A.D.</small>), be placed +in the year 356 <small>B.C.</small>, in the reign of Artaxerxes Ochus. +But even if we alter the incorrect items in the text of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> +the Bundehesh in accordance with our better knowledge, +we do not arrive at any result which is even apparently +certain. The dominion of the Sassanids, down to the +date of the battle, did not last 460 but only 414 years; +on the other hand, the Arsacids reigned for 476 years, +not for 264.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> The empire of Alexander, if we add +the reigns of the Seleucidæ to his own, occupied 80 +years instead of 14, and if in the place of the 26 years +of the two Darais of the Bundehesh, who represent the +kingdom of the ancient Achæmenids, we put the old +Persian kingdom with 229 years, and add to these +items the numbers given in the Bundehesh for Huma, +Vohumano, and Vistaçpa, after the appearance of +Zarathrustra, which amount to 232 years, Zarathrustra +would have commenced his work 1431 years before the +battle of Nahavend, <i>i. e.</i> in the year 791 <small>B.C.</small> But who +can guarantee that Cyrus, the Persian, overthrew the +empire of the Medes in the year when Huma, the +supposed daughter of Vohumano, died; or that Huma +reigned for 30 years? How could Vohumano, the +grandson of Vistaçpa, and son of Çpentodata (p. 38), +have reigned 112 years, and Vistaçpa himself 90 years +after the appearance of Zarathrustra? Huma is not +merely a doubtful person, she is altogether fictitious. +She is said to have been the mother of Darai Chirazatan, +<i>i. e.</i> Darius I., and to have been called Shamirain, +<i>i. e.</i> Semiramis, but her brother was the first Sassan, +the ancestor of the Sassanids. As the later Arabs and +Persians, including Firdousi, are no better informed,<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> we +see clearly that the remembrance of the Achæmenids +had almost entirely died out at the time when these<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> +writings were composed; only the name of Darius +remained, and an attempt was made to connect this +name with Vistaçpa by two fictitious names, Vohumano, +<i>i. e.</i> the good spirit, and Huma. Besides Vistaçpa's +son Çpentodata (Isfendyar) and Hutaoça, the wife +of Vistaçpa, the Avesta mentions a woman, "the pure +Huma,"<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> out of whom this queen must have been +formed. It is clear that the tradition of the East, +like the Avesta, broke off in the generation after +Vistaçpa, and that in the Arabian period only the +names Darai and Iskander could be placed between +Vistaçpa and the Arsacids.</p> + +<p>We must attempt to reach the goal by another path. +I have already shown what was the condition of the +sacred scriptures in Iran at the date of Alexander and +the Seleucids (p. 55). Even before Hermippus of +Smyrna, Aristotle had taught that the Magians considered +that to be the best in the first instance +which was first created, and maintained two principles, +a good and evil deity, Oromazdes and Areimanius.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> +Theopompus mentioned both these deities +and the strife between them, and when he adds +that there would one day be a time when the dead +would rise again, and men would be immortal and able +to withstand everything by their prayers—that after the +victory of Oromazdes men would be happy and need +no longer any sustenance, and would cast no shadow<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>—it +will be seen below how definitely and exactly the +doctrine of the Avesta is here reproduced. Hermodorus +mentions a series of teachers, who succeeded the first +teacher of the Magians, the "Persian Zoroaster," down +to the campaign of Alexander of Macedon.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> With +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span>Eudoxus of Cnidus Zoroaster was the founder of the +most beneficent wisdom; the pupils of Prodicus claimed +to be acquainted with the writings of Zoroaster (p. 53). +Plato calls him the son of Oromazdes, and adds that +the heir to the throne was instructed in Magism as +well as in the duty of being true during the whole of +his life.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> The importance which the Avesta ascribes +to truthfulness will become clear hereafter. If the +Greeks of the fourth century could speak of Zoroaster +as the teacher of the Persians, and put him in the +closest relation with Auramazda, if they could reproduce +correctly the names of the good and evil spirits +and the main doctrines of the Avesta, it is an inevitable +conclusion that the religion of Zarathrustra must +have prevailed in the kingdom of the Achæmenids.</p> + +<p>This result is confirmed by all the further information +which we obtain from the Greeks. In Plutarch +the last Darius calls on an eunuch, "to tell the truth in +reverence for the great light of Mithra"; the eunuch +replies that the king has no reason to accuse the evil +spirit, and entreats "Lord Oromazdes," "that he may +cause the light of the king to shine again."<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> Artaxerxes +II. was informed by his mother Parysatis that the +Persians had received the law which distinguished +good and evil from god. He swears "by Mithra," +and Plutarch tells us how some related that when +Darius, the eldest son of Artaxerxes, who sought his +life, was slain, Artaxerxes went into the court of the +palace and cried aloud to the Persians: "Rejoice, ye +Persians, and tell it to others, that the great Oromazdes +has executed judgment on those who imagined +crime and wickedness."<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> In Plutarch, Artaxerxes I. +says to Themistocles: "May Areimanius ever implant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> +such a disposition in my enemies that they may drive +from themselves their best and bravest men."<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> According +to Deinon the Magians prophesied with branches in +their hands, sacrificed under the open sky, and looked +on fire and water as the only symbols of the divinity.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> +Xenophon represents Cyrus as praising the gods and +sacrificing to them every morning according to the +instructions of the Magians.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> Though Herodotus does +not mention either the name of Zarathrustra or of +Auramazda, what he says of the rites of the Medes +and Persians agrees exactly with the rules given in the +Avesta. "Temples, images, and altars," he says, "are +not erected by the Persians, because, as it seems to me, +they do not believe like the Hellenes that the gods +have the form and nature of men. They call the +whole circle of heaven Zeus, and offer sacrifice to +him after ascending the summits of mountains. Besides +Zeus they have from ancient days sacrificed to +the sun, the moon, the earth, water, winds, and fire, +which among the Persians is a deity:<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> the winds they +also charm by songs. When offering sacrifice they +build no altar and kindle no fire, nor pour libations, nor +make any use of flutes, or cakes, or barley meal. If +any one wishes to offer sacrifice he brings the victim +to an open space, and calls on the god, after crowning +his tiara with branches of myrtle. After cutting the +animal in pieces, and cooking the flesh, he spreads out +the most delicate grass, chiefly trefoil, and lays the +flesh upon it. The Magian who stands by sings the +theogony over it, for such, according to the Persians, is +the nature of the prayer. After some time, the person +who has made the sacrifice carries the flesh away and +uses it for a feast. The Magians, in whose control is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> +the worship by sacrifice, make it a great object to kill +ants, serpents, and other creeping winged things: dogs +and men only do they spare. No Persian may pollute +a river, nor even wash in it, nor will they allow any +one else to do so, for they have a great reverence for +rivers. The bodies of the dead may not be burned; it +is said indeed that the corpse of a Persian cannot be +buried till it has been torn by a dog or a bird, and +among the Magians this is an acknowledged practice. +It is a meritorious act among the Persians to have many +children, and he who can show the most receives gifts +each year from the king. Each man celebrates the day +on which he was born above all other days. What may +not be done, may not be spoken of amongst the Persians: +the most shameful action is lying, and the next to this is +borrowing, for the reason that a man who has debts is +generally compelled to lie. Any one afflicted by the +itch or the leprosy may not come into the cities or mix +with other Persians; and it is believed that such persons +have sinned against the sun-god. Lepers from foreign +lands are driven out of the country." When Xerxes came +to the Hellespont, and was about to cross the bridge, +Herodotus represents him as praying to the sun-god, +pouring libations from a golden cup, and throwing it +with a golden goblet and a Persian sword into the sea.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> +We shall see hereafter to what a degree the killing of +noxious animals, the reverence for rivers, the expulsion +of lepers, the delight in life and the increase of life, +the exposing of dead bodies, and singing of the +theogony at sacrifices, correspond to the rules and +doctrines of the Avesta. In one point only is Herodotus +mistaken: he states that the Persians worshipped +a female deity called Mithra.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span></p> + +<p>From this array of witnesses belonging to the West +it follows that the doctrines of the Avesta, and the +religion of Zarathrustra, were current among the Persians +and in Western Iran at any rate after the beginning +of the fifth century <small>B.C.</small>, and they must therefore have +been in existence in Eastern Iran at a still earlier date. +The inscriptions of the Achæmenids prove that the doctrine +of the Avesta was maintained among the Persians +with even greater clearness and for a period more +ancient. Artaxerxes Ochus prays to Auramazda, Anahita, +and Mithra for their protection, and in like +manner Artaxerxes Mnemon prays to Auramazda and +Mithra. In the inscriptions on Mount Behistun, +Darius I., the son of Hystaspes, styles Auramazda +"the greatest of the gods" (<i>mathista baganam</i>). Besides +Auramazda, "the rest of the gods" are repeatedly +mentioned, and denoted by the name Baga. Of Auramazda, +Darius and Xerxes say in their inscriptions: +"A great god is Auramazda; he has created the +heaven and the earth; he has created man and all that +is good for men." After crushing in the beginning +of his reign the rebellion of nearly all the lands which +Cyrus had reduced, Darius repeatedly records his +thanks: "that Auramazda had granted him assistance; +that his army had been victorious by the grace of +Auramazda." He and his successors acknowledge that +they have received their throne and their kingdom +from Auramazda; by his grace they are kings.<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> The +reason why Auramazda has assisted him Darius finds +in the fact that he has not been a "liar," and has +committed no sin. He entreats Auramazda to protect +the land against the invasion of hostile armies, against +blight, and "the lie" (<i>drauga</i>). He asserts that "the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> +lie" caused the provinces which had revolted to be +rebellious, and declares that the land of Persia, which +Auramazda has granted to him, which is beautiful, rich +in horses, and well populated, has no fear of enemies +owing to Auramazda's grace, and his own. He commends +his inscription at Behistun to the protection of +his successors, with the words: "If thou destroyest not +this tablet then may Auramazda be thy friend; may +thy descendants be numerous, and thy life be long, +and whatsoever thou undertakest, may Auramazda +cause it to succeed. But if thou destroyest it, may +Auramazda smite thee, and thy house perish; and +whatever thou doest, may Auramazda render it of no +effect."<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> On his tomb Darius says: "What I have +done I have done by the grace of Auramazda. O man, +this is the prayer of Auramazda; think no evil, leave +not the right way, sin not." The inscriptions of +Xerxes regularly end with the invocation: "May +Auramazda protect me, with all the gods; me, my +kingdom, and my work."</p> + +<p>As we shall see, the fundamental principle of the +religion of Zarathrustra is that a supreme god stands +over all gods, and to him is ascribed the work of +creation. In entire belief in the power of this +supreme deity, whom the Achæmenids invoke by the +name which is given to him in the Avesta, "who has +created heaven and earth and all that is good for +men," Darius ascribes to Auramazda victory in battles, +the power of granting or refusing success to the king's +undertakings, of protecting the land against hostile invasions, +blight, and lies. To those who live according +to his commands he grants long life and numerous +descendants. The rebellion of the provinces is with +Darius the work of the lie, the lie of him who had given<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> +himself out to be the son of Cyrus, and the lie of those +who had claimed to be the descendants of Nebuchadnezzar +and Cyaxares. We have already observed what +"the lie" meant in the Avesta. In the same spirit—the +spirit of the principal rules of the Avesta—Darius +adjures his Persians to think no evil, and not to leave +the right path.</p> + +<p>Nicolaus of Damascus assures us that the Persians +were acquainted with the sayings of Zoroaster. He +and others relate that Cyrus or his father was called +Atradates, <i>i. e.</i> given by fire,<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> and that he had given +to the Areians (p. 11), who provided his famished +army with sustenance, the honourable title of Orosangians, +i. e. <i>Huverezànha</i> (benefactors). It is in +harmony with the doctrine of the Avesta that Cyrus +should be represented by such a descent or name as the +gift and nursling of fire, and we shall see with what +emphasis the Avesta marks and distinguishes good +thoughts, words, and actions. From these facts and +the inscriptions of Darius there can be no doubt that +Zarathrustra's doctrine was current among the Persians +at the time of Cyrus. But if it was in force in the +West of Iran in the sixth century <small>B.C.</small> the fact that +Herodotus, in his account of the period during which +the Medes obtained the dominion, down to the time of +Cyrus, speaks of no change in religion, either among +the Persians or the Medes, is evidence that this religion +existed at any rate before the time of Phraortes. +The statement found in Herodotus that Deioces had +forbidden any one to spit in his presence, reminds +us of the rules of the Avesta, by which no one was +allowed to approach the sacred fire and gods with +uncovered mouth, and on the sculptures of Persepolis +the bearer of the fan stands with covered mouth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> +beside Darius. The seven walls which Herodotus +represents Deioces as building round Ecbatana, the +seven tribes of the Persians, remind us of the seven +girdles of the earth in the Avesta; the king of the +Persians surrounded by the six tribal princes is the +symbol of Auramazda and the six gods who are about +him.</p> + +<p>Hence we may assume that the doctrine of Zarathrustra +had reached the West of Iran at the time +when Phraortes united the tribes of the Medes (about +650 <small>B.C.</small>), and was known among the Medes when +they were still living under their tribal chiefs and +paid tribute to Asshur, or, in case of refusal, were attacked +by the Assyrian armies, which, as we ascertained +from the inscriptions of the kings of Asshur, was the +case from the time of Tiglath Pilesar II. to the time of +Assurbanipal, <i>i. e.</i> from the middle of the eighth to the +middle of the seventh century <small>B.C.</small> A statement in +Herodotus seems to lead us still further back. He +calls the Magians a race or tribe of the Medes. According +to his narrative this tribe was in existence +in the time of Deioces, <i>i. e.</i> about the year 700 <small>B.C.</small> +Herodotus could only speak of the Magians as a tribe +or family when they had become an hereditary order. +At that time, therefore, there must have been among +the Medes a priesthood who perpetuated in their +families their worship by sacrifice, their doctrine and +wisdom, as well as their social importance. Like +all Greeks, Herodotus ascribes the discharge of the +religious functions among the Persians and Medes to +the Magians, and we find that what Herodotus quotes +of their rites agrees with the rules of the Avesta. +The rise and separation of a peculiar order of priests, +their more or less sharply marked distinction from the +remaining orders, can never be the work of a short<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> +space of time, and such separation can only take place +when the worship of the gods requires a knowledge +which is not easily accessible or obtainable, when +doctrine has obtained a place by the side of belief, +when ritual has become developed, and particular +duties and rules are prescribed for the life of the +priests. When the worship of the gods requires the +use of long and definite prayers, the knowledge of +complicated usages, on which depends the effect of +the sacrifices, and the observation of numerous rules of +purification,—such knowledge is only perpetuated in +families of hierophants or priests, or in schools which +take the place of such families. The formation of a +distinct hereditary order on such grounds can hardly +have occupied less than a century from the time when +the doctrine, on which it is formed, was introduced. +Hence we may assume that the doctrine known as +Zarathrustra's reached the Medes before the year +750 <small>B.C.</small>, <i>i. e.</i> before the date of Tiglath Pilesar II. of +Assyria.</p> + +<p>Let us hold firmly to the facts that the worship of +Auramazda was current among the Persians about the +middle of the sixth century <small>B.C.</small>, that the same worship +was in force among the Medes at least a century +earlier, about 650 <small>B.C.</small>, and that if an hereditary priesthood +was in existence about this time among the Medes +who performed and conducted the worship, the doctrine +which this priesthood represented must have been +adopted before the year 750 <small>B.C.</small> In this way we +obtain a proof that the doctrine of Zarathrustra was +not only in existence in the East of Iran about the +year 800 <small>B.C.</small>, but was the dominant creed there, and +had force enough to penetrate to the West, and win over +the neighbouring tribes of the Medes and Persians.</p> + +<p>We cannot explain more exactly how the doctrine of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> +Zarathrustra reached the nations of the West of Iran. +Pliny, it is true, exclaims: "Who knows the Medes, +who were taught by Zoroaster, Apusorus, and Zaratus, +even by hearsay, for no memorials of them are left?"<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> +According to this the religion of Zoroaster spread +even in the West by the influence of eminent men +among the Medes. But the date of the persons mentioned +cannot be fixed, though Porphyry represents +Pythagoras as going to the Chaldæans and Zabratus, +by whom he was purified from the evil of his former +life, and instructed as to the things from which the +disciple should restrain himself, and about the nature +and beginning of all things,<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> and this Zaratus or +Zabratus may be intended for Zarathrustra himself. +Hermodorus tells us that Zarathrustra had been followed +by many Magians as teachers, one after the +other, down to the time when Alexander marched +against Persia: these teachers were Osthanes, Astrampsychus, +Gobryas, and Pazates.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> Others also assert +that Zoroaster was followed "by Osthanes and Astrampsychus."<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> +Pliny observes that so far as he could +discover, Osthanes who accompanied Xerxes in the +war against the Hellenes, was the first who had written +on the doctrine of the Magians. The second Osthanes, +whom Alexander had received among his followers, +had caused this religion to be of great importance. +From the work of one of these two persons, Philo of +Byblus quotes a passage—the work he calls the +Octateuch—and Pliny notes down apparently some of +the doctrines of the first Osthanes. If then there were +men under the Achæmenids in the West of Iran who +could write on the doctrine of Zarathrustra from the +beginning of the fifth century <small>B.C.</small>, we can without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> +hesitation believe the statement that long before this +time there were prophets and teachers of the doctrine +among the Medes and the Persians.</p> + +<p>Can we go beyond the result thus gained by our +investigation?—that the doctrine of Zoroaster flourished +in Eastern Iran about 800 <small>B.C.</small>, and advanced towards +the West from this period; may we assume that at this +date it was already in possession of written monuments, +and even that the fragments of the Avesta which still +remain were in existence then? We must first answer +the question whether the use of writing in Iran, +especially in the East, goes back so far.</p> + +<p>According to the statements of Herodotus, the West +of Iran was not only in possession of the art of writing +by the year 700 <small>B.C.</small>, but made considerable use of it. +He tells us that Deioces required complaints to be +sent in to him in writing, and gave out his decisions +also in writing. If processes at law were conducted in +writing in Media about the year 700 <small>B.C.</small>, it cannot be +surprising that Herodotus should also inform us that +letters passed between Media and Persia about the +year 560 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> We learn from the Hebrew Scriptures +that when Cyrus allowed the Jews, whom Nebuchadnezzar +had removed to Babylon, to return to their +homes, he gave his permission for the restoration of +the temple in writing. This document was afterwards +discovered in the archives of Ecbatana.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> We know it +for a fact that Darius I. gave his orders to the satraps +in writing, and we are acquainted with the seal of +Darius by which they were authenticated. The oldest +inscriptions which have come down to us from the +Achæmenids, not to mention a seal of Cyrus from +Senkereh, belong, if not to Cyrus himself, to Darius, +and begin about the last quarter of the sixth century<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> +<small>B.C.</small> It is the cuneiform writing of Assyria and +Babylon which forms the basis of the writing in these +inscriptions, but with considerable alterations. The +highly complicated syllabarium of the Eastern Semites +is reduced to a phonetic system; we might almost say +to an alphabet of about 40 letters. A change of this +kind can hardly have been made at one stroke. If it +was after they entered into closer combination with +Assyria, <i>i. e.</i> after their dependence on the king of +Asshur, which began with the accession of Tiglath +Pilesar II. (745 <small>B.C.</small>), that the Medes became acquainted +with the Assyrian system of writing, this must have +been completely mastered before it could be abbreviated +and altered, as it was altered by the Medes, +whose changes were adopted by the Persians. The +cuneiform writing of Western Iran, as we find it in the +inscriptions of Darius, can therefore hardly have been +established before the year 600 <small>B.C.</small> However this may +be, the facts mentioned prove that the writing of the +Assyrians in the seventh century <small>B.C.</small> was not unknown +in the West of Iran. This would therefore have +passed into the East of Iran in its original or simplified +form, either at some earlier period, or when the East +came under the dominion of the Achæmenids. But it +did not, and this is a plain proof that the East, when +the cuneiform writing of the West came in that +direction, was already in possession of another kind +of writing. This Eastern mode of writing, the Arian, +which rests on an entirely different basis from the +cuneiform, is first known to us from coins and inscriptions +of the third century <small>B.C.</small>; but it certainly would +not have maintained its ground under the Achæmenids +against the writing of the West, and of the rulers, +magistrates, and dominant nation, unless it had been +in vigorous use before, this period. We must therefore<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> +assume that the Arian character was in use in the East +of Iran a considerable time before the date of Cyrus, +and hence we have no reason to deny the existence of +it in that region in the eighth century <small>B.C.</small>, since we +must allow the neighbouring Arians of India to have +been in possession of their written characters from the +year 800 <small>B.C.</small> at the least (IV. 155).</p> + +<p>If we may assume that the Arian character was in +use in the East of Iran about the year 800 <small>B.C.</small>, the +prayers and sayings of Zarathrustra might have been +written down about this date, and the doctrine might +have passed on to the West supported by written +documents. But the fact that the prayers might have +been written down is in no way a proof that they were +so written.</p> + +<p>It is true that at first sight it seems that the part of +the law which has come down to us (the Vendidad) +leads to the conclusion that it was written down long +before the Persians gained the dominion over Iran, +and Media became a powerful state under Cyaxares. +The book does not mention the name of the Persians +or the Medes, of Ecbatana or Persepolis, while Bactria +is spoken of as the seat of the empire; the most +westerly district mentioned in the Vendidad is Ragha +in Eastern Media.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> If we add that the book reproaches +certain districts in the East, the land of the +Arachoti and others, with deviations from the doctrine +of Zarathrustra, and that Ragha is indeed Zoroastrian +but wavering in its fidelity, we may easily conclude +that the Vendidad was written when the doctrine of +Zarathrustra had not as yet thoroughly penetrated the +East, and was still unknown in the West, when it had +just reached, but had not yet completely conquered, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> +district of Ragha. The Medes were still dependent on +Asshur, living separately according to their tribes, Ecbatana +was not yet the centre and metropolis of Media, and +the kingdom of Bactra was still in existence in the East. +This points to a date about 750 <small>B.C.</small> as the time when +this doctrine must have spread widely over Media; at +any rate to a date before the rise of the Median power, +<i>i. e.</i> before 650 <small>B.C.</small> This conclusion is not, however, +absolutely certain. The silence of the Vendidad and +of the Avesta generally on Ecbatana and Persepolis, +the Medes and the Persians, can be explained in +another though a more artificial manner. The nations +and chief cities of the West were unknown to the +tradition of Eastern Iran, and the royal abodes of the +Medes and Persians were not consecrated by the action +of Zarathrustra. In the accounts given by the Greeks +of the worship of these nations, in spite of much +agreement, points are found at variance with the rules +of the Avesta, and as a fact certain distinctions did +prevail. The doctrine had arisen in the East, and the +priesthood there was in possession of the purer and +more orthodox dogma. If Persia and Media did not +follow this in all respects, it was convenient to be +silent about the differences in the time of the Achæmenids, +or if any one desired to brand them, to mark out +the Median Ragha as the seat of heresy, rather than +Pasargadæ or Persepolis. This explanation it is true +is somewhat far fetched. The result that the religion +known by the name of Zarathrustra had reached the +Medes and Persians by the middle of the eighth +century <small>B.C.</small> is in no way weakened by it, though the +assumption that at this period written documents of +this doctrine were in existence, and that the book +of the law of which we have fragments arose in +the first half of the eighth century <small>B.C.</small>, is rendered<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> +more doubtful if such a mode of interpretation is +admitted.</p> + +<p>The forms of language preserved in the Avesta +have not survived with sufficient distinctness to +assist us in fixing the time at which it was written +down. As was shown above (p. 65), the manuscripts +date from the later period of the Sassanids; +they are written in the later East-Pehlevi character, +and at a time when the old forms must have undergone +changes owing to the language which had come +into use in the mean time, and can in fact be proved to +have undergone them. The old sounds are obviously +modified and confounded,<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> so that the language of the +Avesta, when compared with that of the inscriptions of +the Achæmenids, exhibits forms less ancient and fixed, +and indeed in some cases it is more recent than the +language of the legends of the Græco-Bactrian coins +(p. 27). Nor can any certain conclusions be drawn +from the condition of political and social life shown in +the Avesta. It is only the splendour of regal power +in general, the old sacrificers, heroes, and kings that are +extolled in it; a sacrificial prayer to Mithra speaks of +the abode of the Arians, where "horse-guiding rulers +govern noble troops;" for the rest we hear only of +lords of villages, of tribes or cantons, and provinces, and +of three orders into which the people are divided. +The Vendidad, it is true, reckons by winters and +nights, not by years and days; the amount of fines +and punishments is computed in animals, goats, sheep, +oxen, horses, or camels; and these facts point to an +ancient period, but they may have been handed down by +tradition. We also hear of the value of these animals +and of money (<i>shaeta</i>).<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> This is the less surprising as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> +the Vendidad speaks of palaces and pillars and various +works of art, and mentions smelting-ovens and even +ovens for making glass. We found that the Greek +princes of Bactria struck square coins, which they +would not have done if this had not been the traditional +form in Bactria (p. 28). The Achæmenids did not +strike coins of this kind, and this shape must therefore +have come down from a period anterior to them. The +frequent mention of the physician, on the other hand, +ought not to be regarded as a proof of later composition, +for we hear of the physician and his remedies in +ancient poems of the Veda (IV. 35).</p> + +<p>In regard to the antiquity of the Avesta, then, we +can only build upon the simple facts that it cannot +have been written down for the first time when the +Buddhists found adherents in Bactria (IV. 542), or +when the kingdom of the Greek princes arose in +Bactria, or when the Seleucidæ and Alexander, before +them, reigned over Iran. It has been proved that the +Avesta was in existence before Alexander overthrew +the kingdom of the Achæmenids. The series of the +successors of Zarathrustra, which western writers could +trace backwards from this point—Osthanes II., Pazates, +Gobryas, Osthanes I., Astrampsychus, Apusodorus—plainly +shows that even under the Achæmenids the +West was seriously occupied with religious questions. +As Osthanes I. had written on the doctrine of Zoroaster +about the time of Xerxes (p. 92), it is at +least more probable than not that the Avesta was +already in existence at that time. If in the West +there was a series, and as the Greeks point out, a +continuous series, of priestly teachers, round whom +naturally pupils and schools grew up, and after the +beginning of the fifth century a theological literature, +similar teachers and schools must have existed long<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> +before in the East, and this greatly strengthens the conclusion +drawn from the contents of the Vendidad, that +it must have been written down before the rise of the +Medes. But for any more precise determination of the +date of the Avesta between the two limits obtained—the +year 750 <small>B.C.</small>, <i>i. e.</i> the beginning of the formation of a +priesthood in the West and the contemporary use of +writing in the East, and the year 350 <small>B.C.</small>—we are +confined wholly to internal evidence.</p> + +<p>Scriptures of such extent as the Avesta is shown to +have been, by the accounts of the Greeks and Arabs, +and the list of contents (p. 51), and the existing +fragments, could not have been written down at once +or within a brief space of time. We saw (p. 33) +that it set up a religious canon, which not only regulated +the doctrine and the worship, the duties of priests +and laity, but also comprised the law, and in a word all +the relations of life. A codification of this kind is +only possible when belief and doctrine, culture and +ritual, have arrived at fixed and complete formulæ, +have been arranged in a system and developed, and +the consequences bearing on life, morality, and law +have been drawn from them by an active and influential +priesthood. Hence before the Avesta was written +down and collected there must have been a priestly +order in the East, in the circles of which the doctrine +and practice went through this developing, revising, +and fixing process. Various sketches, lists of prayers +for certain offerings, collections of rules belonging to +this or that priesthood or school, must have been in +existence, and combinations of the traditional material +must have been made, before a canon comprising the +whole wisdom of the priests, and far exceeding in +extent the law of Manu, could have been compiled.</p> + +<p>Among the existing invocations of the Avesta we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> +find sacrificial prayers of a primitive character; but +the greater part of the prayers and thanksgivings are +without religious feeling or poetical power, and very +far removed from the richness and abundance, the +beauty and freshness of conception, which streams +through the majority of the hymns of the Veda. +There are not wanting <i>naïve</i> and poetical pieces which +have obviously been handed down and preserved by +their use at sacrifices, but these are frequently spoiled +by later interpolations, and the form of the whole is +generally dry and prosaic. We find but scanty relics +of any vigorous conception of the gods, of a living +mythology; on the whole the mythical element is faded, +and the sacrifice of animals thrown into the background. +The greater part of the prayers receive their value +from a certain system and completeness; the object is +to bring forward all the characteristics of the deity to +which they are addressed, and to invoke him by all +his names. Thus laudations and epithets are repeated +without end. A good many of the prayers are mere +nomenclatures, and repeat the same forms in varying +order. Besides this tendency, which is far removed +from the original simplicity of religious meditation, a +value is ascribed to the repetition of certain prayers. +Some are to be said a hundred, or a thousand times. +In the same way the liturgies are long and full of +detail, and sometimes take the form of responses +between the celebrant and the ministering priest; +they are extremely careful to neglect none of the +heavenly spirits or genii, or to injure them by omission, +or treat them with less respect than others.</p> + +<p>Beside the faded colours of the mythology, the +decreasing importance of animal sacrifice, and the +formalism of the prayers, we observe in the five +Gathas, the invocations which alone have preserved the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> +verse-measure, and present older forms of language +than the rest, a tendency to speculation. Not only +are the good and evil spirits combined under one head, +as is always the case in the Avesta, but the Gathas +attempt to resolve the contrast of the beneficial and +harmful sides of nature, of the good and evil spirits, +into the reciprocal play of two fundamental forces; +they identify the prosperity and destruction of nature +with moral good and evil, and combine the one with +truth, the other with falsehood. The good spirits are +the truth, the evil are the lie. The life of appearance +and of falsehood is distinguished from the true life, +and the service of truth promises life not in this world +only but in the next. It is in harmony with these +tendencies to abstraction that, according to other passages +of the Avesta, heaven is filled with a multitude +of the most lifeless personifications of ideas and realities. +Could the doctrine of a new religion in an +early period come forward with such a spiritualised +system, with such elevated moral demands, such abstract +conceptions? Could prayers of such a kind +have been composed or written down in a primitive +age?</p> + +<p>The existing fragment of the book of the law is +composed in the form of a dialogue, and is for the +most part filled with conversations which Zarathrustra +carries on with Auramazda. Zarathrustra inquires +what is to be done in certain cases against the evil +spirits, the Daevas, on the commission of certain sins +and impurities. What must be done when a woman is +in labour, etc., or when any one has made himself impure +by touching a corpse, or has slain a water-dog (otter)? +Is the rain impure which has fallen on a corpse and +then runs off from it, etc.? These questions Auramazda +answers very precisely, and when it is a matter<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> +for expiation and purification, he fixes the number of +stripes with the horse-whip or the whip of the sacred +Çraosha (Çraosha-charana) which the penitent is to receive. +It is a theory and practice of purity, on a level +with the analogous rules in the laws of Manu, and in +some points even more subtle and casuistical. The +offences have already been brought under definite categories, +and in like manner the purifications and punishments +fall into a number of distinct classes. Not only +are expiations required for all sins and prescribed down +to the minutest details, but the offences must also +be repented of; certain formulæ of confession and +repentance are prescribed.</p> + +<p>We need not stop to prove that a book of laws +in this form could not have been written down <i>à priori</i>. +The rules for punishment and purification must have +grown up in long practice, before they could be put +in the mouth of the deity; difficulties and doubts +must have been weighed before solutions could be +proposed. The book contains the dialogues and inquiries +which were held in the schools of the priests on +questions of this kind, the practice which prevailed +in the schools and the catechisation of the pupils. +The answer is naturally placed in the mouth of Auramazda, +for it was the answer which he once gave to +the question when asked by Zarathrustra. The fragments +of the Vendidad are a catechism, the result +of the labour of the priestly schools, a system of rules +and regulations which marks and postulates the same +stage of development for Iran as was reached for the +Indians on the Ganges by the law of Manu. Many +periods in the religious life must have been passed +through before the religious consciousness was no longer +shocked by the fact that the supreme deity in person +answered petty questions of ritual, and dictated in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> +the most exact gradation and with regard to every +possible variety of circumstance, the number of stripes +required for the criminals.</p> + +<p>This faded mythology and formalised worship, these +speculative attempts and casuistry of law, are accompanied +by a completely-arranged scheme of certain +abstract categories already established. Throughout the +whole Avesta runs the division between this world +and the next, between the corporeal and incorporeal +world, truth and falsehood, and the triple distinction of +thinking, speaking, and acting, of thought, word, and +deed. And when we further consider that rewards are +attached to the reading of sections of the Avesta, that +the "long study" of the "thoughts of the pure man," +"the excellent knowledge, thought, and conception" +are praised and invoked as divine powers, no one will +be inclined to see in the Avesta the product of <i>naïve</i> +religious feeling, or the deposit of a priestly civilisation +which is as yet in its early stages.</p> + +<p>Still, if we wish to avoid making any false steps in +the conclusions to be drawn from the nature of the +Avesta about the time of its composition, we must +bear in mind that it contains some conceptions which +are the exact opposite of the characteristics just +noticed. The myth of Yima, the form of Mithra, +the descent of plants, prove older traits in the Avesta +than we find in the Veda; the old gods still occupy +a large space beside Auramazda and the abstract +forms of heaven, and strict unity of system is not yet +attained. We must remember also at what an early +date the neighbours of Eastern Iran, the Arians of India, +arrived at meditation and abstraction; how quickly and +entirely they allowed animal sacrifice to pass into the +background; with what breadth and detail they +developed the rules for purification; how numerous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> +were the daily prayers and repetitions, before the +religious feeling became weakened. In the Avesta the +time without limit is frequently invoked; among the +Indians the gods of light are even in the oldest hymns +of the Veda the sons of Aditi, <i>i. e.</i> of the Eternal or +the Infinite. And if the attitude of the Avesta is for the +most part by far more flat and prosaic than that of the +Veda, the Arians of Iran were of a more logical nature, +and the glow of imagination which the land of the +Ganges kindled in their kindred tribes did not exist in +Iran. For this reason the consideration of the character +of the Avesta can only lead us to the result that +a period of several centuries must have elapsed between +the rise of the religion named after Zarathrustra and +the writing down of the Avesta; that lists of prayers +and rubrics must have been in existence about the year +800 <small>B.C.</small>; that the extensive books which then formed +the Avesta may have been written in the first half of +the period, which we ascribed to them, extending from +750 to 350 <small>B.C.</small> In any case we can maintain that +the Gathas were composed, and that the Avesta existed +in its essential parts in the East of Iran, before Cyrus +put the empire of the Persians in the place of the +empire of the Medes, and all the various parts were +collected together before the "Enlightened" began to +preach on the Ganges, <i>i. e.</i> about the year 600 <small>B.C.</small></p> + +<p>We have already remarked the importance which +the Achæmenids ascribed to the possession of Bactria +(p. 23); and we were able at any rate to guess at the +civilisation of that district about the year 500 <small>B.C.</small>, from +the amount of the tribute imposed upon it by Darius. +That the economic civilisation was not behind the +material was shown by indications in the Avesta. The +kingdom which grew up there, as we saw (p. 47), +long before the days of the Medes, and in which about<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> +the year 800 <small>B.C.</small> the doctrine of Zarathrustra was +current, succumbed to Cyrus, the great founder of the +Persian empire. If we place the beginning of the doctrine +of Zarathrustra, which first made its appearance +there, before the middle of the ninth century <small>B.C.</small>, at +which time the armies of Shalmanesar II. reached the +East of Iran, and assume that it came forward about +1000 <small>B.C.</small>, we shall hardly place its rise too high. We +remember that about this time occurred the great +change in the religious conceptions of the Arians in +India, the repression and degradation of the old gods +by Brahman. It was an analogous development when +the good and evil spirits of Bactria were combined into +unities, and placed under leaders, when the chief of +the deities of light was made the creator of the heaven +and the earth, and surrounded with abstract forms, +which contest the traditional place and honour of the +old god. It is the same religious impulse, the desire +to grasp the unity of the divine nature, the same line +of combination that we observed in its beginning and +progress in India, which comes to the surface in the +doctrine of Zarathrustra. We have no reason to contest +with the Avesta the fact that Vistaçpa ruled over +Bactria when this change took place, or that Zarathrustra, +a man of the race of Haechataçpa, gave the +impulse to the reform, and that the leading idea in it +belongs to him. If Vistaçpa ruled over Bactria about +the year 1000 <small>B.C.</small> the growth of the Bactrian monarchy +must be placed at least a century before this time, <i>i. e.</i> +about the year 1100 <small>B.C.</small></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> [Cf. Darmesteter, "Zend-Avesta," Introduct., c. iv. § 40, and c. iii.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Plato. "Alcib. I." p. 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Diog. Laert. prooem.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Plin. "H. N." 80, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> 1, 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Justin, 1, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> "Numa," c. 4; "Quaest. Sympos." 4, 1. [The reading +Ζωροάστρην +is doubtful; cf. Wyttenbach.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Dio Chrys. 2, 60, ed. Dind.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Euseb. "Chron." ed. Auch. p. 43; cf. Georg. Syncell. p. 167. +Βάτου after Zoroaster should here be changed into +Βάκτρου rather than +Μάγου.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Arnob. "Adv. Gent." 1, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Euseb. <i>loc. cit.</i> p. 35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Porphyr. "De antro nymph." c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Ammian. Marcell. 23, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Agathias, 2, 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Suidas, +Μάγοι, +Ζωροάστρης.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Above, p. 17. Georg. Sync. p. 78, 79. Vol. I. p. 241, 247.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Yet with Moses Zoroaster is a Mede, I. p. 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Plut. "Pomp." c. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Cf. Von Gutschmid, "Die Sage vom heiligen Georg;" Sächsische +Gesellschaft d. W., 1861, s. 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> C. 20 in Justi, [c. 20; § 32 West]; cf. "Vend." 19, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> C. 30, cf. above, p. 40. [C. 29, § 14, West.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Strabo, p. 515, derives it from Atropates, whom Alexander made +satrap there.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Still less important than the Bundehesh is the gloss on "Vend." +1, 60. "Many say that Zartusht was from Rak in Atropatan." Ragha +is not in Atropatene.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Spiegel, "Eran," 1, 684 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Plin. "H. N." 30, 2. Diogen. Laert. prooem. The different readings +of 500 years in Suidas and 600 in Diogenes, as compared with +5000 and 6000 in the other MSS., can hardly be maintained against the +uniform evidence of other witnesses.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Plut. "De Isid." c. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 33; Spiegel, "Avesta," 3, 9, 201, 206.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> "Ashi Yasht," 17; "Vend." 2, 20 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> West, "Mainyo-i-Khard," p. x.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> West, <i>loc. cit.</i> c. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Justi, "Bundehesh," c. 1, 3, 34. [Cf. West's commentary on c. +34.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Spiegel, "Eran," 1, 507.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Justi, "Bundehesh," c. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> If the rise of Arsaces is put in the year 250 <small>B.C.</small> It makes no +difference in the total if we choose the year 248 <small>B.C.</small> for the beginning +of the Arsacids.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Blau, "Z. D. M. G." 18, 686. Von Gutschmid, <i>ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 139.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Aristot. "Metaph." 13, 4. Diogen. Laert. prooem.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Theopom. Fragm. 71, 72, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Diogen. Laert. prooem., cf. Suidas, Μάγοι.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> "Alcib. I." p. 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Plut. "Alex." c. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." c. 4, 23, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> "Themistocl." c. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Dinon, Fragm. 9, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> "Cyri Instit." 8, 1, 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Herod. 3, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> Herod. 1, 101, 131-140; 7, 40, 43, 113, 191; 3, 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> Inscription of Darius at Elvend in Spiegel, "Keilinscriften," s. +45, 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Behistun, 4, 73-80; 56-61; Persop.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Strabo, p. 719; Nicol. Damasc. fragm. 66, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Plin. "H. N." 30, 2; 28, 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> "Vita Pythag." 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Diogen. Laert prooem.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Suidas, Μάγοι.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Herod. 1, 100, 124, 125.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Ezra, c. v., vi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> The Niça of the Vendidad is the Eastern Niça, Parthorum Nisæa, +not very far from Merv; above, p. 10, <i>n.</i> 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Lepsius, "Ueber das ursprungliche Zendalphabet," Abh. B. Akad. +1862, s. 298, 306, 381.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> "Vendid." 4, 120; Astad Yasht, 1.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<h3>THE GODS OF THE ARIANS IN IRAN.</h3> + + +<p>The examination of the traditions of the East and +West has simply led to the confirmation of the result, +which we gain from the Avesta—that the name and +the doctrine of Zarathrustra belong to Bactria. With +regard to the antiquity of the doctrine, the inscriptions +of Darius and the statements of the Greeks +allowed us to draw the conclusion that it became current +and dominant in Bactria about the year 800 <small>B.C.</small>; +and from the analogy of the development of the Arians +on both sides of the Ganges we assumed that it was +possible to place the date of Zarathrustra himself about +two centuries earlier. That the Arians of Iran were +not without gods and religious worship before Zarathrustra, +if the fact needed proof, might be shown +from the statements in the Avesta regarding the time +previous to Zarathrustra. The examination of the +legends of this time established kindred forms and +traits in the Avesta and the Veda, and if, following +this path further, we find in the Avesta views of the +nature and character of the gods corresponding to +those of the Veda, we might be confident in regarding +them as the traditional possession of the Arians, and +their earliest forms of religion. If, in fine, the coincidence +of the Avesta with the Veda, on the one hand,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> +and with the accounts of the Greeks on the other, +extended to all the essential points in the doctrine and +the law, the question stated above—whether in the +restoration of the canon of the sacred writings in the +midst of the fourth century of our era, under king +Shapur II., the Avesta underwent material alterations, +would have to be answered in the negative.</p> + +<p>The poems of the Veda showed us in what directions +the religious feeling of the Indians in the Panjab +moved. Drought, gloom, and night were numbered +among the injurious forces; the clear sky, the light, +and fertilising water were beneficent. The high spirits +of light, which gave new courage to the heart each +morning, and exhibited the world in fresh brilliance, +were praised with thanksgivings; the spirits of the +highest heaven, Mitra and Varuna, the guardians of +the world, the protectors of purity and justice, were +invoked earnestly, but less frequently than the warlike +victorious god who gave water, the god of storm +and tempest, who defeated the demons which obscured +the sky and wished to carry away the water (<small>IV.</small> 48). +His comrades in the fight were the morning wind +which drove away the clouds of night, the winds +which shattered the gloomy clouds, and swept them +from the sky. The spirit of fire, who by his brilliant +glow in the darkness of night kept off the beasts of +prey and fiends, who gathered men round the hearth, +and summoned the gods to the sacrifice, and carried +up to them the food of the sacrifice, received zealous +worship in the hymns of the Veda.</p> + +<p>We can call to mind the invocations of the Rigveda +to Ushas, the goddess of the dawn, who drives forth +on the sky with red cows; to Surya and Savitar, the +spirits of the sun (IV. 45, 46). In the Avesta, prayers +are addressed to Ushahina and Hvare Kshaeta, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> +bright sun-god. Ushahina is here the pure spirit of +the celestial dawn, "who is possessed of bright horses." +Of the sun-god we are told: "Mount, bright sun, with +thy swift horses, and shine for all creatures on the way +which Auramazda has created in the air, the way rich +in water which the gods have created;"<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> just as in the +Veda the sun is invoked to approach on his ancient +firm paths in the air, which are free from dust (IV. 46). +Sacrifice is offered to the sun, according to the Avesta, +when he rises above Hara berezaiti (the divine mountain).<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> +The prayer to Mithra is as follows: "To the +mighty Yazata (<i>i. e.</i> the worthy of prayer), the strong +one, who brings good, will I offer sacrifice with libations; +I will encompass him with songs of thanksgiving. +With libations we offer sacrifice to Mithra, +the lord of wide pastures, who speaketh true things, the +wise one, comely in shape, of a thousand ears and ten +thousand eyes, standing on a broad tower, strong, sleepless, +and watchful, who mounts above Hara berezaiti +before the immortal sun, the guider of horses—he who +first in a form of gold ascends the beautiful summits. +For him the creator Auramazda has prepared a dwelling +above Hara berezaiti, where is neither night, nor +darkness, nor winds chilling nor scorching, nor the corruption +of the slain; no filth created of demons nor +vapours ascend Hara berezaiti. From thence the giver +of good beholds the abode of the Arians, whose horse-guiding +lords govern splendid hosts, whose high mountains, +rich in water and in pastures, supply nourishment +for the ox, where are deep lakes with broad streams, +and wide navigable rivers burst forth in tumult, on +Iskata and Pourata,<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> on Mouru (Merv), Haraeva<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> +(p. 11), and Gao, Çughdha (Sogdiana), and Hvairiza (Choaresm). +Where first they sacrifice to him, there Mithra, +the lord of wide pastures, descends with the victorious +wind. From anguish and pain, O Mithra, carry us, +undeceived. Come to us for our protection; come to us +with joy; come to us with mercy; come to us with healing; +come to us with purification, the mighty, the strong, +the all-knowing, the tamer of dragons, the undeceived. +Never lulled to sleep, Mithra protects with his weapon +the creatures of Auramazda. On him the lord of the +land, of the canton, the village, the house, calls for +help with uplifted hands, whose voice of woe, whether +his voice be loud or soft, reaches up to the stars and +down to the earth. He to whom Mithra is favourable, +to him he cometh with aid; but with whomsoever he +is angry he destroys his house and village and canton +and land, and the glory of the land. Mithra gives +swift horses to those who do not deceive him; to the +habitation in which he is satisfied he gives troops of +cattle and men. The fire of Auramazda gives the +straightest path to those who do not deceive Mithra. +But if the lord of the house, the village, the canton, +the land deceives him, then Mithra in anger destroys +house and village, canton and land. Not all evil deeds, +not all deception, are seen by Mithra, saith the wicked +man. But Mithra sees all that is between heaven and +earth. With ten thousand eyes he beholds the man +who hates and deceives him. His long arms with the +might of Mithra grasp what is in Eastern India +(Hendu), and what is in Western, and what is in the +midst of this earth. The swiftest deceivers of Mithra +do not reach the goal; they do not escape on horseback, +nor reach the goal in chariots.</p> + +<p>"Mithra, the lord of lands, whose countenance beams +like the star Tistrya, travels forth to the right end of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> +the earth from the brilliant Garonmana (the abode of +the gods), equipped with golden helmet, and silver +coat of mail, with sharp long-shafted lance and swinging +arrow, on a beautiful chariot with a golden wheel +and silver spokes, which four white horses draw, their +fore-hoofs shod with gold, their hinder hoofs with +silver, harnessed in the yoke which is bent over them. +In his hand is a club with a hundred studs, and a hundred +blades, heavy at the end, making havoc of men; +bound with brass on the handle, mighty and golden, +the strongest and most victorious of weapons. Before +him goes Verethraghna in the form of a boar, sharp of +tusk, fat, enraged, striking at once with feet, claws, tail, +and back of brass.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> Next to him goes the kindled fire, +the strong, royal grace. As a protection of the chariot +are a thousand bows of bone, whose strings are made +of the sinews of oxen, a thousand arrows plumed with +feathers of the Kahrkaça, with golden points and +wooden shafts, and flakes of bone and iron, a thousand +lances with sharp points, a thousand missiles of +copper, a thousand two-edged swords. Strong as spirits +they travel onward, strong as spirits they fall on the +skulls of the Daevas.</p> + +<p>"Before him of a truth, Angromainyu (the evil +spirit) trembles, the deadly one; before him trembles +Aeshma, the wicked-minded, and body-destroying; +before him trembles Bushyançta, the long of hand, +and all invisible Daevas and the sinners from Varena. +When the evil one, who works wickedness, runs forth +with swift step, Mithra, the lord of wide pastures, +swiftly harnesses his chariot, and Çraosha, the pure +and strong, and Nairyoçangha, the herald, beats him +and his ranks. When Mithra comes where the lands<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> +are against him (<i>i. e.</i> do not honour him) he brings down +his club on horse and rider. Against them he brings +mighty destruction and terror; he bears away the +heads of the men who deceive Mithra. Their arrows, +swift-feathered, sent swiftly forth by the string from +the well-stretched bow, strike the air only; the lances, +sharp and running out with long shafts from the arm, +strike the air only; the missiles from the strings strike +the air only; the well-directed swords and well-slung +clubs beat the air only; meanwhile, angry, enraged, +and not propitiated, Mithra approaches, the lord of +wide pastures. Thou, O Mithra, angry and mighty, +takest the force from their arms; thou takest the force +from their arms, and the sight from their eyes, and +the hearing from their ears. The wind carries away +the lances which the opponents of Mithra throw; even +though he throws well and hits the body he inflicts +no wound. Standing on the field of battle Mithra +annihilates the ranks; the wings quake, and he makes +the centre to tremble. They say: Our war-horses were +led away by Mithra; by him were our strong arms +and swords annihilated. Mithra scares men before +and behind; Çraosha, the pure, assists in slaying on +all sides. Mithra sweeps them away, slaying them by +fifties and by hundreds; by hundreds and by thousands; +by thousands and tens of thousands, and without +number. We cannot sustain the weight of the +angry lord who with the force of a thousand meets the +foe; who dashes on in his rage, and rests not from +the slaughter; who destroys all at a blow. May not +the mightiest, the swiftest, the most victorious of the +Yazatas fall upon us. Come to our help, O Mithra, high +lord, when the arrow hisses aloud and the horse neighs +in his nostrils, and the missiles whizz, and the strings +speed forth the sharp, bony arrows. Whomsoever<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> +Mithra protects, him the well-sharpened lance cannot +reach, nor the arrow flying past him.</p> + +<p>"In his might Mithra approaches; in power he goes +forth to dominion, and beholding from afar directs his +glance with his eyes. Thou protectest the lands which +seek after the beneficence of Mithra, lord of wide pastures; +thou destroyest the lands which are wicked. O +Mithra, lord of wide pastures, master of the house, of +the villages, the land!—let us be protectors of thy +fields, not the destroyers of them. As the sun arises +above Hara berezaiti so may I obtain my desires over +the evil Angromainyu. With uplifted arms, Mithra, +the lord of wide pastures, conveys us to immortality. +With sacrifice named by name, with becoming speech, +O strong Mithra, will I make offerings to thee with +libations. Listen, O Mithra, to our sacrifice. Come to +our sacrifice; come to our libations. Carry them away +to the place of meeting (<i>chinvat</i>); deposit them in +Garonmana. Thou, O Mithra, art the saviour and helper +of lands and men. Thou makest the dwellings, from +which impurity is removed, famous for women and +chariots. Thou hast power over the peace and the +disquiet of lands; prosperous art thou in the battle, +and strong. Give us the gifts for which we entreat +thee; abundance and power, prosperity and purity, +renown and bravery, and victory given by Ahura, the +overwhelming power of the highest purity (<i>asha vahista</i>), +and instruction in the sacred word, that so we may +slay all enemies and haters, and annihilate the hate of +men and Daevas, of magicians and Pairikas, of the +violent, blind, and deaf. Stretch out thy widely grasping +hand, O Mithra; thou art the protector of the +dwelling, and of them that deceive not. Protect us +in both worlds, the corporeal and incorporeal, from the +evil death, the evil Aeshma, the evil hosts, who seek<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> +to raise their cruel banners, from the attacks which +Aeshma may make with Vidhatu the Daeva-created."<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p> + +<p>The modern traits which have been introduced into +this poem are easily distinguished and removed. The +relation in which Mithra is placed to Auramazda, the +chief of the good spirits, to the corporeal and incorporeal +world and the maintenance of the law, to Rashnu, +the spirit of justice, and other spirits of an abstract +nature, and to the instruction in the sacred word, are +like the "Western and Eastern India," obviously of the +later origin. Setting them aside, the old form of the +god of light of the Arians in Iran meets us in vigorous +and powerful outlines. Indeed we have here more +original conceptions of Mithra than in the Veda, and +find that idea of the god which formed part of the yet +undivided stock of the Arians in Iran and on the +Indus (IV. 51). In the Avesta Mithra is still in direct +conflict with the evil spirits, from which in the Veda +he is displaced by the storm-god, who first came into +prominence in the Panjab. That Mithra was once +the supreme deity of the Arians of Iran, is clear, not +only from his position as the most victorious opponent +of the demons, but also from the difficulty—which the +Avesta betrays in more than one passage—of subordinating +him to Auramazda, who subsequently became +supreme, and establishing the precedence of the latter. +In Mithra's habitation it is never night. Highest of +the spirits of light, he goes before the sun, and first +plants himself on the summits of the mountains. He +is the mightiest warrior against night and the spirits +of night who tremble before him. His light overpowers +and destroys them. Thus he is able to give victory +in the battle to the army which worships him in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> +truth; the host with which he fights he fills with +courage and power; that with which he is angry he +fills with terror, and causes their arrows to fly forth +in vain. In brilliant armour he travels onward, his +club in his hand; before him is victory, and beside +him is fire. Mithra's club is called Vazra, Indra's club +is Vajra; the word is the same, the distinction is due to +the change of sound which separates the old Bactrian +from the language of the Veda and Sanskrit.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> Lord +of the lands and nations, he looks down on the abode +of the Arians; most brilliant of deities, he sees all +that is between heaven and earth. He cannot be +deceived and beguiled; the most secret wickedness is +not hidden from him; the swiftest criminal does not +escape from him, and the strongest succumbs to his +anger. God of purity and truth, he watches over +purity and truth among men, punishes falsehood, +rewards justice and fidelity; he blesses the nations and +houses which worship him with goodly increase in +men and flocks.</p> + +<p>We saw what importance the Veda ascribed to the +conquest over Vritra, the cloud serpent, the black +demon. The Arians in Iran also are acquainted with +the slaying of Vritra. The prayer to Mithra represents +Verethraghna as going before Mithra's victorious car +(p. 110). Verethraghna means slayer of Verethra, or +Vritra, and is the same word as Vritrahan. Hence +the attribute of Indra, which denotes the most important +achievement among his actions, is among the +Iranians an independent spirit. As the club of Indra +belongs in the Avesta to Mithra, so is Verethraghna +his companion. No doubt at one time Mithra had himself +the surname Verethraghna in Iran, the attribute<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> +signifying the conqueror of the worst and strongest of +the evil spirits. But just as in the Panjab, owing to +the tropical storms of that region, the form of Vritra +came into prominence, and with it the form of Indra, +so in the Avesta did Verethraghna fade away when +separated from Mithra. Here Verethraghna is only +the victorious strength, the conquest and slaughter +of the enemy,—victory itself. Verethraghna is the +best armed of the heavenly spirits, the strongest in +might, the most victorious. Yet even in the Avesta +the Soma is offered to Verethraghna before the battle, +as in the Veda it is offered to Indra. Auramazda +says to Zarathrustra: "When the armies meet in +battle, the orderly ranks are not defeated in which +sacrifice is liberally offered to Verethraghna, whom +Ahura created. The Arian lands should offer him +sacrifice, and strew sacrificial branches for him. They +should offer beasts to him, bright and gold-coloured." +"To him the pure Zarathrustra offered sacrifice, and +Verethraghna came to him in the form of a strong +wind, in the form of a beautiful bull with golden ears +and golden hoofs, in the form of a shining horse, of +a large, biting, and fierce camel, in the form of a boar +with strong tusks (as also in the prayer to Mithra), in +the form of a youth, in the form of a man carrying a +sword with a golden handle, in the form of the swiftest +and largest of birds, in the form of a ram, and a +fighting goat. And Verethraghna gave Zarathrustra +strength of arms, health and vigour of body, and +power of vision, like that of the horse which sees +in the night, and the gold-coloured vulture." In the +battle Verethraghna hastens through the ranks and +inquires with Mithra and Rashnu: "Who lies against +Mithra? to whom shall I give death and destruction, +for I have the power?" "Verethraghna, the created of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> +Ahura, the bearer of splendour, I will praise"—such +is a prayer in the Avesta—"with audible praise, with +offering. To Verethraghna will I sacrifice. I will bring +Haoma in order that I may conquer this army, which +comes up behind me. Verethraghna holds back the +hands of the ranks of the men who lie against Mithra; +he veils their sight, and dulls their ears, and suffers not +their feet to advance. Verethraghna brings the ranks +together in battle; he destroys the ranks, and annihilates +them."<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a></p> + +<p>In the Veda, the winds, the swift and strong Maruts, +aided Indra against the demons; Vayu, <i>i. e.</i> the +blowing, the morning wind which chases away the +dark clouds, was Indra's charioteer (IV. 49). In the +Avesta also, Vayu, who blows before the morning +light and the sun, and scares away the goblins of the +night, who first drinks "the Soma draught at the +morning sacrifice," takes a prominent position, and +under his Vedic name. The heroes of ancient days +cried aloud to Vayu for victory, and he brought help +to them all. He is the strongest of the strong, the +swiftest of the swift, girded up and active, higher in +stature, broader in the hips and shoulders, than the +rest of the gods. He sits on a golden throne (p. 35); +wears a golden helmet, golden armour, a girdle and +neckband of gold, and rides on a golden chariot. He +says to Zarathrustra: "I am called the beneficent, +because I do good for Auramazda. I am called the +pure, the strong-winged, the mightiest, the swiftest, the +powerful for defeat, the expeller of the Daevas. I am +called the Hurling one, the Biting one, the sharp +lance, the flashing lance. I am called the Conqueror. +These names must thou invoke at the shock of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> +ranks in battle, in the stress of the conflict."<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> In the +Avesta, as we saw, Verethragna also appears in the +form of the wind. The "pure swift winds," the air, +"which works on high, which purifies the heaven +from the right hand," are frequently invoked; the +"strong wind, created by Ahura," brings the rain-clouds +which Tistrya (p. 120) has liberated over the +earth; the wind carries away the lances, which those +hurl who are hostile to Mithra. We saw above, how +the Bactrians were defeated by Artaxerxes I., "because +the wind blew in their faces" (p. 25). If in the +Avesta, in accordance with the character of the +doctrine, the purifying force of the winds and fresh +air is made prominent, the other traits quoted are +sufficient to permit us to recognise the original conception +formed by the Iranians of the spirits of the winds.</p> + +<p>The pure waters, the well-flowing, the waters of the +springs, pools, and rivers are often mentioned in the +Avesta and highly extolled. As with the Arians in +India, so in the Avesta, the great waters are placed high +up in the sky. The stars contain the seed of water; just +as among the Arians in India certain constellations at the +appearance of which rain fell, were considered to be the +home of the waters. In the Avesta also the water of +the sky is the source and origin of the waters on earth. +In that book a female deity is the guardian of these +waters, the goddess Ardviçura Anahita, <i>i. e.</i> the lofty, +stainless one, "to whom Auramazda gave the waters in +charge." She is at one and the same time the source +of the heavenly water, which springs up on the golden +height of Hukairya, the summit of the divine mountain, +and the spirit of this source and of the water +coming from it. At the height of a thousand men, +the spring Ardviçura flows down from the golden<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> +Hukairya; it has a thousand basins, and a thousand +streams, each stream is forty days' journey in length +for an active traveller.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> The goddess who pours out this +water is a strong, well-grown maiden of brilliant countenance, +and beautiful arms, which are more brilliant +and larger than horses. On her brow she bears a +golden diadem, adorned with a hundred stars; she has +golden ear-rings and neck-band, a flowing lower garment +with many folds of gold, and golden shoes on her feet. +Her breasts fall down over her girdle; her upper robe +is of bright otter skins, <i>i. e.</i> of the smooth skins of the +animal of the water. She carries a golden Paitidana, +and holds the reins of her chariot which is drawn by +four white beasts of draught. The deity of the water +of the sky is in the Avesta the most beneficent of the +goddesses; the source of water is also the source of +fruitfulness and life. She cleanses the seed of men, +and gives a happy delivery to women; those who are +with child entreat her assistance. To men she gives +swift horses and strong comrades, if duly invoked and +worshipped. We have already seen how the heroes +of old days, Yima, Thraetaona, Kereçaçpa, Kava Uça, +Kava Huçrava, Vistaçpa, sacrificed horses, cows, and +smaller cattle to Ardviçura, in order to win victory +over the evil spirits, the dragons, the giants, and the +enemies of Iran (p. 32, 34 ff.). Zarathrustra asks the +stainless Ardviçura what sacrifice he must offer to her, +in order that Auramazda may not hold back his course +in the height above the sun, that serpents may not +injure the water by their sweat and poison. And +Ardviçura gave command that prayer and sacrifice +should be offered to her from the ascent of the sun till +daybreak; the sacrifice was to be consumed by the +sacrificers and priests in honour of the goddess; the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> +impure, blind, dumb, and all afflicted with infirmities +were to be kept far from it. "Come to me, come down, +Ardviçura," is the invocation, "from the stars to the +earth which Auramazda made; to thee, the excellent, +mighty lords of the lands, the sons of the lords of the +lands, will offer sacrifice."<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p> + +<p>The divine mountain, on which the Ardviçura rises, +is in the Avesta "the mighty navel of water (<i>apam +napal</i>)," "in a course swift as the horse, Auramazda +causes the water to stream forth from it." On this +mountain is the deep lake Vourukasha, <i>i. e.</i> having +wide shores, in which the waters collect together. Out +of this lake the water-clouds rise, which are to bring +the fertilising rain to the earth. Though the tropic +storms are wanting in Iran, the fertilising of the land +by the water of the springs, rivers, and lakes, and by +rain was of no less importance there than in the Panjab. +Hence in the Avesta we again meet with the contest +of the good spirits against Vritra, and in Iran also +these spirits are opposed to the demons of blight. It +is demons of this kind, which, according to the Avesta, +keep back the rain-clouds above Vourukasha, and men<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> +say: "When will Tistrya (Sirius) rise, the bright, the +majestic, the lord of the stars? When will the streams +of water flow which are stronger than horses?" And +Tistrya, whom Angromainyu slays not, nor the magicians +and Pairikas, nor the magicians among men, +gleams forth from the navel of the waters; he runs to +Lake Vourukasha like an arrow, in the form of a horse, +a beautiful brilliant horse, with yellow ears, and +golden horse-cloth. Auramazda and Mithra prepare +the way for him. Ashi vanguhi and Parendi follow in +his wake with swift chariots. There goes to meet him +the Daeva Apaosha, <i>i. e.</i> the witherer, in the form of a +black, bald horse, with bald ears, bald back and tail, +and ugly brand. For three days and three nights +they struggle; and the Daeva Apaosha scares away +the brilliant Tistrya from Lake Vourukasha for the +distance of a <i>Hathra</i>. And Tistrya speaks and says: +"If men honour me with the sacrifice named by name, +with duly performed sacrifice, and prayer, then at the +appointed time I shall come to the pure men; hostile +chariots and uplifted banners will not come nigh to the +Arian lands, and I shall have gained the strength of +ten horses, ten bulls, ten mountains, and ten flowing +waters." And Auramazda sacrificed to Tistrya and +brought him that strength, and Tistrya fought with +the Daeva Apaosha till midday, and conquered and +overpowered him, and scared him away from Vourukasha. +And Tistrya announced blessing for the waters +and the trees; the streams of the waters will come +to you without opposition, the cloud rises out of +Lake Vourukasha, and the vapours gather above on +Mount Hendava in the midst of Lake Vourukasha, and +Tistrya drives forth the vapours, the pure ones, whence +clouds are formed, and the strong wind drives clouds +and rain to the villages and hamlets, to the seven<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> +Kareshvare (the seven parts of the earth). And Auramazda +gave command to Zarathrustra that the Arian +lands should offer sacrifice to Tistrya, should sprinkle +sacrificial rice, and sacrifice a bright, light-hued, Haoma-coloured +animal in order that he might withstand the +Pairika Dushyairya (<i>i. e.</i> blight). "If I had not +created Tistrya," Auramazda says, "this Pairika would +have carried on war day and night, but Tistrya binds +her with two and three fetters." "We praise Tistrya, +the brilliant majestic star, which drives away the +Pairika; he blows her away from Lake Vourukasha; +then the clouds draw up, spreading themselves afar, +which contain the fertilising water."<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p> + +<p>Another spirit which fights against the demons in +the Avesta is called Çraosha. On the divine mountain +stands "his triumphant dwelling with a thousand +pillars, on the topmost height of the great mountain, +illumined within with a light of its own, decked with +stars without;" his chariot is drawn by four spotless +horses, which are swifter than clouds, swifter than +winds, swifter than storms, swifter than birds with +strong wings. A strong, well-armed, victorious youth, +the strongest and swiftest among young men, who +fears not the Daevas, and before whom they fly in +terror to the darkness, Çraosha is the companion of +Mithra; with him he overthrows the ranks of the +hosts with whom Mithra is angry (p. 111). Thrice in +each day he comes to smite the Daevas, with the axe +of a woodman in his hand. Thus he fights against the +evil Angromainyu, against Aeshma, and the Daevas +Kunda, Banga, and Vibanga; thus he forces the conquered +Daevi Druj to answer him. In the dark he is +wakeful against the evil ones; he protects the world from +them when the sun has set; in each night he comes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> +thrice upon the earth with his weapons in his hand. +About the third watch of the night he arouses the +bird Parodarsh, <i>i. e.</i> the cock, that by his cry he may +scare away the goblins of the night, and may banish the +Daevi Bushyançta, which holds men imprisoned in +sleep.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> Çraosha, moreover, protects the sacrifices which +are offered to the good gods, and which the evil one +would carry away or defile. One of the priests who +took part in the sacred ceremonies held a club, the +Çraosha-club, in his hand, in order to scare the demons +and keep them back. Of the two instruments which +in the book of the law are used for flagellation, and by +which the evil spirits are driven from the bodies of men, +one is called the Çraosha-whip (<i>Çraosha charana</i>).</p> + +<p>We remember the numerous hymns of the Veda +which celebrate the benefits conferred upon men by +Agni, the spirit of fire, who is born from the double +wood, and descends to earth in the lightning from the +water-bed of the storm-cloud; the glow of this bright +youth preserves men from beasts of prey, from murderers +and evil spirits, helps the gods to victory, and +contends in battle in the van; at the same time a +royal house-lord and priest, Agni is in the Veda the +upholder of the religious worship, the mediator between +heaven and earth (IV. 40). The Avesta is filled with +similar conceptions, though less poetical in form. Here +the power as victorious of fire against the demon takes +the first place. We saw that Mithra's chariot carried +the kindled fire. "The sacred, strong fire" is invoked +as a "warrior," as a "protector," as a slayer of the evil +spirits, as the giver of good. To whatever side, we +are told in the book of the law, the wind carries the +smoke of the fire, it comes back thence as a slayer of +thousands. "Happy is the man," we are told in an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> +invocation, "to whom thou comest in strength, O Fire, +son of Auramazda, more friendly than the friendliest, +worthy beyond others of supplication. O Fire, we +approach thee with perfect purity, with a good spirit; +mayest thou come down to us bringing help."<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> He +who uses dry selected wood for the fire, him the fire +blesses, saying: "May herds of cattle gather round +thee, and abundance of men; may all things succeed +according to the wish of thy soul. Live out thy life +happily to the full extent to which thou wilt live. +The fire speaks with all those for whom it shines the +whole night through, and cooks food; from all it +demands good nourishment. The fire looks on the +hands of all who come; what does the friend bring to +the friend, he who approaches to him who sits alone?<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>" +The Gathas of the Avesta also speak of the pieces of +wood for friction, out of which springs the fire that +shows the way;<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> and in another passage we hear of the +fire Urvazista which dwells in wood. The Avesta distinguishes +between the fire Çpenista, <i>i. e.</i> the house-lord, +the hearth-fire (it is the same name that is given +to the hearth-fire in India), the most victorious fire +Verethraghna, which slays all the demons, and by +which, according to the custom of the Parsees, the fires +of the hearth must be renewed year by year, and the fire +of lightning, which is called Vazista. This last, which +comes down direct from heaven, is the "most sacred +of all fires, which slays the demon Çpenjaghra."<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> In +the Avesta the priests are called Athravas, a name +which, no doubt, goes back to the worship of fire +(<i>athar</i>); among the Indians Atharvan entices the fire<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> +from the wood, and together with Manu and Dadhyanch +kindles the first sacrificial fire; the fourth +Veda is called after him (IV. 280). In the Avesta also +the red glowing fires, which gleamed on the earth in +the days of King Yima, are repeatedly mentioned +(p. 32); it extols "the brilliance of the Arian lands," +denotes the fire-priests as possessors of the true faith, +and assures us that what is right may be known from +the clear, blazing flames.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a></p> + +<p>The sacrifice offered by the Arians beyond the +Indus to Indra, the Maruts, and spirits of light, to +strengthen them against the demons, the draught prepared +from the Soma, is known to us; we have shown +how this Soma which strengthens the gods became +itself a god in the fancy of the Indians—a mighty +nourisher and sustainer of the gods. The same custom +and deity are found in the Avesta, only the name has +become Haoma, according to the phonetic laws of the +Bactrian language. The legend has already shown us +what importance was ascribed in Iran to the worship of +the god Haoma, and the sacrifice of this liquor. Yima +was born to Vivanghana as a reward because he had +first poured out the Haoma and worshipped the god. +To Athwya, the second worshipper of Haoma, Thraetaona +was born; and to Thrita, the third, Kereçaçpa, +the hero (p. 27, 28). To Zarathrustra, who was born to +Pourushaçpa for a similar service, when he is dressing +the sacred fire at the break of dawn, and singing the +sacred hymns, the god Haoma appears: "Who art +thou," asks Zarathrustra, "who appearest to my sight +as the most perfect in the corporeal world, with thy +brilliant, immortal body?" Haoma answered him: "I +am the pure Haoma, who protect men from evil. Call +on me, press out my juice in order to enjoy me; praise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> +me as all other fire-priests praise me." Then said Zarathrustra: +"Supplication to Haoma! Haoma, the good, +is well-created; duly-created is he, and gives health; +he bestows kindness, is victorious, and of golden colour. +Thy wisdom, O golden one, I praise; thy strength, thy +victory, thy healing power, thy greatness. I praise +the mountains, the high ones, where thou, Haoma, +growest; I praise the earth, the wide and patient, thy +mother, O pure Haoma. Mayest thou grow on the +paths of the birds. To the horsemen, who spur their +horses, Haoma gives power and strength; to the +maidens who have long remained unmarried, he gives +true and vigorous husbands, gifted with good understanding, +and to wives beautiful children and a pure +posterity. To those who repeat the Naçkas (the +chapters of the Avesta) he gives sanctity and greatness. +Praise to thee, Haoma; thou knowest the words +which are spoken with truth. Praise to thee, Haoma, +who by thine own power art a mighty king. To thee +Auramazda first gave the girdle glittering with stars; +girt with this thou lingerest on the summits of the +mountains in order to maintain in sincerity the commands +of the sacred sayings. O Haoma, lord of the +house, of the village, of the land, lord of wisdom, I call +on thee for greatness and victory, for favour to my +body, and rich food. O thou who art of golden colour, +I entreat thee for skill and power, passing through the +whole body, for beauty and health, for prosperity and +increase, for greatness spreading over the whole form. +The first boon for which I entreat thee, O Haoma, who +removest death, is that I may attain to the excellent +habitation of the saints, the bright dwelling where there +is abundance of all good things; the second boon is +that this body may endure; the third, that my life may +be long; the fourth, that I may go through the earth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> +powerful and glad, troubling the tormentors, and slaying +the Druj; the fifth is that I may walk victorious on +the earth and slay the evil. For this thing also, as a +sixth boon, O Haoma, who removest death, I entreat +thee: may I be the first to see the thief, the murderer, +and the wolf: may none of these previously see me. +Keep far from us the hatred of those who hate us; tear +out the hearts of those who give poison. If in this house, +this place, this village, this sacrifice, there is a man who +does harm, take from him the power to go, obscure his +reason, break asunder his heart with the commandment. +Let him not be mighty in the feet, let him not be +mighty in the hands. O Haoma, I make a prayer to +thee, that thou mayest go a sovereign lord through the +worlds, triumphing over hatred and the evil. Thou +shouldest triumph over the hatred of all who hate thee, +over the hatred of the Daevas and men, the evil spirits +and magicians, the perverse, blind, and dumb, the two-footed +murderers and insidious creatures, the four-footed +wolves, and the numerous hosts which creep +and fly."<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p> + +<p>Further, we find in the Avesta that the "priest" +offers Haoma to Mithra, Çraosha, and Drvaçpa on the +divine mountain.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> The plant of which this god is the +genius, grows, according to the books of the Parsees, +as white heavenly Haoma only on the tree Gaokerena, +<i>i. e.</i> the heavenly tree which stands on the divine +mountain or in the spring Ardviçura; the yellow +Haoma which grows upon the earth is only a copy or +descendant of the white Haoma. In Iran also the preparation +and expression of the Haoma juice is accompanied +by a long and minute ritual; and the offering of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> +the sacrifice, which is still performed among the Parsees +of India, requires long invocations and responses +between the celebrant and the ministering priests. At +the present day the Parsees send from time to time +one of their priests to Kerman in order to bring from +their ancient home twigs of Haoma for the sacrifice.</p> + +<p>The coincidence which we find above, in the forms +of the legend, between the Avesta and the Veda—Vivanghana, +Yima, Athwya, Thrita, Kereçaçpa, and +Uça are found in both—is not less marked in the +conceptions of the gods and their functions, and in +the character of the worship. There can be no doubt +that the Arians of Iran believed themselves to be protected +and injured by the same spirits as the Arians +in the Panjab. If on the Indus invocations were addressed +to Vritrahan, Vayu, the Maruts, and Mitra, in +Iran men prayed to Verethraghna, Vayu, and Mithra. +In both places Vritra and Ahi are the opponents of +the god of light; in both fire was worshipped; in both +the power of the sacrificial liquor was elevated into a +mighty life-giving god. Among the Indians, as we +saw, the priest who addresses the invocation to the +god at the sacrifice is called Hotar; in the Avesta +the Zaotar utters the prayers. Further coincidences +in the number and nature of the gods, in the worship, +in the laws and forms of purification, in the ceremonial, +and even in the shape of the universe, will +show themselves as we proceed. It is true that +differences may also be found. Many of the numerous +spirits of the Rigveda are wanting in the Avesta; +and again, some spirits in the Avesta, such as Anahita, +Çraosha, Tistrya, are unknown to the Indians. Variations +such as these must occur where there has been +a separate development from a common root. But +the factors in the coincidence of the most important<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> +forms of the gods and heroes, and the distinctive +modes of worship, in the Avesta and the Rigveda, +the very oldest monument of the Arians in India, +are so great that any doubt whether the Avesta +remained free from alterations and influences of an +alien or later nature in the revision under Shapur +II., is entirely removed, and we know that we possess +in it the remains of an original document of Iran, +going back beyond the time of Cyrus. In the Avesta +we have before us the faithful expression of the +ancient Iranian faith. Though not in its original form +this result is the more certain, because on the one +hand some deities, as for instance Mithra, and some +myths like that of Yima, exhibit older forms in the +Avesta than in the Rigveda, while in others we have +almost an identity of language between the two. In +the Avesta as in the Veda the Soma is praised as +"gold-coloured;" in both fire is the "house-lord;" +the sun goes on his "path free from dust;" the power +of the gods is increased by the sacrifice (p. 120). In +both one god offers sacrifice to another, in order to +strengthen him; and the invocations of the Avesta, +like those of the Rigveda, ask for health and long +life for the suppliant; for possessions and wealth and +favour, for the power to see the thief, the murderer, +and the wolf before they are seen by him.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> "Gah Ushahin," 5; "Mihr Yasht," 13, 143.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> "Mihr Yasht," 118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> Pouruta may be referred to the +Παρυηται of Ptolemy, whom he +places in the north of Arachosia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Cf. "Mihr Yasht," 127, where the boar is not Verethraghna but +the "curse of the sage."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Windischmann, "Mithra; Abhl. für Kunde des Morgenlandes," +1, 1 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> Haug, "Essays," p. 185. The Sassanids also carry the club now +called <i>guzr</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> "Yasht Bahram," 57-62. Burnouf, "Commentaire sur le Yaçna," +p. 285.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> "Ram Yasht," 43-57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> "Aban Yasht," 64 ff.; "Yaçna," 74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Hang, "Essays," p. 179. The passages given in the text from the +Aban Yasht, notwithstanding the swelling breasts, shows how definitely +the form of Anahita belongs to the Iranian conception, how peculiarly +this goddess of fountains is represented in this form, and how intimately +connected she is with the whole Iranian system of the boon of water, +and the legends of the heroes. A brass tablet found at Grächwyl in +the canton of Berne, which exhibits the Persian Artemis with swelling +breasts, surrounded by four lions, with a bird of prey on her head and +serpents instead of ears, and wings on the shoulders, has decided J. +Stickel ("De monumento Graechwyliano") to regard the Persian +Artemis as identical with the Semitic goddess of birth. This tablet is +due to the syncretism of Roman times. Certain similarities between +the Syrian goddess of birth and fertility, Mylitta-Derceto, and the +Persian goddess of water, might lead to such a syncretism even under +the Achæmenids, and this coincidence might determine Artaxerxes +Mnemon to erect images of Anahita in Ecbatana and Susa after the +pattern of the Semites. Beros. fragm., 16 ed. Müller, and below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> "Tistar Yasht," 24 ff., 40, 49-58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> "Yaçna," 56; "Vend." 18, 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> "Vend." 8, 248-250; "Yaçna," 26, 61, 23; "Yasht Farvardin," +77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> "Vend." 18, 57-63, 19, 134.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Roth, "Ueber Yaçna, 31," Tübingen, 1876, s. 6, 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 135; "Yaçna," 17, 69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> "Yaçna," 31, 3, 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> "Yaçna," 9, 10, according to Burnouf, "Journ. Asiat." 1844-1846. +Cf. Spiegel "Avesta," 2, 68 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> "Gosh Yasht," 17; "Mihr Yasht," 88; "Yaçna," 56, 8.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span></p> + +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<h3>THE REFORM OF THE FAITH.</h3> + + +<p>In the Gathas of the Avesta the spirit who keeps +watch over the increase of the flocks speaks to the +heavenly powers, saying: "All creatures are distressed; +whom have ye for their assistance?" Auramazda +makes answer: "I have one only who has received +my commands, the holy Zarathrustra; he will proclaim +my exhortations and those of Mazda and Asha, for +I will make him practised in speech."<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> Then Auramazda +sacrificed to Ardviçura that he might unite +with Zarathrustra the son of Pourushaçpa, to the end +that the latter might think, speak, and act according +to the law.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> Pourushaçpa, <i>i. e.</i> rich in horses, of the +race of Haechataçpa,<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> was the fourth who offered the +sacrifice of Haoma in Airyana Vaeja after Vivanghana, +Athwya, and Thrita. For this Zarathrustra was born +to him.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> At his birth and his growth the grass and +the trees increased, and all the creatures of Auramazda +greeted each other because the priest had been created +who would sacrifice for them and spread abroad the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> +law of Auramazda, over the seven Kareshvare of the +earth.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> Çraosha, accompanied by the sublime Asha, +appeared to Zarathrustra, and the latter declared himself +ready to swear enmity against the liars, and to be +a mighty source of help to the truth. And the god +Haoma appeared to Zarathrustra and commanded him +to press out his juice and to praise him, as other fire-priests +praise him. And Zarathrustra praised Haoma +and his mother the earth, and addressed six prayers +to him (p. 125). Ashi vanguhi also came at Zarathrustra's +command on her chariot, and inquired: +"Who art thou who callest on me, whose speech is the +most beautiful which I have heard from all those who +invoke me? Come nearer to me; approach my chariot." +Then she surrounded him with her right arm and her +left and said: "Beautiful art thou, Zarathrustra, well +grown, with strong legs and long arms. To thy body +has been given brilliance, and to thy soul long prosperity."<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> +And when Zarathrustra sacrificed to Verethraghna, +he granted him strength of arm, health, and +vigour of body, and power of vision, such as that of +the horse, which sees by night, and the gold-coloured +vulture.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> But Auramazda taught Zarathrustra "the +best words," prayers, and invocations, and charms +against the evil spirits.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> "How," Zarathrustra inquires +of Auramazda, "how ought I to protect the +creatures from the evil spirits, from the wicked Angromainyu?" +Then Auramazda answers: "Praise +Auramazda, the creator of the pure creation; praise +the victorious Mithra; praise the Amesha Çpentas (the +immortal saints), which rule over the seven parts of +the earth; praise the holy Çraosha, who holds the club +against the head of the Daevas; praise Verethraghna,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> +created by Ahura, the bearer of the splendour; praise +the shining heavens, and the glowing Tistrya; praise +Vayu, the swift; praise Çpenta Armaiti (the holy +earth), the beautiful daughter of Auramazda. Praise +the tree, the good, the pure, created by Ahura, the +well-grown and strong; praise the glittering Haetumant +(Etymandros); praise Yima Kshaeta, the +possessor of good herds. Praise the good laws, the +law against the Daevas, the law of the worshippers of +Auramazda; praise the splendour of the Arian land; +praise the abode of the pure. Praise the fire Vazista +(p. 123), which smites the Daeva Çpenjaghra. Bring +hard wood and perfumes, and water of purification to +the fire."<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></p> + +<p>Zarathrustra first proclaimed the words which +Auramazda had taught him to Maidhyomao,<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> the son +of Araçta, his father's brother, and spoke to the +members of his race, the Haechataçpas: "Ye holy +Haechataçpas, to you will I speak; ye distinguish the +right and the wrong." The announcement did not +remain confined to the circle of the family and the +race: "To you that come," we are told in another +passage, "I will announce the praises of the all-wise +lord, and the praises of Vohumano. Look on the +beams of fire with pious mind. The fair sayings of +the fire-priests are the way of Vohumano. Thou +gavest ancient sayings, O Ahura; by these will I +annihilate among you the sacrifices of the lying gods. +The worshipper of fire should accurately understand +the correct words which have come from Vohumano +(the good disposition and its spirit) in order that +truth may be his portion." In other poems Zarathrustra +laments: "The liar possesses the fields of +the true man, who protects the earth; none of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> +servants worship me; none of the lords of the land, +who are unbelievers. The dominion is in the hands of +the priests and prophets of the lying gods; whither +shall I go for refuge?—to what land shall I turn? I +cry for help for Frashaostra and myself. May the fire +grant this help to both of us."<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> Frashaostra of the +race of Hvova, is mentioned in the Avesta as the +closest adherent of Zarathrustra, and often in connection +with Jamaçpa. The help for which Zarathrustra +cried in this invocation was granted to him +by King Vistaçpa. Zarathrustra offered the Haoma +draught in Airyana Vaeja to Ardviçura, and prayed +to her: "Grant to me that I may combine with the +son of Aurvataçpa, the strong Kava Vistaçpa, to the +end that he may think, speak, and act according to +the law;" and the goddess granted him this favour.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> +And Zarathrustra sacrificed to the Drvaçpa (the goddess +of flocks) in Airyana Vaeja, to the end that he +might unite with the good and noble Hutaoça (the +wife of Vistaçpa), that she might impress the good +law on her memory.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> Finally, we read: "Who is +thy true friend on the great earth; who will proclaim +it? Kava Vistaçpa, the warlike, will do this."<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p> + +<p>Of King Vistaçpa and Frashaostra the Avesta then +tells us, "that they prepared the right path for the +faith which Ahura gave to the fire-priests." In the +prayers Kava Vistaçpa is praised because as an arm, +an assister, and helper, he has subjected himself to +the law of Ahura, the law of Zarathrustra; because he +has opened a wide path for purity, and has established +the law in the world. The mighty brilliance of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> +ruler supported Zarathrustra, "in establishing the law +and making it highly esteemed."<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> When Jamaçpa saw +the army of the Daeva-worshippers approach, he sacrificed +to Ardviçura a hundred horses, a thousand +oxen, and ten thousand head of small cattle, and +Ardviçura granted to him to fight victoriously against +all the non-Arians. And Zairivairi, the brother of +Vistaçpa, besought Ardviçura that he might smite the +skilful Peshana, who worshipped the Daevas, and +Arejataçpa. Kava Vistaçpa himself offered sacrifice +in order to obtain the victory over Asta-aurva, over the +Daeva worshippers Çpinjauruska, and Darsinika, and +the murderous Arejataçpa.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> And Vistaçpa smote +Peshana and Arejataçpa, and Zarathrustra blessed +him: "I praise thee, O ruler of the lands. May life +be given to thy wives and thy children, which shall +be born from thy body. Be thou possessed of swift +horses, like the sun, shining like the moon, glowing +as fire, sharp as Mithra, a conqueror of enemies like +Verethraghna, well grown and victorious as Çraosha. +Mayest thou be a ruler like Yima; mayest thou be +victorious and rich in cattle like Thraetaona, bold and +strong as Kereçaçpa, wise as Urvakshaya, brilliant as +Kava Uça, without sickness and death, like Kava +Huçrava, stainless as Çyavarshana, rich in horses as +Pourushaçpa, a friend of the heavenly ones, and +conqueror of men."<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p> + +<p>The Avesta gives Zarathrustra three sons: Urvatatnara, +Hvareçithra, Daevotbi (Punisher of the Daevas); +and three daughters: Freni, Thriti, and Pourushiçta.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> +His work is summed up in the fact that he compelled +the Daevas, who previously had been in human form<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> +upon the earth, to hide themselves in the earth.<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> His +doctrine prevents the Daevas from injuring the creation, +as before, and gives to all the creatures of the +good god the means of protecting themselves more +effectually against the evil. Hence Zarathrustra is +the increaser of life; in this sense he is described, +invoked, and worshipped as the lord and master of +all created life. But in time Çaoshyant will be born, +who will make the evil creatures wholly powerless, +and bring on for man the time of undisturbed happiness, +in which there will no more be any battle; +the time of uninterrupted life, <i>i. e.</i> of immortality. +In this period all who once had life will have life +again; <i>i. e.</i> the life destroyed by Angromainyu and +the evil spirits will be restored, and the dead will rise +to a new life.</p> + +<p>Zarathrustra's birth and growth struck terror into +the evil spirit Angromainyu. "The Yazatas" (the +gods), he exclaimed, "have not forced me from the +earth, crossed with paths, round, and wide-reaching; +but Zarathrustra will drive me from it."<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> And the +Daevas took counsel on the summit of Arezura, whither +they are wont to come together from their caves with +the Druj: "Alas! in the dwelling of Pourushaçpa +the pure Zarathrustra has been born. He is the +weapon with which the Daevas are smitten; he takes +away the power from the Daevi Druj, and the Daevi +Naçu (νέϰυς, <i>i. e.</i> the spirit of the dead), and the false +lies; how shall we compass his death?" And from +the region of the north Angromainyu dashed forward, +who is full of death, the Daeva of Daevas, and said: +"O Druj, go up and slay the pure Zarathrustra." +And "Zarathrustra said in the spirit: The wicked, evil-minded +Daevas are considering my death. And he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> +arose and went forth, bearing in his hand stones of +the size of a Kata, which he had received from the +creator Auramazda, and he praised the good waters of +the good creation, and the law of the worshippers of +Auramazda, and uttered the prayer: <i>Yatha ahu vairyo</i>. +The Druj ran round about him, and the Daeva Buiti, +the deceiver of mortals; and the Druj ran in alarm +from him and said to Angromainyu, the tormentor: +In him, in the holy Zarathrustra, I see no death. +And Zarathrustra said to Angromainyu: Evil-minded +Angromainyu, I will smite the creation which is created +by the Daevas; I will smite the spirit of the dead +which the Daevas have created, until Çaoshyant the +victorious shall be born from the water of Kançava, +in the region of the east. Angromainyu answered +him: Wherewith wilt thou smite my creatures? With +what weapons wilt thou destroy them? Then spake +Zarathrustra: The pestle, the bowl, the Haoma, these +are my best weapons, and the words which Auramazda +has spoken. By this sacred word will I annihilate thy +creatures, O evil Angromainyu. Slay not my creatures, +O pure Zarathrustra, answered Angromainyu. +Thou art the son of Pourushaçpa, and hast life from a +mother. Curse the good law of the worshippers of +Auramazda, and attain the prosperity which Vadhaghna +has attained, the ruler of the lands. But +Zarathrustra spake: I will not curse the good law of +the worshippers of Auramazda; no, not though my +bones and soul and power of life were torn asunder. +Then the evil Daevas ran and took counsel on the +summit of Arezura, and Angromainyu spoke: What +will the Daevas bring thither? But they said: 'The +evil eye;' and hastened to the bottom of hell, the +dark, the evil, the wicked."<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span></p> + +<p>With Zarathrustra, according to the Avesta, a new +era begins. He is the proclaimer of a new law. But +along with this we are told that even in Yima's time +the earth glowed with red fires; the power of the old +sayings of the fire-priests is extolled; the professors of +the first, and those of the new law receive commendation. +Zarathrustra is born to his father as a reward +for offering an ancient sacrifice, the sacrifice of Haoma. +He himself dresses the fire at daybreak before he +comes forth to announce his new doctrine; and even +while announcing it he sacrifices to the old gods +Verethraghna and Ardviçura; the gods whom the +heroes of the old days invoke appear to him also, the +prophet of the new teaching; they demand that he +shall offer sacrifice, and insist on their worship; they +grant him favour and gifts. It is precisely the ancient +sacrifice of Haoma, the common possession of the Arians +in Iran and India, which is declared by Zarathrustra +to be the best means of repelling the evil ones, and +not Zarathrustra only, but also Auramazda sacrifices +to an ancient divinity that the son of Pourushaçpa +may be obedient to his commands, and then directs +the latter to invoke the ancient gods, Mithra, Verethragna, +Çraosha, Vayu, and Tistrya, and to worship +fire. Hence it was no new religion which Zarathrustra +taught; it was nothing more than a reform of the +ancient faith, and traditional modes of worship.</p> + +<p>We were able definitely to ascertain from the fragments +of the Avesta that it arose in the east of Iran; +the districts of the north-east are especially prominent +in it. It denotes Bactra as the abode of dominion +(p. 31). A doctrine which, as we shall see, lays the +greatest stress on the cultivation of the land, could not +have grown up in the deserts of the Gedrosians, or +the steppes of the Sagartians. If, according to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> +Avesta, "the evil custom of the burial of the dead +prevails" in Arachosia (Harahvaiti);<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> if Haetumat +(Drangiana) is reproved for the sins which are practised +there;<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> if we are told of Haraeva (the land of the +Arians) that it is indeed rich in houses but full of +poverty and idleness,<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> and of Ragha that it is indeed +Zoroastian but full of utter unbelief<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>—if the sin of +burning corpses prevails in Chakhra (Chirhem?),<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> it is +clear that these lands are distinct from the region in +which the pure doctrine of Zarathrustra, proclaimed in +the Avesta, arose, and became so firmly established as +to be universally current. Hence of all the lands in +Iran, mentioned in the Avesta, only Airyana Vaeja, +Margiana, Sogdiana, and Bactria remain. In the +Avesta Zarathrustra is famous in Airyana Vaeja; in +that land he sacrifices; and, as the Avesta allots but +two months of summer and ten months of cold winter +to this region, we must look for it on the high mountain +range of the North-east (p. 73). Zarathrustra stands +in a close relation to Queen Hutaoça and King Vistaçpa, +who fights against the worshippers of the +Daevas and Arejataçpa, and prepares a way for the +new doctrine. Among the heroes of the ancient time +and the spirits of the pious who are invoked in the +prayers of the Avesta, the immortal part of King +Vistaçpa is repeatedly invoked besides Zarathrustra +and Frashaostra. We have already shown in what a +contrast the Bactrians and Sogdiani stood to the +nations of the steppes of the Oxus, and what a position +is allotted to King Vistaçpa as repelling the +Iranians. In thus celebrating him as the protector +of Zarathrustra, the Avesta plainly puts Zarathrustra +himself in Bactria.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span></p> + +<p>If we may assume the fact that the reform of the +religion must have proceeded from Bactria and Sogdiana +in the north-east of Iran, the next question to +be decided is, whether it is possible to determine the +meaning and import of this reform. The forms and +views, which are found to agree in the Avesta and +Rigveda, we have already established, with complete +certainty, to be the ancient possession of the Arians of +Iran. The elements of the religious conception, and +several very definite forms and traits in the belief and +worship, were the same in the Panjab and Iran. The +leading principle was the contrast of the bright beneficent +powers who give life and increase and the evil +spirits of darkness, drought, and death. This possession +was therefore in existence before the reform. This +principle must have become more prominent among +the Arians of Iran owing to the nature of their +country. The fertile land and the desert were in far +greater proximity there than in the Panjab. The +centre of Iran was filled with a vast desert; wide and +barren table-lands spread out on north and south; the +most favoured regions were almost like oases. Closely +adjacent to the most fruitful valleys and slopes lay +endless steppes; blooming plains, shaded by thick +groups of trees, were surrounded by hot deserts of +sand. If the alpine districts of the north possessed +the most splendid forests and luxuriant pastures, yet +the snow fell early, and the winter was severe; if +vegetation ran riot on the fringe of the Caspian, fever +and reptiles infested the marshy plains. Close beside +abundant productiveness lay drought and desert, bare +flats of rock, deserts of sand, and fields of snow. The +inhabitants of Iran had not only to suffer from the +heat of summer but also from the cold of winter, from +the scorching winds of the desert as well as from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> +snow-storms which came from the table-lands of the +north. On the one hand, pastures and fields were +covered for many weeks with snow; on the other, sand-storms +from the desert ruined the tillage; in one +district camels succumbed to the cold of the lofty +terraces, or slipped from the icy slopes down the +precipices; in another, the desert wind dried up fountains +and springs. Here the winter, "which flies past +to slay the herds, and is full of snow," as the Avesta +says, was "of endless duration;" it was "on the water, +the trees, and the field," and "its cold penetrated to +the heart of the earth;" there the herds were tormented +by the fly in the heat, bears and wolves fell +upon the folds, and it was necessary to find protection +against serpents and ravenous beasts of prey.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> In this +land life was a conflict against the heat of summer and +the south, against the chill of winter and the mountain +heights, a struggle for the maintenance and protection +of the herds; and as soon as these tribes had +become settled in the more favoured regions and +passed over to agriculture, there began on the edge of +those oases the struggle against the desert and the +steppe. Here water must be conveyed to the dry +earth, there the tillage must be protected against the +sand-storms of the desert. To these difficulties and contrasts +in the nature of the land was added a contrast in +the mode of life of the population. The majority of +the tribes of the table-land of the interior, and a part +of the inhabitants of the mountainous rim, could not, +owing to the nature of the land, pass beyond a nomadic +pastoral life, and even to this day the population of Iran +is to a considerable extent nomadic;<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> while other tribes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> +toiled laboriously in the sweat of their brows, these +wandered with their herds in idleness, ever ready for +battle; and thus there could be no lack of ambuscades +and plunder, of attacks and raids on the cultivated +districts.</p> + +<p>All these contrasts are most marked on the slopes +of the north-eastern edge, in Margiana, Bactria, and +Sogdiana, which lay open to the steppes of the Caspian +Sea. Here were fruitful, blooming valleys with luxuriant +vegetation on the banks of the mountain streams, +yet, wherever the mountains receded, the endless desert +at once began. If the stars shone clear through the +night on mountains and table-lands, in the pure and +vapourless atmosphere of Iran, sand-storms and mist +lay on the northern desert. The winds blowing from +the north brought icy cold in the winter; in the +summer they drove the sand of the deserts over the +fruitful fields, to which water has to be laboriously +conveyed in the time of the greatest heat, while +eternal winter reigned in the heights of Belurdagh +and Hindu Kush. There was also the continual fear +of the nomads who dwelt on the steppes to the north, +who made attacks on the fruitful slopes and valleys. +We have already shown that it was precisely on the +slopes of the Hindu Kush that the necessity of protection +against the nations of the steppes led to a +combination of the forces of the tribes who were settled +there, and gave the impulse to the formation of a +larger polity.</p> + +<p>In such a territory, when the tribes had once become +settled in the more favoured regions, amid such struggles +against nature and the plundering neighbours, +it is clear that the conception of the contrast between +good and evil spirits must become more widely developed +and sharply pointed—that it should indeed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> +form the hinge of all religious ideas. The good spirits +had given fruit and increase to many excellent lands; +but the evil spirits destroyed these blessings with their +storms of sand and snow, their cold and heat, their +beasts of prey and serpents. Wherever the herds +throve and the fields were fruitful, there the good +spirits were gracious; where the pastures withered, +and the fields were covered with sand, the wicked +spirits had maliciously rendered of no avail the labours +of men. In the valleys of Bactria and Sogdiana there +was labour, industry, increase and fruit; beyond, in +the steppe, all was barren; the storms went whirling +round, and wild hordes of robbers roamed to and fro. +Thus in these regions the conception of the struggle of +the good spirits, and the evil, which injure, torment, +punish and murder men, was most lively, the religious +feeling of these conceptions most completely penetrated +and governed the minds of men.</p> + +<p>All creatures were oppressed by the evil spirits, so +the Avesta told us (p. 129); and therefore Auramazda +determines to teach Zarathrustra "the wise sayings." +No new belief or new forms of worship are to be +introduced; the means of protection against the evil +ones were to be multiplied and strengthened. We +know what importance the Arians in India ascribed to +the correct prayer and invocation, what power over +the spirits and indeed over the deities themselves they +ascribed to the correct words, what a defensive power +they attributed to the sayings of the Atharvan. The +same ideas were current among the Arians of Iran. +The heaven of the good god and holy spirits is, in the +Avesta, the "dwelling of invocations" (Garonmana). +Hence the first point in the reform was that new +formulæ and prayers should be added to the old +prayers and incantations. The fire that slays demons<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> +is to burn day and night on the hearth, and must +always be tended with hard, dry, well-hewn wood; +the spirits of light, the great Mithra, the sun, the stars, +are to be earnestly invoked along with the victorious +Verethraghna, and Çraosha the slayer of demons, the +life-giving god, to whom Haoma is to be offered; and +the libation of Haoma is to be frequently offered to the +spirits of light. If men prayed constantly to the good +spirits, and cursed the evil, if they made use of the holy +sayings when they observed that the evil beings came, +then wicked creatures would certainly remain far from +house, and farm, and field. According to the Avesta, +Zarathrustra first uttered the Ahuna vairya, and Angromainyu +says that though the deities have not been +able to drive him from the earth, Zarathrustra will +smite him with the Ahuna vairya.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> In the minds of +the priests of the Avesta, this prayer is itself a mighty +being to which worship is to be offered, just as in the +Vedas the holy prayers and some parts of the ritual—nay +even the verse-measure of the hymns—are treated +as divine powers.</p> + +<p>It was an old Arian conception, which we have +observed widely spread on the Ganges, that filth and +pollution and contact with what is impure and dead +gave the evil spirit power over those who had contracted +such defilement. This uncleanness must be +removed, and its operation checked. The reform, +which bears the name of Zarathrustra, must have +extended and increased in Iran the rules for purification +and the removal of uncleanness. These regulations, +carried out in long and wearisome detail on +the basis of this new movement, are before us in the +Vendidad. The Avesta says: Zarathrustra was the +first who praised the Asha Vahista (<i>i. e.</i> the best truth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span>fulness +which is at the same time the highest purity) +and represents Angromainyu as exclaiming; "that +Zarathrustra made him as hot by the Ashi Vahista as +metal is made in the melting."<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a></p> + +<p>Whatever gave increase and life, water and trees +and good soil, and the animals which were useful to +men, were the work of the good spirits, the good +creation; the steppes, the desert, the heat, the fierce +cold, the beasts of prey, these were the work of the +evil ones, the bad creation. Did not a man increase +life and growth if he industriously cultivated his field, +watered it well, and extended it towards the desert, if +he destroyed the animals and insects which did harm +to the fields and trees, if he gave room to fruitfulness +against unfertility? Did he not extend and sustain +the good creation, and lessen the evil, if he planted and +watered, and diminished the harmful animals, the +serpents, the worms, and beasts of prey? By such +work a man took the side of the good spirits against +the evil, and fought with them. It was in the will +and power of man by the act of his hands, by labour +and effort, to strengthen the good creation. The +importance which the Avesta ascribes to the cultivation +of the land, we may regard as a prominent trait of the +reform, as an essential part of its ethical importance. +Beside warriors and priests the Avesta knows only +the agricultural class.</p> + +<p>In the Veda the gods of the light and the highest +heaven, Mithra and Varuna, are the guardians of truth +and purity, the avengers and punishers of evil deeds. +The invocation of Mithra in the Avesta, given above, +showed us that the Arians of Iran recognised in this +deity the spirit of purity, the inevitable avenger of +injustice. With his all-penetrating eye he watches,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> +not only over purity of body, but also over purity +of soul. We may regard it as certain that the reform +carried a long step forward the ethical impulse +which lay in this conception of Mithra—a conception +current on both sides of the Indus. This view is +supported by the great importance which the Avesta +ascribes to truthfulness, in the decisive value given +to this virtue for the purity of the soul, and the +identification of purity with truthfulness. As filth +defiles the body, so, according to the Avesta, does a lie +defile the soul. Lying and deception are the worst +sins of which a man can be guilty. The ethical +advance is obvious when the evil spirits are not merely +regarded as doing harm to men, but it is emphatically +stated that they deceive men, and a lie is the essence +of the evil spirits. In the Avesta a part of them have +simply the name of the spirits of deception, of the +Druj. The suppliants of the true gods are called +<i>Ashavan, i. e.</i> the true, the pure; the worshippers of +the evil spirits are liars.</p> + +<p>The ideas of the Veda about the hosts of the spirits +of ancestors, and the entrance of the good and pious +into the heaven of light, are also current among the +Arians of Iran. These the reform could not leave +untouched. From the ethical characteristic which +marks them, from the severe inculcation of a pure, true, +active life, it proceeded to the idea of a sort of judgment +on the souls after death. The detailed form in +which this idea is presented to us in the Avesta will +be given below.</p> + +<p>In all religions, when they have reached a certain +stage of development, the impulse arises to find the +unity of the divine being among the multifarious crowd +of deities. On the Ganges the Brahmans or priests +attained to this unity by elevating the power of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> +holy acts which controlled the deities, and was mightier +than they, into the lord of the gods, by uniting with +this conception the great breath or world-soul, the +source of life springing up in nature. In Iran the +reform did not look on nature as one, like the Brahmans +on the Ganges, and owing to the character of +the land and the strong contrasts there met with it +could not easily perceive in it any single whole; on +the contrary, it comprehended in unity, on the one +hand, the good beneficent side of nature, which gives +increase, light, and life to men; and, on the other, +ranged the harmful powers together in opposition to +the good. Hence it came about that the spirits which +worked on either side were, so to speak, combined, +and the two totals came forward in opposition. To +these totals the reform sought to give unity by placing +a chieftain at the head of each, the good and the bad. +The chief of the good was Ahura, <i>i. e.</i> the lord, who +is also denoted by the name Mazda, <i>i. e.</i> the wise, but +he is generally invoked by the united title Ahura +Mazda (Auramazda in the dialect of Western Iran), +the wise lord; occasionally, in the Avesta, he is called +Çpentomainyu, <i>i. e.</i> the spirit of holy mind, the holy +spirit. In the Rigveda the name Ahura Mazda, in the +form Asura Medha, is used for more than one god of +light. The chief of the evil spirits was Angromainyu, +<i>i. e.</i> he that thinks evil, the destroying spirit.</p> + +<p>The good and the evil spirits are regarded as active, +the one on the beneficent, the other on the injurious +side of nature. It was a step in advance when the +reform arrived at the conception, that as the good +and evil spirits ruled the life of nature and man, +so in the beginning of the world, at the time of +its origin, the good and evil spirits must have been +active; the good was from the beginning the work<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> +of the good; the evil the work of the evil. As +the heavenly and infernal spirits were regarded as +in perpetual activity, the reform could not here, as in +India, look on nature and men as emanations from a +being in repose—from the world-soul—the nature of +which became ever less pure and bright, less really +itself, as the emanations advanced. Instead of an +emanation, the active force and contrast of the spirits +gave rise to the idea that the world was brought into +being by the will and power of the two supreme spirits +to a creation of the world. The good side of the +world must have been the work of the chief of the good +spirits, the evil side the work of the evil. Auramazda +created the good, but immediately he created +it, Angromainyu created the evil in order to destroy +the good. And as at the creation, so also in the +created world, the mutual opposition of the good and +evil god, the struggle of their hosts, goes on. There +is no direct contest between Auramazda and Angromainyu; +they operate against each other for increase +and destruction, life and death, and for the souls of +men; the direct conflict against evil remains, even +after the reform, with the old spirits, with Mithra, +Verethragna, Çraosha, and Tistrya.</p> + +<p>From this we may without hesitation draw the +inference that Auramazda and Angromainyu did not +belong to the original belief of the Arians of Iran. +From the absence of any myth about Auramazda, and +the character of the names, "the wise lord," "the +destroying spirit," it further follows that the gods +thus named could not be the creation of any primitive +religious feeling. These names belong to a period of +reflection, which strives to make a presentment of the +general operation of the good and evil powers, of +their intellectual and ethical characteristics, and at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> +the same time seeks to express their nature, as well +as their relation to the world. Finally, the wavering +position which Auramazda takes up in the Avesta +towards the old deities, shows that he is of later +origin. Though now the supreme deity, he sacrifices +to Tistrya, in order to give him strength for the victory +over Apaosha (p. 120); to Ardviçura, that Zarathrustra +may be obedient to him (p. 129); and to other +gods of the old period. Beside him Mithra is praised +in the old style as the highest power; he instructs +Zarathrustra to invoke the old gods, who still continue +in their traditionary activity. But we have express +evidence that Auramazda belongs to the reform. +"The first man," so the Avesta says, "who sacrificed +to Auramazda was the sacred Zarathrustra."<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> In the +transformation, however loose, of the divine nature +into "the wise lord," with his change from a natural +force to an ethical and intellectual power, and elevation +to be the creator "of the heaven and the earth" +(p. 87), lay the most decisive step taken by the +reform; by these conceptions it had raised the ancient +possession of the Arians of Iran to a new stage.</p> + +<p>It is a remarkable fact that the evil spirits in the +Avesta bear the name of Daevas. The Arians of India +called their good gods, the gods of light, Devas; from +the same root has sprung the general name of the gods +among the Greeks, Italians, and the Celts. Hence +among the Arians of Iran also it must once have been +in use for the spirits of light. Why the names Bagha +and Yazata became used in the Avesta for the good +gods, while the evil spirits received the name of Daevas +we cannot discover; nor can we decide whether this +change of name came in with the reform. We can +only discover that an analogous change has taken<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> +place in India also. In the Rigveda the good gods +are comprised under the name Asura (old Bactrian +Ahura), <i>i. e.</i> the lord; at a later time the evil spirits +among the Indians were always called Asuras, while +in Iran the name is allotted to the highest among +the good spirits.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> "Yaçna," 29; Roth; "Z. D. M. G." 25, 6 ff. <i>Geus urva</i> means +soul of the bull; the priests identified the soul of the first created bull +with the protectress of the flocks, the Drvaçpa, <i>i. e.</i> having mighty +horses. Spiegel, "Avesta," 3, 74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> "Aban Yasht," 17-19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> "Afrin Zartusht," 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> "Yaçna," 9, 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 93, 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> "Ashi Yasht," 17 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> "Bahram Yasht," 28-33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> "Yaçna," 13, 18; 64, 38; 69, 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 36-137.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> "Yaçna," 28, 9, 44, 45; 46, 1-4; 49, 8; 50, 16, 18, according +to Haug's translation, which however has been called in question.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> "Aban Yasht," 104-106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> "Gosh Yasht;" cf. "Ram Yasht," 36; "Farvardin Yasht," 142.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> "Yaçna," 45, 14 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 99; "Zamyad Yasht," 84 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> "Ashi Yasht," 49; "Aban Yasht," 112.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> "Afrin Zartusht," 1-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> "Yaçna," 52, 3; "Farvardin Yasht," 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> "Yaçna," 9, 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> "Ashi Yasht," 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> "Vend." 3, 23; 19, 1-32, 140-147.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> "Vend." 1, 46-48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> "Vend." 1, 50-52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> "Vend." 1, 30-32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> "Yaçna," 19, 51, 52; "Vend." 1, 60-62.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> "Vend." 1, 64-66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> "Vend." 1, 9-12, 24; 7, 69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Herodotus states expressly that some tribes of the Persians were +nomads (1, 125); beside the Sagartians nomadic tribes are also +mentioned among the Carmanians, Areians, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> "Yaçna," 9, 41; "Ashi Yasht," 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> "Ashi Yasht," 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> "Ashi Yasht," 18.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span></p> + +<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + +<h3>THE DOCTRINE OF THE AVESTA.</h3> + + +<p>When the tribes of the Aryas advanced from the +Panjab towards the East, and established themselves on +the Ganges, the gods to whom they had offered prayers +on the Indus faded away amid the abundant fertility +of the new land; and the lively perception of the +struggle of the gods of light against the spirits of +darkness made room for the conception of the world-soul, +from which nature and all living creatures were +thought to have emanated. Similar religious principles +led the Arians in Iran to a religious reform of an +opposite kind. The idea of an emanation of the world, +proceeding without any opposition, could not maintain +itself in a life occupied in labour for the means of +sustenance, in toiling and struggling against nature. +Luxuriant growth and dreary desolation, scorching heat +and severe winter, such as were found alternating in +Iran, could not flow from one and the same source. +There man must be active and brave, and therefore +the divine being could not be regarded as existing in +repose. The nature of the table-land, divided between +fertile tillage and desert, between heat and cold, not +merely caused the old idea of the conflict between good +and evil spirits to continue, but even increased and +extended it. All nature was made subject to this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> +opposing action of the gods, and the old conception of +the conflict was developed into a complete system. +With the extension of the operation of the beneficent +and harmful power over the whole of nature, man was +drawn into the conflict as active force. He must not +only invoke the assistance of the good spirits; he +must himself take part in the struggle of the good +against the evil. In this way he provided for his soul +and salvation better than by prayer and sacrifice; he +strengthened so far as in him lay the life and increase +of the world, and lessened the sphere in which the +power of the evil spirits could operate. If the Indians +by the elevation of Brahman arrived only at the great +contrast between nature and spirit, between soul and +body; if all nature was regarded as something evil and +to be annihilated, so that the mortification and torturing +of the body and annihilation of self became the +highest ethical aims—the Bactrians or Arians in Iran +were directed by their reform to more energetic work +and activity against the harmful side of nature, and +the evil part of the soul. With the free choice of this +or that side, with the duty of working on nature, and +educating self, the conditions of a more happy and +powerful development were given them.</p> + +<p>It was the duty of any earnest and eminent adherents +of the reform, and afterwards of the priestly +races who joined it, or grew up in it, to guide the +impulse it had given, and bring the new ideas and the +rules to be deduced from them into harmony with the +old conceptions. If the contrast between the beneficent +and harmful powers once took the shape of opposing +spirits, the next object was to represent more exactly +the character and nature of these spirits, and define +more closely the good and evil Deity. As the reform +tended to elevate the natural side in these shapes into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> +ethical qualities, it was inevitable that advance in this +direction should lead at an early time to abstract views—that +both spirits should be identified with the pure +contrast of light and darkness, of truth and lying, of +moral good and moral evil.</p> + +<p>If the good spirit was supreme purity and truth, he +must originally have created the world in accordance +with his nature. Whence then came the injurious, the +evil? Had the evil spirit also a creative power? Or +was the evil first introduced after the creation of the +world? If this was the case, and evil was not always +in the world, then it must again disappear from it; if +the pure god was the more powerful, he must again +overcome the resistance of the evil. Moreover, with +the subordination of the light and dark powers to +Auramazda and Angromainyu, and their combination +into these two forms, an impulse was given which +gradually forced the ancient deities into the background. +The first point was, to put the latter in the +right relation to the new god, who had created heaven +and earth, and even these ancient gods. In the same +way the old Arian legend of the golden age of Yima +must be harmonised with the new doctrine of the +creation, and a relation must be established between +the sacrificers of the old days, who were without the +good law of Zarathrustra, and the latter. The sayings +which held in check the evil spirits, and which the +reform took from the body of ancient invocations or +added to them in their spirit, must be accurately preserved +if they were not to lose their force, especially the +prayers and incantations which Zarathrustra himself +had spoken or was thought to have spoken. Lastly, +the mode of worship must be regulated in accordance +with the tendencies of the reform. Which and what +kind of sacrifices, which invocations and songs of praise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> +were the most efficacious, was a matter which required +settling. The old customs of purification so indispensable +for keeping at a distance the evil spirits, which +the reform, as we ventured to assume, largely increased +by new prescripts, must be united with the increased +importance attached to truth and purity and combined +into a comprehensive rule for the life pleasing to +Auramazda. What means were there for wiping out +offences against this rule, and sins when committed, +for turning aside the anger of Mithra, for expiating +falsehood, lying, and deception? We have already +indicated (p. 101) how numerous and complicated +were the duties of the priesthood arising out of +pollution and its removal. The answers which the +priesthood of Iran gave to all the questions which +successively arose have been collected in the Avesta.</p> + +<p>The Gathas of the Avesta, in which the metre has +been retained, and along with it the older forms of the +language—poems which, according to another part of +the Avesta (the Çrosh Yasht), Zarathrustra composed +and Çraosha first sang<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>—are the most speculative +part of the book. They tell of the existence of the +good and evil spirits, place both in the beginning of +things, identify Auramazda with the truth and Angromainyu +with the lie, bring forward Auramazda as the +creator of the world and of living creatures, as the +source of what is good in man and nature, and describe +the duties of the true worshippers and the rewards +which they may expect, together with the punishments +which will come upon the worshippers of the +Daevas. The ancient gods, Mithra, Haoma, Tistrya, +Anahita and Drvaçpa are not mentioned in the +Gathas; though emphasis is laid on the blessing of +the "imperishable red fire of Auramazda." In their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> +place we have Asha (Truthfulness), and Vohumano +(Good disposition), Armaiti (Piety), and Kshathra +(Dominion); these are at times merely ideas, at times +they are personified beside Auramazda.</p> + +<p>In these poems Zarathrustra addresses a number of +questions to Auramazda: "This question I will ask of +thee; answer it truly, O Ahura. Who is the first +father and begetter of truth? Who created their +paths for the sun and stars? Who causes the moon +to wax and wane? Who sustains the earth and holds +the clouds above it? Who created the water and +the trees of the field? Who is in the wind and the +storms that they move so swiftly? Who created the +beneficent lights and the darkness? For whom didst +thou create the imperishable cow Ranyoçkereti (the +Earth)? Who formed the earth with its great blessings? +Who are the Daevas, which fight against the +good creation? Who slew the hostile demons? Who +is the truthful one, who is the liar? How are we to +chase away the lies, how shall I put the lies into the +hand of Asha (Truthfulness)? How can I come to your +dwelling (the dwelling of the gods), and to your song? +Give me now the command, what ought to be and +what ought not to be, in such a way that we attentive +ones may understand it, O Mazda, with the tongue of +thy mouth, how am I to convert all living creatures, +and guide them to the right path, which leads to him +who hears the praises of the truly pious in heaven +(Garonmana). Tell me clearly, what ye command me +as the best, that I may keep it in my heart, and +remember what has been forgotten, Mazda Ahura, all +that ought to be, and ought not to be. Teach us, O +True one, the way of Vohumano created by thee. +Let us, O Mazda, receive thy sayings which bring +blessing."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span></p> + +<p>"On thee have I looked as the source in the +creation of life, because thou, O rich in gifts, didst +establish the sacred customs and announce the words. +He who first willed that the spaces of the sky should +clothe themselves with lights, he in his wisdom establishes +the law of duty for the pious. In the spirit a +man must think of thee that thou art ever the same, +Ahura. I regarded thee as the most excellent, O +Mazda, whom thy people have to worship in spirit, as +the father of the pious, since I saw thee with my eye, +as the eternal law-giver of the world, living in his +works. Since thou of old, O Mazda, didst create all +beings and spirits according to thy will, and gave +them reason and a material body, all men, the wise +and the unwise, cause their voices to sound, each +according to his heart and mind; he who strives after +wisdom proves in his spirit on which side is error. +All gleaming bodies with their manifestations, everything +that by Vohumano has a bright eye, the stars +and the sun, the herald of the day, move for thy +praise, O Mazda. In thee the holy earth exists, and +the highly-intelligent framer of the body of the earth, +O living spirit Mazda. Thou didst create the world, +the earth with the fire that rests in its bosom. With +pleasant fields thou didst adorn it, after taking counsel +with Vohumano, O Mazda. Thou didst first create +the fields, and didst devise the sayings by thy spirit, +and the various kinds of knowledge; thou didst then +create this world of existence, by holy acts and speeches. +To Mazda belongs this kingdom which he causes to +grow by his grace."<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a></p> + +<p>"To you, all ye that come, I will announce the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> +praises of Mazda the all-wise lord, and the hymns to +Vohumano. O wise Asha, I will entreat that friendship +may display itself through the stars. Hear with your +ears the glorious, see with your spirit the clear, that +every one for himself may choose his faith before the +great work begins. Those two primæval spirits, which +are twins, represent themselves in thought, words, and +works as this dualism, the good and the evil, and +between both the virtuous know how to decide, but +not the evil. When these two deities first came +together, they created the good creatures and the bad, +and (arranged) that at the last hell should be awarded +to the bad and blessedness to the good. Of these two +spirits the evil one chooses the worst way of action; +but the increase-giving spirit chooses virtue, he whose +robe is the firm heaven,—and those who in faith make +Auramazda content by truthful acts. Between them +the worshippers of the Daevas, the deceived, cannot +rightly decide; they chose the worst disposition, and +came to the evil ones when in council, and together +they hastened to Aeshma, that by him they might +bring plagues upon the life of men. But when the +punishment of their evil deeds shall be accomplished, +and thy kingdom as the reward of piety shall come +upon those who put the Druj (the lie) in the hands of +Asha (Truthfulness), then destruction overtake the +destroying Druj; but those who possess high renown +will gather as immortal in the beautiful dwellings of +Vohumano, of Mazda, and Asha. Thus then let us +work to make this world eternal, O Auramazda, O +Asha that givest blessing; may our thoughts be there, +where wisdom is enthroned."<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p> + +<p>"Teach me to know both, that I may walk in the +way of Vohumano, the sacrifice, O Mazda, which is fit<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> +for a god like thee, and the pure words of thanksgiving; +give me the duration over which Ameretat +presides, and the blessings of Haurvatat.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> May he be +praised, who in complete truth, so far as he knows it, +will tell the charm of Asha, the utterance of prosperity +(Haurvatat, <i>i. e.</i> health—and afterwards the spirit +of prosperity and the waters) and of immortality +(Ameretat immortality, and afterwards the spirit of +long life and good plants)."<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> "The acts, words, and +sacrifices by which I, O Mazda, might attain immortality, +purity, and power over Haurvatat, I will, so far +as I can, perform for thee.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> Grant to me, O most +holy spirit, Mazda, thou who didst create the cow, the +waters, and the plants, grant me immortality and +health, power and duration, that I may follow the +doctrine of Vohumano."<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> "From thee comes the +nourishment of Haurvatat and Ameretat; may piety +(Armaiti) increase with truth under the dominion of +Vohumano, and power and continuance as a counter-protection."<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> +"Send us the blessing of a long life."<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> +"I ask thee, answer me truly, Ahura, When shall I +win this reward by truthfulness?—ten mares with their +stallions and a camel, that Haurvatat and Ameretat +may be in my possession, and I make an offering to +thee of their blessings."<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> "I will proclaim what the +most holy one says to me, the best word for mortals +to hear; those who for its sake lend ear to me, to +those will Haurvatat and Ameretat come." "To every +one who is a friend to him in thought and word, +Auramazda has given power over the rich Haurvatat +(health), over the rich Ameretat (freedom from death); +he has given him dominion and independence and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> +riches of Vohumano."<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> "Let none of you listen to +the counsel and command of the evil one, for he brings +farm and community, canton and land, into distress +and ruin, but punish him with the weapon."<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> "On +the day when Asha will slay the Druj, on the day of +immortality, when that comes forth, that was denied, +when the Daevas and men will receive their reward; +then, O Ahura, a mighty song of praise will be raised +to thee."<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a></p> + +<p>"To thy kingdom and thy truth, I offer praise, +Ahura, Asha. Listen to this with kindly spirit, +Mazda; incline thine ear, Ahura. Let the worshippers +of the liar be few; may all these turn themselves +to the priests of the truthful fire! The good must +rule over us, not the evil! Ahura, the all-knowing, +cannot be deceived. I will think of thee, most +glorious one, at the final departure of life. With +prayers, O Mazda, Asha, will I come forward to praise +thee, and with the works of Vohumano. In your +dwelling, O wise one, sound the praises of them that +give thanks. I will be called the singer of thy +praises, and will continue to be so as long as I can, by +advancing the laws of life, that the life of the world +may continue of itself. With the verses which have +been composed and handed down for your praise, I +will approach both of you, and with uplifted hands. +As a worshipper I will invoke you one and all, ye +who give blessing, as well as all those who attain to +the strong bridges of your blessedness, Auramazda, +Asha, and Vohumano; those bridges which belong to +you. Come ye to my aid."<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span></p> + +<p>These are the essential traits of the doctrine of the +Gathas. Auramazda, himself a shining one (<i>hvathra</i>), +has created the shining bodies of the heaven, the earth, +the waters, the trees, and men; he has appointed their +paths for the stars. He is the sustainer of the world, +inasmuch as he devises the good sayings (<i>daena</i>) for +the protection of the good creation. He is light and +truth, and therefore is not to be deceived; he shows +the right way to Zarathrustra, and gives him the +proper charms against the evil spirits. That at this +stage of ideas there can be no myth attached to +Auramazda, <i>i. e.</i> to the concentrated essence of the +gods of light, is obvious. In the Gathas it is only the +quite abstract forces of Vohumano and Asha, of good +disposition and truthfulness, which stand beside him. +Auramazda is simply the creator and lord; and the +same position is ascribed to him as we saw (p. 87) in +the inscriptions of the Achæmenids. In spite of the +strongly-marked trait of spiritualisation and abstraction +which runs through the Gathas, there is no lack +in them of unreflecting and naïve conceptions, which +have come down to us from ancient days. It is true +that the contrasts in nature and men are elevated to +the opposition of truth and falsehood, and the service +of truth is proclaimed as the highest command; but +on the other hand, it is the strong fire of Auramazda +which causes the right to be recognised, and gives +the decision in battle.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> It is the good sayings which +sustain the world, <i>i. e.</i> the old magic of prayers and +invocations is to keep off the evil, and increase the +strength of the good, spirits. However high may be +the conception of Auramazda, he who walks in his +way, and performs the commands of purity, not only +expects his reward, but insists on it; he desires to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> +obtain ten mares and stallions, and at least one camel; +he wishes for the blessings of Haurvatat in order to +sacrifice from them; he desires continuance and power, +health and long life. In these traits the old contrast +between powers that give increase, blessing, and +life, and powers of destruction, is plainly retained.</p> + +<p>From the beginning the evil one was ranged over +against Auramazda as his twin brother. He has +created all that is evil, but nevertheless he is without +any independent power of creation. If the Gathas +express this merely in such a manner that they give +prominence to Auramazda as the creator, they were as +far from setting up a dualism of equally-balanced +forces, as any other religion has been from attempting +such a task, and carrying it out. The other fragments +of the Avesta leave no doubt of the fact, that Angromainyu +was not in a position to create the world +according to his own will; he can only implant the +form of evil in the good creation of Auramazda; he +puts desolation, destruction, and death in the place of +increase. The Vendidad quotes a whole series of +lands which Auramazda created good, and enumerates +the evils which the deadly Angromainyu brought into +each:—into one winter, into another excessive heat; +in one case vermin, in another disease, in a third +beasts of prey. In the same way, in opposition to +moral good, the evil one creates idleness, lies, lust, +doubt, disbelief. An equally poised power of the two +deities would have led to a direct conflict between +them, which occurs nowhere in the Avesta; God and +the devil only contend for the increase and injury of +the world, and for the souls of men. The relative +inferiority of the evil deity has not escaped the Greeks. +"Some are of opinion," Plutarch says, "that there are +two opposite deities, one of which framed the good,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> +the other the evil. Others, however, name the better +power the god, the other the demon, as Zoroaster +the Magian. He calls one Oromazdes, the other Areimanius, +and states that Oromazdes most resembles +light among perceptible things, and Areimanius gloom +and uncertainty."<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> It is a later speculation, diverging +from the Avesta, which formed the good and evil +spirits into simple forces, and ranged them against +each other with equal powers.<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span></p> + +<p>In the Gathas we have the nucleus of the conceptions +from which the reform of the ancient faith of +Iran arose, but not in their original state. On the +contrary, they have been systematised in the circles +of the priests. Hence the contents and prescripts of +other parts of the Avesta, which do not present a +speculative tendency, are not on that account to be +regarded as of later origin than the Gathas—least of +all the invocations to the ancient deities. It was an +essential object of priestly meditation to bring these +old gods, which existed vividly before the soul of the +nation, into harmony with the new faith. On every +page of the Avesta it is clear that the priests of Eastern +Iran did not attain to an accepted system in this +direction; that the old gods remained in existence +beside Auramazda, and the direct contest against the +evil spirits, after the reform as before it, was carried +on by Mithra, Verethraghna, and Vayu, Tistrya and +Çraosha, while Auramazda is in the background, and +sits somewhat passively on his golden throne in the +heaven of Garonmana. When the Avesta was written +down and collected, the ideas of the priests were still +so naïve, or still preserved such a respect for the +traditional forms of the gods of light and water, as +they obviously lived in the mind of the people, that +they represent Auramazda himself as offering sacrifice +to Mithra,<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> Anahita, Vayu, and Tistrya, with Haoma +and the sacred bundle of twigs, in order to strengthen +their power or carry out his own wishes, just as the +gods of the Aryas in India offer sacrifices to one +another. In India the old gods received a subordinate +position as protectors of the world after the rise of +Brahman, but in Iran this was not the case; nor were +they brought into any genealogical connection with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> +their new head Auramazda, though fire is occasionally +spoken of in a figure as the son of Auramazda, and the +earth (Armaiti) is once or twice called his daughter.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> +The only bond of union between the new god and the +old gods in the Avesta is the fact that Auramazda is +made the creator of the old gods, and even of Mithra. +Yet the old position of Mithra appears, when Auramazda +says to Zarathrustra: "When I created Mithra, +the lord of wide pastures, I created him as mighty to +pray to, mighty to worship as myself." Tistrya also +was created by Auramazda as worthy of adoration and +praise as himself.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> We are already acquainted with +Auramazda's command to Zarathrustra to invoke and +worship Mithra, Vayu, the other ancient gods, and +fire (p. 131). The existence and extent of this worship +is proved not only by the prayers of the Yaçna, but +also by the accounts of western writers which we have +already examined.</p> + +<p>As a compensation for the independent life of the +ancient gods by the side of Auramazda, the priests +surrounded his throne with six spirits, who were his +associates and helpers. These are called Amesha +Çpentas, <i>i. e.</i> the holy immortals; as good and wise +kings they rule with Auramazda over the seven girdles +of the earth,<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> as in India the eight protectors of the +world rule over the eight zones. The views out of +which these spirits arose are found in the Gathas, but +they did not receive their complete form till the +Gathas had been composed and generally received. +Plutarch tells us that, according to the faith of the Persians, +Oromazdes had created six gods: the first, the +god of good disposition (εὔνοια); +the second, the god<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> +of truth (ἀλήθεια); +the third, the god of order and law +(εὐνομία); the three remaining deities were the gods of +wisdom (σοφία), of wealth (πλοῦτος), +and of delight in the beautiful +(ἐπὶ τοῖς ϰαλοῖς ἡδέων). +The two first, good disposition (Vohumano), and truth or truthfulness, +we already found frequently mentioned in the Gathas, +but chiefly as ideas rather than persons. With the +priests Vohumano and Asha vahista (the most excellent +truthfulness) became the Amesha Çpentas, who +stand next to Auramazda. The Avesta speaks not +only of the good way of Vohumano, but also of +his acts, his dwelling, and his kingdom. According +to the books of the Parsees it is his duty to protect +the flocks. Asha vahista, as the truthful one, is the +protector of fire, which points the right path, and, +according to the Gathas, gives the decision in the +contest against the liars. According to the books of +the Parsees, Asha builds the bridge of Chinvat, to +which the souls come after death, making it wide +when the pious souls step upon it. Not less correctly +does Plutarch describe the third Amesha Çpenta as +the spirit of order and law. Kshathra, <i>i. e.</i> the kingdom, +the dominion, is mentioned impersonally in the +Gathas; and this idea the priests have elevated into +Kshathra vairya, <i>i. e.</i> the good spirit of the desired +dominion, of good order and law, which is the third +Amesha Çpenta. Metals were allotted to him as the +king of the Ameshas.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> The fourth figure in this circle, +which Plutarch correctly describes as the spirit of +wisdom, though he is wrong in calling it a god, is the +earth spirit Armaiti. In the Rigveda Aramati (the +earth) is a maiden worthy of praise, who, morning +and evening, brings butter to Agni. In the Avesta +Armaiti is "the beautiful daughter of Auramazda, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> +bearer (<i>barethri</i>) of cattle, of beasts of draught, and +men;" with "her hands Auramazda performs pure +actions," while the Gathas also ascribe to her special +relations to the corporeal world.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> Among the priests +the spirit of the "patient humble earth" has become +the spirit of humility and piety. According to the +books of the Parsees Armaiti gives patience and firmness.<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> +The fifth and sixth spirits also, whom Plutarch +calls the gods of wealth and delight in the beautiful, +were found in existence by the priests, and merely +ranged by them in the circle of the Amesha Çpentas. +These are Haurvatat and Ameretat. We saw how +earnestly the Arians of India besought the gods for +wealth and length of life; and in this matter the +Arians of Iran were not behind them. Here, as +there, the powers which could grant such gifts were +elevated into special spirits, to whom, naturally, all +that gave wealth and long life, good and healing +plants and refreshing water, belonged. The good +plants were the kingdom of Ameretat, refreshing water +the domain of Haurvatat. In the fancy of the Arians +of Iran good plants sprang from the tree of heaven, +the Gaokerena, which grew in Ardviçura (p. 126); the +water flowed down from this source in heaven, or came +from Vourukasha, the lake on the divine mountain. +Those two spirits, who ruled over plants and water, +were brought by the system of the priests into the +circle of the Amesha Çpentas; the province over which +they ruled had long been apportioned to them. They +were distinguished from the first four by the fact that +those were personifications of moral ideas, these two +were personifications of real goods.<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> With wealth,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> +prosperity and happy life is given, with length of +life the complete enjoyment of its blessings, and so +the Greeks could arrive at the conclusion that these +two spirits were gods of wealth and delight in +beauty. Thus Auramazda now ruled surrounded by +six sacred forms. The semblance of this circle on +earth was the throne of Cyrus and his successors, +which was surrounded by the six tribal princes of +the Persians.</p> + +<p>The personification of ideas—the process of transforming +old figures, and changing them into abstractions—did +not come to an end with the Amesha Çpentas. +We are acquainted with Çraosha, the warrior against +the Daevas, his habitation on the divine mountain, his +horses, his club, and how he fights at the side of +Mithra, and keeps watch in the dark of the night +against the demons (p. 121). Now it is he who first +sang the sacred four Gathas of Zarathrustra, who first +bound the sacred withes, "three twigs, five twigs, +seven twigs;" he not only knows the sacred word; +the sacred word is the body of Çraosha. Instead of +the club which he held raised against the head of the +Daevas, the invocations of the Avesta and the prayer +Ahuna vairya are now the weapons with which he, +"the pure lord of the pure," "advances the world." +We remember the process by which the Arians in +India came to represent Indra as smiting Vritra, and +shattering his cave, not as formerly with the lightning, +but with Brahman, the power of the prayer and the +sacred acts. Obviously we have some influence of +these old Arian conceptions of the mysterious power +of prayer, and the control of the spirits possessed by +the correct invocations and sayings against gods and +spectres, when we find Çraosha fighting with the +prayers of the Avesta, and in the Avesta the sacred<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> +word is praised as a Divine power—<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> when Zarathrustra +offers sacrifice to the good law.<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> More liberal creations +on the part of the system of the priests are the +elevation of "excellent thought, knowledge, and conception," +of "the long study," "and the thought of +the pure man," which are invoked and praised in the +Avesta, into Divine powers. Of not less abstract +nature are other forms, like Rashnu razista, <i>i. e.</i> the +most straight-forward justice,<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> which, according to the +Dinkart, tests the souls on the bridge of Chinvat; time, +which is invoked as unlimited, as the ruler of the long +periods, and like the genius of the five portions into +which the priests divided the day. Of older origin, +though also modified by the reform, is the invocation +of the heights, which Mithra first illuminated with his +light. In the Avesta this invocation is mainly addressed +to the high "navel of the waters," the Divine +mountain, which reaches to the sky, "on which were +asked the holy questions," <i>i. e.</i> on which Zarathrustra +has received the revelation; "by reason of the revelation +of the sacred word we invoke the height, which +preserved the knowledge."<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> Many of the traditional +forms of ancient times were partly modified by the +priests and partly allowed to fade away. The goddess +Drvaçpa, to whom the ancient heroes had sacrificed, +they changed into the soul of the primeval bull, which +Angromainyu had slain.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> Nairyoçangha, the Naraçansa +of the Veda, an ancient name of the spirit of +fire, which we learned to know in the Veda as the +messenger of men to the heavenly beings, as priest +and mediator between heaven and earth (IV. 39), appears +in the Avesta merely as the messenger of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> +gods.<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> The form of Vayu, the more ancient conception +of which still plainly breaks through (p. 116), becomes +merely the air "whose operation is on high;" and +Ashi vanguhi, whom the ancient sacrificers and heroes +invoked, together with Ardviçura, for victory, bears +traces which can hardly any longer be recognised. +We merely perceive that she could once confer +power, fertility, beauty, and wealth. We saw above +how she called Zarathrustra to her chariot, and promised +splendour to his body, and long prosperity +to his soul (p. 130). If the luminaries of heaven, +in spite of the creation described to Auramazda, are +extolled as "having no beginning," we have in this +fact a glimpse of the old position of the spirits of light. +The struggles of Tistrya against the demons of +drought were allowed to remain (p. 120). Plutarch +observes that, according to the doctrine of the Magians, +Oromazdes had placed Sirius (Tistrya) as a watchman +and advanced guard. On the other hand, the worship +of the sun-god appears but faintly in the Avesta—in +our fragments at any rate. Yet Herodotus informs us +that with the Persians the neighing of horses at sunrise +was regarded as a favourable sign from the gods, +and Xenophon states that the Magians offered bulls +to Zeus, but horses to the sun-god, and that on the +journeys of the Achæmenids the chariot of Zeus went +first, then that of the sun-god; both were white and +crowned; and these were followed by a third chariot +covered with purple, which as it seems was the chariot +of fire. In the march of Xerxes to Hellas, according +to the account of Herodotus, a sacred car, yoked with +eight white horses, went before him; and ten sacred +horses were led, clothed in the most beautiful trappings. +Curtius represents the emblem of the sun as glowing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> +over the tent of the last Darius, who invokes "the sun, +Mithra, and the sacred eternal fire;" and he tells us +of the chariot of Zeus in the army, yoked with white +horses, behind which was led a horse of remarkable +size, the horse of the sun, with golden bridle and +white covering, like those before the chariot. Dio +Chrysostom tells us that the Magians reared a yoke +of Nisaean horses for Zeus, <i>i. e.</i> for Mithra, which were +the largest and most beautiful in all Asia, and a horse +for Helius.<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> We can call to mind the battle-chariot +of Mithra, "with golden wheels and silver spokes" +(p. 110). These were imitations of the divine chariots +of which the Greeks tell us, and if they were not in +a position to distinguish accurately what belonged to +Mithra (Auramazda does not come into the question), +and what to Hvare Kshaeta (the sun-god)—Strabo is +of opinion that the Persians called the sun Mithras<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>—we +may still conclude with certainty from these +statements, that the worship of Mithra and the sun-god +remained more vigorous and effectual among the +princes and nations of Iran than our fragments of the +Avesta would allow us to assume, if the old invocations +to Mithra, Tistrya, Haoma, Vayu, and Verethraghna +had not been preserved in them. Yet the fragments +do present us with an invocation to the sun-god, +though weakened, it is true, and adapted to the new +faith. "We celebrate the brilliant, immortal sun, +whose horses are unwearied. When the sun gleams +in heaven, the heavenly spirits come by hundreds and +thousands, and spread the light over the earth for the +salvation of the pure world, for the salvation of the +pure bodies. As the sun rises, the earth purifies +herself, and the fructifying waters of the springs,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> +pools and lakes; the sun-god purifies all creatures +that belong to Çpentomainyu. If the sun came not, +the Daevas would slay all that inhabits the seven +girdles of the earth, and the heavenly beings would +not be able to withstand them; they could not drive +them away. He who sacrifices to the sun in order to +withstand the dark Daevas, the thieves and robbers, +he sacrifices to Auramazda, to the Amesha Çpentas +and to his own soul."<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> In the time of the Sassanids, +the worship of the sun comes definitely forward.</p> + +<p>Plutarch states that the demon Areimanius had +created an equal number of evil spirits to match the +six good gods of Oromazdes, <i>i. e.</i> the Amesha Çpentas. +The Vendidad mentions five of them: Andra, Çaurva, +Naonghaithya, Tauru, and Zairicha,<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> to which we have +only to add Akomano, which has been mentioned +already in the Gathas, in order to make up the number. +They are all of them creations of the priests, partly +invented to match the Amesha Çpentas, partly borrowed +from older forms, which had lost their brightness among +the Arians of Iran. Akomano, <i>i. e.</i> Bad disposition, +is naturally the counterpart of Vohumano, or Good +disposition: opposite Asha vahista, <i>i. e.</i> the most +excellent truthfulness, the priests placed the demon +Andra (Indra), <i>i. e.</i> an old Arian name which the +Arians beyond the Indus had elevated to be the best +warrior against the demons, the god of the storm. +No special qualities of Andra are known or mentioned +in the Avesta; the books of the Parsees can only say +that he brings care and sorrow of heart to men, and +makes narrow the bridge of Chinvat. The demon +Çaurva is the opponent of Kshathra vairya, of order +and law, of good dominion; hence, according to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> +Sad-der-Bundehesh, he leads kings astray into despotism, +and nations into lawlessness and robbery. Naonghaithya +is the opponent of Armaiti, the spirit of +humility and piety; this spirit therefore, as the Bundehesh +maintains, makes men impatient and proud; +the science of languages claims to find in this name +a Vedic name for the two Açvins,—Nasatya (IV. 42). +Only the last two opposing spirits of the Amesha +Çpentas, the opponents of Haurvatat and Ameretat, +display, like these beings, real characteristics. If they +are the spirits of water and plants, of prosperity and +long life or immortality, then Tauru is the spirit +of thirst and sickness, and Zairicha of hunger and +death.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a></p> + +<p>If the ancient gods have preserved more lively traits +than the Amesha Çpentas, the old demons have also +more definite outlines than the opposing spirits. Such +are the Daeva Apaosha, who parches up the land and +keeps back the water from the earth; Çpenjaghra, the +comrade of him who was struck by lightning; Zemaka, +the spirit of the cold winter; and finally Azhi, who +seeks to steal away the fire from men in the night. +Among these evil spirits may further be reckoned a +female demon Bushyançta, with long hands and of a +yellow hue, who leads men astray into much sleep and +idleness, who does not allow them to see the rise of +the sun, and shortens the joy of existence;<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> the three +Daevas of drunkenness, Kunda, Banga, and Vibanga; +the Daeva Buiti, the spirit of lies and falsehood, who +deceives men;<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> the spirit of flattery, Ashemaogha;<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> and +the very wicked Ashma "of evil glance," who attempts<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> +to slay the sleeping, and withstands Çraosha by night +with terrible weapons.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> Very evil also is Açtovidhotu, +<i>i. e.</i> the destroyer of bodies, and a female goblin, the +spirit of the Daevas, the Druj Naçu. This spirit enters +the body immediately after death, and exercises power +over all who come in contact with it.</p> + +<p>Under Auramazda are united the gods, the Amesha +Çpentas, the rest of the Yazatas (those worthy of +adoration), in opposition to the troops of hell, the +Daevas, Druj, Pairikas and Jainis, which are led by +Angromainyu. The first are found in the light of +sunrise, in the clear gleam of the pure sky; the latter +in the gloom of sunset, or in the distant clouds of the +north; in burial-places, and where the dead are placed; +in all corners into which the light of heaven does not +pierce; in the dark abyss under earth; in "the worst +place."<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> On the summit of the mountain Arezura +(Demavend, apparently), they take counsel how they +are to turn the evil eye on men; how they can injure +and slay them.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> To them belong gloom, cold, drought, +the barren land and the wilderness, thorns and +poisonous herbs, hunger and thirst, sickness, death, +dirt, laziness, lying, sin. Theirs are the harmful +beasts, the Khrafçtras; beasts of prey, wolves, serpents; +all animals which live in holes and corners, +lizards, scorpions, toads, frogs, rats, mice, gnats, and +lastly mosquitoes, lice, and fleas.<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> To the good spirits +belong light, water, springs, rivers, the fruitful earth, +good plants,<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> trees, fields, pastures, good food, purity, +truth, life in this world and the next; and theirs are +the good animals, the animals of the flocks, the birds<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> +which nestle on the heights, and live in the clear air. +The dog and the cock are worshipped in the Avesta +as fighting with men against the Daevas. The first +protects the flocks against the beasts of prey of +Angromainyu. Of the cock the Avesta says: "The +bird Parodarsh, which evil-speaking men call Kahzkataç +(<i>i. e.</i> Kikeriki or the like), lifts up his voice in the +last third of the night, roused by the holy Çraosha +at every divine dawn. He cries: 'Rise up, ye men; +praise the most excellent truth; drive away the Daevas.' +Who gives a pair of these birds to a pure man, in +purity and kindness, gives as much as if he had given +a palace with a thousand pillars and a thousand +beams, ten thousand windows, and a hundred thousand +turrets." "And whoever gives to a pure man as +much meat as makes the size of a Parodarsh"—the +book of Auramazda tells us in another place—"I +who am Auramazda will ask him no other question +on his way to Paradise."<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> According to the Avesta +the dog and cock unite their powers against the +Druj.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> The bird Asho-zusta fights against the +Daevas, and the bird Karshipta (the sacred hawk) +announces the good law in the garden of Yima. +Two other mythical birds, the two eagles (<i>çaena</i>) of +the sky, Amru and Chamru, are invoked as helpful +powers.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> They nestle on the tree of life in the +heaven. Besides the tree Gaokerena, which grows +in Ardviçura and bears the heavenly Haoma, the +Avesta has also the tree Viçpataokhma, which grows +in the Lake Vourukasha, and bears all seeds. When +Amru sits on this tree, the seeds fall down, and Chamru +carries them away where Tistrya collects the water, +who then rains down the seed with the water to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> +earth. In the book of kings of Firdusi, Simurgh (Çinmurv), +the king of the birds, carries Rustem on his +pinions over the broad earth as far as the sea of Chin +(China) to the tree of life.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> A prophet of the Hebrews +represents Jehovah as saying of Cyrus: "I summoned +from the East the eagle, the man of my counsel."<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> +Xenophon tells us that Cyrus, and the Achæmenids +who succeeded him, carried as a standard a golden +eagle on a tall lance;<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> and Curtius says, that a golden +eagle with outspread wings was attached to the +chariots of the Persian king.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a></p> + +<p>The fragments of the Avesta which have been preserved +do not give us very full information on the +sacrifices. The essential matters are hymns of praise +and prayers. The chief sacrifice is offered to one of +the old deities, Haoma, the supporter and protector of +life. When Plutarch represents the Magi as pounding +a certain herb of the name of Omomi in a mortar, +with invocations to avert Hades, he gives a correct +account of the supposed tendency of this sacrifice. +According to the Avesta the utensils for this sacrifice—the +mortar, cup and bundle of twigs—were found in +every house. The sacrifice consisted in the offering, +<i>i. e.</i> the elevation of the cup filled with the juice of +the Haoma, during the recitation of the proper prayers. +Beside this offering, which even now is offered twice +each day by the priests of the Parsees, the fire is to +be kept up perpetually, and fed with good dry wood +and perfumes. The flesh of the sacrifice (<i>myazda</i>) is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> +not often mentioned; yet the book of the law provides +that a thousand head of small cattle must be offered +in expiation of certain offences,<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> and we are told in +the invocations that the heroes of old time, from +Thraetaona down to King Vistaçpa, had offered great +sacrifices of animals to Ardviçura and Drvaçpa, in +order to gain the victory, viz. 100 horses, 1000 +cattle, and 10,000 head of small cattle. Herodotus +tells us that the Magians, when Xerxes marched +into Hellas, sacrificed 1000 oxen on the summit of +Pergamus to Athene of Ilium, and at a later time +white horses in Thrace; Xenophon maintains that the +Persians sacrificed beautiful bulls to Zeus, <i>i. e.</i> to +Auramazda, and horses to the sun, and burnt them +whole; Athenæus tells that with the king of the +Persians a thousand animals were daily slaughtered +as sacrifices; camels, horses, oxen, apes, deer, and +especially sheep. According to Arrian, the Magians +who kept guard over the burial-place of Cyrus received +a horse every month, and a sheep every day, for sacrifice.<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> +Herodotus has already told us, that the animals +were led to a pure place, and when the sacrificer had +invoked the god were killed, cut up, cooked, and then +laid out on delicate grass. The Magian then sang the +theogony, and after some time, the person who offered +the sacrifice "carried away the flesh, and used it at his +pleasure" (p. 85). Herodotus is better informed than +Xenophon; according to the Avesta only the head of +the animal belongs to the gods.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> Obviously, as the +nature of the gods became more spiritualised—and the +reform prepared the way for this—the sacrifice of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> +animals was restricted in this manner, so that it consisted +essentially in the offering of the animals, <i>i. e.</i> in +the consecration of the flesh. We may conclude from +the statement in Athenæus, that only consecrated +flesh could be eaten at the court of the kings. Xerxes +certainly would not have sacrificed to Athene, "a lying +deity" of the Greeks, on the summit of Ilium; but he +might very well have selected the last eminence in +Asia Minor, "the many-fountained Ida," in order to +offer there a sacrifice of 1000 oxen to Ardviçura for +his victory beyond the sea—a sacrifice which corresponds +exactly to the first offering made by Kava +Huçrava and Kava Vistaçpa to the same goddess for +victory over the Turanians.<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a></p> + +<p>Temples and images are unknown to the Avesta. +The reform preserved for the nations of Iran the +traditional form of worship without images, on which +it was founded. The accounts of western writers, from +Herodotus and Xenophon downwards, establish the +fact that there were only sacrificial places on the +heights and consecrated fire-altars in Iran.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> But +this must not be taken to mean that the forms of +worship and the images of the nations with which the +Persians became acquainted after the foundation of +their supremacy, especially of their nearest neighbours, +the Semites on the Tigris and Euphrates, remained<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> +without influence on them. On the monuments of +Darius we see the picture of Auramazda, cut exactly +after the pattern which the Assyrian monuments +exhibit in the portraiture of their god Asshur. We +are also told of images of Anahita. Berosus maintains +that Artaxerxes Mnemon erected statues to Aphrodite +Anaitis at Babylon, Ecbatana, and Susa, and taught +this form of worship to the Damascenes and Lydians.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> +From this statement, taken in connection with the +account of Herodotus that the Persians had learnt to +sacrifice to Mylitta,<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> the conclusion has been drawn +that Artaxerxes II. introduced the worship of Bilit +among the Persians. But it was not necessary to +teach this worship to the Damascenes and Lydians +(I. 358, 563), and even in the Avesta, Anahita as the +goddess of the heavenly water is the goddess of fertility. +Hence the statues made by Artaxerxes were, no doubt, +images of Anahita the goddess, whom he invokes along +with Auramazda and Mithra in his inscription at +Susa. Strabo describes the worship of the Magians at +the fire-altars of Cappadocia in a manner which completely +agrees with the accounts given in the Avesta, +and then adds that these functions were also performed +in the enclosures (σηϰοί) which were consecrated +there to Anaitis, Amardatus, and Omanus, and +the image of Omanus was carried round in processions. +He concludes with the words: "this (<i>i. e.</i> the form of +worship described) I have myself seen."<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> According +to this account, then, Amardate,<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> <i>i. e.</i> the Amesha +Çpenta Ameretat, who averts death, was worshipped +there beside Anahita, and Omanus, <i>i. e.</i> the Amesha +Çpenta Vohumano, the protector of the flocks, had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> +an image. As this is all that we can discover about +the image-worship of the Persians, it is clear that the +influence of the picture-worship of Hither Asia and +Egypt had no great influence even on the western +nations of Iran. It is limited to the facts that Darius +added the symbolical picture of Auramazda to his inscriptions +without, however, building him a temple; +that a century after him Artaxerxes II. erected statues +and a temple to Anahita at Ecbatana; and that at a +later time a portable image of Vohumano was in +existence in Cappadocia.</p> + +<p>The nucleus of the old religious conceptions of the +Arians—the desire to obtain increase and life from +the gods—has been sufficiently disclosed; and that +which could not be obtained in this world, the continuance +of the individual life, heaven was to bestow +upon them. This line was followed up by the reform; +the spirits of health and long life were added by the +priests to the circle of the Amesha Çpentas. When +Zarathrustra had increased the means for the protection +and support of life; when it became a fixed +maxim that purity preserved life in this world and +ensured it after death; the sharp insistence on the +command of the pure and active and truthful life +which men ought to lead in this world, became +developed into the conception of a judgment on the +souls after death. He who had lived purely, and +given the Daevas no room to exercise their power on +his body, became himself pure and bright, and could +therefore enter after death as a pure spirit among the +spirits of light. Thus the Avesta announces that +"when body and soul have separated," the soul on +the third night after death, as soon as the brilliant sun +arises, and the victorious Mithra seats himself with +"pure brilliance" on the mountains, comes over the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> +Hara berezaiti to the bridge of Chinvat, <i>i. e.</i> the bridge +of assembly or of assembling, which leads to Garonmana, +<i>i. e.</i> to the dwelling of hymns, the abode of the +good gods. Here the Daevas and the gods contend for +the soul;<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> the judgment of the souls takes place;<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> +here Auramazda asks the souls about their conduct.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> +The pure soul, whose odour the Daevas dread,<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> which +approaches with virtue and sanctity, is joined by the +other pure souls and by the souls of the dogs which +keep watch over the bridge of Chinvat,<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> and the host +of the heavenly Yazatas brings the soul of the good +over the bridge into heaven. In contentment the +pure soul goes to the golden throne of Auramazda, to +the thrones of the Amesha Çpentas, to the dwelling of +the pure. And Vohumano rises from his golden +throne and inquires of the pure one: "How hast +thou, O pure one, come hither out of the perishable to +the imperishable world?"<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> But the souls which come +to the bridge full of terror and sick, find no friend +there; the evil spirits, Vizaresha by name, lead them +bound down into the place of the bad, into the darkness, +the dwelling of the Druj.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></p> + +<p>In the Veda the spirits of the fathers are invited to +the sacrificial meal; they are to enjoy the gifts which +are laid for them on the grass, to support the prayers +of their descendants, to keep away the evil spirits, and +to increase wealth. Each day water was poured there +for the forefathers, and corns of rice were scattered for +them; on the new moon the clans held the funeral +feast for the dead; and we are acquainted with the +consequences which attended expulsion from this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> +banquet.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> The belief in the spirits of the ancestors, +and their continued relation to their descendants, +existed also among the Arians of Iran, and the Avesta +alters it only so far as to limit consistently the assistance +given by the spirits of the fathers to the souls of +those who have lived in truth and purity, and have +thus found entrance into heaven. According to the +Avesta the Fravashis of the pure—this is the name +given to the Pitaras, or fathers of the Indians—protect +their descendants against the Daevas, help them in +distress and danger, and fight for their families on the +day of battle, if they are honoured and satisfied by +their descendants. It is only an old conception, +repeated in the Avesta, when we are told: "We +invoke the good, strong, holy Fravashis. Where +strong men fight in severe conflict, there come the +Fravashis with strong shield, iron helmet, and iron +weapons; with Mithra and the victorious wind they go +forward; strong warriors against the enemies, they are +mighty saviours; strong conquerors, they destroy the +victory of the enemy—the Turas (Turanians)."<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> It is +due to the additions and modifications introduced +by the priests that we hear that the hosts of the +Fravashis watch the body of Kereçaçpa till the resurrection, +and the seed of Zarathrustra, and protect the +sleepers from the rising of the stars till midnight.<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> +As among the Arians of India the ancient belief in +the fathers was retained in spite of all changes of +the religious system, so also in Iran. At the close of +the year, on the intercalary days which were added +to it, the Fravashis come to their families, abide among +them for ten nights, and ask: "Who will receive us, +and sacrifice to us, and praise us?" and "if any one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> +offers to them prayers and flesh and clothes, him they +bless, and in his dwelling there will be abundance of +oxen and men, swift horses and a strong car."<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> The +Greeks had therefore reason to say that according to +the doctrine of the Magians the air was full of spirits.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a></p> + +<p>In another direction the system of the priests +deviated far more widely from the ancient conception +of the spirits of the ancestors. They held that only +the pure and bright part of the soul could live on +after death. Hence, even in the living they distinguished +this part from the polluted part, and in +the pure immortal half they saw the side created by +the good gods, its true being, the Fravashi or protecting +spirit allotted to each man. In the Avesta therefore +rules can be given for the invocation of this pure +part and nature of the individual soul, of the separate +Fravashis. The priests then transferred this notion to +the heavenly spirits, and even to Auramazda himself. +His purest nature, his best self, must be praised and +invoked for aid. Auramazda says to Zarathrustra in +the book of the law: "O Zarathrustra, praise thou my +Fravashi, the Fravashi of Auramazda, the greatest, +best, most intelligent, best-formed, highest in holiness, +whose soul is the holy word."<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> And in the prayers +we are told: "We praise the Fravashis of the Amesha +Çpentas, of the holy Çraosha, of Mithra, together with +all the Fravashis of the heavenly Yazatas. I invoke the +Fravashi of the holy Zarathrustra, the Fravashis of the +men of the ancient law, and the Fravashis of the men +of the new law, the good mighty Fravashis of the +pure, of the nearest relations, and of my own soul."<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> +The Persians at the king's gate, according to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> +Greeks, set apart a separate table at each meal with +bread and food for the "demon" of the king, and at a +Persian banquet the host, according to Plutarch, calls +on his guests, "to honour the demon of king Artaxerxes." +Hence it clearly follows that the priestly +doctrine of the Fravashis of the living was current +even in Western Iran under the Achæmenids.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p> + +<p>Zarathrustra had increased the means for keeping +off the evil ones, and had made the struggle against +the wicked spirits easier for men. But the time will +come when the struggle will be no longer necessary, +and the bright spirits alone will rule. This doctrine +is indicated even in the Gathas.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> In the book of the +law Zarathrustra says to Angromainyu: he will smite +the Daevas till Çaoshyant is born from the water of +Kançava in the eastern region.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> Çaoshyant, <i>i. e.</i> the +useful, the saviour, is called in the Avesta, "the +sublime, the victorious;" he will smite the Druj, and +Aeshma will bow before him. He will make the +world to live for ever, without age and death; the +dead will rise again, and the living will be immortal. +Vohumano will smite Akomano, Asha will kill the +lies. Haurvatat and Ameretat will destroy thirst and +hunger: "The evil-doer Angromainyu, robbed of his +dominion, bows himself."<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> This doctrine of the Avesta +also was well known to the western world. In Herodotus +Prexaspes tells Cambyses that when the dead +rise again he will see Smerdis and Astyages.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> Theopompus +of Chios tells us: Zoroaster had proclaimed +that there would be a time in which the dead will +arise, and men will be immortal, and everything will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> +be done by their invocations. Last of all, Hades will +pass away; men will then be happy; they will need no +nourishment, and throw no shadows, and the god who +will accomplish this rests for a time, but not a long +time for a god.<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> It is true that men required no +nourishment when Çaoshyant had appeared, in the +meaning of the Avesta, for Haurvatat and Ameretat +had overcome hunger and thirst as well as sickness +and death; and as the dark side of man was taken +away, and only the bright side remained, they could +not cast any shadows.</p> + +<p>As already remarked, it was part of the duty of the +priests to bring the ancient legends of the old time into +harmony with the new doctrine. We saw that the +legends of Iran began with the happy age of Yima, +and his reign of a thousand years full of increase and +blessing. This conception of a perfect age for the +creatures of earth at the very beginning of things did +not suit with the struggle, which, according to the new +doctrine, Angromainyu commenced immediately after +the creation. The priests, therefore, conceived the +beginning of things in a different manner. In their +system Auramazda first created the heaven, then the +water, then the earth and the trees, and after these +the four-footed bull, and the two-legged pure man +Gayo maretan.<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> In the Avesta the primeval bull and +man are at the head, and time extends from Gayo +maretan to Çaoshyant.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> The books of the Parsees +then tell us that Angromainyu killed the primeval +man and bull, but from the seed of the bull proceeded +a pair of oxen, and then all kinds of good animals; +and out of the seed of Gayo maretan grew up the first<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> +man and the first woman. As we have already remarked, +our fragments of the Avesta identify the soul +of the first created bull with the Drvaçpa, the ancient +guardian spirit of the flocks; next to Gayo maretan +they place Haoshyangha, the Paradhata (p. 36), and +represent him as sacrificing to Ardviçura, Vayu, and +Ashi vanguhi, in order to obtain the dominion over +the evil spirits.<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> After him Takhmo urupa rules the +earth of seven parts; he sacrifices to Vayu in order to +obtain grace to restrain Angromainyu for thirty years.<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> +Then, according to the system of the priests, follows +the dominion of Yima the son of Vivanghana, during +which there was no cold and no heat, no age and no +death, as was represented in the old views. Yima +kindles the red-glowing fire. Flocks and men, <i>i. e.</i> +life, increase; and the earth must be made larger. The +end of this happy period, and the death of Yima, is +brought about, according to the priests, by the fact that +Yima refused to be the preacher of the doctrine of +Auramazda, that he was unable to maintain purity +and truth, and began to "love lying speech" (p. 41). +As Yima was born to Vivanghana as a reward for his +Haoma sacrifice, there follows a series of those who +have offered the sacrifice: Athwya, Thrita, Pourushaçpa, +and their sons. To the first Thraetaona was +born, who smites the serpent Dahaka; to Thrita Kereçaçpa, +who smites the serpent Çruvara; and to Pourushaçpa +was born Zarathrustra, who receives the law +of Auramazda and proclaims it; by this law the +Daevas will be warded off till Çaoshyant appears, +when everything which has once had life will come +to life again.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> "Yaçna," 56, 3, 1-3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> "Yaçna," 28, 29, 42, 43, 44, 46, according to Haug's translation, +which is not universally accepted; "Yaçna," 31 after Roth. "Z. D. +M. G." 25, 6 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> "Yaçna," 30, after Hübschmann's rendering.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> "Yaçna," 33, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> "Yaçna," 31, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> "Yaçna," 34, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> "Yaçna," 50, 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> "Yaçna," 34, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> "Yaçna," 41, 10, 11; cf. 57, 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> "Yaçna," 43, 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> "Yaçna," 44, 5. The passages in the text concerning Haurvatat +and Ameretat are given after Darmesteter, "Haurvatat et Ameretat," +p. 35 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> "Yaçna," 31, 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> "Yaçna," 47, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> "Yaçna," 47-49, according to Haug's translation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> "Yaçna," 31, 3, 19; 33, 3; 46, 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Plut. "De Isid." 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> From the invocation of the time without limit, <i>Zrvana akarana</i>, in +the Avesta (p. 79), some have sought to draw the conclusion, that +this is the supreme principle, and that Auramazda and Angromainyu +proceeded from it. This is no less incorrect than if it were maintained +that according to the Christian dogma God and the devil owed their +origin to eternity. In the Avesta Zrvana akarana does not assume an +important place either at the creation or in the worship. I have +already remarked above, that the spirits of light are called in the +Rigveda sons of Aditi, <i>i. e.</i> of the unlimited, the eternal. Parallel +similitudes which, however, mean no more than the eternity of the +gods, could be made even among the Arians of Iran. But there is a +difference between speaking in similes, and derivation from a principle. +The faith of Iran was not a philosophical system, but a religion; a +religion cannot combine the good and evil god into one unity. It is +only when speculation becomes master over religion, that conceptions +of this kind can find a place; and this speculation, which sought for +primeval cosmical unity, arrived as a fact at an identical origin for the +good and evil spirit; but this was not the case with the Avesta. +Centuries after the establishment of the canon we find the oldest form +of such teaching in a demand made to the Armenian Christians that +they should join the faith of Auramazda. In this we are told that the +great deity Zrovan had sacrificed for a thousand years, and had +received two sons, Ormuzd and Ahriman. The first had created heaven +and earth, the other had opposed him with evil works. About the same +time Theodorus of Mopsuestia in Cilicia (Phot. "Biblioth." p. 63, ed. +Bekker), tells us: "Zoroaster called the creator of all things Zaruam, +and described him as fate;" and in the sixth century Damascius ("De +prim. princip." p. 384) writes: "The Magi and the whole Arian nation +call the Whole and One in thought, space and time respectively; from +this One arose the good and evil god, Oromasdes and Areimanius, or as +others say light and darkness were divided before these." The sect of +the Zarvanites, who deviated from the faith of Zoroaster, inasmuch as +they carried these principles still further, has been already mentioned +(p. 67).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> "Mihr Yasht," 123.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Ashi vanguhi is in one passage called the daughter of Auramazda +and Armaiti; "Yaçna," 44, 4; "Vend." 19, 45; "Ashi Yasht," 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> "Tistar Yasht," 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 40; "Yaçna," 56, 10, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> "Vispered," 23, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> "Yaçna," 44, 4; 46, 2; 13, 6; "Vend." 19, 45; Haug, "Essays," +p. 231.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> Spiegel, "Eran," 1, 435.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Darmesteter, "Haurvatat et Ameretat," p. 68, 81 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 30-34, 54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> "Din Yasht," 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> "Rashnu Yasht," 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Burnouf, <i>l. c.</i> p. 417, 468.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> "Gosh Yasht;" Yaçna, 29; 39, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 111, 112; 22, 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Herod. 7, 40, 55; Xenoph. "Cyr. inst." 8, 3, 12; Curtius, 3, 3, 8; +4, 48, 12. Dio Chrysost. 2, 60, ed. Dindorf.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> p. 732.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> "Khorshed Yasht," in De Harlez, "Avesta," p. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> 10, 17, 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> "Zamyad Yasht," 96; Darmesteter, <i>l. c.</i> p. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> "Vend." 18, 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 6, 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Burnouf, "Journ. Asiatic," 1845, p. 433.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> "Vend." 10, 23. Windischmann, "Zoroastrische Studien," s. 138.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 147.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> "Vend." 4, 139.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> "Vend." 12, 65, 71; 14, 9 ff.; Plut. "De Isid." c. 46; Agath. 2, 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> Plut. "De Isid." c. 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> "Vend" 18, 34-37; 64-69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Cf. "Bundehesh," c. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> "Yasht Farvardin," 109; "Yasht Bahram," 19-21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> Kuhn, "Herabkunft des Feuers," s. 125; Darmesteter, <i>loc. cit.</i> +p. 55. Çinmurv has arisen out of <i>Çaena (Çin), i. e.</i> eagle, and <i>meregha</i>, +"bird;" Middle Pers. <i>murv</i>; New Pers. <i>murgh</i>. In New Pers. Çinmurv +becomes Simurgh.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> Isaiah xlvi. 11. In Aeschylus also an eagle represents the Persians +and a falcon the Hellenes; "Pers." 205-210.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> "Cyri instit." 7, 1, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> 3, 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> "Vend." 18, 137, 138, 149.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> Xenophon, "Cyri instit." 8, 3, 11, 24; Athen. p. 145; Arrian, +"Anab." 6, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> "Yaçna," 10. 38, 11, 16. Strabo, p. 732, tells us that the deity of +the Persians received nothing from the sacrifice.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> What Herodotus tells us of the sacrifice of girls and boys by the +Magi in Thrace contradicts his own statement that the Magi did not +venture to kill any one, and the whole conception of the Avesta. If +Cambyses is said to have caused twelve Persians to be buried alive, this +is not to be regarded as a sacrifice, but as a barbarous form of execution, +which occurs also under the Sassanids. What Herodotus says of the +fourteen boys offered by Amestris as a sacrifice, if true, must have its +origin in some other superstition, not in the Avesta; and the actions +of Amestris and Parysatis in this direction, as recorded by Ctesias, +were in any cases crimes, not sacrifices.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> Strabo, p. 732.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> Fragm. 16, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> 1, 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> Strabo, p. 733.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> Windischmann has shown, "Abh. Bair. Akad. phil. philol. Kl." 8, +90, 120, that, Ἀμαρδατός must be read for +Ἀνανδατός.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> "Vend." 7, 132-136; 19, 90-100.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> "Vend." 18, 68, 69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> "Vend." 13, 22, 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 100-108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> "Vend." 8, 252, 310; 19, 94; cf. 3, 118-121. In the Dinkart the +proceedings on the bridge are related at greater length.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Vol. IV., 61, 163, 230.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 35-48, 70, 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 61, 62.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 50-52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> Diogen. Laert. "Prooem." 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 46, 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> "Yaçna," 1, 47; 23, 6; Burnouf, "Commentaire," p. 571.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Plut. "Artax." 15; Theopomp. Fragm. 135, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> "Yaçna," 45, 3; 47, 1; above, p. 156.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> "Vend." 19, 17-19; above, p. 135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> "Zamyad Yasht," 89, 95, 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> 3, 62.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> Theopomp. Fragm. 71, 72, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> "Yaçna," 19, 16-18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> "Yaçna," 26, 32; "Farvardin Yasht," 135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> "Aban Yasht," 21-23; "Farvardin Yasht," 157; "Ashi Yasht," +24; "Zamyad Yasht," 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> "Ram Yasht," 11; "Zamyad Yasht," 28.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + +<h3>THE PRIESTHOOD OF IRAN</h3> + + +<p>In the form in which we have them the books of the +Avesta are the work of the priests of Eastern Iran. +According to the evidence repeatedly furnished by +them, there were three orders in Sogdiana and Bactria: +priests, warriors, and husbandmen. This sequence, +which is uniformly preserved both in the invocations +and in the book of the law, shows that the priests +had risen above the warriors, and claimed to be the +first of the three orders.<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a></p> + +<p>In considering the civilisation of the Bactrian kingdom +we found ourselves compelled by the proximity +of the nations of the steppes to assume, that when +the Arians had become established there, the tribes +which had a capacity or love for battle, undertook the +protection of the land, the flocks and fields, against +the incursions of the nomads of the north, and made +battle and strife their special vocation. Such attacks +increased with the increasing culture of Bactria, and +led to a consolidation of powers; these clans raised +one of their number distinguished in battle to be their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> +leader, or followed him, and thus was laid the basis +for the foundation of a great state. The importance +ascribed in the Avesta to the splendour of majesty—we +find the personification of good government in the +Avesta among the Amesha Çpentas—in combination +with the battles which, as we learn from the book, the +princes of Bactria carried on against the Turanians, and +with the statements in the West Iranian Epos about +the kingdom of the Bactrians, together with the later +condition of the country, allowed us to draw the conclusion +that at one time the kings of Bactria were not +without power and importance. They reigned, surrounded +by the families of the warriors, who were +enabled by their possessions in lands and flocks, to +devote themselves to the practice of arms and to +battle. The invocations to Mithra, Verethraghna, +and Vayu, bear upon them very evident traces of a +war-like spirit (p. 110, 114). That the spirits of the +sky, which once fought with the cloud-dragons, have +become mortal heroes in the Avesta, also proves—since +even among other nations the Epic poetry which +follows periods of warlike excitement transforms shapes +of the sky into heroes of old time—that once on a +time Bactria had experienced a period of warfare, +when difficulties arose which it was mainly the business +of the monarchy and the nobles to settle. The +Avesta can tell us of arms and robes as well as of +palaces with pillars and turrets; of earthen, iron, +silver and golden vessels; of mats, carpets, and adornments +of gold,<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> such as are found among noble +families; and those hecatombs of horses, cattle, and +sheep which the heroes in the Avesta sacrifice to +Anahita and Drvaçpa, in order to obtain their favour +by victory, are no doubt borrowed from the sacrifices<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span> +which princes and nobles were wont to offer in cases +where the numbers must be enlarged in honour of the +heroes. Yet we see that Xerxes orders a thousand +oxen to be sacrificed at one time. We have already +shown (IV. 390), how important and pre-eminent +was the position which the races of the warriors, "the +princes," occupied on the Indus and the Ganges, and +what respect they commanded among "the free Indians" +in the Panjab, even in the fourth century <small>B.C.</small> +That a warlike nobility of a similar character, attitude, +and position, existed in Eastern Iran, is the less to be +doubted, as the order of warriors in the Avesta is +denoted by a name (<i>rathaestar</i>) which goes back to the +chariots of war. The husbandmen, who were settled +beside and among them, bear in the Avesta the name +of Vaçtrya,<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> but the word Vaeçu is also used for them, +which simply repeats the name of the Indian Vaiçyas.</p> + +<p>Like the Arians of India, the Arians of Iran believed +in the power of the correct invocations, prayers, and +sacrifice; among them also the sacrifice strengthens +the gods and increases their power. In India too, +the priests, and minstrels, and sacrificers handed down +in their families the knowledge of the effective invocations +and ceremonies which exercised compulsion on +the gods, and the same was the case in Eastern Iran; +priestly families arose at a very early period. They +did not here retain the name of supplicators, as in +India; but are called Athravas in the Avesta. In the +Veda Atharvan kindles the sacrificial fire, and among +the Arians of India the incantations of the race of +Atharvan passed from the most powerful. In a similar +way powerful invocations and sentences were handed +down in Iran from father to son in the race of the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span>Athravas. These families preserved the ancient invocations +to Mithra, Verethraghna, Anahita, Tistrya, +which are preserved to us in the Avesta, though in a +modified form. The god Haoma instructs Zarathrustra +to praise him, as the other fire-priests had done +(p. 124). The reform which bears the name of Zarathrustra +cannot have left the condition of the priests +unchanged. The doctrine may, as invocations in the +Avesta would seem to show, have first found adherents +in the race of Haechataçpa, to which Zarathrustra +belonged, and to which he first proclaimed his law +(131), and next in the race of Jamaçpa and Frashaostra, +who are spoken of as Zarathrustra's most +zealous followers. According to the creed of the +Parsees the good law also came to Aderbat Mahresfant +by family descent (p. 62). These new races of priests, +who knew the sayings, invocations, and prayers of +Zarathrustra, would then be joined by those among +the races of the old fire-priests who approved of +the reform, and the priesthood thus formed would be +further strengthened by those who, deeply impressed +by the new doctrine, sought and found reception as +pupils into a family of the priests, thus entering into +their circle, and becoming members of their families. +United by a new doctrine and settled tenets, the +priests who represented the reform would become +united together more firmly than the priestly families +of the old time.</p> + +<p>The priesthood could very well claim precedence +of the warriors; on their prayers and sayings, their +knowledge of the custom of sacrifice, depended the +favour of the gods, the power of averting evil spirits, +the removal of pollution, salvation in this world and +the next. Yet they could not obtain such a position +as the Brahmans held on the Ganges after the reform of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> +the ancient faith, and the victory of Brahman over +Indra. For in Iran there was no order of Çudras, no +vanquished remnant of an old population, which +created a sharp line of division even among the orders +of the Aryas; and moreover the Brahmans were the +first-born of Brahman, a purer incarnation of the divine +nature than any other order. The world had not +emanated from Auramazda; there were in Iran no +gradations of beings in which the divine essence +existed in a more or less pure condition. All had to +fight against evil deities and against evil; the priests +were the leaders in this struggle—this leadership and +nothing more could they claim. In their lives they +studied especial purity of body and mind; and they +were pre-eminently "the pure men." Only by their +means, at any rate with their assistance, could sacrifice +be offered; from their mouths alone could the correct +invocations be uttered to the gods, and the evil ones +be driven away. Men were compelled to submit to +the rules of the life acceptable to the gods of light, of +pure conversation, which were accurately known to the +priests only; they had to take upon themselves the +expiations which the priests prescribed, in order to +wipe out offences and sins and their consequences—but +they had not to reverence in them, as was the case +beyond the Indus, a class of creatures raised by birth +to a higher level. Hence the sharp separation of the +priesthood from the rest of the orders, in the Brahmanic +fashion, was at once placed out of the question. +The priesthood of Iran perpetuated their knowledge +and wisdom in their families; but they had not the +right to bar all entrance into their families or their +order on the score of higher birth, or to prohibit the +marriage of priests with women of other orders, on +the ground of their superior nature.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span></p> + +<p>From our fragments of the Avesta we may assume +that although, as is obvious, the precedence of the +priests above the remaining orders was strongly marked, +and they were especially denoted as "pure men," the +limits of their political and social position were far +more modest than those of the Brahmans. So far as +we can see, the Avesta allots no special income to the +priests beyond the camels, horses, or small cattle given +to them by warriors and husbandmen in quittance for +the purifications they have performed. The penalties +also which have to be paid in expiation of certain +offences are to be given to "the pure men," and the +Avesta repeatedly recommends the presentation of +gifts to them. On the other hand, the priests do not +possess the exclusive right to perform purifications. +The Vendidad merely says that any one who wishes to +perform purifications must have learned the law from +one of the purifiers, <i>i. e.</i> it is only the instruction of +the priest which is indispensable in this matter. Any +one who performs purification without such instruction +(except in the case of necessary purifications, p. 230), +will take away from the places where it is performed, +"food and fatness, health and all remedies, prosperity, +luxuriance and growth, and increase of corn and +fodder; and corn and fodder will not return to such +places until for three days and nights the holy Çraosha +has been praised at the burning fire with bound withes +and uplifted Haoma." The uncertified purifier is to +be put in chains, his clothes taken from him, and his +head cut off.<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> If it was permitted to learn the purifications, +it follows that men not of priestly descent +could enter the order of the Athravas, and the boundary +line between this order and the rest was not impassable. +Among the Parsees of India any one can become a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> +priest. The duties of the priest, according to the +book of the law, consist in watching and tending the +sacred fire, in praising the good spirits, in offering +sacrifice, and performing purifications, and in the +ceaseless study of the holy scriptures. The priest is to +be provided with a mortar made according to certain +rules, a cup (for the Haoma sacrifice), the snake-switch +(a stick for killing impure animals), and the Paitidana, +<i>i. e.</i> a piece of cloth for veiling the mouth, in order that +he may not approach the sacred fire with breath that +is possibly impure. For the rest, the Vendidad lays +down the rule that the priests are to be patient and +content, and satisfied with a little bread, and they +ought to eat what is offered to them.<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> Auramazda +says; "Many men, O Zarathrustra, carry the Paitidana, +the serpent-switch, the sacred bundle of twigs, without +being guided according to the law. These are wrongly +called priests; do not thou call them priests, O Zarathrustra. +He who lies the whole night without praising +or hearing, or reciting, or learning, or teaching—call +not such an one a priest. Call him a priest, O pure +Zarathrustra, who inquires of the pure intelligence +the whole night, of the wisdom which purifies from +sins and makes the heart wide, which has merits in store +on the bridge of Chinvat, and causes us to attain the +purity and bliss of Paradise."<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> The Avesta distinguishes +different classes of priests, but the distinction +only rests on the various acts which they perform in +the sacred rites. The first rank is taken by the +Zaotar, who utters the prayers and invocations (the +Hotar, <i>i. e.</i> the Repeater of the Veda); next to him +apparently is the Çraoshavareza, "who speaks very +wise and truthful things;"<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> he bears the club of Çraosha, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span>in order to keep the evil spirits at a distance from the +sacred acts; then comes the Atarevaksha, <i>i. e.</i> the +priest who causes the fire to increase, and attends to +the worship of it; then the Açnatar (the Washer), who +has to cleanse the instruments of sacrifice to keep +them from pollution; the Frabaretar, <i>i. e.</i> the Carrier, +etc. In the modern ritual of the Parsees all the duties +of the sacred service have been transferred to the +Zaotar and the Raçpi, which latter discharges the +functions of ministering priest.</p> + +<p>If we were only approximately correct in placing the +date of Zarathrustra and the reform of the ancient +faith at 1000 <small>B.C.</small>, the formation of this priestly order, +which took place on the basis of the new doctrine, +may have come to an end about the year 800 <small>B.C.</small> +We saw that from this date onwards the spread of +the new doctrine must have begun in the west of Iran +towards the Medes and Persians, since there existed +among the Medes from 700 <small>B.C.</small> an hereditary priesthood, +charged with the worship of the gods according +to the regulations of Zarathrustra, and in this century +it was already sufficiently numerous to be placed as an +equal division beside the tribes of the Medes.</p> + +<p>We have no better information about the priests of +the West than we have on the political and social +position of the priests of Eastern Iran. They are not +called Athravas but Magush. This name is first found +in the inscription which Darius caused to be cut on the +rock-wall of Behistun; afterwards it was consistently +used by Western writers, from Herodotus to Agathias, +for the priests of Iran. The Avesta has the words +<i>magha</i> and <i>maghavan</i>, i. e. the powerful, the great,<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span> +does not use it of the priests, which are always called +Athravas. If the last title is taken from the fire-worship, +the first allows us to see the importance of the +priests. He who can use incantations to the gods and +spirits—can summon or remove them—is the mighty +one, the powerful. If in this name we have evidence +of the respect with which the laity of Western Iran +looked up to the priests, the difference between the +names in the East and West shows that there were +priestly races among the Medes and Persians before +the religion of Zarathrustra reached them. Had not +such existed before the reform, and had they not +possessed a definite name in the West—had priestly +families become known there for the first time at the +rise of the reform—they would never have had any +other name than that of Athravas. Even without this +positive proof we might assume that from all antiquity +there had been priests among the Medes and Persians +who understood how to invoke the gods of light in the +old Arian faith—Mithra and Verethraghna, Vayu and +Tistrya—and tend the fire which destroyed demons. +When the new doctrine reached from the East to +Ragha and then to Media (p. 96), the old races who +passed over to the new faith united with the families +the members of which were the prophets of the new +doctrine. The teachers of the Medes in old times, +which Pliny called successors of Zarathrustra, might +have stood at the head of this transformation of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> +ancient priestly families, of the creation of the Median +priesthood on the basis of the new religion (p. 92). +However this may have been, the priestly families +among the Medes were so numerous, their connection +and union so close and firmly fixed, that they could be +counted as a sixth tribe beside the other five Median +tribes.</p> + +<p>Among the tribes of the Persians Herodotus mentions +no tribe of Magi. It would be a mistake to +conclude from this that there were originally no +priests among the Persians, and to put faith in Xenophon's +statement that Cyrus was the first to give the +Magians the care of the sacred fire, "because he +preferred to go on board with the pious rather than +the impious."<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> No one will maintain that the Persians +in ancient times were without worship and +religious rites, or that when they accepted the doctrine +of Zarathrustra, which did not permit sacrifice without +Magians, they used the services of none but alien +priests. Such a proceeding would be absurd. The +proper conclusion from the fact that Herodotus does +not mention a tribe of Magians among the Persians +is that the priestly families there were less numerous; +they had not broken away from the tribal connections +to which they originally belonged, and formed themselves +into a separate community. Further, from the +fact that the priestly families of the Persians in old +times had not formed themselves into a separate community, +we may conclude—and indeed the conclusion +follows from the position of Media and the notice in +the Avesta about Ragha, and the observation about +the ancient teachers of the Medes, who are said to +have been followers of Zarathrustra—that the reform +of the faith first came from Bactria to the Medes,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> +that it was adopted and more strongly represented +among them, and so passed on to the Persians. We +cannot doubt that there were Persians belonging to +the order of Magians. If Plato and his pupils call +Zoroaster the "teacher of the Magians," and at the +same time "a Persian," they must assume that there +were Magians among the Persians; if, according to +Plato's statement, the four teachers of the heirs to the +Persian throne, of which one had to teach the Magism +of Zoroaster, were selected out of "all the Persians;"—if +at the time of Xerxes there were Persians who +wrote on the doctrine of Zoroaster, they must have +been initiated in the wisdom and knowledge of the +Magians, and have known their invocations and customs; +the contents of the holy scriptures and the +scriptures themselves can hardly have been hidden +from them. In order to prove that the Magians, <i>i. e.</i> +the priests, belonged exclusively to the Medes, the +fact has been brought forward that the Persians, after +Darius had dethroned the Pseudo-Smerdis, celebrated +each year the feast of the slaughter of the Magians, +at which no Magian allowed himself to be seen, but +all were obliged to remain at home.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> The Magophonia +was not the celebration of a victory over the +Magi generally, but over the removal of a usurper, and +the restoration of the dominion to the Achæmenids, +which had been taken from them by one who happened +to be a Magian. Herodotus at any rate calls +this Magian a Mede.<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> Darius contents himself with +calling him the "Magian." Hence there is no ground +to doubt that both before and after the reform, families +of the Persians were charged with the worship +of the gods; the less so because Plato, as already<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> +remarked, represents the heirs to the throne in Persia +as being instructed in the doctrine of Zoroaster, while +Strabo and Pausanias speak expressly of "Persian +Magi," and the chief Magian is enumerated among +the tribes "which dwell in the districts of Persis."<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a></p> + +<p>When the dominion of the Achæmenids had been +established over Iran, the priestly families of all the +West must have been united into one community. +There is no doubt that this remained an order in +which the priestly wisdom and knowledge were traditional. +Strabo, like Herodotus, calls the Magians a +tribe; he adds that the members of it sought after a +holy life. The tribe was large, he tells us in another +place; Magians could be found even in Cappadocia. +Ammianus also informs us that the Magians handed +down their doctrines to later times, each by his +descendants. Growing up through centuries from a +small number, the Magians became a nation, and +being regarded as dedicated to the service of the +gods, they had acquired respect through their religion. +They inhabited open villages, lived according to a +law of their own, and possessed fruitful fields in the +district called Nisæa. Agathias also calls the Magians +a tribe.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> But the separation of the priestly order in +the West cannot have been more strict than that of +the Athravas in the East. Marriage with the women +of other orders was not forbidden, nor transition +from other orders into that of the Medes. The +Avesta speaks of the teacher and the pupil (p. 203); +and it is expressly said—though the statement comes +from the beginning of the third century of our era—that +the Magians among the Persians, <i>i. e.</i> the Magians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> +under the Arsacids, instructed even those who were +not Persians in their doctrine, but only at the special +command of the king.<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a></p> + +<p>We find the Magians in close proximity to the rulers +of the Medes and Persians; they were not without +importance and influence. In Herodotus they tell +Astyages that they had and would have great honours +from him.<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> Xenophon speaks of them as determining, +at the time of Cyrus, which god is to be honoured on +each day.<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> Cambyses charges Magians with the duty +of watching the grave of Cyrus, and this office became +hereditary in their families;<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> he also entrusts a +Magian with the care of the royal household, while he +marches with the army into the remote parts of Egypt +and Nubia. The inscriptions of Darius showed us +how much in earnest he was with the doctrines and +regulations of the religion—how lively was his faith. +On his march to Hellas, Xerxes was accompanied by +Osthanes, a man skilled in the priestly dogmas, and by +Magians; they offer sacrifice, and charm the storms.<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> +The sacred fire which was carried before the kings<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> +was conducted by Magians, and so also were the sacred +chariot, the sacred horses of Mithra and the sun-god, +in the campaigns of the Achæmenids (p. 167). Of +greater importance was it that the heirs to the throne +in Persia were instructed, as Plato tells us, in the +Magism of Zoroaster,<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> which could only be done by +Magians. Nicolaus of Damascus relates that the +Persian princes were instructed by the Magians in +truthfulness, justice, and the laws of their country;<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> +and, according to Plutarch, Magians were the educators<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> +of the Persian princes; Magians also under the Achæmenids +performed the consecration at the accession of +a new king.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> We are also told that this king of the +Medes and that of the Persians, took the advice of the +Magians on important occasions. Under the Arsacids +they formed, along with the members of the race of +the kings, the supreme council of the kingdom; in +the time when this dynasty was at its height they +ruled, as Pliny told us, "over the king of kings;" +and we have seen (p. 60) that their influence under +the Sassanids, at court, in the administration of law, +and in politics, was even more powerful.</p> + +<p>Herodotus maintains that the Magians also occupied +themselves with soothsaying and prophecy; like +Ctesias, he ascribes to the Medes the interpretation of +certain dreams and other miraculous acts. Of such +interpretations and prophesying on the part of the +priests the Avesta knows nothing, and those Greeks +who were better informed, warmly contested the assertion +that the Magians were occupied with such +things. Plato tells us: "The Magism of Zoroaster is +the worship of the gods;" and Aristotle assures us that +the Magians knew nothing of soothsaying.<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> What +Herodotus tells us, on the other side, he certainly did +not invent, but repeats after his informants. The +Medo-Persian Epos, which, though indirectly, forms +the basis of Herodotus' account of the rise of Cyrus +and the death of Cambyses, allowed a wide field, even +in the account of the fall of the Assyrian empire +(III. 264), to the astrological and prophetic wisdom of +the Chaldæans. From this we may conclude that +prophecies of the Chaldæans were not left out of +sight at the overthrow of Astyages. In Nicolaus of +Damascus it is a Chaldæan of Babylon who expounds<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> +her dream to the mother of Cyrus,<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> and possibly +the kings of the Medes followed the example of the +Assyrian and Babylonian courts in having astrologers +and interpreters of dreams from Babylon about +them.</p> + +<p>Whatever was the influence employed by the Magians +at the court of the Achæmenids, the Arsacids and +Sassanids, their influence was of a moral nature; it +was only through the effect of religion on the heart +and conscience of the king, that they could work; +their position did not rest on any hierarchical institutions. +In Iran the priesthood had no real means +of power which permitted it to come forward in opposition +to the power of the State. The priest was a +subject of the king like any one else. It was within +the king's power to proceed at his pleasure with the +severest corporal punishment against the Magi, and +it is abundantly clear that the kings did not shrink +from inflicting such punishments, even if we do not +regard as established facts the stories that Astyages +impaled the Magians who had given him a false report, +and that Darius caused forty Magians to be executed +at once.<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a></p> + +<p>Diogenes Laertius relates that the Magians lived on +lentils, bread and cheese, which agrees with the Avesta +to the extent that the priests are there commanded to +be content with a little food.<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> What Herodotus tells +us of the duties and occupation of the Magians agrees +entirely with the rules given in the Avesta for the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> +Athravas. No one could sacrifice without a Magian; +the sacrifices were offered on high places (in this Xenophon +agrees<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a>) or in "pure places;" the most delicate +grass was spread—we remember the importance of the +Kuça-grass in the Veda and the Brahmanas—on this +grass the flesh of the sacrifice was laid; the Magians +sang the theogony, <i>i. e.</i> long sacrificial prayers, and the +sacred rite is fulfilled. Herodotus also asserts that +the Magians took great pride in killing serpents, ants, +and other winged and creeping things with their own +hands; that human life was greatly respected by them; +that the dog was held in high honour (p. 86); and +the corpses of the Magians were exposed to dogs or +birds of prey. This he declares that he knows to be +the truth; Xenophon represents the Magians as beginning +their songs of praise with the break of day, and +as offering their sacrifices at certain places, which were +selected for the gods. Curtius relates that they sang +native songs.<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> Strabo told us above that the Magians +sought after a holy life; he observes also that whatever +was the god to which they sacrificed they first prayed +to fire. At every sacrifice the Magians conducted the +sacred rite; the victims were not slain with the knife +but struck down with a club. No part of the flesh +of the victim was set apart for the deity, for they +declared that the god required only the soul of the +animal; yet according to some they placed a small +portion of the fat in the fire. "In Cappadocia there +were enclosed places," Strabo continues, "in the midst +of which was an altar, heaped up with ashes. On this +the Magians kept up the unquenchable fire. Each +day they went and sang for an hour before the fire, +holding in their hands a bundle of twigs. On their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> +heads they wore tiaras of felt, which fell down on +both sides so far that the side-pieces covered the lips."<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> +Pausanias, who observed the worship of the Magians +in the cities of Lydia, says: "At both places there +was a shrine with a cell, and in the cell is an altar; +on this are ashes the colour of which is not the +ordinary colour of ashes. When the Magian comes +into the cell, he lays the dry wood on the altar, puts +the tiara on his head, and sings the invocation to some +god or another, in a barbarian manner, quite unintelligible +to the Hellenes; but he sings from a book. +Then the pieces of wood, without being kindled, ought +to become lighted, and a flame from them should flash +all round the cell."<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> "Vend." 2, 87-89; "Yaçna," 14, 4-6. If in "Yaçna," 19, 46 +four occupations are mentioned instead of the four orders, and artisans +are added to the husbandmen, this is only another theory, which does +not, however, alter the series and system; in India the order of Vaiçyas +comprises husbandmen, merchants, and artisans.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> "Vond." 8, 254.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> Under the Sassanids we find a chief of the husbandmen (<i>vaçtriosan</i>), +and a chief of the warriors (<i>arthestaran</i>); Nöldeke, "Tabari," s. 110.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> "Vend." 9, 172-180, 187-196.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> "Vend." 13, 126-129.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> "Vend." 18, 1-17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> "Vispered," 3, 13, 14. Above, p. 165.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> The Mobedh of Middle Persian is <i>magupat</i>, i. e. lord of the Magians +(p. 60). The derivation of the name Magus from the Turanian <i>imga</i> +(apparently = honourable) can only be adopted by those who regard +the Magians as descendants of the Turanians, or at any rate as containing +a strong admixture of Turanians; a view which rests on the +theory that the second series in the inscriptions of the Achæmenids is +the Median translation of the Persian inscriptions. With this view +I cannot agree; all that we learn from the Greeks of the customs, +manners, and names of the Medes bears the mark of an Arian origin, +and is in harmony with what is attributed to the Persians. In the inscription +of the second class at Behistun, Gaumata is not called <i>imga</i> +but <i>magush</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> "Cyri instit." 8, 1, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> Herod. 3, 79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> Herod. 3, 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Strabo, p. 727; Pausanias, 5, 27, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> Ammian. 23, 6, 32-35; Agathias, 2, 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> Philostratus in Rapp, "Z. D. M. G." 20, 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Herod. 1, 120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> "Cyri instit." 7, 5, 20; 8, 1, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Arrian, "Anab." 6, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Herod. 7, 191.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> Curtius, 3, 7; Ammian. 23, 6, 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> "Alcibiad. I." p. 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> Nic. Dam. fragm. 67, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> Plut. "Artaxerxes," c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> Diog. Laert. prooem. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Fragm. 66, ed. Müller; cf. infra Bk. 8, c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> Herod. 1, 128; Ctes. "Pers." 15. The excerpt says 40 Chaldæans, +but obviously Magi are here meant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> Prooem. 7. Above, p. 190. The further statements of Diogenes +about the white robes of the Magians, their avoidance of all ornament +and gold, of their lying on the ground, and staff of reed, deserve little +notice, inasmuch as the source whence they are derived is unknown.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> "Cyri instit." 8, 7, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> "Cyri instit." 8, 7, 3; 7, 5, 20; 8, 1, 8; Curtius, 3, 3, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> Strabo, p. 733.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> Pausan. 5, 27, 5, 6.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER IX.</h2> + +<h3>THE LAW OF THE PRIESTS.</h3> + + +<p>The rules concerning purity and purification, the +expiations and penances necessary to avert the Daevas, +which we possess in the Vendidad of the Avesta, are +only the remnant of a far more comprehensive law. +From the list of books and chapters traditional among +the Parsees, we can see that it was intended to include +not only all the invocations and prayers which the +worship required, the rules of sacrifice, and the entire +ritual, together with the Calendar of the year of the +Church, but also the arrangement of the process of +law, the civil and criminal code, and, moreover, rules +for agriculture and medicine. If to this we add the +statements and quotations of the Greeks (p. 53), we +may assume that the scriptures of Eastern Iran comprised +the whole sum of the knowledge of the priests. +In the Avesta the Athravas had sketched the ideal +picture of the correct conduct pleasing to Auramazda +in every department of life. How far the princes of +Bactria and the viceroys of Cyaxares and the Achæmenids, +or even these princes themselves, and the +judges, wished or allowed themselves to be bound in +their decisions by these regulations of the priests, may +be left out of the question. The priests here, like the +Brahmans in India, could only influence the action of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> +the State and those charged with it, so far as the +reverence for the principles of religion and the force of +their own authority extended.</p> + +<p>The existing part of the law has obviously arisen +out of the questions and considerations sketched +above, which in consequence of the reform must have +forced themselves into the circles of the priests. The +reform also required above all things purity from men, +but no supernatural purity, such as the Brahmans +demanded. The body is not in the Avesta, as it was +to the Brahmans and after them to the Buddhists, the +impure prison of the soul which must be abandoned; +on the contrary the Avesta rejoices in its health and +vigour. It requires that the body should be kept +pure from filth, from contamination by the impure, +which gives the Daevas power over mankind, <i>i. e.</i> it +demands the exclusion of the harmful side of nature; +it desires that the soul should be pure from pollution, +freed from untruthfulness, lying, and deceit, which are +contradictory to the nature of the clear bright gods, +and Auramazda, and make men companions of the +Daevas, and sharers in their nature. In other words, +it demands the invigoration of the light and wholesome +side of man. The kingdom of the good spirits is +truth, increase, and life; the kingdom of the evil is +deception and falsehood, lying, destruction, and death. +The Avesta praises Auramazda as purity itself; and +next to him Asha vahista, <i>i. e.</i> the best purity; the +gods are chiefly extolled as "the pure," and Zarathrustra +as the master and teacher of purity. The +Avesta repeatedly declares "that purity after birth is +the best thing for men." Hence it is the foremost of +all duties to keep the soul and body pure. The +worshipper of Auramazda must preserve his purity by +good thoughts, words, and works; truth is required<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> +in thinking, speaking, and acting; uprightness and +honesty in all the relations of life; the sacredness of +promises and pledges, and solemn assurances, at which +Mithra is summoned to bear witness. It is an old +function of the god which appears here. He is the +guardian of the word, and the compact. "Mithra is +twenty-fold between friends and kinsmen, thirty-fold +between tradespeople, forty-fold between companions +who live together, fifty-fold between man and wife, +sixty-fold between associates in sacrifice, seventy-fold +between scholar and teacher, eighty-fold between step-son +and step-parents, ninety-fold between brothers, a +hundred-fold between son and father." "Miserable are +the houses, without descendants the dwellings, inhabited +by those who deceive Mithra. Miserably does +the cloven-footed cow go on the wrong path, which is +oppressed by the burden of Mithra-deceiving men."<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> +In accordance with this view deception is in the eyes +of the law the worst offence; worse than robbery or +theft. Evil-speaking and calumny also are, according +to the Vendidad, "lies and sins" against Mithra. The +gravest offence of this kind is the calumny by which +"a pure man" is disparaged "with a man of another +religion," for this sin is committed with full knowledge, +and by a man's own intelligence; and the worst of all +lies is teaching a false law. "One who teaches such a +law," says the Vendidad, "does no better than if he +killed a thousand horses, slew the men in a village +inhabited by worshippers of Auramazda, or carried off +the cows on the wrong way."<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a></p> + +<p>It is not the least proof of the currency of the +doctrines of the Avesta in the West of Iran that their +ethical side, which gathers round the command of +truthfulness, was there most distinctly recognised.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> +King Darius has already told us that "the lie" had +brought his kingdom into rebellion; the leaders of the +rebellious lands, who gave themselves out to be descendants +of the ancient royal families, he calls "liars +against the kingdom." From their youth up, Herodotus +tells us, the children of the Persians were +instructed in truthfulness. He adds: Among the +Persians it was forbidden to speak of that which it +was forbidden to do; the Avesta requires truth "in +thought, speech, and action." Lying and borrowing, +Herodotus says, passed with the Persians for the most +disgraceful acts, for they were of opinion that any +one who contracted debts was generally compelled to +tell lies. The Avesta says: "He who does not restore +that which has been borrowed, seeks day and night to +deceive the creditor." Plato states that the heirs to +the Persian throne had, besides three others, a teacher +whose special business it was to instruct them in truth. +Xenophon assures us that pledges and oaths were +religiously kept among the Persians; and Diodorus, +that the pledge of hands was the strongest security +among them.<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> Practice in Persia was, it is true, not +equal to these injunctions, however sharply expressed; +on the contrary, we often find the two in the most +glaring contradiction.</p> + +<p>Not falsehood and lies only, but also laziness and +sloth pollute the soul of man. The pious man must +rise early. Çraosha awakes the bird Parodarsh, we +are told in the book of the law. At the return of the +divine Ushahina, <i>i. e.</i> of the morning (p. 108), this +bird speaks to those who are in their beds: "Friend, +up, arise. Praise purity, and the Daevas will fly away. +Long sleep, O man, is not good for thee. The Bush<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span>yançta +runs up to thee, who lays again in sleep the +whole corporeal world. Turn yourselves not away +from the three best things: good thinking, speaking, +and acting. He who rises first will come into Paradise; +he who first brings pure, dry, old, well-hewn +wood to the fire of Auramazda, him will the fire bless +(p. 122)."<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> The pious man should be industrious +and work; the best work is that which increases +nourishment and fruit for men and animals, which +furthers the increase and life of the world, and thus +diminishes the kingdom of the evil, the power of the +dark spirits. For this reason running water and +growing fruits should be spread over the earth; "the +field should be tilled, and trees planted which produce +food." "When there are shoots," the law-book says, +"the Daevas are in alarm; when there are stalks, the +Daevas weep; when there are ears, the Daevas hiss; +when there are grains, the Daevas fly."<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> "In the +house where there are most ears, the Daevas are +smitten most heavily." "The earth is not glad +which lies untilled. The greatest pleasure is given to +the earth where a pure man builds his house, provided +with fire and cattle, and good flocks, with wife and +child, where most corn, fodder, and grain is produced +by husbandry, where the dry land is most watered, +where fruit-bearing trees are planted, where cattle and +beasts of draught leave the most urine."<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> "He who +plants fruits and trees, who gives water to the earth +where it is needed, and takes it away where too +abundant, he worships the earth." When a man tills +the earth she bestows life upon him; "as a friend to a +beloved friend, she gives him descendants and wealth." +To him who tills her, the earth says: "O man, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> +tillest me with the left arm and the right, with the +right arm and the left, in love will I bear thee all +kinds of fruit." But to him who tills her not the +earth says: "Thou wilt go to the doors of others and +there stand, in order to beg for food; in idleness thou +wilt ask for it and get but little." He who sows corn, +sows purity; the law of Auramazda increases with the +fruits of the field; they extend the law of Auramazda +by 100, 1000, and 10,000 meritorious works.</p> + +<p>These regulations of the Avesta were fully accepted +in the West. The great reverence paid to splendid +trees by the Achæmenids is shown by Herodotus' +story of Xerxes, that he furnished a beautiful plane +tree, which he saw in Lydia, with golden ornaments, +and appointed a perpetual guardian for it.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> Ameretat, +as already observed, was the special protecting spirit +of trees (p. 164). Xenophon tells us that the Persian +kings gave special attention to agriculture; on their +journeys they inquired into the tillage of the land, +and demanded similar attention from their satraps. +Round their palaces and wherever they came they +caused the most beautiful gardens to be laid out, +planted with trees and all the most excellent shrubs in +the world.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> The satraps also had gardens of this kind +(<i>pairidaeza</i>) round their residences, and the younger +Cyrus assures Lysander, "in the name of Mithra," +that he never took food before he had induced perspiration +by work in the garden or exercise in arms.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> +The satraps, says Xenophon, whose provinces were +found deficient in population and poorly cultivated, +were punished and removed from their office, while +those whose provinces were in good order, were rewarded +by presents. When the king of the Persians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> +conferred distinctions, those were summoned first who +had distinguished themselves in war, and next came +those whose districts were best cultivated.<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> Respect +and reverence for trees was so deeply rooted in Iran, +that even Islam did not extirpate the feeling. To this +day in Shiraz old trees are presented with dedicatory +offerings, and hung with amulets; and the pious +prefer to pray under tall trees rather than in the +neighbouring mosques; while in the barren regions of +Iran even groups of bushes receive offerings.<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a></p> + +<p>Besides the care of trees, plants, and the soil, the +labour of mankind must be directed to the care of the +flocks, to the increase of the animals of the good god, +and the destruction of the Khrafçtras, or animals +belonging to the evil spirit (p. 171). Cows are not +held in such veneration in Iran as beyond the Indus, +yet even here the "cow is not to be driven on the +wrong way," and gomez (the urine of oxen) is the +most effectual means of purification; in the theory +of the priests Auramazda began the creation of living +things with the bull. We have already mentioned +the rank taken among the animals of Auramazda by +the cock and dog. In the Vendidad Auramazda +says: "I have created the dog with clothes and shoes +of his own, with keen scent and sharp teeth, attached +to men, savage against the enemy, for the protection +of the flocks. No thief or wolf comes to the village +or the fold and carries away anything unobserved, if +the dog is healthy, in good voice, and among the +flocks. The houses would not stand firm upon the +earth if there were not dogs in the villages and flocks. +The dog is patient, contented, and satisfied with little +food, like a priest; he goes forward, and is before and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> +behind the house, like a warrior; he sleeps less than +the husbandmen, is talkative like a child, and friendly +as a mistress."<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> The dogs are to receive good food, +"for of all the creatures of Auramazda old age comes +upon them the most quickly;" especially must the +watch-dog be provided with milk, fat, and flesh, +"the proper food" for a dog; and a dog must never +be among those who are eating without receiving +something to eat. Any one who gives unbroken +bones or hot food to a sheep-dog or house-dog, and +the bones injure him, and the hot food burns his +mouth and tongue, so that he dies—is worthy of +death.<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> Dogs with young are treated with the same +care as pregnant women. It is a sin to chase or beat +a dog which has brought forth; if she is injured or +dies in running the sinner is worthy of death; and +any one who beats a pregnant dog is to receive twice +seven hundred stripes. It is the duty of every +man to bring up for six months the dogs born on +his ground, until they are able to run round in a +circuit of twice seven houses.<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> Sick dogs are treated +with the same remedies as rich men; and to the +question of Zarathrustra—"If the dog will not take +the remedies?" Auramazda answers that in this case +"the dog can be tied, and its mouth opened with a +flat piece of wood."<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> Wounds inflicted on dogs are to +be punished with stripes to the number of twice eight +hundred;<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> and besides this, compensation is to be given +for the damage which thieves or wolves do to the +village so long as the dog is prevented by his injuries +from keeping watch. The book of the law everywhere +threatens all those men who beat dogs that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span> +their souls will go from this world full of terror, and +sick. To kill a water-dog is the greatest crime;<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> +and is menaced with the worst penalties and expiations +known to the Vendidad. As a general rule +punishments do not go beyond 2000 stripes, or the +necessity of killing 2000 noxious animals; but the +slayer of the water-dog is to receive 10,000 stripes. +Besides this, if he would save his soul, he must give +10,000 parcels of hard wood, well hewn and dried, +for the fire of Auramazda, and also 10,000 parcels of +soft, fragrant wood; he must kill 10,000 snakes, and +an equal number of tortoises, lizards, and water-lizards, +ants, flies, and rats. He must fill up 10,000 impure +holes in the earth; give to the priests all the utensils +required for the holy rites; to a warrior a complete +set of armour; to a husbandman he must give all that +is needed for agriculture: a house, provided with +a beautiful mat, and arable land for tillage. In +addition, he must give, as an expiation for his soul, +fourteen head of small cattle to the "pure men," and +bring up fourteen young dogs, and build fourteen +bridges over running water. He must cleanse eighteen +dogs from fleas, and make eighteen bones into edible +food; and satisfy eighteen "pure men" with wine +and flesh. If he does not perform these expiations he +will go into the dwelling of the Druj, and "the heat +which is injurious to the pasture will not depart from +his dwelling until he has offered sacrifice for three +days and nights for the pure soul of the water-dog, +on the burning fire, with bound rods and uplifted +Haoma."<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a></p> + +<p>In order to extirpate the animals of Angromainyu,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> +the priest is to be provided with a stick, the Khrafçtra-killer. +Herodotus has already told us, that the Magians +held it a duty to kill serpents, ants, and other creeping +and winged insects. For the expiation of sins +the Avesta universally requires the killing of serpents, +lizards, and ants; rats and mice, which do harm to +the crops; flies, midges, fleas, lice, and other vermin. +Plutarch tells us that the Persians count him a happy +man who slays most water-mice; Agathias observes +that in honour of the chief festival in Persia every +one killed as many snakes, and beasts of prey, and +animals living in the desert, as possible, and then +brought them to the Magians as a proof of his piety. +In this way they believed that they did what was +pleasing to the good god, while they injured and +distressed Arimanes.<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></p> + +<p>According to the Avesta, the soul of man is kept +pure by truthfulness, industry, and diligence, by good +thoughts, good words and acts, which advance the +kingdom of life; the body is to be kept free from dirt +and the house from filth and dead creatures; from all +that belongs to the evil spirits and is in their power. +The soul of man is created pure; but from the first +the body has certain impure parts, and the defilement +which Angromainyu brought into the bodies of men. +This defilement consists in the spittle, the excrements, +dead skin, sores, etc; in everything that has an unpleasant +smell, or is removed from the living body, +like the hair and nails. These when cut are dead, +and therefore belong to the kingdom of darkness; +hence in Iran as in India they are impure things. +"Wherever cut hair and nails lie," says the book of +the law, "there the Daevas gather to these unholy +places; there the impure animals come, which men call<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span> +lice. Therefore carry away—so saith Auramazda—cut +hair and nails, ten paces from the pure men, twenty +from the fire, thirty from the water, fifty from the +sacred bundle of rods. Dig a hole below the house in +the earth, pronounce the prayer Ahunavairya thrice, +six times, nine times, and then say: To thee, O bird, +Asho-zusta, I show these nails. These nails I dedicate +to thee; may they be thy lances, thy swords, thy bow, +thy swift-flying arrows, thy sling-stones against the +Mazanian Daevas. If these nails are not announced to +the bird Asho-zusta, they are weapons for, not against, +the Daevas."<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> Spittle is among the worst impurities. +The priests could only approach the fire with veiled +mouth, and even now the Parsees invariably cover the +mouth in praying. They eat in silence, and two +never use the same spoon, because the food would +then be polluted by spittle. The removal of the excrements +requires as much care in the Avesta as it did +in the Brahmanic law, and the Vendidad gives minute +regulations in regard to these matters.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> A man is +rendered impure by excess and debauchery; a woman +by her courses, "by marks and blood," and by the +birth of a child. She must be carried to an elevated +place in the dwelling, which is strewn with dry sand, +fifteen paces from the fire, from water, and the sacred +bundle of rods, "at a distance also from the trees," and +so placed that she cannot see the fire on the hearth. +No one may touch her. Only a definite amount +of certain kinds of food can be given to her, and that +in metal jars, because these contract the least amount +of impurity, and are most easily cleansed; the person +who brings the food must remain three paces distant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> +from her bed. After childbirth a woman is unclean +for three days; then she must wash her body with +water and gomez. If she has had a miscarriage her +body is also polluted by the dead child: she must be +placed thirty paces away from the fire and the sacred +objects of the house, and must pass a longer period on +her dust-bed—at the present time forty-one days are +required. The first thing she is allowed to taste is +ashes mixed with gomez—three, six, and then nine +drops. The nine apertures of her body—that number +is common to the Indians and Iranians—must be +washed with ashes and gomez. She may not drink +any water out of her impure hand; if she does so, she +must receive two hundred blows with the rod, and +two hundred with the whip.<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> Fire and water, springs, +streams and rivers, the best gifts of the good gods, +must, like the human body, be carefully preserved +from all filth and defilement. The accounts of Western +writers prove that the Persians and Medes observed +the rules of purification given in the Book of the Law; +it was not the custom among the Persians to spit in +the presence of another, still less to sneeze, etc. They +avoided the defilement of a river, or of the shadow of +a man; and it was forbidden to uncover in the sight +of the sun or moon.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a></p> + +<p>"The sun, the moon, the stars shine unwillingly," +we are told in the Vendidad, "on the polluted man."<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> +"The impure takes away prosperity and increase; he +brings sickness and death; after death he will not go +into heaven."<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> "But whatever pollution a man has +contracted, and whatever sin he has committed, the +good law quenches all impurity and sin, if the purifi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span>cations, +expiations, and penalties which it prescribes are +performed and paid; for the good law of Auramazda +surpasses all others in greatness, goodness, and salvation, +as far as the heaven rises above the earth, and +as the sea of Vourukasha includes all other waters."<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> +"The good law of Auramazda takes from the man who +praises it and commits no evil actions afterwards, his +deception; it takes away the murder of the pure man, +and the burial of the dead; it takes away inexpiable +actions, and accumulated guilt; it takes away all evil +words, thoughts, and actions, even as the strong swift +wind purifies heaven from the right side."<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a></p> + +<p>Slight pollution is removed by washing with pure +water accompanied by certain prayers and imprecations +on the Daevas, such as: "I contend with thee, +O evil Angromainyu; away from this dwelling, away +from the fire, the water, from this place, from all the +blessings which Auramazda has created. I contend +against pollution, direct and indirect; against the +unclean spirits; I contend against the Daeva Andra, +Çaurva, Zairicha (p. 169); against the Pairika, who +goes to the water, the earth, cattle, and trees," etc.<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> +More serious impurities require ablutions with gomez, +which in certain cases have to be repeated thirty +times, with various prayers.<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> The most efficacious +purification, which removes even the worst taint, is +that of the nine nights. This can only be performed +by a priest, who knows the law accurately, can repeat +the sacred word by heart, and speaks the truth. A +special place must be constructed for it; thirty paces +(which are equal to ninety times the length of the +foot) from the fire, the water, and the sacred bundle +of rods. In the middle of this space nine pits are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> +dug in the earth, and round them twelve furrows are +drawn with a metal instrument. The purifier sprinkles +the person who requires cleansing (who is entirely +naked) with gomez, from a leaden vessel, with many +prayers. He is then rubbed fifteen times with earth; +he must then wash himself at each of the nine pits +once, twice, thrice with water, after which he is fumigated +with fragrant wood. Then follow washings with +water and gomez in the third, sixth, and ninth night. +"After this," says the book, "the purified person shall +bring water of purification to the fire, hard wood, and +perfumes; he is to utter praises to Auramazda, to the +Amesha Çpentas, and to the rest of the pure ones—so +will the man be purified." The purifier must be +rewarded for this purification; according to the measure +of the man's property the payment rises from +small cattle and cows to camels; "in order that the +purifier may go away contented and without hatred." +Instead of cattle, goods of another description can be +given. "But if the purifier goes away discontented, +the wicked spirit of impurity comes again into the +purified persons, and they are impure for evermore."<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a></p> + +<p>In the view of the Avesta impurity consists essentially +in that which is opposed to life; hence there is +no worse form of uncleanness than that caused by the +corpse. The body, as soon as the soul has left it, +belongs to Angromainyu. The fiend of death, the +Druj Naçu, obtains possession of it, and from it she +springs on all who touch it, or come near it. If a +man dies, or a dog—and in this matter dogs are put +quite on a level with men—and other men and women +are in the same house—two, five, fifty, or a hundred—the +Druj Naçu comes immediately from the north +in the form of a fly, and settles on all the inhabitants<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> +of the house and makes them impure with infection, +pollution, and uncleanness.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> In the first instance she +is to be met by incantations—the Gathas, Bisamruta, +Thrisamruta, Chathrasamruta, must be repeated; then +the fiend falls to pieces like grass that has been +dead a year.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> After this the hearth-fire must be +removed from the house of the dead, and the sacred +utensils—the mortar, the cup, the sacred bundle of +rods, and the Haoma. In winter the fire can be +kindled again upon the hearth after nine nights; in +summer, when the need for warmth and cooked food +is less pressing, after a month; any one who does not +observe these periods is to be punished with twice two +hundred stripes.<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> After purification the kinsmen are +to utter prayers for the departed, and the number of +these is fixed, in the Vendidad, in the same fanciful +manner which is so often met with in the book of +Manu. The number decreases according to the degree +of relationship; for the nearest kinsmen thirty prayers +are spoken; for the most remote, five; if the dead +man has led an impure life the number of prayers is +doubled in order to give efficacy to the petition.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a></p> + +<p>The preservation and increase of life is the foundation +of the teaching of the Avesta. The good life of +nature is promoted by planting and agriculture, by +tending the useful and destroying the pernicious +animals; and by posterity provision is to be made for +the life of men. From this point of view the Vendidad +lays especial weight on marriage. "I declare," Auramazda +says, "that the married is before the unmarried, +and he that has a house before him that has +none, and the father of children before the childless."<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> +We can only ascertain very incompletely from the +remaining fragments of the Avesta the rules which +it prescribed for family life. We see that bringing +about a marriage was regarded as a meritorious work, +and marriage between close relations was considered +happy. Yet maidens are not to be given in marriage +before their fifteenth year.<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> To those who have long +remained unmarried the god Haoma, the special protector +of life, sends truthful, active husbands, gifted +with good understanding (p. 125). We never hear of +any difference of the orders in contracting marriage; +nor is there the least hint that the priest can only +marry a wife of priestly blood, or the husbandman +a wife of his own class. On the other hand, the strictest +directions are given that the worshippers of +Auramazda are only to marry among themselves; +marriage with those of an alien religion is severely +reprobated. "A man who mingles the seed of the +faithful and the unbelievers, the seed of the worshippers +of the Daevas with the worshippers of Mazda, +keeps back a third part of the flowing water, a third +part of the increase of the blooming plants, and their +golden fruits; he annihilates a third part of the +clothing of Çpenta Armaiti (the Earth); he robs the +just men of a third part of their power, their merits, +their purity. They who do this are more destructive +than forked serpents, than howling wolves, than the +she-wolf which rushes on the flocks, than the thousand-fold +brood of the lizard, which pollutes the +water."<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> The Vendidad gives the house-father a +similar power over his wife and children to that given +in Manu's law—so far as we can conclude from +certain indications. He is to be spoken of with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> +same reverence as the house-father on the Ganges; +the wife is to be honoured, but is to "be watched +perpetually, like the fire of Auramazda."<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> With +regard to the education of children, we can only +gather from the Vendidad they were to be tended for +seven years; "protect dogs for six months, children +for seven years;"<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> and boys are to be invested in their +fifteenth year with the sacred girdle.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> We remember +the sacred girdle which the three upper castes wore +and still wear beyond the Ganges; the investiture +with this, and adoption into the family and caste—"the +second birth" takes place, according to Manu's +law, among the Brahman boys in the eighth year, +among the Kshatryas, in the eleventh, and the Vaiçyas +in the twelfth. The habit of wearing the girdle, +which prevails on both sides of the Indus, proves that +this custom was in use before the two branches of the +Arians separated. Originally the girdle was intended +to be a protection or amulet against the evil spirits.<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> +In the girdle which the priests prepare with traditional +ceremonies, and put on boys in their seventh or tenth +year, the modern Parsees see the bond which encloses +and unites the worshippers of Auramazda.</p> + +<p>If I attempt to supplement the scanty hints of the +Avesta on family life from the accounts preserved to us +on this subject by Western writers, it must be remembered +that the more ancient of these statements hold +good only of the West of Iran. But as we have +hitherto found the worship and manners of the Persians +and Medes, as described by the Greeks, agreeing with +the rules of the Avesta, we may suppose that in this +province also East and West were in agreement. +Herodotus states that the Persians married many<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> +wives, and had concubines in addition. They considered +it honourable and right to have as many +children as possible; next to bravery in war it was the +greatest merit to have many children, and the king +sent presents every year to the man who had most.<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> +Of all days the Persians celebrated most the day +on which they were born. A more abundant meal +was served on this day: among the wealthy an ox, +a horse, or a camel was roasted whole; and smaller +animals among those who were poorer. Plato adds: +"When the first son, the heir of the kingdom, was +born to the king of Persia, all the subjects of the king +celebrated the day, and on the birthday of the king +there were festivals and sacrifices throughout all +Asia."<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> Herodotus observes, that the respect of children +for their parents was great. The Persians +regarded the murder of parents by a son as impossible; +if such a thing happened they believed that the +child was supposititious.<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> Aristotle tells us that the +power of the father over the sons among the Persians +was tyrannical, <i>i. e.</i> unlimited; he treated them as +slaves.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> That the mother was also treated with +respect follows from the statement that the son +might not remain seated when the mother entered, +and could only resume his seat at her permission. +At the court of the Achæmenids the mother of the +king had the first place, the king the second.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> That +the queen-mother often exercised great influence is +shown by the history of this ruling family. Of the +careful education of the heir to the throne, the other +princes, and the sons of the wealthy Persians, both +in the exercise and strengthening of their bodies and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> +in moral training, the Western writers had much +to tell.</p> + +<p>What the Greeks narrate respecting the celebration +of the birthday among the Persians, the distinction of +the satraps whose provinces were best cultivated and +populated, and the rewards given to those who had +most children, agrees entirely with the delight in life +which runs through the Avesta, and the exhortations +to increase life everywhere present in that book. +The Avesta always speaks of one wife only. The +polygamy noticed by the Greeks was limited to the +rich (the number of wives among the Persians, says +Ammian, was regulated by property<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>); in consequence +of the religious feeling just noticed, it prevailed, no +doubt, far more extensively among the Arians of Iran +than among the Indians. Yet the harems of the +Indian princes were large. However numerous the +harems of the Achæmenids, only one wife was the +lawful wife; and she alone, as in India, bore the name +of queen: only her sons could be considered heirs to +the throne. The other wives greeted the queen on +their knees: the queen must belong to the race of the +Achæmenids, or at any rate to one of the six tribal +princes.<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> The same was the case among the rest of +the Persians who had several wives; one only was the +house-wife. The Avesta told us above that the wife +must be watched. According to Plutarch the Persians +were more strict in this matter than the rest of the +barbarians; they kept not only the wife but the concubines +shut up, and they left the houses in covered +cars only.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> Manu's law also requires that women +should be watched (IV. 263). The power of the father,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> +and the respectful attitude of the children to the +mother, correspond to the principles of family life +which we have seen beyond the Indus. Yet, so far as +we can see, marriage was not in Iran so close and +firmly established a relation as among the Arians of +India, where the wife belonged absolutely to the man, +and surrendered herself in complete devotion to him; +nor did the relation of children to parents in Iran experience +that excellent and happy development which +on the whole attended it in India, and of which we can +still perceive the results. If Western writers maintain +that it was the custom among the Persians to take the +nearest relations in marriage, so that even the brother +married the sister (of which Herodotus gives an +example in Cambyses) and the son the mother after +the father's death (the latter is said to have prevailed +especially among the Magi)<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a>—the Avesta, as we have +seen, declared marriages between near relations to be +good, and the history of the Achæmenids mentions +marriage with sisters more than once. The more +extreme assertions, especially in regard to the Magi, +are to be regarded as exaggerations of the Greeks, and +owed their origin to their astonishment at a custom +which was more than revolting. On the relation of +the sexes both before and after marriage, and other +matters connected with procreation, the Vendidad +supplies a number of minute regulations.<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a></p> + +<p>The preservation of life also receives great attention +in the Avesta. We remember the incantations of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> +Rigveda which banish sickness into thrushes and woodpeckers, +and the sentences of the Atharvaveda against +sickness and death (IV. 281). The remedies of the Veda +are water and plants. All remedies are in water; +the waters of the springs and the waters of the rivers +drive away sickness. The plants said, when they came +from heaven, that they descended from the water of +the sky. "The mortal whom we touch will suffer no +harm." "May Agni protect me with the waters, and +Soma with the plants," we are told in the Veda; and +again: "The plants whose king is Soma, have rescued +me from death."<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> The priest who knows the sentences +is at the same time the physician, though the Rigveda +has a separate name for the latter (IV. 35). How +highly the Indians respected doctors and physicians +at a later time, in spite of the theory of the Brahmans +of the unworthiness of the body, and how it was the +custom there in the sixth century <small>B.C.</small> to send for the +physician in every sickness, has been mentioned in its +place (IV. 323). Proceeding from precisely the same +conceptions, the Avesta went on to fill several books +with medical remedies. The best mode of healing +is that by charms, and the sacred word. In such +incantations of the Avesta we are told: "I contend +against sickness, I contend against death, I contend +against pain, I contend against fever, I contend against +the corruption and pollution which Angromainyu has +created in the body of men. Sickness, I curse thee; +fever, I curse thee; death, I curse thee."<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> The sacred +word is invoked to heal by its power. "Mayst thou +heal me, O Manthra Çpenta. As a recompense I will +give to thee a thousand stall-fed oxen, a thousand +spotless cattle, a thousand swiftly-running horses, a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> +thousand camels, swift and with strong backs. I will +bless thee with beautiful, pious blessings; with dear, +pious blessings, which make the deficient full, and the +full to overflow, which bind the friend and make the +bond firm."<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> As in the Veda, the remedies are water +and plants, "Draw up, ye clouds, draw up," we are +told in the Vendidad; "Let the water fall as thousand-fold, +ten thousand-fold rain, to drive away sickness, to +drive away corruption, to drive away death. May it +rain for the renewal of the waters, the earth, the plants, +the means of healing."<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> As in the Veda Soma is the +king of plants, so in Iran Haoma, the god of life, is +the lord of plants.<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> The white heavenly Haoma grows, +as we have seen, on the Gaokerena, the tree of heaven; +from it springs the earthly Haoma and all plants of +which the seed falls from the tree Viçpotaokhma in +Vourukasha, which the bird Chamru carries where +Tistrya collects the clouds, in order to let the seed fall +down from them to the earth.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> "I, who am the giver +of all blessings," says Auramazda, "created this dwelling +(the earth), the beautiful, brilliant, and noteworthy; +then Angromainyu, who is full of death, +created nine diseases, ninety diseases, nine hundred +diseases, nine thousand diseases, nine and ninety thousand +diseases. Thrita desired as a favour a means to +withstand death, to withstand pain, to withstand the +heat of fever, and the evil corruptions and filth which +Angromainyu has brought into the body of men. +Then I, who am Auramazda, brought forth the healing +plants, many hundreds, many thousands, many tens of +thousands, around the one Gaokerena." The invocation +then follows: "We bless thee, we invoke thee, we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> +worship thee for the healing of the body of men, in +order to drive away sickness, in order to drive away +death, the hot fever and the cold fever."<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a></p> + +<p>Thrita, a spirit of heaven, who has a place among +the sages and sacrificers of old time (p. 42) was, in +the Avesta, the first physician who kept back disease +and death; and every one who follows in his course, +every physician, must appear as a willing combatant, +an active co-operator against the evil spirits, from +whom death and disease proceed. According to the +Vendidad, those have the first place among the physicians +who heal by charms, <i>i. e.</i> by the sacred word, +the words of the law; these are the "physicians of +physicians;" next come the physicians who heal by +remedies; and last of all, those who heal by the knife.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> +These latter must first use the knife on the worshippers +of the Daevas; when they have done so three times, +and the patient has died each time, they are incapable +for ever of practising the art of healing. But if they +have healed three worshippers of the Daevas, they are +capable of "healing the worshippers of Auramazda, and +they can try their skill upon them as they please." +The physician is not only to heal sick men, but sick +animals also, and above all the sick dog. The Vendidad +fixes the sum which the physician is to receive +for his services. He is to heal a priest, and ask for no +more than his blessing. For healing the overseer of +a district he is to receive a yoke of four oxen, and for +his wife a she-camel; the overseer of a canton is to +pay a large beast of draught, and his wife a mare; the +head of a village pays a smaller beast, and his wife a +cow; the head of a house a small beast, and his wife a +she-ass. For healing a large beast of draught the +price is a beast of moderate size; and for one of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> +moderate size, a head of small cattle, etc.<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> Pliny quotes +a number of remedies and means of cure used by the +Magi, some of them of an extraordinary character; +indeed, the impression made on Pliny by the importance +ascribed to medicine in the doctrine of Zarathrustra +was so great, that he maintained that the +Magism of Zoroaster had arisen out of the art of +healing, and had introduced, as it were, a higher and +sacred medicine. To this was subsequently added the +power of religion, and the mathematical arts of investigating +the future by the heavens, so that Zoroaster's +doctrine had taken possession of the mind of +men by a three-fold bond.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> How greatly he is mistaken +in ascribing to the Magians the astrology of the +Chaldæans, has been remarked above; the mistake +is explained by the fact, that the Avesta includes the +astronomical knowledge of the priests of Iran in the +books which treated of medicine (p. 52).</p> + +<p>The astronomical chapters are lost as well as those +on medicine. From our fragments we cannot so +much as fix the year by which the Avesta reckons. +We merely perceive that it counted by nights, not by +days. It is from the Bundehesh that we first learn +that the year of Eastern Iran is made up of 360 days +in twelve months of thirty days, with five additional +days. This year is said to have begun with the +vernal equinox, <i>i. e.</i> the period when the vigour of +nature again shows itself. In the last five nights of +the old year, and the first five nights of the new one, +the spirits of the forefathers, the Fravashis, come to +their descendants in the houses; they awake with +nature to new life (p. 179). The first month is called +Farvardin after these spirits; of the remaining eleven, +six are called after the Amesha Çpentas, and the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span>remaining five, which are inserted between the six, +after Mithra, Tistrya, the spirits of fire and water, +and lastly after the law (Din). The inscriptions of +the Achæmenids give us nine names of months entirely +different from these. Hence the West had its own +calendar, as well as its own alphabet, and made use of +it as early as the year 500 <small>B.C.</small> In the East the +calendar of the Avesta was in use; and this seems +to have been current in the West also in the first +half of the fourth century <small>B.C.</small> There is no doubt +whatever that it was the standard for all Iran at the +time of the Sassanids.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a></p> + +<p>We have already set forth in detail what weight +the Avesta lays on purity, and the avoidance of contact +with dead matter, which has fallen into the power +of the Daevas. From these points of view, in consequence +of the reform, the priests in Iran came to adopt +a peculiar mode of burial. Among the Arians of the +Panjab the oldest form of burial was interment, and in +time cremation came into use (IV. 62). But could<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> +the Athravas allow anything so unclean as a corpse to +be laid on fire, the pure "son of Auramazda"? If the +corpse was thrown into water the pure water was +defiled; if buried in the earth pollution was cast +on the beautiful, submissive daughter of Auramazda. +Nothing therefore remained for the priests but to leave +the corpse above the earth; in this case it served the +pure animals, the birds and dogs, for nourishment, +and was thus destroyed in the best manner. To +throw a corpse into water, to bury or burn it, are +great sins, actions which do not admit of expiation,<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> +and those who do such things "help the drought +which destroys the pasture, and the evil onsweeping +winter, which kills the flock, and is full of snow; such +men are impure for ever."<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> Any one who buries a +dead dog or a dead man in the earth, and does not +dig the body up again within half a year, is to receive +twice five hundred stripes; any one who allows it to +remain in the earth for a year, is to receive twice a +thousand stripes; but if a man leaves a corpse in the +earth for more than two years, there is for him neither +penalty, nor expiation, nor purification.<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a></p> + +<p>The dead are to be carried away on peculiarly dry +paths, little trodden by cattle, beasts of draught, and +pure men, and laid on the driest and barest places in +the earth, on the highest eminences where carnivorous +birds and dogs may most easily see them.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> The soil +is to be dug out, waist deep, if the earth is soft; if +hard, to the depth of half a foot, and this depression +is to be filled with tiles, stones, and dust; for damp +earth contracts pollution most readily, whereas stones, +tiles, and dust contract it very slowly. To this place +(Dakhma) the naked corpse is to be taken on a bier,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> +which has a foundation of stones or tiles, by two strong +men—never by one: one bearer would pollute himself +for ever, and the Druj Naçu would never leave him. +Any one who throws a cloth on the dead must be +punished with twice four hundred, or twice a thousand +stripes, according to the size of the cloth. The corpse +is to be placed on the Dakhma, with the face turned +to the sun (any one who does not place the body with +its face to the sun, is to pay the same penalty as is +prescribed for the murder of a pure man<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>): the corpse +is then to be secured in its place by iron, stones, or +lead, attached to the feet or hair, in order that the +birds and dogs may not carry away the bones and +remains to water and trees: the neglect of these +fastenings is to be punished with twice two hundred +stripes.<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> If it rains or snows, or the wind is strong, so +that the necessary preparations cannot be made on +the day of death, the corpse can be carried on its own +bed and mat to the Dakhma.<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a></p> + +<p>At these burial-places the Daevas hold their meetings; +there they propagate and assemble, "in order +to bring to death, fifty, a hundred, a thousand, ten +thousand, an innumerable host of men;" there the +Daevas are most dangerous and deadly to men: for +in the places of burial are "infection, disease, fever, +impurity, ague, trembling, and old hair." A Dakhma +is not pure till the body has been eaten by dogs and +birds, till the remains have entirely changed into dust, +and become utterly mixed up with the foundation of +mortar, tiles, and stones. When this point has been +reached, the Dakhma should be levelled. Such destruction +of the place of burial is regarded by the law-book +as the annihilation of death itself; as one of the +highest virtues of the faithful. "He who levels only<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> +so much as the size of his own body of a burial-place," +says the book of the law, "has repented of all his +sins which he has committed in thought, speech, and +action; he has not only repented of them, but he has +expiated them, and the two heavenly powers will not +begin a contest about his entrance into paradise."<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a></p> + +<p>The prescriptions of the law for the purification of +the vessels and clothes which have touched the corpse, +are given from regard to utility, and from the point of +view of a certain simple rationalism, which forms an +advantageous contrast between Iran and India. Vessels +of lead, wood, and earth, are impure for ever; vessels +of gold and silver can be taken into use again after a +number of washings with gomez. Garments on which +spittle, moisture, or dung have fallen are to be cut in +pieces and buried; in other cases they can be purified +with gomez, water, and earth, and aired, and then +again taken into use for women at the time of impurity. +The house of the dead is pure when the +period for the extinction of the fire is over, when +the prayers appointed for the dead have been said, +and the inhabitants of the house have had their +bodies and clothes washed three times, and the sacred +hymns have been sung (p. 215).</p> + +<p>For the bearers, who have carried a corpse to the +Dakhma, and those who in any way have come into +contact with a corpse, special forms of purification are +necessary. The washing of the bearers must be begun +immediately after the corpse has been deposited. For +this purpose the gomez of the nearest male and female +relation of the dead is required as well as that of +"cattle and beasts of draught." At the last washing +the Druj Naçu springs out of the forehead between +the eyebrows, from thence to the shoulders and under<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> +the arms, until at length by continued ablutions she +is driven into the left toes, and is compelled to pass +away from there to the north in the form of a fly.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> +In order to purify the way on which the dead has +been carried to the Dakhma, a dog must be led along +it, three times, six times, and nine times. Then a +priest must walk along it, who pronounces the "victorious +words," <i>i. e.</i> certain exorcisms. "I drive +back the Daevi Druj, so that she flies to the North. +Avaunt! She must not slay the corporeal world of +the pure. May Auramazda and Çpenta Armaiti protect +us from our enemies; may Çraosha come, and Vohumano."<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> +The worst of all forms of pollution is that +contracted by touching a corpse in a distant place in +solitude, for here the power of the demon was greatest. +Any one to whom this has happened, is to wash himself +fifteen times with water, and rub himself an equal +number of times with earth, to hurry away from the +spot, and call out to every one whom he meets: "I +have touched a dead body, without wishing it in +thought, word, or deed; my desire is purification." +Every one is to avoid him unless he wishes to bring +on himself the guilt of the impure man.<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a></p> + +<p>Pools and streams are polluted by corpses till the +corpses have been removed and rain has thrice fallen +upon the water; after this cattle and men can again +drink of the water. So long as the corpse lies in a +river, the fiend of death extends over nine paces +above and three paces below it, and six paces on +either side; in a pool the domain of the fiend is six +paces in every direction; in snow and ice-water it is +three paces. When Zarathrustra asks, whether the +water which falls from heaven on the corpse is impure,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> +the god answers, "I, Auramazda, allow the water to +go forth from Lake Vourukasha, with storms and +clouds, and to fall on a corpse; I, Auramazda, and to +flow upon a burial-place, and upon a dung-heap, and +carry away a bone, and wash all into Lake Puitika (the +pool of purification in heaven). When purified the +waters flow from Lake Puitika into Lake Vourukasha. +I, Auramazda, rain down herbs of all kinds, to be +food for the pious men, food for the useful cattle. +With such speeches Auramazda appeased the just +Zarathrustra."<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> Zarathrustra further inquires, whether +corpses which have been carried by dogs, wolves, and +panthers to a field make the field and men impure? +Auramazda, as frequently happens in such cases, +argues from the point of view of the possible and +attainable. "If such corpses," says the god, "rendered +men impure, all mankind would quickly be rendered +impure owing to the multitude of the corpses which +are upon the earth." But Zarathrustra is not satisfied; +he says: "A man dies in the hollow of a valley; from +the heights of the mountains a bird flies down to the +valley, and then back to the summit of a mountain, +and alights on a tree of hard or soft wood. There he +is sick and voids excrements. Then a man goes up +from the valley to the summit of the mountain, and +comes to the tree, on which the bird has sat, and seeks +fuel for his fire. He cuts the tree down, splits it up, +and kindles a fire with it. What is his penalty?" +Auramazda again replies that nothing carried away +by wolves, dogs, birds, flies, or winds pollutes men. +But now it occurs to Zarathrustra, or rather to the +priests who have written these things down, whether +the animals which have eaten the corpses are not +impure. This difficulty Auramazda solves by declar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span>ing +the animals pure; but no flesh of such animals is +to be eaten within a year, or offered for sacrifice.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a></p> + +<p>With the exception of Herodotus, Strabo, and +Agathias, the Western writers give us only very exaggerated +accounts of the peculiar mode of burial in use +among the Persians. Herodotus has already told us +that the corpses of the Magians were exposed to dogs +and birds; with regard to the corpses of the rest he +had no accurate knowledge, for a mystery was made of +the matter.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> Onesicritus relates that those Bactrians, +who were weakened by disease and age, were thrown to +dogs brought up for the purpose and called buriers of +the dead; and Strabo says that among the Caspians, +parents, when they had reached seventy years of age, +were shut up by their children, and so killed by starvation;<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> +though he also observes that the Magians +gave over the corpses to birds.<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> Cicero narrates that +it was not the custom of the Magians to bury the +corpses of their dead before they had been torn by +wild animals: in Hyrcania a peculiar kind of dog +was reared—by the lower classes in common; of the +wealthier men each had his own—by which they +might be torn after death, and this was considered +the best kind of burial.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> From Eusebius we hear +that the Medes gave the dying to carefully-reared +dogs; the Hyrcanians and Caspians those who were +still alive; the Bactrians the old; others the dead.<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> +Agathias, on the other hand, tells us, that the dead +among the Persians were carried out before the +gates of the cities naked and without a coffin, and +eaten by dogs, so that the bones lay about in the +fields. If any man's corpse was not at once eaten, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> +Persians believed that he had been of an unholy mind, +that his soul was unjust and wicked, and so had +come into the power of the evil spirits, and would be +carried into hell. Such men were lamented by their +friends, because they had no part in the better lot. +Those who were most quickly eaten up, the Persians +praised as fortunate; they called their souls the best, +and like the gods, and said of them that they had +gone into the good land.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a></p> + +<p>The Greeks maintained that the Achæmenids were +buried at Pasargadae and Persepolis, and that the +corpse of Cyrus rested at Pasargadae.<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> Of Darius +we are told that even in his lifetime he caused his +tomb to be prepared on the summit of a mountain. +The corpses of Artaxerxes I. of Damaspia, and of +his son Xerxes, were buried, according to Ctesias, in +Persia.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> The last Darius was buried by Alexander in +the royal sepulchre, when he had already given the +honours of burial to the Persian queen Statera.<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> Diodorus +tells us that these tombs were on the eastern +side of the citadel of Persepolis, at a distance of four +hundred feet, in the "royal mountain." The rock +was hewn out, and contained several chambers. But +these tombs had no entrance; the corpses were drawn +up by machines to the summit, and so laid in them.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a></p> + +<p>The burial-places of the rulers of ancient Persia can +still be recognised. Some hundred paces to the east +of the remains of the royal palace at Persepolis, towards +the rising of the sun, precisely as Diodorus +describes the place, are three stone pictures in Mount +Rachmed. Sculptures which begin three hundred feet<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> +above the ground on the perpendicular front of the +mountain form three high façades, with pillars, which +present a gateway with woodwork, supporting a large +canopy, on which are seen several rows of dogs; the +same animals are to be seen on the lower lines of +ornamentation. Within this framework are the pictures +of the buried sovereigns. In the left hand is the bow +without a string; the right is raised in an attitude of +prayer, and the figures are standing before an altar of +burning fire. The king is supported on a foundation +upheld by the arms of several rows of men, who represent +the conquered lands. Two leagues to the north of +Persepolis are four great sculptures, now called Naksh-i-Rustem, +<i>i. e.</i> pictures of Rustem, of a similar kind, but +beginning only sixty or seventy feet from the ground, +deeply cut in the perpendicular wall of two hundred +feet in length. Three of these pictures are close together; +the fourth is on a spur of the rock, at right +angles to the other three. The centre of the three +marks the tomb of Darius, the son of Hystaspes. It +is the only one among the seven monuments which +has inscriptions.</p> + +<p>The corpses of the princes might have been exposed +to the sun, the dogs, and birds on the summit above +these pictures. In that case they would merely mark +the place of exposure, and these rocks would be burial-places +like those of the modern Parsees in Bombay. +But behind the sculptures, though not accessible from +them, sepulchral chambers have been discovered. From +this, and from the description which the Greeks give +us of the tomb of Cyrus, we must draw the conclusion +that the Persian custom of burial did not agree with +the rule of the Avesta—with the exception of the +priests, whose corpses, as Herodotus expressly states,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> +were exposed. The Vendidad laments that in certain +districts of the East, Arachosia and Chakhra, the dead +were burned, or buried.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> Under the Sassanids exposure +was strictly observed both in the East and +West, as is clear from the account of Agathias already +quoted, and all the statements which relate to this +later period.</p> + +<p>The regulations of the book of the law with regard +to the burial of corpses and the places of exposure are +still strictly observed by the Parsees. Great care is +taken at the erection of a Dakhma that the rain-water +can run off from the bier of the corpse. At the last +moment a dog is brought into the presence of the +dying person, so that its eye may be directed on him; +and when a woman with child dies two dogs are +brought, because two lives are in question. The eye +of the dog has the power to keep the evil spirits at a +distance. But every one must remain at nine paces +distance from the dying person. After death the two +corpse-bearers at once strip the body—their hands are +protected from immediate contact by napkins made of +old clothes—and carry it on a bier of iron—for metal +contracts less pollution than wood—accompanied by +the prayers of the priests, to the place of burial. The +kinspeople follow the corpse in silence to within ninety +paces of the Dakhma. For the first three nights the +priests and kinsmen repeat continually the prescribed +prayers for the soul of the dead; in the third night +the decision is made at the bridge of Chinvat (p. 178). +The burial-places of the Parsees at Bombay are +situated on a mountain on the coast, on the summit of +which several hollows have been cut. From a distance +the relatives look eagerly to this summit, to see +whether the vultures are already attacking the corpse,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> +and which part of it they first consume. For the first +year after death a prayer is said daily before meals for +the soul of the dead to the Fravashis of the pure,<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> and +a service is held on the day of the month on which the +death took place. In the years that follow, on the +fourth, tenth, and thirtieth day of each month, as the +book prescribes, but above all on the festival of all +souls—<i>i. e.</i> on the feast of the ten nights during which +the Fravashis come down (p. 224)—prayers are said +for the dead.</p> + +<p>It is hardly possible to ascertain the arrangement +and life of the state from the very scanty and obscure +traits in the existing fragments of the law. We have +no rules on the rights and duties of the monarchy, +though these were included in the Avesta, if we may +trust the list of contents.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> But the splendour of majesty +as it dwelt with the rulers of old time, with Yima, +Thraetaona, and Kereçaçpa, and was imparted to +Çyavarshana and Vistaçpa, is brought strongly into prominence; +and among the Amesha Çpentas we found +the spirit of good order, of good government. Of the +position of the orders so much only is clear—that the +priests claimed precedence over the warriors and husbandmen; +that the Avesta allows them certain privileges +of moderate extent (p. 187); and that the priestly +families did not form exclusive castes, though the +priestly functions were hereditary in them. Still less +can we learn of the families of the warriors. We do +not hear that they enjoyed a favoured position; they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> +are merely mentioned before the husbandmen; and +the Vendidad also gives us some information about +their armour. It should consist of a coat of mail and +helmet, a girdle and greaves, a bow with thirty arrows, a +sling with thirty stones, a sword, a club, and a lance.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> +Under the Achæmenids there were rich families in +Bactria and Sogdiana, in which we may no doubt +venture to find descendants of the old military families, +enjoying an influential position in politics; under +the Sassanids the knightly nobility of Iran comes +plainly to the front. The Avesta speaks of great and +intermediate houses, of important and unimportant +inhabitants of the villages. We also read of rich and +poor, men who have property and beggars; and mention +is made of tradespeople and slaves. The Avesta +rises from the lord of the house to the lord of the +village or community (<i>viç</i>), then to the lord of the +tribe or canton (<i>zantu</i>) and to the lord of the province +(<i>danhu</i>); an arrangement which corresponds to +the Indian government as fixed by Manu's regulations. +When Alexander of Macedon forced his way +to Bactria and Sogdiana, he met with resistance from +the native overseers of cantons or chieftains, whom he +had summoned to Zariaspa, "the largest city" in +Bactria (p. 12).<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> When the castles of the most +powerful had been taken, and their lords had submitted, +he sought to gain them by marrying their +daughters to the captains of his army, while he +himself took to wife the daughter of the Bactrian +Oxyartes.</p> + +<p>The protection of property is obviously a matter +of great importance in the Avesta. The utility of +dogs is frequently mentioned, which protect flocks and +villages from thieves and wolves. Theft is looked on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> +as especially wicked, because the thief leads a roving +life, eats raw and unprepared food, and carries on his +evil work in the darkness.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> In regard to contracts the +Vendidad distinguishes six kinds, according as they +are concluded by word, by the pledge of hands, and +are concerned with the value of a head of small cattle, +a beast of draught, a man (<i>i. e.</i> a slave), and a piece of +land. Anyone who violates the first kind is to receive +300 blows with the rod, and 300 with the whip, and +the punishment increases in the violation of the other +kinds up to 1000 stripes with both instruments.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> To +check injury of the person the Vendidad lays down +the rule, that anyone who lifts up his weapon against +a man without beating him, is to receive twice five +stripes the first time, and twice two hundred on the +seventh occasion of committing the offence, if he has +not expiated the preceding six offences; if he has expiated +them, the measure of the first offence is dealt +out on each occasion. Anyone who attacks another +not in anger but with malice, is to be punished with +twice fifteen, and on the sixth occasion with 200 +stripes, in case he has not expiated the former offences. +Anyone who inflicts a wound on another, is punished +the first time with twice thirty, the fifth time with +twice two hundred stripes. The same punishment is +inflicted on a man who breaks the bones of another, if +he does not expiate the offence. If the wound proves +fatal, he is to be punished with twice ninety stripes, +and on a second offence with twice two hundred.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span></p> + +<p>We have but few indications in the Avesta from +which to draw conclusions as to the state of civilisation. +The amounts to be paid to the purifier and the +physician are given in animals; the series of contracts +is determined according to the value of small +cattle, beasts of draught, slaves, and landed property. +But other property may be given in place of the +animals; we find mention of money (<i>shaeta</i>),<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> and, as +has been observed, of tradespeople; of mats and +carpets, vessels of earth, silver, and gold, rich garments, +palaces with pillars and turrets, ovens for smelting and +for glass. The art of the physician cannot have been +in a primitive stage, when so much space is devoted to +remedies (p. 223), and the physicians who heal with +the knife are designated as a separate class. So far as +I can see, the Avesta betrays a state of civilisation, +which, beginning from the pastoral condition, has +remained in close connection with cattle-breeding and +agriculture, but has also reached a more advanced +stage. The unions of the tribes seem dissolved, and +neither the previous importance of the warlike families +nor their present position is brought prominently +forward. This, no less than the liberal imposition +of bodily punishment, shows that long before the +dominion of the Achæmenids, the East of Iran must +have been in the hands of princes who ruled with +despotic power.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> "Mihr Yasht," 38, 116, 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> "Vend." 1, 18, 20; 18, 22-32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> Herod. 1, 136; Plato, "Alcib. I." p. 122; Xen. "Cyri instit." 8, +8, 2; Diod. 16, 43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> "Vend." 18, 35-42; 53-57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> "Vend." 3, 105 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> <i>Loc. cit.</i> 3, 1-20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> Herod. 7, 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> "Œconom." 4, 13 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> Ibid. 4, 20-24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Ibid. 4, 8-12; "Cyri instit." 8, 6, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> Darmesteter, "Haurvatat et Ameretat," p. 64 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> "Vend." 13, 125-162.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> "Vend." 15, 2, 3, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> "Vend." 15, 5, 20, 21, according to Goldner's translation. [Cf. +Darmesteter.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> "Vend." 13, 97-105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> "Vend." 13, 26-47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> It is not certain whether the <i>udra</i> of the Vendidad is the water-dog +(spaniel?) or the otter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> "Vend." 13, 169-174; 14, 4-75.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> Agath. 2, 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> "Vend." Farg. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> "Wer den Urin mit vorgestrecktem Fusse lässt macht die Drudsch +schwanger," so dass sie neue Unholde gebären.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> "Vend." 5, 45-55, 136-157; 7, 158-182.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Herod. 1, 133; Xen. "Cyri instit." 1, 2, 16; 8, 9, 11; Plin. "H. +N." 28, 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> "Vend." 9, 161.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> "Vend." 9, 187.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> "Vend." 5, 23-25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> "Vend." 3, 140-147; 8, 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> "Vend." 10, 11, 12, 17, 18, 26-28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> "Vend." 8, 275, 276.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> "Vend." 9, 119-158; 19, 69-80.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> "Vend." 5, 83-108; 7, 4 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> "Vend." 9, 168-171; Farg. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> "Vend." 5, 124-135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> "Vend." 12, 1-59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> "Vend." 4, 130-133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> "Vend." 14, 64-66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> "Vend." 18, 123-133, after Harlez' translation. [Cf. Darmesteter.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> "Vend." 15, 126.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> "Vend." 15, 125.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> "Vend." 18, 115.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> "Vend." 18, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> Herod. 1, 135, 136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> Plato, "Aloib. I."; p. 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> Herod. 1, 137.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> "Ethic. Nicom." 8, 10, ed. Zell.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Curt. 5, 9; Plut. "Artax." c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> Ammian, 23, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> Herod. 3, 70, 88; Dinon. fragm. 17, ed. Müller; Ctes. "Pers. +Ecl." 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> Plut. "Themist." c. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Herod. 3, 31; Diogen. Laert. Prooem. 6; Plut. "Artax." c. 26; +Ctes. "Pers. Ecl." 44; Agathias, 2, 23; Heracl. Cum. fragm. 7 ed. +Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> The regulations respecting sexual intercourse, abortion, etc., which +here follow in the German text will be found in "Vend." 16, 33-40; +18, 100-122, 136, 152; <i>ib.</i> 15, 9-17, 60; 18, 115; <i>ib.</i> 18, 115-119; +<i>ib.</i> 8, 74-82; <i>ib.</i> 8, 96-106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> "Rigveda," 10, 97, 17; "Atharvaveda," 2, 10, 2; 8, 1, 18 in Darmesteter +<i>loc. cit.</i> 73, 76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> "Vend." 20, 19, 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> "Vend." 22, 7-38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> "Vend." 21, 3-19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> Justi, "Bundehesh," c. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> West, "Mainyo-i-Khard," c. 62. Above, p. 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> "Vend." 20, 11-20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> "Vend." 7, 118, 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> "Vend." 7, 105, 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> "H. N." 30, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> Von Gutschmid ("Das iranische Wandeljahr, Berichte der K. +Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wiss." 1862) places the establishment of +the cycle, by which, in order to bring the year of 365 days into +agreement with the natural time, a month was inserted every 120 +years, and consequently the introduction of the East Iranian calendar +into the whole kingdom, in the year 411, or between 428 and 381 +<small>B.C.</small> That the beginning of the year was universally placed in the +spring after the introduction of this calendar, and fixed between +March and the middle of June, would follow from the importance +of the Farvardin festival, even if it were not sufficiently vouched +for by other evidence. The Bundehesh (c. 25) speaks of the year as +fixed, inasmuch as it reckons the shortening of the days from a certain +day in the month of Tir, and puts the shortest day on the 20th of the +month of Din, yet it adds that the priests reckoned on this basis, and +that the lunar year did not correspond to the year thus calculated. +The Cappadocian names for the months are those of the East Iranian +calendar; and the Cappadocians cannot have obtained these till +the calendar was current throughout the whole kingdom of the +Achæmenids. On this ground also Von Gutschmid's dates do not +seem to be too high.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> "Vend." 1, 48; 6, 6 and <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> "Vend." 7, 65-71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> "Vend." 3, 122-136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> "Vend." 6, 93-95; 8, 13; 3, 50-54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> "Vend." 5, 13, 14, 47, 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> "Vend." 6, 98 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> "Vend." 6, 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> "Vend." 7, 126-147.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> "Vend." 8, 34-36; 130-228.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> "Vend." 8, 38-64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> "Vend." 8, 271-310; 9, 164-166.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> "Vend." 5, 15-21, according to Geldner's rendering.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> "Vend." 5, 1-22; 7, 189-191.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> Herod. 1, 140; 3, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> Strabo, p. 517.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> Strabo, p. 735. Cf. p. 520.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> "Quaest. Tuscul." 1, 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> Euseb. "Praep. Evang." p. 277.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> Agath. 2, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> Diod. 17, 71; Arrian, "Anab." 3, 22; 6, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers. Ecl." 44, 46; Strabo, p. 730.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> Arrian, l. c.; Justin, 11, 15; Aelian, "Var. Hist." 6, 8; Plut. +"Alex." c. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Diod. 17, 71; cf. Ctes. "Pers. Ecl." 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><span class="label">[427]</span> K. Niebuhr, "Reise," 2, 150 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> "Vend." 1, 46, 48, 60, 64; cf. above, p. 137, 138.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> "Yaçna," 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> Above, p. 52. The Mainyo-i-Khard contains some rules on the +duties of the king. The prince is to defend the city and land against +enemies and risings, to respect water and fire, to keep at a distance bad +laws and customs, and promote the worship of Auramazda, and good +works, and to bring back to the right way those who have left it. A +king of this kind is like the Yazatas and Amesha Çpentas: c. 15, 20, +33, 68, ed. West.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> "Vend." 14, 32-40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> Arrian, "Anab." 4, 1, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> "Vend." 13, 143-145.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> "Vend." 4, 4-53 according to Harlez.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> "Vend." 4, 54-113. Even after all that has been advanced by De +Harlez, "Avesta," p. 101, I cannot convince myself that the stripes +appointed here and elsewhere in the Vendidad are to fall, not on the +guilty, but on animals of Angromainyu. If animals are to be killed, +we are told so expressly in the Vendidad, and this duty is often mentioned +along with the stripes (p. 209). To kill twice 90 or 200 flies or +lizards is no equivalent for murdering a man. I allow that no one +could endure blows by thousands, if they were given in earnest, yet in +running a "muck" five and six hundred very severe blows have been +endured. In my opinion the punishments of the Avesta are not intended +for legal penalties; they mark what was needed, in the opinion +of the priests, to expel the evil disposition, which could recur again +and again.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> "Vend." 4, 120; "Astad Yasht," 1; Justi, "Handbuch," <i>sub. voc.</i></p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span></p> + +<h2>CHAPTER X.</h2> + +<h3>THE LATER DEVELOPMENT OF EASTERN IRAN.</h3> + + +<p>Of the tribes of the Arians occupying the table-land +called by their name, those which had their habitations +on the northern slope of the Hindu Kush, in the +valleys of the Murghab and Zarefshan, outstripped the +rest in combining their forces, and uniting into a larger +community. In these regions they held advanced +posts over against the steppes and the migratory +nations of the low plains stretching before them without +limit towards the north. We had good reason to +suppose that it was the repulsion of the attacks of the +nomads from the steppes of the Oxus and Jaxartes, +which brought these tribes, whose possessions consisted +of flocks and pastures, into the habit of living in +arms, and of undertaking the protection of the country. +From their midst arose the monarchy intended to lead +and combine the defence, the formation of which we +placed about the year 1100 <small>B.C.</small>, and having its centre +at Bactria and Zariaspa. The tribes of the West, on +the other hand, for four centuries after this time lived +in isolation under their chieftains. The continuance +of the struggles which Bactria had to undergo, even +after the formation of the monarchy, is proved, not +only by the proximity of the nomads of the steppes, +but also by the traits of warlike feeling preserved<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> +in the Avesta; by the order of warriors which existed +beside the orders of priests and husbandmen; by the +chieftains and their citadels, which we found here in +the fourth century <small>B.C.</small>; and lastly, by the circumstance, +that the old shapes of the myth of the Arians, +the spirits of the sky which smite the demons, are +changed in the Avesta not merely into ideal patterns, +but even into ancestors of the Bactrian kings, and +connected with the genealogical tree of the nation. +Yima, Thraetaona, Manuschithra, Airyu, Uça, and +Huçrava, are changed into ancestors of the kings +and the people.</p> + +<p>Like the Aryas in the Panjab, the tribes of the +Airyas in Iran prayed to Mithra, to the spirits of light, +the clear air, the wind, and fire, which protected them +against the demons of the night and gloom, and +gave increase to their pastures and flocks, and recovered +the water of the sky which the demons +sought to carry away. As in India, the juice of the +Soma plant was the principal offering presented to +the gods; as Soma was not only the king of plants, +the lord of nourishment and life—so the liquor +which gave strength to the gods was here also a god, +Haoma. The belief in the opposition of the spirits of +light and the spirits of destruction, in the power of +the correct sacrifice, in the influence of the good +sayings, the sacred words, was on both sides of the +Indus, the starting-point of religious ideas, and in +Iran it became the hinge on which they turned.</p> + +<p>Iran was divided into fertile land and deserts; +next to the most luxuriant growth lay wide tracts, in +which heat or cold, morass or drought, storms of sand +or of snow, made life and agriculture impossible. +These contrasts were most striking on the upper Oxus, +in Sogdiana and Margiana. Hence it came to pass<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> +that in Bactria the ancient belief in the struggle of +the good and evil spirits made an essential advance. +The old gods and spirits, the ancient worship of fire, +were not indeed overthrown by the doctrine of Zarathrustra; +on the contrary, the struggle between the +good and evil powers was spread over the whole of +nature, and the means of repelling the evil ones were +increased. The good and evil spirits were respectively +ranged under chiefs, on the counter-operation of whom +and their spirit-armies rests the life of nature; and +on this life depends the life of man. Henceforth +man must not merely keep the evil ones from himself, +he must take part in the struggle of the good against +the evil powers, increase so far as he can the good +creation which now belongs to Auramazda and has +proceeded from him; and thus restrict the sphere in +which the evil spirit exercises his power. After death +he will receive the reward of his conflict; and if in +and through this struggle he has been made a participator +in the nature of the pure and bright deities, he +will continue to live in their heaven of light.</p> + +<p>This development of the old Arian views and +reform of the religion received the impulse which +eventually called it into life at the time when Vistaçpa +was king of Bactria. It must have taken place about +the year 1000 <small>B.C.</small>, <i>i. e.</i> about the time when the +Brahmans on the Ganges came to reform their ancient +faith, and exalted Brahman above Indra and the +ancient deities. From the idea of this new god, in +which the power of the Holy and the world-soul were +equal factors, the Brahmans arrived at a sharp distinction +between spirit and matter. Their ethics, beginning +with the rejection of nature, could not but +require the annihilation of the body as their final +goal, and this led to the vain pursuit of impossibilities,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span> +to the ascetic suicide of body and soul. The doctrine +of Zarathrustra does not recognise the contradiction +of spirit and matter. The good God has not created +the world in order to entangle men in evil and +wickedness, but in order to give to it and to mankind +life and increase. It is only one side of nature, not +the whole of it, and that side harmful to men, which +has proceeded from evil, and this evil does not come +from the good, but from the wicked spirit. Evil is +here limited to gloom, desolation, drought and death. +As it is this part, and this only in nature, which has +to be removed, man is not called upon to lay aside his +whole nature, but on the contrary to rejoice in the +beneficial side of it. This he must tend and strengthen +in himself, while he keeps the harmful side at a distance, +struggles against and annihilates it so far as +possible both in himself and all around him. He +must strengthen the light side of his soul against the +dark, and make it the master of the dark; he must +banish from his soul lying and deceit, idleness and +filthiness; purity of soul consists in truthfulness. +Thus must a man watch and work with the good +gods and under their eyes. It is not contemplation, +meditation, or asceticism, as in the doctrine of the +Brahmans; it is practical activity and inward effort +that the teaching of Zarathrustra requires from men; +the object it placed before men was not self-annihilation, +but the purification of soul and body, and true +assertion of self. If a man kept his body and soul +pure; if he was truthful in word and work, and increased +the good creation in meadow, field, and forest; +if he slew the animals of the evil spirits, then all +would be well with him; he would have abundance +of cattle and descendants, long life in this world, and +eternal life in the heaven of the spirits of light.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span></p> + +<p>This reform had been accomplished in its fundamental +principles in Bactria, and Auramazda had been +elevated above Mithra as the creator of heaven, of +the gods, and the earth, when about the middle of the +ninth century <small>B.C.</small> the armies of Shalmanesar II. of +Asshur invaded the East of Iran. About this time, +or soon after, the order of Athravas was formed. It +rose, on the one hand, out of the ancient families of the +fire-priests, who understood the custom of sacrifice, +and had preserved the efficacious prayers to Mithra, +Verethraghna, Haoma, and Tistrya, to Ardviçura and +Drvaçpa down to the period of the reform, so far as +they came over to the new doctrine; and on the other +hand, out of the race of Zarathrustra, and the families +of the zealous adherents of the new doctrine, who +devoted themselves to the service of religion. This +order of priests, which handed down in its families +the sayings of Zarathrustra and those of old days, the +ancient invocations as well as those of the new teaching, +took precedence of the families of the nobles, +warriors, and husbandmen, though they were not +separated from them by any rights of connubium or +other privileges. From the whole tendency of the +reform there could not be any thought of acquiring +such a position as that which the Brahmans—the first +created of Brahman—attained among the orders of +India. When the army of Tiglath-Pilesar II. entered +Arachosia about the middle of the eighth century <small>B.C.</small> +the new doctrine had already advanced to the West. +It was represented among the Medes by eminent +teachers. In this region, at the time when the Medes +were under the supremacy of Assyria, a priestly order +grew up out of the old families of the priests or +Magians, <i>i. e.</i> the powerful, and adherents of the new +doctrine; the families of this order abandoned their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> +tribal connection among the Medes, and thus formed +an hereditary caste, which preserved the name already +in use in the West for the priests, and became so +numerous that it could be ranked as a tribe among +the other tribes of the Medes. The formation of this +order was already complete when, after the middle of +the seventh century <small>B.C.</small>, the Medes rebelled against +the kings of Asshur.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Athravas of the East were busily +occupied in developing and fixing the contents and +meaning of the new idea of God, and of the ethics +resulting from it. They ranged the old gods under +the new doctrine, and determined their relation to the +new supreme deity; they peopled heaven with shapes +corresponding to the reformed teaching, and brought +mythology into harmony with it; from the commands +of purity they developed in the spirit of the reformed +religion the rules of purification and the +removal of impurities as required in every occurrence +of life. Thus, beside the old invocations of the +gods, arose theories of a speculative cast which sought +to regard the gods as ethical forces, and prayers of a +formal character; from the dialectic of the priestly +schools was developed a very complicated system of +purity of life, of rubrics for expiation and purification, +in which formalism and casuistry were not +wanting. Enquiries arose how law and justice should +be shaped so as to conform to the rules of religion; +while, on the other hand, the old sacrificial songs were +collected, the liturgy was fixed, as well as the order +of the festivals and sacrifices for the new moon and +full moon, and the course of the year; the prescriptions +of medicine were written down, and those cycles +formed which comprised the battle between Auramazda +and Angromainyu down to the last and eternal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> +victory of light and life. After various attempts at +compilation, the priests of the East finally succeeded in +uniting the sum of these labours into one great whole, +which was the canon of the sacred scriptures. We +may assume that the labours of the priesthood of Bactria, +which came to an end with this result, may have +occupied the same space of time as the growth and +writing down of the Brahmanas on the Ganges. There +are good reasons for supposing that the canon was +finally established about the year 600 <small>B.C.</small>, and therefore, +on the calculation given, the labours of the priests +upon it must have commenced about the year 800 <small>B.C.</small></p> + +<p>Like the kindred tribes in India, the Arians in +Iran were not destitute of imagination and a tendency +to abstraction. But from the first these qualities +were restrained within narrower limits owing +to the nature of the land,—while the scenery and +phenomena of the Ganges tended to develop them,—and +the teaching of Zarathrustra provided a counterpoise +in the practical requirements which it set up. +Labour took the place of idle dreaming, conflict and +energetic activity the place of asceticism, and the +imagination received impulses to simple and great +conceptions. The ethics of this religion guaranteed +the conditions of a healthy human existence; man's +effort was essentially directed to this present world, +and the duties imposed upon him were such as he could +fulfil. Thus they led to results different from the introspection, +quietism, and asceticism of the Indians, +and the relapse into sensuality which was the inseparable +concomitant of the latter. The doctrine of +Zarathrustra contributed essentially to educate the +tribes which followed it in truthfulness and manliness, +and to qualify them for energy and action. +In their sensible, intelligent view of the world,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> +in putting theory below practice, and aiming at an +active life, the Iranians are as far before the Indians +as the Romans are before the Greeks.</p> + +<p>If Eastern Iran, in the first instance, discharged a +religious mission, the duty of politics was undertaken +by the West. The empire of the Medes and of the +Persians rose and fell, but the religion of Auramazda +survived the fall of the Achæmenids. It rose to renewed +life with the empire of the Arsacids and Sassanids. +The national reaction against the dominion of +the Seleucids began with the Parthians; the empire +of the Sassanids, which subsequently took the place of +that of the Arsacids, was supported in the first place +by the tribes of the Persians, and was connected with +the remembrance of the Achæmenids. Yet from the +first the Sassanids were prepared to deal equal measure +to the East and West of Iran; in opposition to any +attempt at religious innovation they held firmly to +the tradition of the East. When after a rule of more +than four centuries the Sassanids succumbed to the +invasion of the Arabs, Yezdegerd III. attempted to +maintain himself in Merv, as Darius III. had attempted +to maintain himself in Bactria. The attempt failed. +Iran succumbed to Islam. Yet it was the East from +which, not quite two centuries after the fall of the +Sassanids, a reaction commenced against the Arabs, +and this gradually increased till it rescued the nationality +and the language of Iran. It was the viceroys +in the districts of the East who rebelled against the +Chalifate, and they found support in the population of +their provinces. A process similar to that which had +previously broken down the dominion of the Seleucids +over Iran shattered the empire of the Abbasids. The +impulse to this movement rose in Taberistan, where +the Taherids appeared, as independent princes soon after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> +the death of Harun-al-Rashid; some decads later the +Soffarids rebelled in Sejestan, and towards the end of +the ninth century the power of the Samanids sprang +up in Sogdiana, Balkh, and Merv, and founded seats +in Samarcand and Bokhara. Not long after the Ziads +obtained an independent position in Dilem and Jorjan +(the ancient Hyrcania). Towards the end of the tenth +century the Ghasnavids, who had hitherto been the +servants and captains of the Samanids, threw off +their allegiance; and united under their dominion all +the lands which had been subject to the Soffarids, +the Samanids, and Ziads. Soon after the year 1000 +<small>B.C.</small> they ruled from their abode in Ghasna over +Cabul, Balkh, Merv, and Chovaresm to the north, and +over Sejestan and Afghanistan to the south, and to +the west over the lands of Elburz, while their armies +crossed the Indus to the east, and advanced beyond +the Panjab to the valley of the Ganges. The ancient +religion of Iran was not wholly lost even in the time +of Harun-al-Rashid; Magians were tolerated at the +court of the Chalifs for the sake of their skill in +medicine. The Barmecides, who came from Balkh, +displayed, even under the Chalifate, a partiality for +the legends and the religion of Iran. The Samanids +boasted to be sprung from the Sassanids, the Ziads +were reproached with being idolaters in heart and +Moslem in tongue. They called themselves once more +by the names celebrated in the legends of Eastern +Iran: Minocher after Manuschithra, Kai Kobad after +Kava Kavata, Kai Kaus after Kava Uça, Isfendyar +after Çpentodata; and in the list of the Ghasnavids, +the Afghan princes in India, we meet at a later time +with the name of Kava Huçrava (Chosru).</p> + +<p>The regeneration of Old Iran, in opposition to +the Arabs, found its firmest stronghold in Ghasna.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> +The deeds of the Achæmenids were completely forgotten +in the East which had no part in them; but +the legends of Yima, Thraetaona, Kava Huçrava, and +Kava Vistaçpa, had lived on under the dominion of +the Achæmenids, the Seleucids, the Greek princes of +Balkh and Cabul, and under the Arsacids. Then +came the revival of the Avesta under Shapur II. +about the middle of the fourth century <small>A.D.</small> (p. 61). +The first Chosru (531-578 <small>A.D.</small>) caused the legends +and traditions of the nation and the priests to be +collected and copied; a comprehensive exposition of +the whole was made under the last Yezdegerd. Thus +as early as the last days of the Sassanids the tradition +of Iran was collected and fixed, and this, transcribed +in Pehlevi, outlived the fall of the kingdom, and descended +as a legacy of ancient glory to the Soffarids, +Samanids, and Ghasnavids.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> On the basis of this +"book of kings," which he possessed in an Arabic +translation, Firdusi of Tus on the Tejend, a city of +which at the present day some scanty ruins remain +not far from Meshhed, undertook to restore to life the +remembrance of the past of Eastern Iran and the +fame of her ancient heroes in a great Epic poem. He +gathered together the entire existing tradition, and +under the dominion of Islam cast a new glory on +the ancient belief in Auramazda, who was now known +as Yazdan. This poem, the book of kings (Shahnameh) +exhibits at the same time the New Persian language +in its pure form, developed out of the Eastern dialects, +and not yet contaminated with Aramæan and Arabic +elements.</p> + +<p>The first king in Firdusi is Gayumart. He assembles +men and animals, and teaches the first to hide<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> +their nakedness with the skins of leopards. His son +Siyamek is torn in pieces by a demon. We are acquainted +with the primeval man Gayo maretan; whom +the priests placed at the beginning of things (p. 183). +Then king Hoshang taught men to harness the bull, +to tame the horse, to forge iron, to till the field, and +introduced the worship of fire. After Hoshang king +Tahmurath reigned, who overcame the Divs (Daevas), +and compelled them to teach him the art of writing. +He taught his people the art of weaving, and rode +round the world on Angromainyu (now Ahriman) till +the latter threw him off on Elburz, and so killed him. +In the Avesta Haoshyangha sacrifices in order to obtain +power over the evil spirits, and Takhmo urupa also +sacrifices in order to curb Angromainyu for the space +of thirty years (p. 183). After Tahmurath, Jemshid +(Yima) is king. He teaches the art of forging weapons +and weaving precious stuffs, divides men into priests, +warriors, husbandmen, and artisans; discovers the +art of healing, and compels the demons to build +houses, and erect for him a splendid palace and a +gorgeous throne adorned with gold and precious +stones. Three hundred years passed away while he +was king, in which the Divs were bound, and death +could not approach mankind. Then Jemshid boasted +that he had saved the world by his remedies from +sickness and death, and demanded divine honours. +This sin alienated from him the princes of his kingdom. +Jemshid was compelled to fly before Zohak, +the king of Babylon. Zohak pursued him. In the +remote East, on the sea of China, Jemshid was overtaken +and slain.</p> + +<p>The old Arian legend of the happy age of Yima +shows itself even yet through Firdusi's version. Death +could not approach men under his dominion; there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> +was no sickness, and therefore Jemshid is said to have +discovered the art of healing. The Avesta had already +found a motive for the fall of Yima in the fact that +he had refused to announce the law, and at length +had begun to love lies (p. 41). The Zohak of Firdusi +is no other than the ancient cloud dragon, Azhi +dahaka, which attempts to carry away the waters of +the sky, and swallows up men and horses. He is +now a foreign, hostile, bloodthirsty king, who puts an +end to the blessings of Yima's reign in order to bring +the reverse of blessing upon Iran. Azhi dahaka had +three heads and three throats; Zohak has two serpents +growing from his shoulders, to which by degrees +thousands fall as sacrifices, for they are fed with the +brains of men, and for this purpose two youths are +slaughtered every day. That Zohak is called king of +Babylon is due to a reminiscence of the fact that the +Assyrians ruled over Western Iran, and the Seleucids +and Chalifs over the whole country. Zohak persecutes +severely the descendants of Jemshid. Abtin, the +last of these, finally falls into his power; he causes +him to be slain for his serpents; but Abtin's wife +carries off his young son Feridun in safety to Elburz. +When the latter is sixteen years of age his mother +discloses to him the fate of his father; the discontented +gather round him, and the angel Serosh +teaches him how to overcome the magician Zohak. +In the citadel at Babylon Feridun strikes Zohak to +the ground with a blow of the club which Kave, the +smith, has forged for him. But Serosh bids him +not to kill Zohak, who is now chained in a deep +cave in Elburz, under Demavend, the highest summit +on the chain. Abtin, the descendant of Jemshid, is +the Athwya of the Avesta; Feridun is Thraetaona, +the son of Athwya, the slayer of Dahaka; the angel<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> +Serosh is the well-known god Çraosha. Feridun is +not permitted to slay Zohak, because Azhi dahaka +is also a demon.</p> + +<p>Feridun has three sons—Salm (Çairima), Tur +(Tuirya), and Yrej (Airyu); to the last, who was the +youngest, Feridun gives Iran, the best part of his +dominions, while Salm receives the West and Tur the +North. Filled with envy at the favour shown to their +youngest brother, Salm and Tur slay the pious Yrej. +Feridun is deeply moved; but he gives the daughter +whom Yrej has left in marriage to Pesheng. The +son of Pesheng is Minocher, who grows up to avenge +his grandfather's death. In order to prevent this, +Salm and Tur invade Iran. The battle continues for +three days, till Minocher has slain Tur with his own +hand. He also overtakes Salm in flight, and slays +him. Feridun can now die in peace, as he has seen +the kingdom handed over to Minocher. After the +death of the latter the kingdom descended to his son +Naudar.<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> Then Afrasiab of Turan, the great-grandson +of Tur, whom Minocher had slain, invaded Iran to +avenge the death of his ancestor on the descendant +of Minocher. Naudar's army was defeated; he was +taken captive with many princes of Iran, and beheaded +by the order of Afrasiab.</p> + +<p>Besides the race of Abtin, Jemshid had left other +descendants. In union with the daughter of the king +of Cabul, whose kingdom extends from Bost on the +Hilmend to Ghasna (and consequently includes the +region of Sejestan, the ancient Haetumat),<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> he had +begotten Gershasp, a mighty hero who stood by the +side of Minocher in the struggle against Salm and +Tur; the sons of Gershasp are Neriman and Sam, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> +his grandson is Zal. The Gershasp of Firdusi is the +Kereçaçpa of the Avesta, the son of Thrita, of the race +of Çama (p. 35), who slays the serpent Çruvara and +the giant Gandarewa. The Avesta gives him the +epithet Nairimanao, <i>i. e.</i> the man-hearted, heroic, and +represents him as seizing the brilliance of majesty, +when it departed for the third time from Yima (p. +36). This hint was enough to give the royal power +to Kereçaçpa; his epithet and his tribal name are +personified, and become his descendants Neriman and +Sam. In accordance with their origin these princes +from Zabul are in Firdusi the most faithful adherents +of the race of Feridun, which has rewarded them with +the dominion over the South. In this way the legend +of Sejestan is woven into the closest connection with the +legend of the Avesta. The power of the descendants of +Feridun is extinguished with Naudar, from whose sons +"the splendour of the royal majesty shines no longer;" +thus does Firdusi repeat the metaphor current in the +Avesta. The princes of Zabul now take their place +as the protectors and guardians of Iran. The son of +king Sam of Zabul is Zal. After Naudar's melancholy +fall he makes peace between Iran and Turan; the +Oxus is fixed as the boundary, Afrasiab returns to his +own country, and in the place of the sons of Naudar +Zal allows Zav to be chosen king of Iran. Zav is +already aged and soon dies; Afrasiab invades Iran +again. Then Zal deliberates with the Mobedhs (<i>i. e.</i> +with the chiefs of the Magians, p. 60), who is to be +king of Iran. It is resolved to raise Kai Kobad to the +throne, who like Feridun before him dwells on Elburz. +Zal sends his son Rustem (Moses of Khorene is the +first who mentions the Persian legend of Rustem), a +youth of great strength, who as a boy had slain an +infuriated elephant, to fetch Kai Kobad from Elburz.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> +Rustem finds him prepared, for he has seen in a dream +two white falcons who place a golden crown upon +his head. Afrasiab's army, which opposes him, is +defeated; Kai Kobad ascends the throne of Iran, +the Turanians are defeated in a great battle, Rustem +seizes Afrasiab by his girdle and drags him from his +horse; but the girdle breaks, Afrasiab falls to the +ground, and is saved by his own people. In the peace +the Oxus is once more fixed as the boundary between +Iran and Turan. Kai Kobad is followed by his son +Kai Kaus. Against the advice of his vassals and of +Zal he leads his army against Mazanderan, a land +inhabited by demons, which take the king captive +with his whole army. A single warrior escapes to bring +the terrible news to Zal. As Zal is now 200 years old, +Rustem undertakes to liberate the king. He has to +overcome seven terrible monsters before he can arrive +at the demons. At last he makes his way to them, +and on his horse Reksh, he destroys the army of the +demons. Then he slays their chief, the white demon, +in the dark cave, and liberates Kai Kaus and the army +of Iran. Kai Kaus now causes the conquered demons +to build him splendid palaces on Elburz, and resolves +to fly up to heaven, in order to see the course of the +sun. Four eagles bound to his throne carry him +upwards, but then allow him to fall to earth. Ashamed +at his pride he humbles himself, and his penance +appeases the wrath of heaven. When Afrasiab breaks +the peace and again invades Iran, Kai Kaus sends his +son Siavaksh, under the guidance of Rustem, against +the Turanians. For three days the battle rages at the +gates of Balkh, and at length Siavaksh is victorious. +Afrasiab sues for peace, Siavaksh concludes a treaty; +but Kai Kaus will not confirm it. That he may not +break his word, Siavaksh gives himself up to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> +Turanians. Afrasiab receives him with honour, and +gives him his daughter Feringis to wife. Subsequently +he harbours suspicion against him, causes him to be +executed, and the son, whom Feringis bears after the +execution of her husband, to be brought up among +the shepherds without any knowledge of his birth. +To this son an abode is then allotted in a remote +region of Turan.</p> + +<p>To avenge the execution of Siavaksh Rustem invades +Turan. Victorious in the battle he causes +Surkha, the son of Afrasiab, whom he captures in the +battle, to be put to death in the same way as Siavaksh, +pursues Afrasiab to the extreme border of his kingdom, +and does not return till the whole of Turan has been +laid waste: the booty is immense. Many years afterwards +it was revealed in a dream to Guderz (Gotarzes), +a descendant of that Kave, who had once forged for +Feridun the club used against Zohak, that a son of +Siavaksh survived. Gev, the son of Guderz, arose to +seek in Turan the right heir to the throne of Iran. +For seven years he seeks in vain. At length he +discovers Kai Chosru, to whom his mother Feringis has +already revealed the secret of his birth. In spite of +the most severe persecution on the part of Afrasiab, +Gev succeeds in carrying away mother and son to +Iran; they swim through the swollen Oxus on horseback. +But when Kai Kaus wishes to make the grandson +so happily discovered his successor, Tur, the son of +king Naudar, opposes the elevation of a king who has +Turanian blood in his veins. Kai Chosru proves his +higher claim by capturing a citadel of the demons, +and erecting a fire-altar in its place. Then he sets +himself to avenge the death of his father on Afrasiab. +But the first army of the Iranians under Tur is +defeated; and when Feriborz receives the command<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> +the warriors of Iran are again severely beaten in the +valley of Peshen; a third army is shut up on Mount +Hamaven. To liberate this Rustem sets forth, and +conquers in the most terrible battle which he has ever +fought. At length Afrasiab and Kai Chosru take the +lead of their armies. After a bloody struggle the +Turanians are compelled to retire, first beyond the +Oxus, and then beyond the Jaxartes. Afrasiab flies +for refuge to his fortified city Kang Bihist; the city +is taken, but he escapes into a cave. Kai Kaus and +Kai Chosru entreat the fire Adar guçasp, that Afrasiab +may not escape them. A pious penitent, Hom, who +hears the lament of Afrasiab in his cave, recognises +him, overpowers and binds him, and leads him forth. +Afrasiab entreats the penitent to loose his bonds, and +then escapes once more, into a lake. The pious Hom +obtains possession of him again, and hands him over +to Kai Chosru, who has his head cut off in revenge for +his father Siavaksh. Kai Kaus has now seen the +fulfilment of vengeance on Afrasiab for the death of +Siavaksh; his days draw to a close. For sixty years +after him, Kai Chosru rules over Iran in peace, and +then resolves to enter on a pilgrimage to heaven. +When the angel Serosh has bidden him nominate +Lohrasp as his successor, he fulfils this injunction, +establishes Rustem as general-in-chief of the kingdom +and successor of his father Zal in the kingdom of the +South, and after long meditation, accompanied by the +sons of Naudar, Tus and Gustehem, and the heroes +Gev and Feriborz, he begins the pilgrimage to the +East. When high up in the mountains he advises +his companions to return; soon they will see him no +more. He disappears after bathing in a spring; his +heroes, in spite of the command to return, seek for +him, and are buried in a storm of snow.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span></p> + +<p>We saw above that in the Avesta, Manuschithra +and Airyu are connected with Thraetaona, and that +the group of the Paradhatas comes to an end with +these names. Hence Firdusi also represents the crown +as being brought to the first ruler of the new group, +Kai Kobad, <i>i. e.</i> the Kava Kavata of the Avesta, from +the sky by two falcons; he also represents him as +being fetched from Elburz, <i>i. e.</i> from the holy mountain +of the old legend, in order to overcome Zohak, +just as Thraetaona descended from the same mountain. +Kai Kaus, the Kava Uça of the Avesta, who succeeded +Kai Kobad, betrays his divine nature in Firdusi by his +march against the demons, by the castles which these +demons build for him on Elburz, and by his attempt +to fly into heaven. In the Avesta Kava Uça offers +sacrifice, in order to obtain the dominion over men +and Daevas, and this favour is granted to him. That +the march against the demons is made in the direction +of Mazanderan is due no doubt to the frequent mention +of the Mazanian Devs in the Avesta. Siavaksh, the +son of Kai Kaus, who honourably gives himself up to +the Turanians, is the Çyavarshana of the Avesta—from +which we merely learn that he was spotless, and +that after Kava Uça the royal majesty united with +the beautiful body of Çyavarshana, and that he died +by a violent death (p. 37). The destructive Turanian +Franghraçyana, who is now called Afrasiab, is known +to the Avesta. "Thrice," we are told, "he sought +after the royal majesty which belongs to the Arian +lands, but he found it not."<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> Kai Chosru, <i>i. e.</i> Kava +Huçrava, is in the Avesta also the son of Çyavarshana; +he offers sacrifice, in order that it may be granted +to him "to put an end to the long period of dimness," +"to bind the Franghraçyana filled with abundance;"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> +he is said to be "without sickness and death." Firdusi's +poem neglects none of these traits. After the +triple war which, kindled by Afrasiab, has lasted for a +long time, Firdusi represents Chosru as invoking the +fire Guçasp, that Afrasiab may not escape him. In +the Avesta the god Haoma is said himself to bind +Franghraçyana, and to carry him away as a captive of +king Huçrava, in order that the latter may slay him +beyond the lake Chaechaçta (p. 37). In Firdusi the +pious Hom discovers the hiding-place of Afrasiab; he +binds him and carries him away a prisoner. Afrasiab +escapes; but Hom captures him once more in lake +Kanyesht. As Huçrava is "without sickness and +death," Firdusi represents him as vanishing on a +pilgrimage to heaven.</p> + +<p>In Firdusi, Lohrasp, whom Chosru has made his +successor, erects a fire-temple at Balkh, his royal +abode, and after reigning 120 years, abdicates in +favour of Gushtasp, his elder son, in order to devote +his life to pious exercises at his temple. When Zartusht +proclaims the Avesta, Gushtasp and his wife +receive the new doctrine. But Arjasp, the king of +Turan, sent Gushtasp a command not to listen to the +words of Zartusht. To this request Gushtasp did not +accede; a battle took place on the banks of the Oxus, +which turned in favour of Iran, owing to the bravery +of Zarir, the brother of Gushtasp. An arrow from an +ambush lays the hero low at the moment of victory. +His death terrifies the Iranians; not one of them +ventures to avenge it till Gushtasp promises Isfendyar, +the strongest and bravest of his sons, that he will +give him the crown if he succeeds in avenging the +death of Zarir. Isfendyar overthrows the warriors +of Iran, brings the arms and horse of Zarir into the +camp of Iran, and Arjasp retires into his land. In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> +the place of the promised crown, Isfendyar receives +from his father the high mission of spreading abroad +the new faith. By means of a chain which he places +on his neck, Zartusht makes Isfendyar invulnerable, +and surrounds him with a charm so that anyone who +slays him will himself quickly die. When Isfendyar +returns home after a long time, his mission fully accomplished, +as all have received the law of Zartusht, +accusations are made against him that he is collecting +an army to dethrone his father. On this unfounded +charge Gushtasp causes Isfendyar to be cast into +prison. But while he remains in Zabul, the Turanians +attack Balkh. The aged Lohrasp takes up arms; he +cannot check the Turanians; he falls; the city is +taken: Zartusht with the fire-priests is slain in the +fire-temple, the sacred fire is quenched in their blood, +and two daughters of Gushtasp are carried away to +Turan. In vain does Gushtasp hasten up, when he +has collected his army; thirty-eight of his sons are +slain in the battle against the Turanians. Gushtasp +takes to flight, and with his warriors finds refuge in a +mountain which is quickly invested by Arjasp. Then +Jamasp, the faithful adviser of Gushtasp, passes in +disguise through the camp of the Turanians, to fetch +Isfendyar out of prison, and urge him to save his +father and Iran. Forgetting his deep injury and wrong, +Isfendyar forces a way through the camp of Arjasp, +and in the subsequent battle slaughters so many of the +enemy's men that he takes to flight. But the task is +not yet accomplished; it still remains to set at liberty +the two sisters whom the Turanians had carried away +from Balkh, and whom Arjasp keeps imprisoned in +"the brazen fortress." After seven conflicts, corresponding +to those which Rustem had to undergo, when +he liberated Kai Kaus from the power of the demons,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> +Isfendyar reaches the fortress. He sends his army +back, and in the guise of a merchant obtains entrance +into the citadel. Here he asks Arjasp, to whom he is +unknown, for permission to give a feast to the principal +men on the turrets of the citadel. When the +wine has done its work, Isfendyar gives the signal of +fire already agreed upon to his followers; the garrison +is overpowered; Arjasp is slain by Isfendyar in single +combat, and Isfendyar returns victorious with his +sisters to Balkh.</p> + +<p>Here a new and yet more dangerous task awaits +him. Rustem, who made Kai Kobad ruler of Iran, +and has since done such good service, and achieved +such noble acts for Kai Kaus and Kai Chosru, remains +at a distance from the court and army of king +Gushtasp. He despises the doctrine of Zartusht. +At Gushtasp's bidding Isfendyar must break down +this opposition, and bring him to the king. Isfendyar +marches out and commands Rustem to follow +him in chains to the court. With a heavy heart +Rustem seeks to withdraw from the contest; he treats +with Isfendyar; but the latter obstinately insists on +his terms. Nothing remains for the aged hero but to +give battle against his will. Isfendyar's invulnerable +body resists his blows, and Reksh, the horse of Rustem, +is wounded; Rustem is himself wounded and compelled +to retire. He has no hope of conquering in +the battle which is to begin again on the next day. +In his deep distress he calls to the bird Simurgh, who +comes, sucks the blood from his wound, and heals the +horse. Simurgh is acquainted with the future, and +advises a compromise: there is indeed a way of +overcoming Isfendyar, but anyone who takes his life +"must not expect salvation in this world or the next." +Rustem cannot bring himself to suffer defeat in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> +battle, and therefore in the night Simurgh carries him +away to the tree of life, on the sea of China, and bids +him break off the branch to which Isfendyar's life is +bound. Out of this branch is cut the death-arrow for +the conflict of the morrow. With it Rustem hits +the place in the eye in which alone Isfendyar is +vulnerable. But for Rustem also the lot of death is +cast. He is invited by the king of Cabul, a tributary +prince, to hunt; and the king's son-in-law, Sheghad, +prepares a pit filled with swords and lances, for the +destruction of the aged hero. Into this Rustem falls +with his horse, but even in the moment of death his +arrow hits Sheghad, who had concealed himself in a +hollow tree, in order to watch the success of his +scheme. Rustem's son Feramorz avenges the murder +of his father on the king of Cabul; but Gushtasp +renounces the world, and transfers the government +to his grandson Bahman, the son of Isfendyar.</p> + +<p>Here also we find traces of the Avesta underlying +the poem. In the Avesta Aurvataçpa, now Lohrasp, +and Vistaçpa, now Gushtasp, form a group distinct +from the most ancient princes. Firdusi represents +Kai Chosru as making Lohrasp his successor in spite +of the murmurs of the nobles. Arejataçpa, now Arjasp, +the Turanian, sacrifices in the Avesta in order to +obtain victory over Vistaçpa, and the great equestrian, +Zairivairi, the brother of Vistaçpa. In Firdusi this +brother, the bravest warrior of Iran against Turan, is +Zarir. In the Avesta Vistaçpa conquers Arejataçpa; in +Firdusi Arjasp finally succumbs in the conflict. In the +Avesta Jamaçpa is a prince of great influence with Vistaçpa; +in Firdusi he is his faithful counsellor. In the +Avesta Zarathrustra offers sacrifice that he may unite +with the warlike Vistaçpa, and that the king's consort +Hutaoça may impress the law on her memory (p. 37);<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> +in Firdusi Gushtasp and his wife receive the new law. +According to the Avesta Vistaçpa has given his support +and protection to the law, has set up the law in +the world, and given it a high position, and made the +path broad for purity. In Firdusi Isfendyar is sent +to spread abroad the new law over the earth. The +Avesta mentions twenty-nine sons of Vistaçpa, Firdusi +even more; in both Çpentodata (Isfendyar) has the +first place. In the Avesta Zarathrustra pronounces a +blessing on Vistaçpa, in Firdusi he pronounces it on +Isfendyar. That the latter was extolled, even in the +Avesta, as supporting the faith and spreading it abroad—though +our fragments do not allow us to draw any +further conclusions—is nevertheless clear from the +creed of the Parsees: "I abide in the law which the +lord Ormuzd taught to Zartusht, and Zartusht to +king Gushtasp, and Gushtasp to Frashaostra (p. 62), +Jamasp, and Isfendyar, and these to all the faithful +in the world." Firdusi has made use of the spread of +the new law by Isfendyar, in order to bring to a conclusion +the legend of Sejestan which he connects with +the tradition of the Avesta, and to provide an adequate +motive for the fall of the mighty Rustem of Ghasna, +the descendant of the mighty Kereçaçpa. In his zeal +for the faith, Isfendyar demands more than Rustem +can grant; the champion of the faith is stronger in +the conflict than Rustem; and the latter, in order +to keep his honour, avails himself of wicked magical +arts. We have seen what was the occupation of the +two eagles of the sky, Amru and Chamru, at the tree +in Lake Vourukasha, which bears the seeds of all life +(p. 172). To these arts the champion of the faith +succumbs, but by his success the victor has pronounced +judgment on himself.</p> + +<p>In the form which Firdusi has given them, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> +legends of Ancient Iran have to some extent continued +to live among the people, and to some extent +they have failed. The Shahnameh celebrates Jemshid's +(Yima's) glittering palace and splendid throne; hence +the ruins of the great palace of the Achæmenids at +Persepolis have gained the name of the throne of +Jemshid; ruins near Bamiyan in the Hindu-Kush, on +the road from Balkh to Cabul, are still called Zohak's +castle. The smoke rising out of the crater of Demavend +is the breath of Zohak chained in the depths of +the mountain. Each year, on the last day of August, +the inhabitants of Elburz celebrate the festival of the +overthrow of Zohak with bonfires on every height, +and demonstrations of joy. The ruins of Takt-i-Bostan +are called the garden of Kai Chosru, and in Iran +Balkh is still the mother of cities.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> A lofty and steep +rock in Lake Zirreh in Sejestan is said to have been +crowned with the castle of Rustem, and the site of a +second castle is pointed out at Aivan. Aqueducts +and dams pass for works of Rustem. In the desert +of Beluchistan, the ancient Gedrosia, the tracks of the +camels of Rustem are still shown by large stones in +the sand. In Mazanderan is the battle-field where +Rustem defeated the Divs in order to liberate Kai +Kaus (p. 253). The sculptures of the Achæmenids on +the tombs at Persepolis are called pictures of Rustem +(Naksh-i-Rustem), and in the bed of the Hilmend his +grave is shown. When Timour's Mongols devastated +Sejestan in the fourteenth century, the people called +on Rustem to raise his head from the grave, and +behold Iran in the hand of his enemy, the warrior of +Turan. By a strange misconception the nobles in +Mazanderan assume the name Div as a title of honour. +A large family of nobles in Sejestan call themselves +Kaïanids, and boast of their descent from Jemshid<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> +and the ancient kings, and to this family, down to +the most recent times, the viceroyalty of Sejestan +belonged as an hereditary office. When the holder +of it died, the eldest of the family went to court +in order to apply for the office, and was duly installed +by investment with the robe of honour and armour.<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a></p> + +<p>While the ancient legends have lived on in Iran, +the religion of Zoroaster has passed beyond Iran, and +survives on the Malabar coast. Every day the Parsees +utter their invocations before the sacred fire, and +present bowls filled with the juice of the Haoma. +Each month, as we have seen, belongs to one of the +heavenly deities, who is then specially invoked; each +of the thirty days of the month has its own protecting +spirit, who is especially honoured on his own day. +Six yearly festivals, each of five days, celebrate the +creation of the heaven, water, the earth, the trees, +animals, and men (p. 182); on each of which special +prayers are said. At the close of the year the +Parsees purify and adorn their houses, in order to +receive worthily the souls of their ancestors: sacrificial +bread, fruits, milk, wine, and meat are put ready for +them. The Fravashis, now called Farvars, are invoked +"to receive the sacrifice, to lift up their hands +to it, and depart in peace from the dwelling."<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> On +these days the priests read the liturgies appointed as +prayers for the souls of the damned, and for ten days +the laity have to repeat many thousands of times the +prayers "Ahuna-vairya" and "Ashem Vohu." Each +morning, on waking, the Parsee prays: "The best +purity is to the just, who is pure. He is pure who +does pure works. I pray with purity of thought, of +word, and act." When removing, and again when +putting on, his girdle (p. 217), he says, with face +turned to the East: "May Ormuzd be king; may<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> +Ahriman be defeated and destroyed; may the enemies +be confounded, and remain far off; of all my sins I +repent." Then he takes gomez for ablutions, washes +his face and hands with it, rubs himself with earth, +and with gomez in his hand says: "May Ahriman be +destroyed; may the thirty-three Amshaspands and +Ormuzd be victorious and pure." After a prayer to +Çrosh (Çraosha)—"the pure and strong, may he increase +to greater majesty, whose body is the word, and +whose club is victorious"—follows ablution with water, +dressing of the fire with wood and perfumes, and the +proper morning prayer to Ushahin, the spirit of the +morning: "Praise to thee, high Dawn." When it is +light, a prayer is offered to Mithra, and two others +at midday and sunset. In the morning a prayer to +Ormuzd is recited, in which all his names and qualities +are enumerated. Before eating, the Parsee must wash +himself and pronounce the prayer "Ahuna-vairya," +and after eating, the prayer "King Ormuzd." When +the Parsee goes to rest he must arrange his bed in +such a way that he lies towards the fire, or the moon, +or the East. Before sleeping, a prayer is offered to +Ormuzd. On turning over in bed, sneezing, the +discharge of natural or sexual functions, kindling a +light, approaching water or fire, special prayers are +uttered, and the sum of daily duties is increased on +many occasions in family life—at the time of a birth, +or death, or festivals, and when impurities have been +incurred. However external and formal these numerous +prayers and rituals may appear, the Parsee forms of +confession are nevertheless evidence of the depth of +their religious feeling, and their retention in the +family and social life proves that the ancient religion +still possesses a powerful influence.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> Flügel, "Mani," s. 407; Mohl, "Livre des Rois," Intro. Mordtmann, +"Z. D. M. G." 19, 485 ff; Nöldeke, "Tabari," s. xv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> Nohodares in Ammian, 1, 14, 3; 1, 25, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Spiegel, "Eran," 1, 557.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> "Zamyad Yasht," 56 ff. Above, p. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> Ritter, "Erdkunde," 8, 153, 183, 491, 561.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> Chanikof, in Spiegel, "Eran," 1, 556.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> "Farvardin Yasht," 147.</p></div> +</div> + + +<div class="bbt"> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="BOOK_VIII" id="BOOK_VIII"></a>BOOK VIII.</h3> + +<h2>THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES AND +PERSIANS.</h2> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span></p> +</div> + + + +<h1><a name="THE_EMPIRE_OF_THE_MEDES" id="THE_EMPIRE_OF_THE_MEDES"></a>THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES<br /> +AND PERSIANS.</h1> + + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<h3>THE FOUNDATION OF THE MEDIAN KINGDOM.</h3> + + +<p>On the northern edge of the table-land of Iran, where +the mountains descend to the Caspian Sea, we found +dwelling towards the east the Hyrcanians (<i>Vehrkana</i> +in the Avesta, <i>Varkana</i> in the inscriptions of Darius).<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> +Their territory may have corresponded to the modern +district of Jorjan, which has preserved their name +(p. 9). To the west of the Hyrcanians, between +Elburz and the Caspian, lay the Tapurians, whose +name has survived in the modern Taberistan, and +further yet, on the sea-coast, and at the mouth of the +Mardus (now Safidrud), were the Mardians. Adjacent +to these, on the shores of the Caspian Sea as far as +the mouth of the Cyrus, lay the nation whom the +Greeks called Cadusians, but whose native name was +Gaels<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a>—a name still preserved in the name of the +district of Ghilan.<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> To the south of these tribes—the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> +Tapurians, Mardians, and Cadusians—the north-west +of the table-land was entirely occupied by the Medes.</p> + +<p>The country of the Medes, Herodotus tells us, is +very high and mountainous in the north towards the +Euxine, and covered with forests, but the remainder +of it is flat.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> Polybius gives a more minute description +of the nature of Media. "It is difficult to speak +adequately of the natural strength and of the extent +of the country of the Medes. It lies in the centre of +Asia, and in the size and elevation of the land surpasses +all other parts, while the situation enables it +to govern the strongest and most populous nations. +Towards the east it is protected by the desert which +lies between Persia and Parthia, it has control of the +Caspian gates, and abuts on the mountains of the +Tapurians, which are not far distant from the Hyrcanian +Sea. Towards the north it is bounded by the +Matieni and Cadusians, on the west it extends to the +Saspeires, who dwell close to the tribes which lie on +the Euxine. Towards the south it extends to Mesopotamia +and abuts on Persia; on this side it is +protected by the range of the Zagrus, which reaches +an elevation of one hundred stadia, and is broken into +various ranges and groups, separated by deep valleys +and open plains, in which dwell the Carchi, Cossaei, +and other warlike tribes. Media itself is traversed +by several ranges in the direction from east to west, +but between them are plains filled with cities and +villages. The Medes possess corn and cattle in +untold abundance, and in horses their country is +superior to the whole of Asia, so that it takes the first +place, not only in virtue of its extent, but also owing +to the number and excellence of the men and horses."<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> +Strabo allows Media an extent of 4000 stades (500<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> +miles) in length and breadth. It reached from the +Zagrus to the Caspian gates. The greater part of the +land was high and cold, but the district below the +Caspian gates on the lower ground was very fertile. +Even in the rest of the land, with the exception of +some mountain districts, there was no lack of the +means of subsistence, and everywhere on the high +ground there was excellent pasture for horses.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a></p> + +<p>The nation of the Medes belongs to the group of +the Arian tribes, which occupied the table-land of +Iran. This has been already proved by the statement +of Herodotus that in ancient time the Medians were +called Areans by all men (p. 14), by the religion of +the Medes, and by all the Median words and names +that have come down to us.<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> According to Herodotus +the nation consisted of six tribes: the Arizanti, Busae, +Struchates, Budii, Paraetaceni, and Magi. Whether +certain parts of the land belonged to these tribes as +their habitation, is not clear from this statement. +The Magians we have already found to be a hereditary +order of priests (p. 191), and therefore we can hardly +assume a separate part of the country as their habitation. +The question thus becomes limited to the +remaining five tribes. The name of the Paraetaceni +occurs in the mountain district, which the later Greeks +call Paraetacene. This district separated Media from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> +Persia, and there is therefore nothing remarkable in +the fact that the Paraetaceni are counted among the +Persians or spoken of as an independent tribe.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> If +the Paraetaceni had a special province, we shall be all +the more justified in allotting the same to the Arizanti, +the Budii, Struchates, and Busae, as the tribe of the +Matieni, which Strabo reckons among the Medes,<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> +had a special habitation and territory in the district of +Matiene, <i>i. e.</i> in the region which after the time of the +Seleucids was known as Atropatene; and the tribes +of the Persians, who were closely akin to the Medes, +were also settled in special regions, or marched through +them with their flocks. The name Arizanti (<i>Arizantu</i>) +might signify the noble families, <i>i. e.</i> an eminent tribe, +which tribe might nevertheless possess a separate +habitation. Among the Persians there was a privileged +tribe, to which the royal family belonged, which +ruled over all the tribes, and this tribe like the rest +had a special territory.</p> + +<p>The districts of Media, as we know them from +the accounts of later writers, are beside Atropatene: +Choromithrene, Nisaea, Rhagiana, Cambadene, and +Bagistana.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> Atropatene is the elevated plain which +spreads round the lake which Ptolemy calls the +Matienian lake (now Urumiah). The inscriptions of the +kings of Asshur call the inhabitants of this land Mati +and Mala.<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> Shut in by mighty summits which reach<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> +a height of more than 12,000 feet, naked ridges, fields +of snow, mountain pastures, green forests and meadows +here make up the wildest, but at the same time most +beautiful, Alpine landscape in the west of Iran. The +snow lies on the backs of the heights for about nine +months, but in the valleys there reigns for the most +part uninterrupted spring; in the deeper clefts the +summer is hot, and the naphtha springs must have +caused this region to appear as one highly favoured +by the gods in the eyes of such zealous worshippers +of fire as the Arians of Iran. We have already seen +(p. 74) that the name Atropatene, which in middle +Persian is Aturpatkan, and modern Persian Aderbeijan, +means "protected by fire."</p> + +<p>In the ranges of the Zagrus, which, running from +the Alps of Atropatene to the south-east, separate +the table-land of Iran from the valley of the Tigris—these +summits rise above the hilly land of Assyria to +a height of 15,000 feet—we must seek the territory +which Ptolemy calls Choromithrene, <i>i. e.</i> by a name +which beyond doubt goes back to the worship of +Mithra. Further to the east, beyond the isolated +mountain-group of Elvend, on the eastern foot of the +mountains, lay the territory where Ecbatana was subsequently +built. To the south-east were the "Nisæan +plains" of Herodotus, on which, as he tells us, were +kept the most beautiful and largest horses, superior +to those of the Indians.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> Polybius has already +stated, that in regard to horses Media surpassed +the rest of Asia; the mares of the Parthian kings +were kept in Media owing to the excellent pastures.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> +According to Strabo, there were 50,000 mares on the +"horse pastures" in the time of the Achæmenids; +these pastures any one going from Babylonia and +Persia to the Caspian gates, <i>i. e.</i> to the Sirdarra-pass +in Elburz, would cross. Diodorus places them seven +days' march to the east of Behistun, and tells us that +at one time there were 160,000 wild horses here, +though Alexander found only 60,000. Arrian puts +the previous number at 150,000, and the number +found by Alexander at 50,000, as the greater part +had been carried off by robbers.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> That Herodotus has +given the name of this region correctly is shown by +the inscriptions of Darius, which speak of a province +of Niçaya in Media.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> To the north-east of the region +of Ecbatana, on an elevated plateau, lay the district +of Raghiana. It takes its name from the metropolis +Ragha, a city on the southern foot of Elburz, mentioned +both in the Avesta and the inscriptions. +Under the Arsacids Ragha was the largest city of +Media. Its later name was Rai; the ruins (near the +modern Teheran) are said to cover the land for leagues. +Besides Ragha there were at one time numerous +flourishing cities in Raghiana.<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> Campadene,<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> the +Campada of the inscriptions of Darius, we must look +for in the south of Media, to the east of the Zagrus; +it is no doubt the district now called Chamabatan.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> +According to the statement of the Greeks, the district +of Bagistana extended to a mountain which was sacred<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> +to Zeus. As Diodorus says, it was a region fit for +the gods, filled with fruit-trees and every other +kind that ministers to delight and enjoyment.<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> The +name of the mountain consecrated to Zeus, Bagistana, +and the similar name of the district, go back to the +title under which the gods are comprised in the Avesta +and the inscriptions of Darius (Old Bactr. <i>bagha</i>, +Old Pers. <i>baga</i>, New Pers. <i>bag</i>); and if Diodorus tells +us that the region was a land fit for the gods, the +name Bagistana means the abode of the gods. The +district may have been held peculiarly sacred by the +Medes, or the name may have been intended to express +their gratitude for its fertility and beauty. We can +fix precisely the position of this district by the hill +consecrated to Zeus near the modern Behistun. It +lies south-west of Elvend, between that mountain and +the Zagrus in the valley of the Choaspes, and is the +district now known as Kirmenshah.</p> + +<p>According to the statements of Berosus, the historian +of Babylon, the Medes in the most ancient +period had already reigned over Babylonia for more +than two centuries. They had suddenly collected an +army, reduced Babylonia, and there set up tyrants of +their own people. According to the succession of the +dynasties which Berosus represents as ruling over +Babylonia, the beginning of this supremacy of the +Medes fell, as has been shown (I. 241, 247), in the +year 2458 <small>B.C.</small> The first of the Medes who thus ruled +in Babylon is called Zoroaster by Syncellus, after +Polyhistor; according to this writer the seven Medes +reign till the year 2224 <small>B.C.</small> Whether Berosus +called the first Median king who reigned in Babylon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> +Zoroaster, or Polyhistor has ascribed that position to +him as the most famous name in Iran, or the only +name known in antiquity, must be left undecided, no +less than the actual fact of the Median supremacy.</p> + +<p>The Medo-Persian epos told us that Ninus of Asshur, +after subjugating Babylonia and Armenia, attacked +the Medes. Pharnus, their king, met him with a +mighty army, but was nevertheless beaten. He was +crucified with his wife and seven children by Ninus; +one of his retinue was made viceroy of Media; and for +many years the Medes were subject to the successors +of Ninus on the throne of Assyria (II. 3 ff). Herodotus' +account is as follows: "When the Assyrians had +reigned over upper Asia for 520 years, the Medes +were the first to revolt, and as they fought bravely for +their freedom against the Assyrians, they succeeded in +escaping slavery and liberating themselves. Afterwards +the rest of the nations did what the Medes had done. +And as all the nations of the mainland lived according +to laws of their own, they again fell under a tyranny +in the following manner:—Among the Medes was a +man of ability, called Deioces, the son of Phraortes. +He desired the tyranny, and did as follows: The +Medes dwelt in villages, and Deioces, who was previously +a man of importance, set himself more and +more zealously to the task of doing justice, since +lawlessness reigned throughout the whole of Media. +When the Medes of his village discovered these qualities +in him, they chose him for their judge. And as +his heart was already set on the empire, he acted justly +and rightly, and thus got no small credit among his +fellow-citizens, so that the men from other villages, +when they found that Deioces alone judged rightly, +gladly resorted to him, since hitherto they had had to +endure unjust sentences, and at last they would not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> +go to any one else. As the number of the applicants +became greater, and Deioces found that everything +depended upon him, he refused to sit any longer in +court and pronounce sentence, saying, that it was of no +advantage to himself to neglect his own business and +spend the day in settling the disputes of others. Then +robbery and lawlessness became more rife than ever +in the villages, and the Medes gathered together and +consulted on the position of affairs. In my belief the +friends of Deioces were the first to speak: 'As things +are, it is impossible to live in the land; let us choose +some one to be king, and thus the land will obtain +good government. We can occupy ourselves with our +own business, and shall not be compelled to wander +from home.' With these words they persuaded the +Medes to set up a monarchy. And when they at once +began the discussion who should be king, Deioces +was highly commended and put forward by every one, +so that at last he was chosen by all to be king. Then +Deioces commanded the Medes to build him a palace +suitable for a king, and strengthen his power by a +body-guard. This they did, and built a great and +strong palace, on the place which Deioces pointed out +to them, and allowed him to choose his lance-bearers +out of all the nation. When he had obtained the +sovereign power he at once compelled the Medes to +build him a large city, in order that, being thus +occupied, they might trouble him less about other +things; and when the Medes obeyed him in this matter +also, he erected the great and strong citadel now known +as Ecbatana. The walls formed seven circles, in such +a manner that the inner was always higher by the +turrets than the next outer circle, an arrangement +assisted by the locality, for the town was situated on +a hill. In the seventh wall was the palace and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> +treasure-house of Deioces. After erecting this fortification +for himself, and his palace, the king commanded +the people to settle round the citadel. When the +building was completed Deioces first made the arrangement +that no one should enter in to the king, but +every thing was done by messengers, in order that +those who had grown up with him, and were of +similar age, equal in descent and bravery, might not +envy him, and set conspiracies on foot, but that by +being invisible he might appear a different being; it +was also disgraceful to laugh or spit, or do anything of +that kind in his presence. When he had made these +arrangements, and thus strengthened his tyranny, he +adhered strictly to justice. Plaints had to be sent in to +him in writing, and he sent back the sentence. Thus +he managed this and all other matters, and if he found +that any one was guilty of insolence, and did violence +to others, he punished him according to the measure +of his offence, and his spies and emissaries were everywhere +in the land.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> In this manner Deioces united +the Medes, and governed them for 53 years. After +his death, his son Phraortes succeeded to the throne. +Not content with ruling over the Medes only, he +marched against the Persians, and first made them +subject to the Medes. When he had become master +of these two powerful nations, he subjugated all Asia, +attacking one nation after another. Finally, he marched +against the Assyrians, who had previously ruled over +all men, but, though otherwise in excellent condition, +were then abandoned by their allies, who had revolted. +In the war against these Phraortes fell, after a reign +of 22 years, and with him the greatest part of his +army."<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a></p> + +<p>The account of the history of the Medes given by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> +Ctesias is wholly different. As their subjugation to +Assyria is coeval with the founding of that kingdom, +so is their liberation coeval with the fall of it. When +the Medes, after their conquest by Ninus, had been +subject to the rulers of Asshur, down to his thirty-sixth +successor, Arbaces, the viceroy of Media, with +Belesys, the viceroy of Babylonia, revolted from the +Assyrian king. The kingdom of Assyria still remains +unbroken; it is only after severe struggles, and in +consequence of the desertion of the Bactrians and +other nations during the conflict, that it is overthrown. +After the capture of Nineveh, Arbaces, as supreme +lord, takes the place of the king of Asshur.</p> + +<p>According to the dates of Herodotus Deioces ascended +the throne of Media in the year 714 or 708 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> +The time which elapsed between the liberation of the +Medes and Deioces' elevation is not given by him. +According to Ctesias Arbaces established the dominion +of the Medes at least 170 years before the date given +by Herodotus for Deioces. In Herodotus Phraortes, +Cyaxares, and Astyages follow Deioces in the dominion +over the Medes, with a total of 97 years. In Ctesias +the successors of Arbaces, who reigns 28 years, are +Mandaces with a reign of 50 years, Sosarmus with 30, +Artycas with 50, Arbianes with 22, Artaeus with 40, +Artynes with 22, Astibaras with 40, and finally Aspadas +with 38 years. On this calculation the dominion of +the Median kings lasted 320 years, and consequently +Arbaces must have overthrown the Assyrian and +established the Median Empire in the year 878 +<small>B.C.</small>; or as Ctesias puts the fall of the last Median +king in 564, and not in 550 <small>B.C.</small>—in the year 884 <small>B.C.</small><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span>—<i>i. e.</i> +precisely at the time when Assyria began to +rise into the position of a widely dominant power +(III. 269, 270). In the list of kings given by Ctesias +Mandaces and Artycas each rule fifty years, Arbianes +and Artynes 22 years, Artaeus and Astibaras 40 years. +This uniformity points to an artificial extension of the +series by duplicates.<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> If it is reduced by striking +out the three seconds in these pairs, and Arbaces is +followed by Mandaces with 50 years, Sosarmus with +30 years, Arbianes with 22 years, Artaeus with 40 +years, and Aspadas with 38 years, we obtain a period +of 178 years for the kings of the Medes, and so +arrive at a point nearer that given by Herodotus for +the commencement of the Median kingdom, the year +736 <small>B.C.</small> (558 + 178), as the first year of Arbaces. Yet +even so we do not find any coincidence whatever +between the two narratives.</p> + +<p>In the narrative of Herodotus we find with surprise +that the Medes attained their liberation without any +combination in the people; without the leadership of +a single head. Yet soon after the time at which he +describes the Medes as revolting from the Assyrians, +Herodotus tells us that Sennacherib marched against +Egypt, and asserts that for 75 years after the accession +of Deioces, "the Assyrians were indeed without +allies, since they had revolted, but were otherwise in a +good condition," so that Phraortes and the greatest +part of his army fell in battle against them. If after +acquiring their freedom the Medes lived isolated in +villages, as Herodotus states, would not the Assyrians +have made use of this anarchy close upon their borders +in order to reduce the Medes again to subjection, +rather than engage in campaigns against Syria and +Egypt? According to the account of Herodotus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> +it was the justice of Deioces which won for him +ever-increasing importance, and finally helped him +to the throne. But had Deioces, who sits on the +throne for 53 years afterwards, sufficient time before +his elevation to make himself known for his love of +justice throughout all Media, unless we are willing to +assign him a very unusual age?<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> And if such dire +anarchy did indeed prevail among the Medes, what +man in such times submits to even the most righteous +sentence? Least of all are the mighty and powerful +willing to do so. How did Deioces obtain the means of +compelling the insubordinate to obey his sentence?—how +could he give protection to the accused, oppressed, +and weak against their opponents? And supposing +that he was able to do this, would he have been +unanimously elected king? Herodotus himself remarks +that Deioces knew that "the unjust are the +enemies of the just."<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> Moreover, if the Medes at that +time lived in the simplest manner, how could a +sovereign elected from their midst change these conditions +at a single stroke, or at any rate in the course of +a single reign, though a long one, so entirely as Herodotus +supposes? Village life is changed into city life, +the Medes are settled in one city round the royal +fortress, and in the place of a patriarchal government +over a simple people, Deioces, "as the first," establishes +the whole apparatus of Oriental tyranny. Immense +palaces, citadels, and walls are built; the wide outer +walls are adorned with gold and silver; the secluded +life of the sovereign in the palace becomes the established +law; the legal process is carried on by writing;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> +and a system of espionage is introduced over the whole +country. It is obvious that in this narrative elements, +belonging to the tradition of the Medes, have been +taken by Herodotus and mingled with the views of the +Greeks, who were familiar with the combination of +villages into one canton, and the union of hamlets +into a city, and had experience of the establishment of +a monarchy by setting up a tyranny in consequence of +the services rendered by the aspirant to the multitude. +Herodotus expressly calls the dominion of Deioces +a tyranny. It is a fact beyond dispute that Herodotus +was influenced by such conceptions in shaping +and forming the material which came to him from +tradition.</p> + +<p>Apart from the motives which influenced him in +describing the elevation of Deioces, Herodotus wishes +to show how the nations of Asia obtained their freedom, +and subsequently lost it. He begins with the statement, +that the Medes revolted from Assyria, and all +the nations of Asia followed their example. According +to his dates, which have been already mentioned, the +Medes must have revolted precisely at the time when +Tiglath Pilesar II. and Sargon reigned over Assyria, +<i>i. e.</i> in the period between 745 and 705 <small>B.C.</small> The +liberation of the remaining nations must therefore have +taken place under Sargon or his successors, Sennacherib +and Esarhaddon, <i>i. e.</i> between the year 705 +and 668 <small>B.C.</small> That this general liberation from the +sovereignty of the Assyrians did not take place at +this period is abundantly clear from the inscriptions +of the kings and the Hebrew Scriptures. We have seen +above to what an extent Tiglath Pilesar caused the +whole of Syria to feel the weight of the Assyrian +arms; he reduced Babylonia to dependence as far as +the Persian Gulf; Sargon was sovereign of Babylonia,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> +maintained Syria, and received the homage of the +island of Cyprus, and the islands of the Persian Gulf. +His successor, Sennacherib, though unable to protect +Syria against Egypt, yet retained Babylonia and the +eastern half of Asia Minor under his dominion. Esarhaddon +united the crowns of Asshur and Babel, +restored the supremacy of Assyria over Syria, subjugated +a part of Arabia and the whole of Egypt.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> +Hence it is clear, that precisely at the time when, +according to Herodotus, the rest of the nations following +the example of the Medes threw off the Assyrian +yoke, that kingdom reached a wider extent than at any +previous time. If, nevertheless, we wish to maintain +the statement that the rest of the nations followed the +example which the Medes are supposed to have set +about the year 736 <small>B.C.</small>,<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> we must place these events +in the last decade of the reign of Assurbanipal, <i>i. e.</i> in +the period between 636 and 626 <small>B.C.</small> We must therefore +bring them down a full century, and this was a +very late result of the action of the Medes.</p> + +<p>Let us attempt, by a comparison of the statements +of the Assyrian inscriptions on the events which +took place on the table-land of Iran and the narrative +of Herodotus, to ascertain the real facts of the +liberation of the Medes. We saw above (p. 19) that +Shalmanesar II. of Asshur (859-823 <small>B.C.</small>) carried his +campaigns as far as the East of Iran. In the year +835 <small>B.C.</small> he imposed tribute on twenty-seven princes +of the land of Parsua, and "turned against the plains +of the land of Amadai;" in 830 <small>B.C.</small> his general-in-chief, +Dayan Asshur, went down into the land of +Parsua, and laid tribute on the land of Parsua, "which +did not worship Asshur," obtained possession of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> +cities, and sent their people and treasures into the +land of Assyria.<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> Tiglath Pilesar II. (745-727 <small>B.C.</small>), +in the campaign which carried him to Arachosia, subjugated +"the land of Nisaa" and "the cities of the +land of Media (Madai)." In the following year he +occupied "the land of Parsua;" "Zikruti in rugged +Media, I added to the land of Assyria; I received the +tribute of Media;" and on his ninth campaign he +again marched into "the land of Media." In an +inscription which sums up all his achievements, he +declares that he has imposed tribute "on the land of +Parsua," the city of Zikruti, "which depends on the +land of the Medes," and on the chieftains of "the land +of Media."<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> The books of the Hebrews tell us that +after the fall of Samaria in 721 <small>B.C.</small> "the king of +Assyria carried Israel away, and gave them habitations +in Chalah, and in the cities of the Medes." It +was Sargon (722-705 <small>B.C.</small>) to whom Samaria yielded.<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> +His inscriptions also tell us that he carried away the +inhabitants of Samaria, and they make mention of the +cities of the Medes. According to them, he received +heavy tribute from twenty-five chiefs of the Medes in +the year 716 <small>B.C.</small>, and set up his royal image in the +midst of their cities. In the next year he carried +away captive "Dayauku with his people and his +family, and caused him to dwell in the land of Amat," +built fortresses in order to control Media, received +tribute from twenty-two chiefs of the Medes, conquered +thirty-four cities in Media, and united them with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> +Assyria. In the year 713 <small>B.C.</small> he marched against +Bit Dayauku, reduced the chief districts of Media, +which had cast off the yoke of Assyria, and received +tribute from forty-five Median chiefs; 4609 horses, +asses, and sheep in great abundance. Sargon repeatedly +boasts that "he has reduced the distant land of Media, +all the places of distant Media, as far as the borders +of the land of Bikni; that he brought them under the +dominion of Asshur; and that his power extended as +far as the city of Simaspati, which belonged to distant +Media in the East."<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> The inscriptions of his successor +Sennacherib (705-681 <small>B.C.</small>) tell us that on his return +from his second campaign (against the land of Ellip), +he received the heavy tribute of the distant land of +Media, and subjugated the land to his dominion.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> +Esarhaddon (681-668 <small>B.C.</small>), the successor of Sennacherib, +according to the Hebrew Scriptures, deported +people from Persia to Samaria. He tells us himself: +"The land of Patusarra, a district in the region of +——, in the midst of distant Media, on the border of +the land of Bikni, the copper mountains. None of +the kings my forefathers had subjugated this land. +Sitirparna and Iparna, the chiefs of the fortified +places, had not bowed before me. I carried them +away with their subjects, horses, chariots, oxen, sheep, +asses, as rich booty to Assyria." "The chiefs of the +cities of Partakka, Partukka, and Uraka-zabarna, in +the land of Media, who lay far off, and in the days +of the kings my forefathers had not trodden the soil +of Assyria—them the fear of Asshur, my lord, threw +to the ground; they brought for me, to my city +Nineveh, their great animals, copper, the product of +their mines, bowed themselves with folded hands +before me, and besought my favour. I put my viceroys<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> +over them, who united the inhabitants of these +regions with my kingdom; I imposed services upon +them, and a fixed tribute."<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> The period at which +this tribute was imposed on the most distant part of +Media can only be so far fixed that it must lie +between 681 and 673 <small>B.C.</small> Assurbanipal, who succeeded +Esarhaddon (668-626 <small>B.C.</small>), tells us: "I +captured Birizchadri, the warden of the city of +Madai (?); Sariti and Pariza, the sons of Gagi, the +warden of the cities of the land of Sakhi, and 75 +citadels had cast off the yoke of my dominion; I took +the cities; the chiefs fell alive into my hands; I +sent them to Nineveh my metropolis." These events +belong to the period between the years 660 and +650 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a></p> + +<p>To weaken the contradiction between this series of +statements and the narrative of Herodotus, we may +call to mind the gross exaggerations in which the kings +of Assyria indulge in describing their acts and successes, +and the grandiloquence which we have already +noticed more than once in the statements of Assyrian +history (III. 139, 200). But however great or however +small may have been the success of the campaigns +of Tiglath Pilesar II., Sargon, Sennacherib, +Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal against the chiefs of +the Medes, it cannot be denied that these campaigns +took place. And if from the very frequency of such +campaigns, after the reign of Tiglath Pilesar, we are +inclined to draw the conclusion that they are a proof +of the lax and nominal character of the dominion of +Assyria over Media, this conclusion proves too much. +The same repetition of warlike enterprises on the part +of the kings of Asshur takes place, as we saw, in every +direction. We shall have as much right to conclude<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span> +that there was no such thing as an Assyrian empire, +either before the year 736 or after it, over the Medes +or any other nation. As I have shown (III. 185), the +Assyrian kingdom never acquired a firm dominion +over the subjugated nations, still less an organisation +of the empire, like the subsequent kingdom of the +Achæmenids. Their sovereignty consisted almost exclusively +in the collection of tribute by force of arms, +in the subjugation or removal of the princes who +refused it, and setting up of others, who in turn soon +withheld it. At the most, Assyrian fortresses were +planted here and there; and no doubt Assyrian viceroys +were placed over smaller regions. The same +procedure is seen in the inscriptions as in use +towards the Medes; and if this is not regarded as the +sovereignty of Assyria, no such sovereignty existed +before Tiglath Pilesar. If, to meet this objection, the +existence of an Assyrian dominion is allowed, in the +very lax form which is everywhere characteristic of +it, we may, from the same frequency of the campaigns +against Media, draw the opposite conclusion, that the +Medes had struggled very vigorously for freedom, +that in the first place the most remote tribes acquired +it, and for them the liberation gradually spread, and +the tradition of the Medes has accepted the beginning +of the movement as the completion of it.</p> + +<p>Setting aside any conclusions of this kind, even +tradition can only have regarded the beginning of the +struggle for freedom as the beginning of liberation, if +it covered the nucleus of a firm resistance, either in +some definite district, or in a dynasty which took +the lead in the struggle and carried it on. Herodotus +is not acquainted with any leader in the struggle and +does not mention any, while the campaigns of the +Assyrians are always directed against a greater or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> +less number of princes and cities; sometimes they +fall on this chieftain and sometimes on that.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> If, +moreover, the fact that Sargon receives tribute from +twenty-five, then from twenty-two, and then from +forty-five chieftains, is brought forward to confirm +the narratives of Herodotus about the anarchy which +prevailed among the Medes, it is not the separation +of the Medes under different chiefs which constitutes +the anarchy as described by Herodotus, but +actual lawlessness. His description gives us no chieftains +in Media, ruling their lands as captains in war +and judges in peace. The Medes dwell in villages, +and the inhabitants choose the village judge, though it +is in their power to go for decision to another village. +Chieftains, even if they had not forbidden their tribes +to seek for justice out of the tribe, would in any case +have left the decision of Deioces unnoticed.</p> + +<p>However this may be, one harsh contradiction between +the narrative of Herodotus and the inscriptions +cannot be removed by any exposition or any deductions. +According to Herodotus Deioces reigned +from the year 708 to 655 <small>B.C.</small>, Phraortes from 655 +to 633 <small>B.C.</small>, over the whole of Media. The inscriptions +of Sennacherib mention the great payment of tribute +by the distant land of Media, and its subjugation +under Sennacherib (p. 282); Esarhaddon removes two +chieftains with their flocks and subjects out of Media +from the border of the land of Bikni to Asshur, and +three chiefs from the same district bring their tribute +to Nineveh; he places his viceroys over them, and +they unite this district with Assyria. After the year<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> +660 <small>B.C.</small> Assurbanipal is said to have taken a chieftain +of Media captive; and in the inscriptions there +is nowhere any mention of Deioces, Phraortes, and the +Median kingdom.</p> + +<p>The inscriptions extend the land of the Medes to +the East as far as the copper mountains, or borders of +the land of Bikni.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> The people lived separately under +a considerable number of chieftains. The five tribes +of the Median nation, enumerated by Herodotus, if +they also possessed separate territory, were not isolated +groups, but on the contrary broken up into yet smaller +divisions. The booty taken by the Assyrians from +the Medes, the tribute imposed upon them, consists +chiefly in oxen, asses, sheep, and horses. The number +of horses given by the chieftains to Sargon allows on +an average a hundred for each, and we also hear of +other property, treasures, and the product of copper +mines. We have repeated mention of the cities of +Media and their governors; Sargon conquers thirty-four +cities. Though we ought to regard these mainly +as citadels, yet civic life cannot have been so unknown +to the Medes as the narrative of Herodotus would +compel us to suppose. Other elements of civilisation +also are known to the Medes at this time, <i>i. e.</i> in the +second half of the eighth and first half of the seventh +century <small>B.C.</small> It has been proved above that at the +beginning of this period the doctrine of Zoroaster must +have reached them, and the names could be given of +the men in Media who published it; and the priests +of the new religion became formed during this century +into an order which perpetuated in their families the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> +knowledge of the good sayings and the customs of +sacrifice. To this order we may also attribute what +the Medes acquired of the superior civilisation and +skill of Assyria, especially the knowledge of the +Assyrian cuneiform writing, which underwent a change +in the hands of the Magians, and assumed the form +known to us from the Achæmenid inscriptions of the +first class. When Herodotus ascribes the introduction +of written process at law to Deioces, the tradition presupposes +an established and extensive use of writing.</p> + +<p>The dominion of the princes under which the Medes +stood is followed by the dominion of the monarchy, +which must have arisen out of it. One of the families +of these princes must have succeeded in obtaining +influence and power over the others. The position of +Deioces and Phraortes must have arisen and developed +itself in this manner. Whether the Dayauku, whom +Sargon carried off in the year 715 <small>B.C.</small> with his followers +to Amat, is one and the same person with the +prince of Bit Dayauku, against whom the Assyrian +king marched in the year 713 <small>B.C.</small> (p. 282), would +be difficult to decide; and even if the matter could be +determined with certainty, it would not be of great +importance. We often find the kings of Asshur replacing +conquered and captive princes in their dominions. +On the other hand, it is of importance that there was +a region of Media, which could be called Bit Dayauku, +<i>i. e.</i> the land of Dayauku, by the Assyrians in the +year 713 <small>B.C.</small> There must have existed at this time +a principality of Deioces among other principalities, +and the beginning of this must be put earlier than +the date allowed by Herodotus for the election, <i>i. e.</i> +at the latest at 720 <small>B.C.</small> In course of time the land +of Deioces may have increased in extent, and the +importance of the ruler may have grown—though<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> +he may not, after the conflict of 713 <small>B.C.</small>, have taken +any leading part in the resistance to the payment of +tribute, the conflicts and successes of other chieftains +against the Assyrians; at any rate, there is no subsequent +mention of the land in the inscriptions. Neither +Deioces nor his land is mentioned when Sennacherib +speaks of the tribute of the whole of Media, and the +subjugation of the country under his dominion; nor +even when Esarhaddon speaks of the conquest of the +most distant princes. Hence we can only grant to +the narrative of Herodotus that, in the times of Sennacherib +and Esarhaddon, Deioces, the son of Phraortes, +had a considerable territory among the chiefs of +the Medes, and greater importance than others, and +we have no reason to look for his dominion elsewhere +than at Ecbatana. His son Phraortes (Fravartis), who +according to Herodotus came to the throne in the year +655 <small>B.C.</small>, must have succeeded in uniting the chiefs of +the Medes under his sway, and combining with the +tribes of the Persians, among whom at that time the +race of the Achæmenids had acquired a prominent +position,<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> in order to maintain their independence +against Assyria.</p> + +<p>From this point downwards we can date the union +and independence of Media. Had the country been +free and united at the time of Sargon, Sennacherib, +and Esarhaddon, the rulers of Assyria would not have +marched against Syria and Cilicia, or undertaken +the conquest of Egypt. Assurbanipal could not have +employed the forces of the kingdom to maintain +Egypt, or reduce Babylon, or annihilate Edom, or +make campaigns to the distant parts of Arabia, if the +united power of Media had existed behind the Zagrus, +close on the borders of his native land, the very centre<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> +of the Assyrian power. Still less could he have looked +on in inaction, while Phraortes, as Herodotus tells +us, conquered the Persians, and attacked one nation +after another till he had subjugated Asia. On the +other hand, the annihilation of Elam by Assurbanipal, +and consequent strengthening of the Assyrian power +on the borders of Persia, may well have determined +the Persians to unite with the Medes, and accept a +position under Phraortes.</p> + +<p>In considering the situation and importance of the +powers, we may assume that Phraortes, in the first +instance, thought rather of defence than of any attack +on Assyria, and for this object undertook the fortification +of Ecbatana on a large scale. What could have +induced him to abandon the protecting line of the +Zagrus, in order to attack under the massive walls of +its metropolis the power which had just dealt such +heavy and destructive blows on ancient states like +Babylonia and Elam, unless we attribute to him the +most reckless audacity? Nor, on the other hand, can +we suppose that an ancient ruler like Assurbanipal, +who had held his own successfully against the searching +attack of his brother, and finally gained important +conquests, would have allowed the formation of +the Median power in the closest proximity, and its +combination with the Persians, without the least +attempt to prevent it. It was in repulsing this attack +that Phraortes fell.<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a></p> + +<p>If this inquiry leads us to attribute to Phraortes the +foundation of a consolidated government, the establish<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span>ment +of monarchy in Media, the union of the Persians +and Medes, and the subordination of the former to +Phraortes, we can yet understand that the traditions of +the Medes, anxious to increase the glory of the country, +threw the monarchy further back, ascribed to Deioces, +the father of Phraortes, the consolidation of Media, +and represented the liberation from the sway of +Assyria as prior to the foundation of the monarchy. +What Median poems can do for the glorification of +their country, even in the teeth of the established +facts of history, will soon become even more clear. +How this tradition explained the elevation of Deioces +we cannot now discover; it is clear that Herodotus +gives a Greek turn to this part of the story (p. 280). +And if tradition ascribes to Deioces the extensive and +strong fortifications of Ecbatana, which more correctly +belong to Phraortes and his successors, it is Herodotus +who credits him with the discovery of the mode of life +usual among Oriental monarchs. The Medo-Persian +Epos shows us the successors of Semiramis in the +seclusion of the palace. On the other hand, the +Median tradition must have ascribed the reduction of +Asia to Phraortes. We have already remarked (III. +280), that towards the close of the sixth century <small>B.C.</small> +Cyaxares and not Phraortes was regarded by the nation +as the founder of the power and greatness of Media. +Herodotus himself tells us "that Cyaxares was far +more powerful than his predecessors." Hence the +later legend, which Herodotus reproduces, ascribed the +foundation to Phraortes, and the extension of the +Median power to Cyaxares. But if Phraortes was to +be the conqueror of Asia, he must "when he had +attacked and conquered the other nations one after +the other," have finally marched against the Assyrians, +against whom he did in fact contend.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> "Vend." 1, 42; Behist. 2, 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> Plin. "H. N." 6, 18, (48).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> Alexander came from Hyrcania and Parthia to the land of the +Tapurians. According to Arrian's statements, the Hyrcanians, Parthians +and Tapurians were all under one leader in the army of Darius +III. "Anab." 3, 8, 4; 3, 11, 4; Strabo, p. 507, 508, 514, 524; Justin, +12, 3; 41, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Herod. 1, 110.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> Polyb. 5, 44; 10, 27. Cf. Curt. 3, 2 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> Strabo, p. 523-525.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> In the most recent times it has been maintained that the Medes +were of Turkish-Tatar (Altaic) family, but this view rests simply on +the assumption that the inscriptions of the second class in the inscriptions +of the Achæmenids must have been written in the language of +the Medes. This hypothesis contradicts everything that has come +down to us of Median names and works, and the close relationship +between the Medes and Persians. Whether the Arians, on immigrating +into Media, found there Turkish-Tatar tribes, overpowered, expelled +or subjugated them, is another question. If this were the +case, the fragments of the population could hardly have exercised any +influence worth mentioning on the Arian Medes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> Paraetacene is derived no doubt from <i>parvata</i>, mountain, or <i>parvataka</i>, +mountainous. Strabo remarks that when the Persians had +conquered the Medes, they took some land from them. The distance +between Persepolis and Ecbatana was twenty marches; Alexander +reached the borders of Media on the twelfth day after leaving Persepolis. +Arrian, "Anab." 3, 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> Strabo, p. 73; 509.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> Under the Sassanids Media (Mah) consisted of four regions: +Aderbeijan, Rai (Rhagiana), Hamadan (Ecbatana), Isfahan.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> Herodotus allows the Matieni a considerable extent, for he +includes under the name the Armenians and the inhabitants of Atropatene. +Later authors confine the Matieni to the region round the +lake of Urumiah; in this sense, Polybius, quoted above in the text, +limits Media in the North by the Cadusians and Matieni.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> Herod. 3, 106; 7, 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> Strabo, p. 525; Diod. 17, 110; Arrian, "Anab." 7, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> Behist. 1, 13. Strabo's +Νησαία (p. 509, 511), the Nisiaea of Pliny +(6, 29), the Parthaunisa of Isidore of Charax, must be sought in the +neighbourhood of Nishapur, which was built by Shapur II. The +Avesta puts Niça between Merv and Balkh.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> Diod. 19, 44. Alexander in eleven forced marches advanced from +Ecbatana to Ragha.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> Isid. Ch. "M. P." c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> Mordtmann, "B. d. Bair. Akademie," 1876, s. 364.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> Diod. 2, 13; 17, 110. The city of Baptana, which Isidore (c. 5) +mentions "as situated on a mountain in Cambadene," is in any case +Bagistana (Behistun).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> Herodotus, 1, 95-101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> Herod. 1, 102.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> Vol. III. 257 ff. According to the reigns which Herodotus allows +to Deioces and his successors, 150 years before the overthrow of +Astyages, which took place 558 <small>B.C.</small>, <i>i. e.</i> 708, but, according to the +total given by Herodotus—156 years, 714 <small>B.C.</small></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> Volney, "Recherches," 1, 144 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> In order to remove this objection, the dates of Deioces and +Phraortes must be transposed, and the 22 years of Phraortes given to +the former, the 53 years of Deioces to the latter. Phraortes would +then have marched out against the Assyrians in extreme old age, and +fallen in the battle.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> Herod. 1, 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> Vol. III. Bk. 4; Chaps. 1, 4, 5-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> According to Von Gutschmid. Cf. <i>supr.</i> p. 278.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> Vol. II. p. 319. I cannot accept the theory which Lenormant has +attempted to establish on the geographical differences in the inscriptions +of Shalmanesar II. and Tiglath Pilesar II.—that the Medes and +Persians obtained possession of Western Iran shortly before the middle +of the eighth century. "Lettres Assyriolog." and "Z. Aegypt. Spr." +1870, s. 48 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> Vol. III. 3-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> Vol. III. 85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> Vol. III. 101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> Vol. III. 113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> Vol. III. 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> Vol. III. 167.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> That is the reason why I cannot regard the parallels which Von +Gutshchmid suggests ("Neue Beiträge," s. 90 ff.) of the struggle +between the Arsacids and Seleucids, and the relations between the +Great Mogul and the Mahrattas, as pertinent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> The Patusarra of Esarhaddon might be the Patisuvari of Darius; +the Pateischoreans, whom Strabo quotes among the tribes of the +Persians; Von Gutschmid, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 93, but in the Babylonian +version of the inscription of Behistun the Pateischoreans are called +<i>Pidishuris</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Von Gutschmid, <i>loc. cit.</i> s. 88; below, c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> Vol. III. 280. The Assyrian inscriptions are silent from 644 <small>B.C.</small> +downwards. Von Gutschmid, "Neue Beitr." s. 89. From this silence +I have concluded, and still conclude, that the liberation of the Medes +took place towards 640 <small>B.C.</small>, and moreover that the victory of the +Assyrians over Phraortes, and his death in battle did not bring about +a decisive change in favour of the Assyrians.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<h3>THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES.</h3> + + +<p>"When Phraortes had fallen, he was succeeded by his +son Cyaxares. This prince collected all his subjects +and marched against Nineveh, in order to avenge the +death of his father and destroy the city. He defeated +the Assyrians, and while encamped before Nineveh, +there came upon him the vast army of the Scythians, +led by their king Madyas, the son of Protothyas, +who invaded Asia in pursuit of the Cimmerians, and +as they did not come through the land of the Saspeires, +but kept the Caucasus to the right, they +reached the Median country. Here they attacked the +Medes, and the latter being conquered in the battle +lost their empire; the Scythians became masters of +the whole of Asia, and ruled over it for 28 years. +With reckless cruelty they laid everything waste; +they not only imposed tribute on all the nations, but +went round and took from every one all that he +possessed. But Cyaxares and the Medes massacred +the greater part of them after making them intoxicated +at a banquet, and in this way the Medes recovered +their empire, and again governed those who +had previously been subject to them. Then a horde +of Scythians, which had separated from the rest and +put themselves under the protection of Cyaxares, were +guilty of a crime against a Median boy who had been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> +entrusted to them, and fled for refuge to Alyattes, king +of Lydia, who refused to give them up. This led to +a war between Media and Lydia which continued for +five years, and was brought to an end by a treaty in +which Alyattes gave his daughter Aryanis to wife +to the son of Cyaxares. Cyaxares was master of all +Asia beyond the Halys, took Nineveh, and subjugated +the Assyrians, with the exception of the Babylonian +portion." Such is the history, given by Herodotus, +of Cyaxares, who, on his reckoning, ascended the +throne of Media in the year 633 <small>B.C.</small></p> + +<p>If Phraortes had fallen in battle against the +Assyrians with the greater part of his army, Cyaxares +(Uvakshathra) could hardly have at once undertaken +an attack on Nineveh, with a view of avenging his +father's death by the destruction of that city; his +first care, on the contrary, would have been to prevent +the Assyrians from making use of their great victory, +to guard against further advances on their part, and +to maintain the freedom of Media. This struggle +Cyaxares passed through with success; that his good +fortune carried him as far as the walls of Nineveh, +is indeed possible, but not probable; according to +Herodotus the collision of the Scythians and Medes +did not take place in the land of Asshur, but further +to the East, in Media.</p> + +<p>The facts about the pursuit of the Cimmerians and +the invasion of the Scythians have been already examined, +and it has been shown that Herodotus has +connected the immigration of the Cimmerians into +Asia Minor, which took place in the eighth century +<small>B.C.</small>, with the incursion of Sacian tribes from the Oxus +into Media, about the year 630 <small>B.C.</small> He was deceived +by the circumstance that the Cimmerians from their +abode on the lower Halys penetrated to Sardis and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> +the cities of the Western coast, about the time when +the Sacæ invaded Media and inundated Hither Asia +(III. 276). The truth is that the hordes of the Sacæ +not only overthrew Media, but passed through Mesopotamia +into Syria as far as the borders of Egypt. +Their attack shattered and destroyed the cohesion of +the Assyrian empire.</p> + +<p>About the year 620 Cyaxares succeeded in overpowering +the section of the Scythians which remained +in Media (these hordes were no doubt widely dispersed), +and again became master in his own dominions. +He made use of his advantageous position as the +first who could again direct the forces of his people. +He showed himself to the Armenians and Cappadocians +as a champion to defend them from the plundering +Scythians, and at the same time aided in liberating +them from the dominion of the Assyrians. The incursion +of the Scythians had prepared the way for +him; in a few years he was able to extend his power +to the West as far as the Halys.<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> Nabopolassar, the +viceroy of Assyria in Babylon, who had determined to +turn to account the severe blow which the incursion +of the Scyths had given to the Assyrian kingdom, had +already offered him his hand in alliance. Amyite, the +daughter of Cyaxares, had become the wife of Nebuchadnezzar, +the son of Nabopolassar. But in Asia Minor, +far to the West, the princes of the Lydians had taken +advantage of the disturbance and confusion which the +advance of the Cimmerians had carried to the Western +coast, to extend their power over Phrygia as far as the +Halys (III. 435). Here the two rapidly-developing +powers met. Though inferior in numbers the Lydians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span> +showed themselves a match for the Medes. After a +war of five years, peace was established between them +by Nabopolassar of Babylon and Syennesis of Cilicia, +in order to set the power of Media free to act against +Nineveh. The Halys became the boundary of the +two kingdoms, and the peace was confirmed by an +alliance. Alyattes of Lydia gave his daughter Aryanis +to wife to Astyages the son of Cyaxares (610 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a>). +Media and Babylonia now thought themselves strong +enough to undertake the contest against the remains +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span>of the Assyrian kingdom. Cyaxares led out the +Medes, Nabopolassar the Babylonians against king +Assur-idil-ili. The latter offered a long and stubborn +defence, and when at length the walls of Nineveh were +broken through, he burnt himself in the citadel. The +Assyrian country as far as the Tigris fell to the share +of Media; Mesopotamia was united with the new +kingdom of Babylon (607 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a>). Thus Media and +Babylonia took the place of Assyria; and Babylon, as +Herodotus says, was now the chief city of the +Assyrians.</p> + +<p>When the kingdom had fallen which for three +centuries had ruled in the East and West, Cyaxares +might indulge the thought of making his empire more +complete on the table-land of Iran. According to +the story which Ctesias has preserved for us from the +Medo-Persian Epos of the fall of Assyria (III. 249), +the Bactrians had been prevailed upon to join the +Medes and Babylonians in the course of the war +against Assyria, and the Persian songs which describe +the contest of Cyrus and Astyages, represent the +Hyrcanians, Parthians, Bactrians, and other nations of +the East, as ruled by viceroys of the Median king.<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> +We may regard it as certain that Cyaxares succeeded +in subjugating the table-land of Iran to a considerable +extent. No slight proof is afforded of the increase +and greatness of the Median kingdom in his reign by +the unusual care and extraordinary efforts of the +successor of Nabopolassar to protect Babylonia and +Babylon by fortifications against the event of a +struggle between the two powers, whose united +exertions had destroyed Assyria (III. 366).</p> + +<p>The position which the Medo-Persian poems assign +to the chief of the Babylonians beside the chief of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> +the Medes, during and after the common struggle, +has been already explained. The Babylonian is the +astrologer, the adviser, the helper; the Mede is the +man of action. In the event of success against +Assyria he promises the Babylonian the viceroyalty of +Babylon, and has already given it to him, free of +tribute, when the fraud is discovered by which the +cunning Babylonian has acquired the most valuable +part of the spoil of Nineveh. For this offence the +chief is condemned to death; but the Mede pardons +him, and in consideration of his former services and the +promise made, leaves him the viceroyalty. So eager +were the Median minstrels to conceal the independence +of Babylonia beside Media, and represent a power as +great as Babylon was under Nebuchadnezzar as a +satrapy of their kings. This fiction is maintained in +other episodes of the Medo-Persian Epos which have +come down to us. We are told of the stubborn +resistance which the Cadusians made to the Medes; +and an explanation is given how this unimportant +nation on the shore of the Caspian (p. 268) could +withstand the mighty kingdom of the Medes. This +episode has come to us in the Persian form. It is the +fault of the Median king that the Cadusians have become +stubborn and successful enemies. He failed to +help to his rights a brave warrior in his service; this +warrior betook himself to the Cadusians, and became +their chief, led them well, and bequeathed his thirst +for vengeance to his descendants. From such a point +of view even a Median minstrel could lament the +perversity of the Median king, and the power of Babylonian +gold, the abundance of which is strongly marked +in the narrative, could praise the ancient simplicity of +the Medes: "who took no heed of silver, and did not +regard gold," as we are told in the Hebrew Scriptures,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span> +and reprobate the victory of gold over strict justice. +But it is a Persian to whom the wrong is done, who +summons the Cadusians to freedom; and the resistance +of the Cadusians to the Median kingdom, thus +brought about by a Persian, subsequently furnishes +Cyrus with a pretext for arming the Persians, and +also provides him with allies in the Cadusians. It was +the merit of a brave Persian to have provided this +assistance for his people long before. The king of +the Medes who was guilty of this mistake is called +in Ctesias Artaeus; we have seen (p. 277) that +Artaeus and Astibaras, who reigned 40 years each, are +but one and the same person; and as the reign of +Cyaxares occupies 40 years in Herodotus, we may +conjecture that he is the king hidden behind the +Artaeus-Astibaras of Ctesias. The king of Babylon, +the satrap of the episode, is brought in as a descendant +of Belesys (Nabopolassar), and described as an +effeminate man. His name, in the form given by +Ctesias, is Annarus. Evilmerodach or Neriglissar of +Babylon must be meant; but, without doubt, we are +dealing with mere fiction.</p> + +<p>The episode is as follows: There was a Persian of +the name of Parsondes, in the service of the king of the +Medes, an eager huntsman, and active warrior on foot +and in the chariot, distinguished in council and in the +field, and of influence with the king. Parsondes often +urged the king to make him satrap of Babylon in +the place of Annarus, who wore women's clothes and +ornaments, but the king always put the petition aside, +for it could not be granted without breaking the +promise which his ancestor had made to Belesys +(p. 297). Annarus discovered the intentions of Parsondes, +and sought to secure himself against him, and +to take vengeance. He promised great rewards to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> +cooks who were in the train of the king, if they succeeded +in seizing Parsondes and giving him up. One +day Parsondes in the heat of the chase strayed far +from the king. He had already killed many boars +and deer, when the pursuit of a wild ass (the Sassanids +also hunt this animal) carried him to a great +distance. At last he came upon the cooks, who were +occupied in preparations for the king's table. Being +thirsty, Parsondes asked for wine; they gave it, took +care of his horse, and invited him to take food—an +invitation agreeable to Parsondes, who had been hunting +the whole day. He bade them send the ass +which he had captured to the king, and tell his own +servants where he was. Then he ate of the various +kinds of food set before him, and drank abundantly of +the excellent wine, and at last asked for his horse in +order to return to the king. But they brought beautiful +women to him, and urged him to remain for +the night. He agreed, and as soon as, overcome by +hunting, wine, and love he had fallen into a deep sleep, +the cooks bound him, and brought him to Annarus. +Annarus reproached him with calling him an effeminate +man, and seeking to obtain his satrapy; he had +the king to thank that the satrapy granted to his +ancestors had not been taken from him. Parsondes +replied that he considered himself more worthy of the +office, because he was more manly and more useful +to the king. But Annarus swore by Bel and Mylitta +that Parsondes should be softer and whiter than +a woman, called for the eunuch who was over the +female players, and bade him shave the body of +Parsondes and bathe and anoint him every day, +put women's clothes on him, plait his hair after +the manner of women, paint his face, and place +him among the women, who played the guitar and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span> +sang, and to teach him their arts. This was done, and +soon Parsondes played and sang better at the table of +Annarus than any of the women. Meanwhile the +king of the Medes had caused search to be made +everywhere for Parsondes, and since he could nowhere +be found, and nothing could be heard of him, +he believed that a lion or some other wild animal +had torn him when out hunting, and lamented for his +loss. Parsondes had lived for seven years as a woman +in Babylon, when Annarus caused an eunuch to +be scourged and grievously maltreated. This eunuch +Parsondes induced by large presents to retire to +Media and tell the king the misfortune which had +come upon him. Then the king sent a message commanding +Annarus to give up Parsondes. Annarus +declared that he had never seen him. But the +king sent a second messenger charging him to bring +Annarus to be put to death if he did not surrender +Parsondes. Annarus entertained the messenger of +the king, and when the meal was brought, 150 +women entered, of whom some played the guitar +while others blew the flute. At the end of the meal +Annarus asked the king's envoy which of all the +women was the most beautiful and had played best. +The envoy pointed to Parsondes. Annarus laughed +long and said, "That is the person whom you seek," +and released Parsondes, who on the next day returned +home with the envoy to the king in a chariot. The +king was astonished at the sight of him, and asked +why he had not avoided such disgrace by death? +Parsondes answered: "In order that I might see you +again, and by you execute vengeance on Annarus, +which could never have been mine had I taken my +life." The king promised him that his hope should +not be deceived, as soon as he came to Babylon.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span> +But when he came there, Annarus defended himself +on the ground that Parsondes, though in no way +injured by him, had maligned him, and sought to +obtain the satrapy over Babylonia. The king pointed +out that he had made himself judge in his own +cause, and had imposed a punishment of a degrading +character; in ten days he would pronounce sentence +upon him for his conduct. In terror Annarus hastened +to Mitraphernes, the eunuch of greatest influence +with the king, and promised him the most liberal +rewards (10 talents of gold and 100 talents of silver, +10 golden and 200 silver bowls) if he could induce +the king to spare his life and retain him in the satrapy +of Babylonia. He was prepared to give the king 100 +talents of gold, 1000 talents of silver, 100 golden +and 300 silver bowls, and costly robes with other +gifts; Parsondes also should receive 100 talents of +silver and costly robes. After many entreaties Mitraphernes +persuaded the king not to command the +execution of Annarus, as he had not killed Parsondes, +but to condemn him in the penalty which +he was prepared to pay Parsondes and the king. +Annarus in gratitude threw himself at the feet of +the king, but Parsondes said: "Cursed be the man +who first brought gold among men; for the sake +of gold I have been made a mockery to the Babylonians." +The eunuch advised him to lay aside his +anger, and be reconciled with Annarus, for that was +what the king desired; but Parsondes determined to +take vengeance for the sentence of the king, and +waited for a favourable opportunity in order to fly +with a thousand horse and three thousand infantry +to the Cadusians, whose most distinguished chief had +married his sister. Then he persuaded the Cadusians +to revolt from the Medes, and was elected to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> +their general. When the king of the Medes armed +against them, Parsondes armed in return, and occupied +the passes into the country with 200,000 warriors. +Though the Median king brought up 800,000 men, +Parsondes nevertheless put him to flight, and slew +50,000 Medes. In admiration of such noble deeds, +the Cadusians made Parsondes king, and they often +invaded Media and laid it waste. At the end of his +days, Parsondes commanded his successor to remain +an enemy of the Medes, and pronounced a curse: "If +ever peace should be concluded between the Medes +and the Cadusians, might his race and the whole +nation of the Cadusians perish." This is the reason +why the Cadusians remained the enemies of the +Medes, and were never subject to them.<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a></p> + +<p>Another episode tells us of the contests which the +Medes had to sustain under the dominion of Astibaras-Artaeus, +<i>i. e.</i> of Cyaxares, against the Parthians +and the Sacæ. The Parthians, whose chief was +Marmares, revolted from the Medes, but handed over +their land and city to the king of the Sacæ, Cydraeus, +that he might protect them against the Medes; and +the sister of Cydraeus, Zarinaea (Zaranya, <i>i. e.</i> the +golden), who was distinguished for her beauty and +wisdom, her boldness and bravery (for the women of +the Sacæ took the field with the men), became the wife +of Marmares. As the Medians intended to reduce the +Parthians again to subjection, a war broke out between +them and the Parthians and Sacæ, which lasted for +several years, and led to battles in which many fell +on one side and the other. In one of these battles +Zarinaea was wounded. Stryangaeus, the Mede, to +whom Cyaxares had given his daughter Rhoetæa<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> +to wife, pursued, overtook, and threw her from her +horse. But the sight of her beauty and youth, and +her entreaties, moved him; he allowed her to escape. +Not long afterwards Stryangaeus with other Medes +was taken captive by the Parthians. Marmares wished +to put him to death, and though Zarinaea entreated +for his life, insisted on his execution. Then Zarinaea +loosed the bonds of the captive Medes, caused Marmares +to be put to death by them, and allowed +Stryangaeus to escape. When, after the death of her +brother Cydraeus, she ascended the throne of the Sacæ, +she sent messengers to the king of the Medes to +conclude peace and friendship. The Parthians were +to return under the sovereignty of the Medes, the +Sacæ and Medes were to keep what previously belonged +to them, and to be friends and allies for ever. +This was done. Stryangaeus, the real author of this +treaty, ever since the battle in which he had first seen +Zarinaea, had been possessed with violent love for +her, and went to Roxanace (<i>i. e.</i> the brilliant),<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> where +was the royal citadel of the Sacæ, in order to see the +beloved princess once more. Zarinaea, who returned +his affection, came to see him full of joy, received him +and his attendants in the most splendid manner, +kissed him in the sight of all, and ascended his chariot, +and thus, while conversing with each other they +arrived in the palace. Here Stryangaeus sighed in +the chambers assigned to him, and could not resist the +violence of his passion. At length he took counsel +with the most faithful of his eunuchs, who encouraged +him to discover his passion to Zarinaea. Easily persuaded, +Stryangaeus hastened to the queen, and after +much delay and many sighs, sometimes blushing and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> +again turning pale, he ventured to declare that he +was consumed with love for her. Zarinaea answered +quietly and gently that it would be shameful and +fatal for her to surrender herself to him, and far more +shameful and dangerous for Stryangaeus, as his wife +was the daughter of the king of the Medes, and, as +she heard, more beautiful than herself and many other +women. He must be brave, not only against his +enemies, but against himself, and not bring about a +long calamity for the sake of a brief enjoyment. No +other wish of his but this should remain unsatisfied. +Stryangaeus was silent for a long time, then embraced +and kissed the queen, and departed. He was far more +dejected than before, and determined to take his life. +"Thou hast been saved by me," he wrote to Zarinaea, +"but through thee I am destroyed. If in this thou +hast done justly, then may all good things be thine, +and mayest thou be happy; if thou hast done evil, +may a passion like mine overtake thee." When he +had bound the eunuch by an oath to give this letter +to Zarinaea immediately after his death, he lay back +on his cushions and demanded his sword. As the +eunuch refused to give it, he ended his days by +starvation. Zarinaea ruled over the Sacæ with +wisdom and power. She conquered the neighbouring +nations who sought to subjugate her people, +caused a great part of the land to be cultivated, and +built a considerable number of cities, and brought +the Sacæ into greater prosperity. In gratitude for +the benefits received from her, and in remembrance +of her virtues, the Sacæ erected on her grave a three-sided +pyramid, three stades in length on each side, +and ending in a point a stadum in height, on which +was placed a colossal golden statue of the queen. +Worship was also offered to her as to a hero, so<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> +that she received greater honours than any of her +predecessors.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a></p> + +<p>We have already acquainted ourselves with the land +of the Parthians (p. 10). The Sacæ were neighbours +of the Hyrcanians, the Parthians, and the Bactrians +in the steppes of the Oxus. Herodotus tells us that +the Sacæ were a nation of the tribe of the Scyths, +and that their proper name was Amyrgians; the Persians +called all the Scythians Sacæ. The inscriptions +of Darius speak of Çaka Humavarka; in the +second version the name is Omuvargap, and in the +Babylonian-Assyrian version Umurga. According to +the account of Herodotus the Sacæ wore trousers, +and upright, pointed caps, and carried bows of a +peculiar character, battle-axes and daggers. They +fought as mounted bowmen. On the monument of +Darius at Behistun Çakuka,<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> the leader of the Sacæ, +wears a tall pointed cap. In the army of Xerxes the +Sacæ were ranged with the Bactrians. What our +episode tells us of the royal citadel and the cities +built by Zarinæa does not harmonise with the nature +of the steppe-country of the Sacæ, and the statement +of the Greeks, that the Sacæ lived in variegated tents, +and that their wealth consisted in flocks of sheep, but +it does agree with the fact that the women went to +battle on horseback with the men. The companions +of Alexander describe the Sacæ as strong, warlike, +well-grown men, with flowing hair; the Macedonians +only came up to their shoulders. Later accounts +speak of heavy-armed horse among them; both horse +and rider were covered with armour, and the weapons +of attack were long lances.<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> From the narratives given<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> +in the episodes we may retain the fact that although +the Persians followed the lead of the Medes from +the time of Phraortes, Cyaxares, even after the fall of +Nineveh, did not succeed in subjugating the remaining +nations of Iran without severe struggles. There +is no reason to doubt that the Cadusians made an +obstinate resistance, and maintained their independence: +The Parthians were able to combine with the +Sacæ in order to preserve their freedom, and did not +become subject to Cyaxares without severe contests. +That the Sagartians on the edge of the great desert +(p. 6) were subject to Cyaxares, is clear from the +inscription of Darius at Behistun. If the Medes +had to fight with the Sacæ, who were settled on the +Oxus, Bactria must have been reduced to form a part +of their kingdom. Beside the Hyrcanians, Parthians, +and "other nations," the Bactrians and Sacæ are +specially mentioned as subjects of the Median kings,<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> +and Arrian assures us that the Açvakas, whom we +found north of the Cabul on the right bank of the +Indus (IV. 393), were subjects of the Medes.<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a></p> + +<p>Herodotus tells us that Cyaxares was the first to +separate the lance-bearers, archers, and horsemen, and +combine them into divisions; that is, he introduced a +better and more manageable arrangement of the army. +To the same prince, no doubt, is due the completion +of the fortifications of Ecbatana, which we found had +been strengthened by his predecessor Phraortes. When +the fortifications were first begun, the place was merely +intended as a point of defence against Assyria; but +as soon as it became destined to aid in the maintenance +of independence, it was necessary that it should +be capable of offering refuge and support to the +Median army, if hard pressed. The mountains of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> +Zagrus form the boundary wall, and at the same time +the line of division between the Medes and Assyrians. +As Polybius told us (p. 268), it was an ascent of +twelve miles—<i>i. e.</i> four leagues—to the top of the +pass. If the Medes failed to hold these passes, and +were then defeated in their own table-land, the mountains +of the Orontes formed a new point of protection +to their retreat. The Orontes (Old Persian, <i>Urvanda</i>; +now Elvend) is a steep range of mountains, traversing +Media from north-west to south-east; the heights +of the passes are given by travellers at 7000 or +10,000 feet; Ctesias puts the ascent at twenty-five +stades;<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> recent explorers fix the time at four hours. +On the eastern spur of this mountain wall, in a +fertile plain, six leagues long and four leagues broad, +lay Ecbatana, Old Persian <i>Hangmatana, i. e.</i> place of +assembly, the Achmeta of the Hebrews. If the +Orontes could not be held, the fortifications of Ecbatana +formed a last point of protection for the Median army. +From the Assyrians there was nothing more to be +feared after the fall of Nineveh, but Cyaxares had +no doubt felt, in the inundation of Media by the +nomadic tribes of the Sacæ, and then in the final +battles against Asshur, what a support was given +by a strong metropolis; what good service the walls +of Nineveh had rendered to the enemy, even in his +decline. He saw what measures were being taken +by Nebuchadnezzar, his step-son, to make his metropolis +secure, and determined that the kingdom, which +he had so rapidly and brilliantly erected and developed, +should not be without the nucleus of an +impregnable fortress and royal citadel. The booty in +silver and gold, which the Medes gained in Nineveh, +and of which we hear not in the Median poems only,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span> +but also from the Hebrew prophets who lived at the +time of the fall of the city, provided no doubt ample +means both for the erection of the strongest works, +and for the adornment of these as well as the citadel.</p> + +<p>Ctesias tells us that Semiramis built a splendid +palace at Ecbatana, a city lying in a plain, and as +there were no springs near, she cut through the roots +of the range of mountains, twelve stades distant from +the city (the Orontes), on the farther side of which +was a lake flowing into a river, in order to convey the +water of the river into the city. For this object a +tunnel was cut through the mountain, fifteen feet in +breadth and forty feet in depth, and through it the +river was carried into Ecbatana.<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> If Ctesias ascribes +the palace of Ecbatana and the tunnel, like other +monuments of Media, to Semiramis, we have already +seen that the queen is no more than a poetical fiction; +nor could any of the sovereigns who ruled over Assyria +entertain the project of building citadels and conduits +for the Median kings. These could only be the work +of Median princes, who resided in Ecbatana; and as +Phraortes could hardly have had the means and the +time for such important structures, we must ascribe +both the completion and adornment of the royal +citadel, as well as the tunnel, to Cyaxares, unless we +are to reject the latter as a pure invention, for which +there seems to me no sufficient proof.</p> + +<p>"When the palace had been built at Ecbatana, it +was surrounded with large and strong walls," Herodotus +tells us, "of which one encircled another, in +such a manner that the inner overtopped the outer by +the height of the turret. The situation, which was +on a hill, contributed to this result, and the natural +elevation was artificially increased. In all there were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> +seven circles; the innermost contained the king's +dwelling and treasure-house; the outermost wall was +of about the extent of the wall of Athens. The towers +of the first circle were white, of the second black, of the +third red-purple, of the fourth blue-purple, of the fifth +red; the towers of the sixth are covered with silver; +and those of the seventh, which surrounds the buildings +of the palace, with gold. The city was built round +the outermost wall."<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> Polybius describes the situation +of Ecbatana and the palace as they were under the +Achæmenids, who were wont to pass some of the hot +summer months in the cool and fresh air of Ecbatana. +"Ecbatana lies in the northern regions of Media, and +commands the parts of Asia which look towards the +Maeotis and the Euxine. The city was in old days +the royal abode of the Median kings, and it appears +to have far surpassed all other cities in wealth and +in the splendour of its buildings. It is built under +the spurs of the Orontes. Though without walls, it +possesses a citadel built by the hand of man, of surprising +strength. Below the citadel is the palace, +which it is as difficult to speak of in detail as to pass +over in silence. Ecbatana is an excellent theme for +those who love to tell of marvellous things with adornment +and exaggeration; but those who enter with +caution on anything which goes beyond the ordinary intelligence +find themselves in difficulties. The circuit +of the palace is about seven stades, and the rich ornamentation +of the various parts proves how flourishing +was the condition of those who founded it. Though +the entire wood-work consists of cedar and cypress, +this is never allowed to appear; on the contrary, the +beams of the roof and the panelling, the pillars in the +chambers and halls, are covered with gold or silver<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> +plates, and the roof consists wholly of silver tiles. +Most of these were carried off at the time of the +expedition of Alexander, and the remainder in the +reign of Antigonus and Seleucus-Nicanor. Nevertheless +the temple of Aine (<i>i. e.</i> of Anahita) at the time +when Antiochus Theos (261-245 <small>B.C.</small>) came to Ecbatana, +had gilded pillars round it; and some of the +gold plates in the side-walls were still remaining, and +the greater part of the silver plates, while the silver +tiles of the roof were still there in considerable quantities."<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> +At the time of Alexander, Diodorus allows +the city of Ecbatana a circuit of 250 stades, <i>i. e.</i> of +more than 30 miles.<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> Isidore of Charax mentions the +treasure-house at Ecbatana, the metropolis of Media +and the shrine of Anaitis, in which sacrifice was constantly +offered.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a></p> + +<p>It is not clear from these descriptions whether the +fortifications at that time included the whole city or +not. Herodotus only speaks of the fortifications of +the citadel, and represents the city as built at the foot +of its walls. Yet we may assume that Phraortes and +Cyaxares followed the pattern of the chief cities of +Assyria and Babylonia in placing a strong wall round +their city. A late and very uncertain authority, the +book of Judith, states that the walls of Ecbatana +consisted of splendid masonry, and reached a height +of seventy cubits (about 110 feet); the towers of these +walls were a hundred cubits in height, and there were +gates in them.<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> When the Medes lost their empire and +became subject to the Achæmenids, it was to their +interest that the metropolis of the Medes should not be +fortified, but that the citadel should be in the hands<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span> +of a Persian garrison. Cyrus himself, therefore, after +the conquest of Astyages, or Darius, after suppressing +the rebellion of the Medes, may have thrown down +the walls which surrounded Ecbatana. The silence of +Herodotus respecting them would then be explained +by the fact that they were no longer in existence +in his time. The circuit of the external wall Herodotus +compares with the circuit of the city of Athens, +which, exclusive of the harbour cities but including +the space between the Phaleric and the long +walls, reached 60 stades, or 7-1/2 miles.<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> If we chose +to assume that Herodotus included the Phaleric and +long walls in the circuit, the total extent would be +22-1/2 miles, an incredible length for the wall of a +citadel. Of the outer walls of the royal citadels at +Babylon, Diodorus puts those on the one bank of the +Euphrates at 30 stades, and those on the other at 60, +and of the two inner walls of the latter the first was +40 stades in length and the second 20.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> The circuit +of 22-1/2 miles may, therefore, refer only to the whole +extent of the citadel and city of Ecbatana, and it +would then come near the statement of Diodorus, who +puts the circuit of Ecbatana at 250 stades.</p> + +<p>The royal citadel of the Achæmenids at Persepolis +was surrounded, according to Diodorus, with a triple +wall; the first wall was 16, the second 32, the third +60 cubits in height. These walls were decorated with +great expense, and adorned with towers. The citadel +of Ecbatana is said to have had seven walls, and, +however strange this may appear, religious no less +than military motives might have led to that number. +We know the importance ascribed in the Avesta to +the number seven—the seven supreme deities, and the +seven girdles of the earth. On the other hand, if we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> +leave out of sight the hill on which the citadel was +built, the elevated plateau of Ecbatana did not present +the natural difficulties such as rivers and heights, +which strengthened the fortification of the Assyrian +metropolis and the walls of Babylon; hence it was +more important to meet this deficiency by the number +of towers and walls. The successive walls would have +been of little service had not each inner one been higher +than the outer, and they would have been the reverse +of serviceable, had not the distance between them been +so great that the arrows and missiles of the enemy, +when they had gained the outer walls, failed to reach +from it to the next, so that the assault of the next +wall had to be begun afresh after the capture of the +adjacent outer wall, without any cover. If we might +assume that the words of Polybius: "The palaces, of +which the extent reaches to about seven stades, lie +below the citadel," are to be interpreted as meaning +that these buildings lay under the protection of the +walls of the citadel, <i>i. e.</i> behind them—and it is +scarcely conceivable that the Achæmenids should have +chosen an unprotected palace in Media for a constant +residence, and deposited there large treasures, and the +archives of the kingdom—the circuit of the buildings +of the palace and that of the external wall of 60 +stadia would give a space between the walls of each +of about 2000 feet; a distance not much in excess of +that absolutely required. Hence the circuit of 60 +stadia from the outer wall does not appear too large.</p> + +<p>More astonishing still is the account given by +Herodotus of the ornamentation of the turrets of these +walls—the colours of the turrets of the first five, the +silver and gold of the two last. The attempt has +been made to explain these statements as a legendary +echo of the fame of the splendour of Ecbatana in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> +the time of Cyaxares and his successor Astyages. +But Polybius tells us very distinctly that the roof of +the palace and that of the temple of Anahita consisted +of silver tiles at the time of the Achæmenids, that +the beams and panels of the roofs as well as the +pillars were entirely covered with gold and silver +plates, and that these decorations remained in the +temple of Anahita at the time of Antiochus Theos. +This ornamentation might be extended to the turrets +of the inner walls. Considering the amount of the +spoil of Nineveh, it cannot be regarded as an impossibility +that the ramparts of the interior walls, the +length of which, according to the statement of Polybius, +did not reach more than 4200 feet, were covered +with plates of gold, and of the next with plates of +silver, when the roof of the palace could consist of +silver tiles. That the overthrow of the Assyrian kingdom +and the spoil of the cities brought considerable +possessions to the Median nation may be concluded +from the remark of Herodotus that the Persians had +adopted better clothing and more luxurious habits +from the Medes. The kings would without doubt +receive the richest part of the spoil. The decoration +of the turrets was possibly rude, but it exhibited in a +striking manner the splendour and exaltation of the +kingdom, which was thus encased in gold and silver, +while the sovereign dwelt in gold and silver chambers. +Such a parade of royal magnificence is not out of +harmony with the character of the ancient East. To +those who were not allowed to enter the wide and +high gates of the palace, these turrets showed far +and wide, through city and country, the splendour +of the citadel. The colours of the five outer walls +would be given by glazed tiles, such as those found in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> +the ruins of Nineveh and Chalah, of Babylon and +Mugheir. We may assume with certainty that Cyaxares +desired to give to his palace and citadel a +splendour no less than that displayed by the palaces +of Nineveh, or the royal citadel of Nebuchadnezzar +in Babylon, or the golden citadel in Sardis. Religious +conceptions may also have determined the colours of +the decoration as well as the number of the walls. +As Auramazda sat in pure light, on a golden throne +on the golden Hukairya, so was the ruler on earth to +dwell in his palace of Ecbatana in golden chambers +surrounded by golden walls. The Avesta exhibits +Mithra with a golden helmet and silver coat of mail, +the wheels of his chariots are of gold, his horses are +greys,<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> shod on the fore hoofs with gold, and on +the hinder hoofs with silver; in like manner the +upper turrets of the citadel must shine with silver +and the highest with gold. We have seen that the +metals, owing to the brilliance inherent in them, belonged +in the ideas of the Iranians to the good spirits. +And as the splendour of gold and silver belonged to +the highest gods, so must the colours of the other +turrets have been assigned to the good spirits, to +whose protection each separate wall was entrusted.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a></p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span></p> +<p>The account which Polybius gives of the structure +of the palace, the cedar and cypress wood of which +the door-posts, pillars, roofs, and panels in the walls +were made, shows that wood was employed in building +in Media, which agrees with the habits of mountaineers. +In Teheran and Ispahan buildings of wood +of this kind are still in use, and no doubt the +mountain forests of northern Media provided better +materials in ancient times than now. The noblest +trunks and best kinds of wood were sought out for +the royal house. The kings of Asshur, and Nebuchadnezzar +tell us in their inscriptions that they have +caused trees to be cut down on this or that mountain +for their buildings. The wooden palace, which Deioces, +and perhaps Phraortes, first erected, must have been +extended by Cyaxares, and may have been furnished +by him or his successor with the brilliant ornamentation. +The inner walls of the palace of the Achæmenids +at Persepolis, if we may draw this conclusion from +the metal supports which are found in the remains of +the stone walls, were decorated in a similar manner. +When the palace of the Median kings at Ecbatana +had become the summer residence and treasure-house +of the Persian monarchs, it would, no doubt, be +enriched and adorned yet more. The temple of +Anahita, connected with the palace, which Polybius +has described above, is the work of Artaxerxes II. +Alexander caused the spoil he had taken in Babylon, +Susa, Persepolis, and Pasargadæ, to be brought to +Ecbatana, where he is said to have collected 180,000<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> +talents in gold and silver.<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> At a later time, the +Arsacids are said to have resided at Ecbatana during +the summer like the Achæmenids.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> At the present +day, Hamadan, which is built high up on a slope of +Elvend, marks the site of the ancient Ecbatana. It +contains about 40,000 inhabitants; the ruins of the +ancient city have not yet been satisfactorily explored. +The slender pillars with lotus-like capitals, discovered +here, are like the pillars of Persepolis, and therefore +might be the work of the Achæmenids; what has +been discovered in engraved stones and coins comes +from the time of the Arsacids and Sassanids. Some +cylinders covered with cuneiform inscriptions have +not yet been examined.</p> + +<p>Cyaxares had rescued Media from the most extreme +peril. The consequences of the defeat, in which his +father, with the greatest part of his army, fell before +the Assyrians, had been averted. Though subsequently +overpowered by the Scythians, he yet became +once more sovereign in his own country. This rise +of Media, and the weakening of the Assyrian kingdom +by the inundation of the Scythians, he used in order +to subjugate Armenia and Cappadocia. And though +he was not able to achieve anything decisive against +the Lydians, he attained a greater success; in combination +with Babylonia he avenged on the Assyrians +the supremacy they had exercised over Media; he +overthrew the remnant of that kingdom, whose tough +vigour showed itself even at the final hour in an +obstinate resistance. It was a great achievement and +at the same time an important extension of the +Median dominions, not merely by the whole extent +of the Assyrian country on the left bank of the Tigris,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span> +which fell to Media, but also by the closer connection +which Cyaxares thus obtained with Armenia +and Cappadocia, the subject lands to the west. Then +followed the spread of the Median power over the +kindred nations in the north and east of Iran. The +Persians were already subjected to Phraortes, and +Cyaxares brought under his sovereignty the Sagartians, +Hyrcanians, Parthians, and Bactrians; he made the +Sacæ dependant on him, and in the east perhaps +extended his power as far as the Indus. From his +proud citadel at Ecbatana he ruled from the Halys +to the Oxus. It was a powerful empire. Herodotus +depicts the reign of Cyaxares when he says: +"He was far more powerful than his predecessors." +With the Medes he passes as the founder of their +sovereignty; and his reign must have been held +in grateful remembrance, not by the Medes only, but +also by the subject nations. Those who afterwards +attempted to bring the Medes and Sagartians under +arms against the dominion of the Persians, called +themselves the descendants of Cyaxares—and one +even laid aside his own name, Phraortes, to do so.</p> + +<p>After the fall of Assyria the leading portion passed +to Media, Babylonia, and Lydia. As the two first had +united for the overthrow of Assyria, and had come to +terms with Lydia for this object, so in other respects +they displayed a friendly feeling towards each other. +The daughter of Cyaxares became the consort of +Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon, and the daughter of +Alyattes, king of Lydia, was married to his son +Astyages. Afterwards, Babylon prevented the attempt +of Egypt to unite Syria with the land of the +Nile; it was eagerly occupied with subjugating Mesopotamia +and Syria, while Lydia established its power +over the tribes and cities of Asia Minor as far as the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> +Halys. Neither Media nor Lydia thought of putting +any hindrances in the way of the extension of +the Babylonian dominion over Syria and Phœnicia. +Of these three kingdoms, thus connected by mutual +alliances, Media was the strongest. Babylonia and +Lydia were not equal either in extent of country or +amount of population; Lydia was perhaps inferior +in the vigour of the ruling tribe, and Babylonia certainly +inferior in the military strength of the population. +Even when united they did not reach the +size or strength of the Median power, whose army +Cyaxares had arranged, and for which he had provided +at Ecbatana a strongly fortified centre, equidistant +from the Halys and the Oxus. When Astyages +ascended the throne, on the death of his father in +593 <small>B.C.</small>, he entered upon the inheritance of a secure +dominion in peaceful and friendly relations to all the +neighbouring powers. While his father-in-law, Alyattes +of Lydia, and his son Croesus were occupied in subjugating +the Carians and the Greek cities on the west +coast of Anatolia (III. 439), and Nebuchadnezzar +carried on one campaign after another in order to +incorporate in his kingdom the great trading marts +of the Syrian coasts, Astyages could enjoy, for more +than thirty years, the fruits of the efforts by which +his father had founded and established the Median +empire.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> Herod. 1, 72. In Xenophon, who represents Astyages as reigning +before Cyaxares, Astyages had subjugated the king of Armenia; the +rebellion of this king was afterwards repressed by Cyaxares. "Cyri +instit." 3, 1, 6 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> Vol. III. 287, 438. Even after the discussions of Gelzer ("Rheinisches +Museum," 1875, s. 264 ff.) on the date of the eclipse, I believe +that Oltmann and Bailly's calculation may hold good for it, until it is +proved astronomically that in the year 610 <small>B.C.</small> an eclipse of the sun +would not have been visible in Asia Minor. If this were proved, +Herodotus' dates for Cyaxares, who not only in his work but on the +evidence of the inscription of Behistun, was the founder of the Median +empire, would have to be thrown back more than half a century, +which the date of Cyrus does not allow. To assume a confusion of +Cyaxares with Astyages in Herodotus, is impossible, for Cyaxares is +twice expressly mentioned (1, 74, and 103), and moreover Astyages is +spoken of as the son of Cyaxares to whom Aryanis was married. Nor +can I regard it as finally proved that the double capture of Sardis +rests simply on Callisthenes, and a deduction from Strabo. Gelzer +agrees that the incursions of the Cimmerians into Asia Minor and their +establishment in Cappadocia must be placed at the least before the +year 705 <small>B.C.</small> ("Z. Aegypt. Sprache," 1875, s. 18); the devastation of +Phrygia by the Cimmerians he puts in the year 696 or 676 <small>B.C.</small> +According to the dates of Eusebius Midas (the husband of Damodike) +began to reign in Olymp. 10, 3 = 738, and took his own life in Ol. 21, 2 += 695 (Euseb. ed. Schöne, 2, 82, 85); his reign extended therefore from +738 to 695 <small>B.C.</small> Hence the devastation of Phrygia by the Cimmerians +must have taken place in the year 695. If they were masters of +Phrygia at this date, it is not easy to see why these successes did not +carry them on into Lydia. As a fact, this is far from improbable; and +if the image at Nymsi is their work, they would not have had any +time for it in 630 <small>B.C.</small>, for that incursion was merely a "plundering +raid," and the change in the dynasty of Lydia, the accession of Gyges +in the year 689 <small>B.C.</small> (Vol. III. 416), seems to me to point to some +previous violent change. Besides, Strabo's words, p. 61, and p. 647, +are plain and conclusive enough, so that I see no reason to attach +much weight to the interpretation of the passage, p. 627. Cf. Cæsar, +"Ind. lect. Marb. Sem. aestivum," 1876.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> Vol. III. 284 ff., 291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> Diod. 2, 34; Nicol. Damasc. fragm. 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> Nicol. Damasc. fragm. 9, 10, ed. Müller; Diod. 2, 33; Ctes. Fragm. +52, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> Roxane and Roxanace are both formed from the old Bactrian +<i>raokshna</i>. Müllenhoff, "Monatsberichte Berl. Akadem." 1866, s. 562.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> Ctes. Fragm. 25-28, ed. Müller; Nic. Damasc. fragm. 12 ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> Oppert gives the form of the second version as Çakuka Iskunka.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> Choerilus in Strabo, p. 303; Herod. 3, 93; 7, 64; 9, 71; Ptolem. +6, 13; Curtius, 7, 4, 6; Arrian, "Anab." 3, 13; Cf. Plut. "Crassus," 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> Nicol. Damasc. fragm. 66, ed. Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> "Ind." 1, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> Diod. 2, 13; 17, 110; Strabo, p. 127.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> Diod. 2, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> Herod. 1, 98, 99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> Polyb. 10, 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> 17, 110.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> "Mans. Parth." c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> Judith, i. 2-4. On the date of the composition of this book, cf. +Volkmar. "Rheinisches Museum," 12, 481. In any case it dates from +the end of the first or the second century of our reckoning.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> Thuc. 2, 13, and the Scholia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> Diod. 2, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> Diod. 17, 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> Hence I see no reason for connecting the colours of the turrets +with the Babylonian star-worship. The only fact in favour of this is +the black of the second wall; but as the highest turrets exhibited the +two most precious metals, the others may have received the colours of +the remaining five, over all of which Kshathra vairya presided, and in +the order of the Avesta in which silver and copper follow gold, while +iron and steel end the list. It can hardly be proved that Babylonian +star-worship had a decisive influence among the Medes at the time of +Cyaxares. Isaiah xiii. 17 might be quoted against the wealth of +Ecbatana, but this passage only gives the idea of the writer that the +Medes would not be bought off by Babylonian money, and abandons the +destruction of Babylon for the sake of gold. Setting this aside, the +episodes quoted above show that at the time of Astyages men could +regret the loss of ancient simplicity in Media, and extol it against the +gold which had come from Nineveh to Ecbatana, and against the gold +of Babylon (p. 301). The nation may also have remained in simple +habits of life however brilliant the royal citadel may have been. Yet +it has already been observed in the text that at the time of Cyaxares +and Astyages the upper classes lived in wealth and comfort.</p></div> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> Diod. 17, 66, 71; 19, 48; Strabo, p. 731; Plut. "Alex." 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> Strabo, p. 523.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<h3>THE TRIBES OF THE PERSIANS.</h3> + + +<p>The oldest subjects in the Median kingdom were the +Persians. Their country lay in the south-west corner +of the table-land of Iran. The heights of the Zagrus, +which run down to the sea in a south-easterly direction, +divide it from the ancient kingdom of Elam, +and the land of the Tigris, just as in the north they +divide the land of the Medes from the valley of the +two rivers. The Eastern border of the Persian +territory was formed, almost down to the coast, by +the great desert, which fills the centre of Iran; the +northern boundary towards the land of the Medes +is marked by the range which the Greeks call Parachoatras; +the name would be <i>Kuruhvathra</i>, <i>i. e.</i> very +brilliant, in Old Persian. The southern boundary of +Persia was the sea. Nearchus, who sailed along the +coast of Persia, gives it an extent of 4400 stades, <i>i. e.</i> +550 miles; their land began at the mouth of the +Oroatis (Old Persian, <i>Aurvaiti</i>, <i>i. e.</i> the swift),<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> the +Tsab, which falls into the Persian Gulf below the +modern Hindian, and reached to the east almost as +far as the entrance into this gulf, where it ended +opposite the island of Coloë (Kishm).<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> Euripides<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> +contrasts the sun-lit mountain flats of Persia with the +wintry land of Media and the citadels of Bactria.<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> +According to Strabo the coast of Persia was hot and +sandy, and, with the exception of some palms, produced +no fruit. But beyond the coast was a land of +very great fertility, abounding in lakes and rivers, and +providing the most excellent pasture. Further to the +north, the Persian land became cold and mountainous, +and supported nothing but droves of camels and their +keepers. Arrian tells us that to the north of the +coast of Persia the air was temperate, and the land +traversed by the clearest streams, in addition to which +there were also lakes; the meadows were grassy and +well watered, and provided excellent pastures for +horses and other beasts of draught. The soil produced +all kinds of fruits and even wine, but not olives. The +forests were extensive and rich in game, and all kinds +of water-fowl were to be found there. But further +to the north the land of the Persians was wintry and +full of snow.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> What the Greeks relate of the desolation +of the Persian coast is still applicable; it consists +of naked sand-flats, broken only by scanty groves of +palms. Above this coast the soil rises in terraces, +which are separated from each other by yet higher +ranges. Further to the north the slopes of the mountains +provide excellent pastures, till the ground becomes +more bare as we approach Media, while on the +east it gradually passes into the great desert of the +centre. On the mountain terraces and in the depressions +between them are some favoured lands and valleys. +The warmth of the southern situation is tempered by +the elevation of the soil and the winds blowing from +the sea. This happy climate allows a perpetual +spring to reign, and increases the fertility which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> +abundant mountain springs produce in such a degree +that groves of orchard trees, cypresses, and myrtles +alternate with vineyards and carpets of flowers. The +beauty of Persia and the fertility of the vegetation is +concentrated in the valleys of Kazerun, Shiras, and +Merdasht, which lie in stages one above the other, +between mountain walls which rise to a height of +8000 feet. The most extensive and at the same time +the highest valley is that of Merdasht. It is traversed +by the Murghab, which brings an abundant supply +of water from the snow-covered heights in the north-west. +The upper course is surrounded by steep cones, +and jagged walls of rock; in the lower part it takes +another name, and is called the Pulwar. Further +down, it unites with the Kum-i-Firuz (the Araxes +of the Greeks), and from this confluence down to the +mouth in the great lake of Bakhtegan it is known +as the Bendemir. The Greeks called the Pulwar the +Medus, and the Bendemir, which is also known as +the Kur in modern times, they named the Cyrus.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a></p> + +<p>According to Herodotus the Persians regarded their +land as of moderate extent, poorly equipped, and +filled with rocks. In the Books of the Laws which +are ascribed to Plato, we are told that the Persian +land is naturally adapted to produce strong shepherds, +and as they had to watch their flocks night and day, +they were thus in a position to do good service in war. +As a fact Persia is a mountainous country; the slopes +are admirably fitted for cattle breeding, but there is +little room or encouragement for agriculture. According +to Xenophon's description, the Persians in ancient +times were much occupied in the chase, and in riding; +they only ate once in the day, and at their banquets +goblets might indeed be seen, but no pitchers of wine.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> +Strabo remarks, with reference to a later period, that +the Persian youth remained long in the open air +with their flocks, and were eager hunters; when +thus engaged, their only drink was water, their food +bread, flesh, and salt. The Greeks with one consent +describe the Persians of ancient times as simple, +hardy, self-controlled men, of great endurance and +martial vigour, with few requirements. They were +also called "Eaters of Terebinths," in order to mark +the scantiness of their food: their drink was water; +and their clothing, coats as well as trousers, were of +leather.<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a></p> + +<p>The nation of the Persians consisted of various +tribes. Herodotus gives a special prominence to +three, on which the rest were dependent. These were +the Pasargadae, the Maraphians, and the Maspians. +"Other tribes are the Panthialaei, the Derrusiaei, the +Germanii, all of which are agricultural; while the remainder, +the Dai, Mardi, Dropici, and Sagartii are +Nomads."<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> According to this statement six of the +Persian tribes carried on agriculture, and four were +pastoral. But the Germanians and Sagartians were +distinguished from the tribes of the Persians in the +narrower sense. The Sagartians (Açagarta) are spoken +of in the inscriptions of Darius, and by Herodotus himself +in other passages, as a separate nation; we have +already found their country on the western edge of the +great desert, and observed its character (p. 6). The +Germanians of Herodotus are the Carmanians of the +later Greeks, who also passed with them as a separate +nation, though closely allied to the Persians and Medes.<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> +They wandered to and fro to the east of Persia in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> +the district now called Kirman. The number of the +tribes mentioned by Herodotus would therefore have to +be reduced to the Pasargadae, Maraphians, Maspians, +Panthialaeans, Derusiaeans, Dai, Mardi, and Dropici, +if we did not hear of two others in the inscriptions +of Darius, the Yutiyas and the Patisuvaris, whose +names were known to the later Greeks in the form +Utei and Pateischorei. These later authorities tell us +also of other Persian tribes: Kyrtians, Rhapaesans, +Stobaeans, Suzaeans, etc. They also reckon the +Paraetaci, or Paraetaceni, among the Persians.<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> The +Mardians of Herodotus are also called Amardians by +later writers, who place them in the West, among the +mountains which divide Persia from Elam.<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> With +regard to the position of the rest of the tribes, we can +only ascertain that the Pasargadae occupied the best +part of the Persian land—the valley of the Pulwar; +that the Maraphians<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> and the Maspians were their +neighbours, and the land of the Pateischorei followed +next after that of the Pasargadae on the eastern +side, towards Carmania. Besides these three chief +tribes, the Pasargadae, Maraphians, and Maspians, +the Persian nation, according to these statements, +was made up of a considerable number of more or +less powerful tribes, of whom each one, like the +chief tribes themselves, must have had a separate +territory, or, at any rate, a pasture for its flocks.</p> + +<p>If the name Parsua could signify Persians, the inscriptions +of the kings of Asshur would confirm the +division of the Persians into several tribes. Shalmanesar +II. tells us, that in the year 833 <small>B.C.</small> he +received tribute from the heads of the Parsuas, as the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> +inscription says: from twenty-seven princes of the +Parsuas. Afterwards Tiglath Pilesar II. traversed the +land of the Parsuas and imposed tribute upon them +(744 <small>B.C.</small>).<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> The books of the Hebrews confirm +Esarhaddon's dominion over Persia, inasmuch as they +tell us that he settled Persians and Dai (Dahas) in +Samaria (III. 154).</p> + +<p>It must have been in the period of the supremacy +of Assyria, at the latest in the first half of the seventh +century <small>B.C.</small>, that the worship of the gods, which the +Persians shared from all antiquity with their fellow-tribesmen +on the table-land of Iran, the worship of +Mithra, Vayu, Anahita, and fire, underwent the change +which bears the name of Zarathrustra. As we saw +good reason to assume, the new doctrine first came to +the Medes from the North-East; from the Medes it +passed, without doubt, to the Persians. If Herodotus +places the Magians, or special priestly order, among +the tribes of the Medes and not among those of the +Persians, among whom Strabo is the first to mention +them, the conclusion is, as has been sufficiently +proved, not that the Persians were without priests +before and after the reform, but rather that even after +the reform the priestly families remained in their +natural unions, and did not form themselves into a +special tribe (p. 192).</p> + +<p>The supremacy of Assyria over the West of Iran +came to an end when Phraortes united the tribes of +the Medes under his leadership, and, towards the year +640 <small>B.C.</small>, undertook to maintain the independence of +Media against Assurbanipal, the successor of Esarhaddon. +In this struggle the Persians joined the +Medes and ranged themselves under them. Herodotus, +who obviously follows the tradition of the Medes, re<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span>presents +Phraortes as marching against the Persians, +conquering and subjugating them; according to the +Persian account, which is preserved in Ctesias, the +chief of the Medes induced the Persians to revolt +against the Assyrians, and to join him, by the promise +that they should remain free under his leadership (III. +250). The situation of affairs agrees better with the +second version than with the first. Considering the +enormous power which Assyria under Assurbanipal +possessed down to the middle of the seventh century, +it is hardly probable that Phraortes would have inaugurated +the recent independence of Media by an +attack on the Persians, which might, and indeed must, +drive them into the arms of the Assyrians. It is far +more probable that the two nations formed a league +against Assyria. As already observed, the annihilation +of the kingdom of Elam, which Assurbanipal accomplished +in the year 645 <small>B.C.</small>, would supply the Persians +with a strong incentive to unite themselves with the +kindred and more powerful nation of the Medes.</p> + +<p>Of the three tribes of the Pasargadae, Maraphians, +and Maspians, the most prominent—so Herodotus tells +us—are the Pasargadae.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a> To them belongs the race +of the Achæmenids, from which sprang the Persian +kings. In the inscription of Behistun, King Darius +says: "From old time we were kings; eight of my +family have been kings (Kshayathiya), I am the +ninth; from very ancient times we have been kings."<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> +He enumerates his ancestors: "My father was Vistaçpa, +the father of Vistaçpa was Arsama, the father +of Arsama was Ariyaramna, the father of Ariyaramna +was Khaispis, the father of Khaispis was Hakhamanis; +hence we are called Hakhamanisiya (Achæmenids)." +In these words Darius gives the tree of his own family +up to Khaispis; this was the younger branch of the +Achæmenids. Teispes, the son of Achæmenes, had +two sons; the elder was Cambyses (Kambujiya), the +younger Ariamnes; the son of Cambyses was Cyrus +(Kurus), the son of Cyrus was Cambyses II.<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> Hence +Darius could indeed maintain, that eight princes of +his family had preceded him; but it was not correct +to maintain that they had been kings before him, +and that he was the ninth king.<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span></p> + +<p>In this series of the ancestors of Darius we find +names belonging not only to the East of Iran, but +also to the Arians of India. The name Cambyses +(Kambujiya) points to the Cambojas, a nation which +we found in the north-west of India (IV. 249); the +name Cyrus (Kurus) to the ancestors of the ancient +princely race who founded the first great empire in the +land of the Ganges on the upper course of the river, +whose contest with and overthrow by the Pandus is +celebrated by the Indian epic, while the name Vistaçpa +repeats the name of the King of Bactria, whom the +prayers of the Avesta extol as the protector of Zarathrustra +(p. 132). Of Achæmenes we are told that +an eagle nourished him;<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> a prophet of the Hebrews +calls Cyrus "the eagle;" we know the importance +which the Avesta ascribes to the two eagles of the +sky, and the modern Persian epic to Simurgh; and we +have seen that the standard of the Achæmenids was +an eagle (p. 173). Hence from this notice we may +with certainty conclude that the tradition of the +Persians ascribed to this ancestor of their kings a +youth distinguished by the favour of heaven.</p> + +<p>As Cambyses the father of Cyrus is a contemporary +of Astyages of Media, Teispes the father of Cambyses +must be reckoned a contemporary of Cyaxares, and +Achæmenes, the father of Teispes, as a contemporary +of Phraortes.<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> We must therefore assume either +that Achæmenes was at the head of the Persians, at +the time when they joined Media, or that he was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span> +established by Phraortes as the chief of Persia and +his vassal-king, and that his throne passed with the +duties of vassalage to his descendants Teispes and +Cambyses. It is not very probable that the traditions +of the Persians should have accorded signs of divine +favour to the youth of a man, who had been placed +over them after their subjugation as viceroy of Media. +Moreover, we find among the Persians, according to +this tradition, a form of constitution, such as a Median +viceroy would hardly have established, even for +the object of overthrowing the Median power. The +race of the Achæmenids belonged to the tribe of +the Pasargadae; we may therefore assume that +Achæmenes was the first to become chief of this tribe.</p> + +<p>Aeschylus enumerates the seven men who stand at +the side of the king of the Persians.<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> Josephus says +that the "seven houses" of the Persians had named +Darius as king. As a fact we see that when Darius, +after the extinction of the older line of the descendants +of Achæmenes, sets himself to ascend the throne, +six men stand at his side, whom Herodotus distinguishes +as the "first of the Persians." The Laws +ascribed to Plato say that the empire was then +divided into seven parts between Darius and the Six, +and that a relic of this division was still in existence.<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> +In regard to the privileges of the Six and their +descendants we find that they consisted in the right +of free access to the king, and that the king could +choose his chief wife only from their families;<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> the +descendants of the Six had also the right to wear the +head-dress of the king, the upright <i>kidaris</i>, which was +the symbol of royal dignity. In the kingdom of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span> +Sassanids, we find seven hereditary princes under the +king; these princes, like the king, wear crowns, but +their crowns are lower than that of the king; the "sons +of the houses," <i>i. e.</i> the members of these seven families, +form the highest rank of the nobility. Hence in these +six chieftains of the Persians standing at the side of and +beneath the seventh, who is the prince of the Pasargadae, +we may suppose that we have the princes of the +remaining tribes.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a> And in respect of the privileges +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span>of the six co-chieftains in the kingdom of the Achæmenids +we may assume that they originally occupied +a position close to the king, and formed the council +and court of the chief tribal prince. These privileges +the Greeks ascribe to the services which the Six +rendered at the time when Darius ascended the +throne. But as the seven houses existed before, and +the Six had previously been "the first of the Persians," +their privileged position must have been of an older +date; it must have been introduced by Cyrus or be +of even more remote origin. It is not probable that +such a mighty warrior prince as Cyrus would, after +the reduction of the Medes, impose limitations on his +power by sharing the symbols of royalty and hereditary +privileges. According to the narrative of Herodotus, +Cyrus does not simply command the Persians +to take up arms against the Medes, but he assembles +the tribes, and ascertains their feeling. In considering +the peculiar position of these six families we may +certainly assume, that under the ancestors of Cyrus +there were chiefs among the Persians with whom +the Achæmenids had to deal. If the Achæmenids +were the heads of the tribe of the Pasargadae, the +other tribes would have chiefs also. Yet we only +hear of "six princes" besides the Achæmenids, +though we have seen that the number of the Persian +tribes was considerably more than seven.</p> + +<p>Following the indications thus given, we may +sketch the course of events as follows. When +Achæmenes had acquired the headship of the tribe +of the Pasargadae, he must have combined the two +neighbouring tribes, the Maraphians and Maspians, +whom Herodotus classes with the Pasargadae as the +most important among the Persians, into closer +union, perhaps by some understanding with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span> +chiefs. Supported by these three tribes, who possessed +the favoured regions of Kazerun, Shiras, and Merdasht, +Achæmenes must then have subjugated the +remainder to his power. Herodotus told us above +that the remaining tribes depended on the three +mentioned. They must, therefore, have been combined +into larger groups, and in fact into four +communities. To the chiefs who became the heads +of these new combinations, a position must have been +accorded similar to that enjoyed by the Maraphians +and Maspians beside Achæmenes—above all, the right +to bequeath the chieftainship to their descendants. +When the chiefs of the Persians, now seven in number, +mutually guaranteed to each other their position, +the foundation was laid of a community of interests, +and thus of a community of the Persian nation. +That the princes of the four new combinations of +tribes belonged to those tribes, and not to the three +first, is proved by the inscription of Darius at Naksh-i-Rustem, +where one of the princes of the date of +Darius is called a Pateischorean. In some such way +as this Achæmenes may have brought about the +union of the Persian tribes, and at the same time +have obtained the leadership of them. His position +thus rested essentially on the relation of the prince +of the Pasargadae to the other six tribal princes, a +relation of which we find no trace in the Medes. +That the number seven was normal for the combinations +of the tribes we may ascribe to the influence +of the recently-introduced doctrine of Zarathrustra, +of which we found echoes in the legend of Achæmenes.</p> + +<p>Achæmenes and his race after him must have had +their dwelling in the canton of the tribe to which +they belonged, at the place of assembly of the Pasargadae, +the chief town, which bore the name of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> +tribe. Supported by this tribe, Achæmenes succeeded +in uniting the people; on it and the neighbouring +Marapheans and Maspians depended the importance +of the Achæmenids. Strabo calls Pasargadae the +ancient seat, and with Persepolis the patriarchal +abode of the Persian kings,<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> and here, on ascending +the throne, they were consecrated. Here Cyrus deposited +his treasures; here he found his last resting-place. +We must look for this place in "Hollow +Persia," as the Greeks call it, in the plain of Merdasht, +to the east of the later Istakhr, the city of the Sassanids, +below the confluence of the Medus and Cyrus +(<i>i. e.</i> the Pulwar and Kum-i-Firuz) in the land of +the Bendemir.<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a></p> + +<p>When Achæmenes had united the tribes of the +Persians by means of the new hereditary chieftainships, +and got into his hands the supreme power with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span> +the co-operation of the six princes in council and +jurisdiction, he joined the king of the Medes, who +had also united the tribes of his people, soon after the +year 645 <small>B.C.</small>, as we were compelled to assume, for +common defence against Assyria. Being weaker than +the Median king, he ranged himself under his leadership +and power, agreed to follow him in war, and +accepted the position of his general and vassal. The +relation must have been similar to that which Firdusi +represents as existing between his kings and the +princes of Sejestan (p. 252). In this combination the +Persians shared the dangers of the war against king +Assurbanipal, and the defeat of Phraortes, no less +than the defeat of Cyaxares by the Scythians; on the +other hand, they were the comrades of Cyaxares in his +struggles against the Lydians, and in his victory over +Assyria, while they took an active part in the annihilation +of Nineveh. At the same time we may assume +that this dependent position became more strongly +marked as the power of Media increased, and we may +believe Herodotus that their soldiers joined in subjugating +the other tribes of the table-land of Iran, and +marched with the armies of the Medes to the wars +which Cyaxares carried on in the East. The episode +of Parsondes exhibits a Persian at the court, in the +council, and in the army of the Median king; and +the position of the Persians under the successors of +Achæmenes, Teispes, and Cambyses, must have closely +resembled the position of the other nations subject +to the Median power. Cyaxares and his successor +Astyages would have regarded Teispes and Cambyses +merely as their viceroys over Persia, though they did +not disturb the succession in the tribe of Achæmenes. +If Darius still calls all his ancestors kings, and extends +this title to his father, grandfather, and great-grand<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span>father, +who were not viceroys, that is merely the +custom and view of the East; even under the great +king, the King of kings, a vassal is still a king. The +hereditary viceroys of Persia under the Arsacids, one +and all, put the title "king" on their coins. When +Papek, and Ardeshir after him, had taken their place, +they call themselves kings; Ardeshir, the founder of +the dominion of the Sassanids, designates himself as +"king," "king of the divine stock," even before he +has overthrown his own king, Artabanus, the Arsacid. +As the youth of Achæmenes is ennobled in the +older tradition, so later legends surrounded the life of +the progenitor of the Sassanids with premonitory +indications.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> Burnouf, "Commentaire sur le Yaçna," p. 251.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> Arrian, "Ind." 38-40; Strabo, p. 727, 728, 738; Plin. "H. +N." 6, 26; cf. Ptol. 6, 4, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> "Bacch." 14-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> Arrian, "Ind." 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> Spiegel, "Eran," 2, 260.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> Herod. 9, 122, 1, 171; Nicol. Damasc. fragm. 66, ed. Müller; +Xenophon, "Cyri instit." 6, 2, 22; 8, 8, 5-12; Plato, "Legg." p. +695; Strabo, p. 734.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> Herod. 1, 125.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> Strabo, p. 727.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> Above, p. 270. Strabo, p. 728, 730; Ptol. 6, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> Arrian, "Ind." 40; Strabo, p. 727.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> Aeschylus speaks of a Maraphis among the kings of the Persians, +"Pers." 778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> Above, p. 282.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> The place has the same name as the tribe; Pasargadae cannot +in any case mean "Persian camp," as Anaximenes maintains in +Stephanus. Oppert believes that he has discovered in the Pisiyauvada +of the inscription of Behistun the original form of the name Pasargadae, +which is the Greek form of the Persian word. Pisiyauvada +(<i>paisi gauvuda</i>) means "valley of springs;" "Peuple des Medes," p. +110.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> So Rawlinson and Spiegel. E. Schrader translates III. of the +Babylonian version: "From old from the fathers we were kings." +<i>Abutav</i> appears as a fact to leave no doubt about this sense. Oppert +now translates <i>duvitataranam</i> (IV. of the Persian text) by twice, +<i>i. e.</i> in two epochs we were kings: "Rec. of the Past," 7, 88; but his +previous translation, "in two tribes" (<i>i. e.</i> in the older and younger +line), we were kings, exactly corresponds to the facts.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> The list of the Achæmenids, which we obtain from a comparison +of Herodotus (6, 11), and the inscription of Behistun 1, 3-8, is as +follows:</p> + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr><td align='center' colspan='2'>Achæmenes (Hakhamanis).</td></tr> +<tr><td align='center' colspan='2'><b>|</b></td></tr> +<tr><td align='center' colspan='2'>Teispes (Khaispis).</td></tr> +<tr><td align='center' colspan='2'><b>|</b></td></tr> +<tr><td align='center' colspan='2'>——————————</td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'><b>|</b></td><td align='center'><b>|</b></td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'>(Kambujiya) Cambyses.</td><td align='center'>Ariamnes (Ariyaramna).</td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'><b>|</b></td><td align='center'><b>|</b></td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'>(Kurus) Cyrus.</td><td align='center'>Arsames (Arsama).</td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'><b>|</b></td><td align='center'><b>|</b></td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'>(Kambujiya) Cambyses.</td><td align='center'>Hystaspes (Vistaçpa).</td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'></td><td align='center'><b>|</b></td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'></td><td align='center'>Darius (Darayavus).</td></tr> +</table></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> If Darius calls himself the ninth Achæmenid, Xerxes also in +Herodotus enumerates nine Achæmenids as his predecessors, in which +enumeration, it is true, Cambyses occurs but once, while Teispes is +twice mentioned, once as the ancestor of the older line, and then as +the ancestor of the younger. On a broken cylinder which has just +been brought from Babylon by Rassam, the genealogy of Cyrus is said +to be given thus: Achæmenes, Teispes, Cyrus, Cambyses, Cyrus,—so +the journals tell us. In this the older line has one member more as +against the younger. Till the cylinder is published we must keep to +the inscription of Behistun and Herodotus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> Aelian, "Hist. Anim." 12, 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> Cyrus is said to have been forty years old in 558 <small>B.C.</small>, so that he +must have been born in 598 <small>B.C.</small>, from which it follows that his father +Cambyses was born in 620 at the latest. Astyages was married in 610, +and must therefore have been born about 630 <small>B.C.</small></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> "Persae," 956-960.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> Joseph. "Antiq." 11, 2; Herod. 3, 77; Plat. "Legg." p. 695.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> Herod. 3, 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> This highest rank of nobility is called <i>waspur</i> in Pehlevi, and <i>bar +bithan</i> is Aramaic. The book of Esther mentions the seven princes of +the Persians and Medes, "who may behold the countenance of the +king and have the first place in the kingdom," i. 14. The names of the +six who aided Darius in slaying Gaumata, as given in Herodotus, agree +with the inscription of Behistun, with the exception of one name. +Herodotus gives Aspathines for the Ardumanis of Darius. The list of +Ctesias is wholly different. If we examine them more closely we find +that Ctesias has given the names of the sons of the comrades of Darius +for the comrades themselves. Instead of Gobryas he puts Mardonius +the son of Gobryas, instead of Otanes Anaphes (so we must read the +name Onophes); Anaphes, according to Herod. 7, 62, is the son of +Otanes. The name Hydarnes agrees with the inscription and with +Herodotus, but the son of Hydarnes had the same name as his father +(Herod. 7, 83, 211). The Barisses of Ctesias must be the eldest son of +Intaphernes whom Darius allowed to live; he was called after his +grandfather, Vayaçpara, as was often the case with the Persians. The +Ariarathes, who afterwards governed Cappadocia, claimed to have +sprung from Anaphes, whom Darius made satrap or king of Cappadocia. +Anaphes was succeeded by a son of the same name; after him +came Datames, Ariamnes, Ariarathes I., who governed Cappadocia at +the time of Artaxerxes Ochus; his son Ariathes II. crucified Perdiccas +in the year 322 <small>B.C.</small> when he had conquered him, though an old man +of 82 years; Droysen, "Hellenismus," 2<sup>2</sup>, 95. The Norondobates in +Ctesias I cannot explain, unless we ought to read Rhodobates. Mithridates, +who in Xenophon's time had been governor of Lycaonia from +about 420 <small>B.C.</small>, is called a son of Rhodobates (Diog. Laert. 3, 25), and +his father and grandfather are said to have been viceroys of Pontus. +The ancestor would be one of the seven, to whom the kingdom of +Pontus was given for his services; Polyb. 5, 43. Mithridates Eupator +calls himself the sixteenth after Darius; Appian, "Bell. Mith." c. +112; cf. Justin, 38, 7. These quotations will be sufficient to show +that the rank of the six tribal princes of the Persians, like that of the +chief princes, was originally hereditary, as the governorships left to +their descendants outside Persia must have remained in their families.</p></div> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> p. 728, 729.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> Strabo, p. 729, puts Pasargadae on the Cyrus. Stephanus +(Πασσαργάδαι) +following Anaximenes of Lampsacus, represents Pasargadae as +first built by Cyrus; so Curt. 5, 11: Cyrus Pasargadum urbem condiderat. +It cannot be doubted that Cyrus built there, and Alexander, +according to Arrian (3, 18), found there the treasures of Cyrus. Strabo +also tells us that Cyrus built the city and citadel, p. 730. From the +accounts of the march of Alexander from Persepolis to Pasargadae, +and from his return from the Indus to Pasargadae and Persepolis, it +is clear that Pasargadae lay to the east or south-east of Persepolis. If +Pasargadae is placed at Murghab, the only reason is the statement +that the grave of Cyrus was at Pasargadae, and this grave has been +identified with the pyramid of Murghab, in the immediate proximity +of which a relief exhibits the picture of Cyrus. But the portrait of +Cyrus there is very different from the portrait of Darius and his +successors on the tombs at Rachmed, and Naksh-i-Rustem; and the +building at Murghab may have served another purpose. According to +Pliny ("H. N." 6, 26, 29) we ought to look for Pasargadae to the +south of Lake Bakhtegan, near Fasa, or Darabgerd; flumen Sitioganus, +quo Pasargadas septimo die navigatur. Sitioganus is the +modern Sitaragan. Ptolemy puts Pasargadae in the neighbourhood of +Caramania, and Oppert therefore identifies it with the ruins of Tell-i-Zohak +near Fasa, and looks for the mountain Paraga of the inscriptions +in the modern Forg: "Journal Asiat." 1872, p. 549.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<h3>THE FALL OF THE MEDIAN KINGDOM.</h3> + + +<p>"Cyaxares was succeeded by his son Astyages on +the throne of the Medes"—such is the narrative of +Herodotus—"and the latter had a daughter named +Mandane. Once he saw his daughter in a dream, and +water came from her in such quantities that all Asia +was inundated. This vision Astyages laid before the +interpreters of dreams, among the Magians, and their +interpretation alarmed him. To guard against the +event portended, he gave his daughter, who was +already of marriageable age, to none of the Medes +of suitable rank, but to a Persian of the name of +Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, who was of a good +family, but quiet in disposition; he regarded him as +of less account than a Mede of the middle class. +Mandane had not been married a year when Astyages +had a second vision; from his daughter's womb there +grew up a vine-tree which overshadowed all Asia. +This dream also he laid before the interpreters, and +caused his daughter, who was with child, to be brought +from the land of the Persians and be kept under +watch; his intention was to kill the child, which, as +the Magians said, was destined to reign in his place. +When Mandane bore a son, Astyages sent for Harpagus, +a man akin to the royal household,<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> the most faithful<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span> +of his servants, in whose care he trusted on all occasions, +and bade him take Mandane's child to his house +and there kill it, and bury it, in whatever way he +chose. When the boy was given to him, dressed as if +for a funeral, Harpagus went in tears to his house, +told his wife the orders of Astyages, and declared that +he would not be the perpetrator of this murder even +though Astyages should lose his reason more utterly +than at present, and fall into worse madness: 'the +child is akin to me; Astyages is old and without male +heirs, if the throne passes to the daughter, whose +child he is now putting to death by my hands, +I shall find myself in the greatest danger. Inasmuch +as my present safety demands it the child must +die. But the murder must be done by one of the +people of Astyages, not by any one of mine.' Without +delay he sent a messenger to one of the cowherds +of the king, Mithradates by name, whose pastures +lay on mountains to the north of Ecbatana, where +wild beasts are numerous. When the herdman came +he found the whole house of Harpagus filled with +lamentation, and saw a struggling and screaming +child adorned with gold and variegated robes, and +Harpagus said to him: 'Astyages commands you +to expose this child on the most desolate mountains, +in order that it may die as quickly as possible.' +The herdman believed that the child belonged +to one of the household of Harpagus, and took it, but +from the servant who accompanied him out of the +city he ascertained that it was the child of Mandane +and Cambyses. Returning to his hut, he found that +his wife Spako (the Medes call a dog Spako) had just +brought forth a dead child, and when she saw the well-grown +and beautiful child which her husband showed +her, she clasped his knees in tears, and entreated him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span> +not to expose it, but to take away her dead child in +its place, and bring it up as her own son:<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> Thus doing +you will not be guilty of wrong towards your master; +the dead child will receive a splendid funeral, and the +other will not lose his life. The herdman took his +wife's advice, and did as she bade him. He placed his +own dead child in the basket, put on him all the +ornaments of the other, and placed him on the wildest +mountain. Three days after he told Harpagus that +he was ready to show him the corpse of the child. +Harpagus sent the most trustworthy of his bodyguard, +and buried the herdman's child. But the herdman's +wife brought up the other child, and gave him some +other name than Cyrus, by which he was afterwards +called. When he was ten years old an incident +happened which caused him to be known. He was +playing with his comrades, in the village in which the +herdman lived, in the street, and his playfellows had +chosen him whom they considered the herdman's son +to be king. He assigned to every one his work, and +bade one build houses, and another to be a lance-bearer; +one he made 'the king's eye,' and another +'the bearer of his messages.' Among the boys who +were playing with him was the son of Artembares, a +man of high rank in Media. This boy failed to do +what Cyrus ordered; and Cyrus bade the others take +him, and whipped him severely. The boy hastened to +the city and complained to his father of the treatment +he had received from the son of the cowherd. His +father took him to the king and showed his son's +shoulders, and said: 'This insult we have received +from thy servant, the son of the cowherd.' Astyages +summoned Mithradates and his son. When Astyages<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> +asked the latter how he dared so to insult the son of +a man in such high favour with the king as Artembares, +the lad maintained that he was right in acting +as he did, but if he was to blame he was ready to +bear the penalty. Astyages was surprised by the +likeness of the boy to his own family, and the freedom +of his reply. After applying the torture to Mithradates, +he soon discovered the truth. He was more +enraged at Harpagus than at Mithradates, but concealed +his resentment. When Harpagus at his request +had acknowledged what he had done, Astyages said: +'The boy was alive, and all that had been done was +well. Let Harpagus send his own son to join the +new-comer, and also come himself to the banquet.' As +soon as the son of Harpagus, a boy of thirteen years, +was in the palace, Astyages caused him to be slain, +and the dismembered limbs were boiled and roasted, +while the head, hands, and feet, were put in a covered +basket. At the banquet Harpagus was served with +the flesh of his own son, while the other guests ate +the flesh of sheep. When Harpagus had eaten, +Astyages inquired whether he had enjoyed the meal, +and when he replied that he had enjoyed it greatly, +the servants of the king brought him the basket, bade +him uncover it and take what he would. Harpagus +controlled himself, and said that whatever the king +did was best. Then Astyages took counsel with the +Magians who had interpreted the dreams: they were +to consider everything, and give him the advice best +for himself and his house. The Magians declared that +they had it much at heart that the dominion of Astyages +should continue; for if the throne passed to the +boy who was a Persian, the Medes would be governed +by others, 'but if thou remainest king we are rulers in +our degree, and have great honour from thee.' But as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span> +the boy had already been king in the game, the dream +was fulfilled; the king might send him back to Persia +to his parents. Astyages did so. When Cyrus came +to the house of Cambyses, his parents received him +with great joy, when they found who he was, since +they believed that he was already dead, and desired +to know how he had been preserved. He told them +that he had been supposed to be the son of the +cowherd, but on the way he had ascertained everything +from the convoy which Astyages had sent with +him. He related how the wife of the herdman had +brought him up, and praised her much, and Spako +(the dog) was always on his lips. His parents seized +on the name in order that the preservation of the +boy might appear to be the work of the gods, and +laid the foundation for the legend that a dog had +suckled Cyrus when exposed."</p> + +<p>"When Cyrus came to manhood and was the +bravest and best-beloved of his comrades, Harpagus +sought to win him by presents with a view to vengeance +on Astyages, for he regarded the injury done to +Cyrus as no less than that done to himself. He +had already prepared his revenge. As Astyages was +severe towards the Medes, he had secretly persuaded +the chief men among them, one by one, that an end +must be put to the rule of Astyages, and that Cyrus +must be raised to the throne. When this was done +and all was ready, he wished to discover his views to +Cyrus, who was then in Persia. As the roads were +guarded, he invented the following stratagem: he +prepared a hare by cutting open the belly without +further injury to the skin, inserted a letter, and then +again closed the opening. This hare he gave with +some nets to the most faithful of his slaves, and sent +him, as though he were a hunter, to Persia, with a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> +command to take the hare to Cyrus, and at the same +time to tell him that he must open it himself and +let no one be present at the time. Cyrus opened the +hare, and found written: 'Son of Cambyses, the gods +regard thee with favour, or thou hadst not attained to +such good fortune. Avenge thy death on Astyages, +for dead thou art in his intention; it is through the +gods and me that thou livest. Long ago thou hast +learnt all that befell thee, and what I have suffered at +the hands of the king because I did not slay thee, but +gave thee to the cowherd. If thou wilt follow my +counsel, thou shalt rule over all the land over which +Astyages was ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt, +and march against Media, and if I or any other chief +man among the Medes is appointed by Astyages to +lead the army against thee, all will be as thou wilt. +They will revolt from the king, and by passing over +to thee attempt to dethrone him. All is ready here; +act therefore, and act quickly.'</p> + +<p>"Cyrus considered in what way he could best +persuade the Persians to revolt, and when he discovered +what he believed to be the best plan, he +wrote down his intentions in a letter and summoned +an assembly of the Persians. In their presence he +opened the letter, and read out, that Astyages had +appointed him general of the Persians; then he +added: 'I command that every one of you appear with +a sickle.' And when they were all assembled, furnished +with sickles, Cyrus bade them clear a bushy tract of +land about twenty stades in length and breadth, and +make it fit for cultivation in a single day. When +they had done this, he bade them assemble on the +next day; every one was to come bathed. Then he +caused all the goats, sheep, and oxen of his father to +be got together, slaughtered and dressed, and prepared<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span> +in addition wine and other excellent food, and entertained +the whole of the Persians in a meadow; after +the meal he asked them which they preferred, the +entertainment of that day, or the work of the day +before? They replied that the difference was great: +yesterday they had nothing that was good, to-day +nothing that was bad. Cyrus took up this reply, and +discovered his aims, saying: 'O Persians, thus it is +with you. If ye will follow me, ye shall have these +blessings and many others, without any service; if +ye will not, ye will have troubles without number +like those of yesterday. Follow me, and ye will be +free. I believe that I was born by the favour of +heaven to take this work in hand, and I do not count +you as less than the Medes, in war or any other +service. Since this is so, revolt at once from Astyages.' +The Persians were quite ready to liberate themselves; +they only required a leader, and had long borne the +yoke of the Medes with dissatisfaction."</p> + +<p>"When Astyages found what Cyrus had done, he +summoned him into his presence by a messenger. +Cyrus bade the messenger reply that he would come +before Astyages wished. Then the king armed all the +Medes, and, as though blinded by the gods, he named +Harpagus as general, entirely forgetting the injury he +had done to him. When the Medes and Persians +met, some of the Medes, who were not in the conspiracy +fought, but the greater part made no resistance +and fled. Thus the Median army was shamefully +put to rout. But Astyages threatened Cyrus and +said, that even so he should not accomplish his +purpose. The interpreters of dreams among the +magicians who had advised him to let Cyrus go he +impaled, and then armed all who had remained in the +city, young and old, and led them out. He was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> +defeated, lost those whom he commanded, and was +himself taken captive. Harpagus spoke harsh words +to him, and asked how he liked slavery instead of +monarchy with reference to that banquet. Astyages +replied by asking, whether the insurrection was his +own work or that of Cyrus. Harpagus answered that +he had written the letter, and the insurrection was +therefore his doing. Then Astyages said that he was +the most foolish and unjust of men; the most foolish +because when he might have been king, if what had +been done had been his doing, he had given up his +power to another; the most unjust because in revenge +for that banquet he had brought the Medes into +slavery; if the throne must pass to another it would +be more just that it should go to a Mede than a +Persian, but now the innocent Medes were slaves +instead of masters, and the Persians, who had previously +been the servants of the Medes, were their +masters. Thus Astyages lost the throne, after a reign +of thirty-five years, and in consequence of his cruelty +the Medes became subject to the Persians. Cyrus +did no injury to Astyages, but kept him with him till +his death."</p> + +<p>In the Persian history of Ctesias the narrative of +the fall of Astyages occupied more than one book. +But we only know that it contradicted the story of +Herodotus, that the daughter of Astyages was not +called Mandane but Amytis, that she was married to +the Median Spitamas, not to the Persian Cambyses, +and that it was not the Median Harpagus but the +Persian Oebares who was Cyrus' counsellor.<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> The +loss of these books of Ctesias is compensated by a +fragment of Nicolaus of Damascus, which seems to +give the narrative in a compressed form. It is only<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span> +in a few unimportant points at the close that the +fragment differs from the excerpt of Ctesias which has +come down to us.</p> + +<p>"Astyages," so we are told in Nicolaus, "was the +noblest king of the Medes after Arbaces. In his reign +occurred the great revolution by which the dominion +passed from the Medes to the Persians; and the cause +was as follows:—It was a law among the Medes that +a poor man who went to a rich man to gain a livelihood, +and gave himself up to him, should be fed and +clothed and kept as a slave; if the rich man did not +do his duty in this respect, the poor man might go on +to another. In this way a boy named Cyrus, a Mardian +by birth, came to the servant of the king who was +placed over the sweepers of the palace. He was the +son of Atradates, whose poverty forced him to live by +plunder, and Argoste his mother lived by keeping +goats. He gave himself up to the servant for bread, +and assisted in cleaning the palace, and as he was +industrious the overseer gave him better clothing, and +brought him from among those who swept outside to +those who cleaned the interior, and put him under their +overseer. This man was severe, and often whipped +Cyrus. Cyrus left him, and went to the lighter of the +lamps, who showed him kindness, and brought him +nearer to the king by placing him among those who +bore the lights. As Cyrus distinguished himself there +also, he came to Artembares, the chief butler, who +gave the king his wine. He gladly received Cyrus, +and allowed him to wait on those who ate at the +king's table. Ere long Astyages remarked how deftly +Cyrus waited, and with what a stately air he handed +the goblets, and asked Artembares whence the youth +came who waited so well. 'O king,' he replied, 'he +is thy slave, a Persian by race, of the tribe of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> +Mardians, who has given himself over to me in order to +gain a livelihood.' Artembares was old, and once, +when suffering from a fever, he entreated the king to +be allowed to remain at home till he was cured; 'in +my place the youth, whom thou didst praise, will +hand the wine, and if he find favour in thy eyes as +cupbearer, then will I, a eunuch, adopt him as my +son.' Astyages consented, and Artembares gave much +advice to Cyrus, as if to his own son. Cyrus now +stood at the side of the king, and served him by +day and by night, and showed much good sense and +skill. And Astyages allowed him as the son of +Artembares to receive his income, and gave him many +gifts in addition, and Cyrus became great, and his +name was heard everywhere."</p> + +<p>"Astyages had a very noble and beautiful daughter, +whom he gave to Spitamas the Mede, adding the +whole of Media as a dowry. Then Cyrus caused his +father and mother to come from the land of the +Medians, and they rejoiced at the greatness of their +son, and his mother told him the dream which she +had while he was yet an unborn child. She had +fallen asleep in the sanctuary when tending her goats, +and in her dream water flowed from her in such +quantities that it became a great stream, and inundated +all Asia, and flowed down to the sea. When +the father heard this, he ordered the dream to be laid +before the Chaldæans in Babylon. Cyrus sent for the +most skilful of them and laid the dream before him. +He declared that the dream portended great good +fortune for Cyrus, and the highest place in Asia; +Astyages was to know nothing of it, 'otherwise he +will put you to death in some shameful manner, and +me also,' the Babylonian said. They mutually swore +to impart to no one this great and unparalleled<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span> +vision. Cyrus afterwards came to yet greater honours, +and made his father satrap of Persia, and his +mother one of the first among the women in Persia +in wealth and position."</p> + +<p>"The Cadusians were at enmity with Astyages. +Their leader was Onaphernes, who was a traitor to his +people in the interests of Astyages, and he despatched +a messenger saying, that he must send a trusty person +with whom to confer about the surrender. Astyages +sent Cyrus to arrange everything with Onaphernes, +bidding him be back again in Ecbatana on the fortieth +day. The interpreter of dreams urged Cyrus to go to +the Cadusians, and filled him with confidence. Cyrus, +who was of a noble and ambitious nature, intended, +with the help of heaven, to bring the Persians to +revolt, to attempt the overthrow of Astyages, and +place confidence in the Babylonian, who was better +acquainted than others with the will of heaven. They +consulted with each other; the Babylonian told +Cyrus that it was destined that he should overthrow +Astyages and his dominion, he knew this for certain; +and Cyrus promised the Babylonian that if this turned +out to be true and he became king, he would make him +a great reward. Cyrus remembered how Arbaces had +previously overthrown Sardanapalus, and obtained his +dominion, and yet the Medes, by whom he was supported, +were not stronger than the Persians. Arbaces +was not stronger than himself, and to him, as to +the other, his fortune had been foretold. With such +thoughts Cyrus passed the boundaries of the land of +the Cadusians. Here he was met by a man who had +been whipped, and carried dung in a basket. Cyrus +took this for a sign, and inquired of the Babylonian, +who told him to ask the man who he was and whence +he came. The man replied that he was a Persian of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span> +the name of Oebares. Then Cyrus was greatly +pleased; for Oebares signifies one who brings good +news. And the Babylonian told Cyrus that the other +signs were most favourable—both that he was a +countryman of Cyrus, and that he was carrying horse-dung, +which portended dominion and power. Cyrus +without delay took the man with him."</p> + +<p>"Then he came to Onaphernes, and when the +treachery had been arranged by mutual concessions, +he set out on the way back to Persia. He had given +Oebares a horse and Persian clothing, and being convinced +of his friendly disposition he often conversed +with him. Once he said: 'How hard it is to see the +Persians ill-treated by the Medes, and yet they are as +good as they!' 'O Cyrus,' replied the other, 'there +is no great-hearted, high-minded man, to put an +end to the dominion of the Medes over better men +than themselves.' 'Why should there not be such +a man?' asked Cyrus. 'Perhaps there is such an +one,' Oebares replied, 'but want of courage does not +allow him to do it, though he could.' Cyrus pushed +his questions further: 'If such a venturesome man +should appear, how might he accomplish his aim?' +'The first step,' Oebares answered, 'would be to unite +with the Cadusians, who would be willing to join him, +for they love the Persians, and hate the Medes; then +he must rouse the Persians, who are about 40,000 in +number, and arm them; their treatment by the Medes +will prepare them for this. Their land also is most +suitable, being full of mountains and rocks, and even +if the Medes should invade it, they will be driven +back with loss.' Then Cyrus asked: 'Suppose that +this man should appear, would you join in the danger +with him?' Oebares replied: 'Most readily, if you +were the man to take the matter in hand; your father<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span> +is the ruler of Persia, so that you have the best place +of refuge, and are the strongest. If not you, who is +it to be?' As Cyrus saw from this that Oebares was +a cautious and brave man, who placed all his hopes in +him, he revealed his plan and consulted him. Oebares +encouraged him, and gave him good counsel to guide +him. He urged Cyrus to send to his father Atradates +and entreat him to arm the Persians, apparently to aid +the king against the Cadusians, but in truth to revolt +against Astyages; then he must ask Astyages for +permission to visit Persia for some days, in order to +offer the sacrifice which he had vowed for the safety +of the king, and at the same time for his father +who was sick. If he obtained his request he must set +manfully to work; when a man ventures in a great +enterprise it is no hardship to venture his life, and if +need be to lose it, for this happens even to those who +do nothing. Cyrus was pleased at the man's resolute +frame of mind, and now told him his mother's dream +and the interpretation of the Babylonian. Oebares +then inflamed his spirit yet more, but cunning as he +was, he bade him take care that the Babylonian did +not tell the dream to the king—'if you will not +permit his death, which would be the safest thing.' +'That be far from me,' said Cyrus. Filled with alarm +that the Babylonian would betray the dream to +Astyages, Oebares gave out that according to ancestral +custom he would offer sacrifice to the goddess of the +moon at night, and obtained of Cyrus all that he +required for the purpose—incense, wine, and pillows—and +arranged that Cyrus should take no part in the +sacrifice. In his tent he dug a deep trench, put thick +pillows over it, and invited the Babylonian to a +banquet, and made him intoxicated. When he sank +down on the pillows, he threw him into the trench,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span> +and his servants with him. In the morning, Oebares +went quietly on with Cyrus, who soon inquired for +the Babylonian. Oebares acknowledged what he had +done; he could find no other way of escape for Cyrus +and his children. Cyrus was deeply distressed, and +even more angry, and would not see Oebares any more, +but at length he again placed his confidence in him."</p> + +<p>"When Cyrus was again with Astyages, Oebares +reminded him of his advice. Cyrus followed it, sent +to Persia, and when he found that all was ready, asked +Astyages, under the pretext that Oebares had suggested, +for permission to go to Persia. The king would +not let him go. Then Cyrus betook himself to the +most trusty of the eunuchs; when a favourable +moment came, he was to obtain permission for the +journey to Persia. One day when Cyrus found the +king in the best of humours and cheered with wine, +he gave the eunuch a sign, and the latter said to the +king: 'Cyrus asks to perform the sacrifice, which +he has vowed for thee in Persia, that thou mightest +continue gracious to him, and for permission to visit +his sick father.' The king called for Cyrus, and with +a smile, gave him permission of absence for five +months; in the sixth month he was to return. Cyrus +bowed in gratitude before the king, appointed Tiridates +as butler to the king during his absence, and +early on the next morning he set out to Persia."</p> + +<p>"In vain had the wife of the slain Babylonian +waited for his return to Ecbatana; Oebares told her +that robbers had killed him. Then she became the +wife of the brother of her husband, and when she +heard that Cyrus had gone to Persia, she remembered +that her first husband had once confided to her the +dream of the mother of Cyrus, and its interpretation. +She related this to her husband, who at once<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span> +went to Astyages, told him all, and added that Cyrus +had obviously gone to Persia with a view of preparing +for the execution of that which the dream had +portended. The king was seized with great anxiety, +and the Babylonian advised him to put Cyrus to death +as soon as he returned. Towards evening Astyages +caused his concubines to dance and play before him +while drinking wine. One of the players sang: 'The +lion has let the boar which he had in his power go +forth to the pasture. There he will become strong and +give great trouble to the lion, and at length he, the +weaker, will overcome the stronger.' Astyages applied +this song to himself and Cyrus, and on the spot sent +300 horsemen to bring him back; if he would not +obey they were to cut off his head and bring that. +When the horsemen brought to Cyrus the commands +of Astyages, he answered cunningly, perhaps on the +advice of Oebares: 'Why should I not return as my +lord summons me? To-day we will feast; to-morrow +morning we will set out.' This met with their +approval. After the manner of the Persians, Cyrus +caused many oxen and other animals to be slain in +sacrifice, feasted the horsemen, and made them intoxicated; +at the same time he sent a message to his +father to send at once 1000 cavalry and 5000 foot-soldiers +to the city of Hyrba which lay on the way, +and to arm the rest of the Persians as quickly as +possible in such a way that it should seem to be done +by command of the king. His true aims he did +not communicate to him. In the night he and +Oebares took horse, just as they were, hastened to +Hyrba, armed the inhabitants, and drew out those +whom Atradates had sent in order for battle. When +the horsemen of Astyages had slept off their debauch +on the following morning, and found that Cyrus had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> +disappeared, they pursued him and came to Hyrba. +Here Cyrus first displayed his bravery, for with his +Persians he slew 250 of the horse of Astyages. The +remainder escaped, and brought the news to Astyages. +'Woe is me!' cried the king striking his thigh, 'that +I, well knowing that we should not do good to the +evil, have allowed myself to be carried away by clever +speeches, and have raised up this Mardian to be such +a mischief to me. Still, he shall not succeed.' He +called his generals and bade them assemble the army, +and led out against the Persians nearly 1,000,000 +foot-soldiers, 200,000 horse, and 3000 chariots."</p> + +<p>"Meanwhile the army under Atradates, who was +now fully instructed, was collected: 300,000 infantry, +50,000 horse, and 100 chariots. Cyrus encouraged +the Persians, and Oebares seized the passes of the +mountain and the heights, built lines, and brought +the people from the open cities into such as were +well fortified. Astyages burned down the abandoned +cities, summoned Atradates and Cyrus to submission, +and taunted them with their former beggary. Cyrus +replied that Astyages did not recognise the power of +the gods, which forced them, goat-herds as they were, +to accomplish what was destined to be done. As he +had done them kindness, they bade him lead back the +Medes, and give their freedom to the Persians who +were better than the Medes. Thus it came to a battle. +Astyages, surrounded by 20,000 of his body-guard, +looked on: among the Persians Atradates had the +right, and Oebares the left, wing; Cyrus, surrounded +by the bravest warriors, was in the centre. The Persians +defended themselves bravely, and slew many of +the Medes, so that Astyages cried out on his throne: +'How bravely these "terebinth-eaters" fight!' But at +length the Persians were overpowered by numbers, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span> +driven into the city before which they fought. Cyrus +and Oebares advised to send the women and children +to Pasargadae, which is the loftiest mountain, and renew +the battle on the next day: 'If we are defeated +we must all die, and if that must be so it is better to +fall in victory and for the freedom of our country.' +Then all were filled with hatred and anger against the +Medes, and when the morning came and the gates were +opened, all marched out; Atradates alone remained +with the old men in the city to defend the walls. But +while Cyrus and Oebares were fighting in the field, +Astyages caused 100,000 men to go round and attack +the Persian army in the rear. The attack succeeded. +Atradates fell covered with wounds into the hands of +the Medes. Astyages said to him: 'An excellent +satrap are you; is it thus that you thank me, you and +your son, for what I have done for you?' Atradates, +almost at the last gasp, replied: 'I know not, O king, +what deity has roused this frenzy in my son; put me +not to the torture, I shall soon die.' Astyages had +compassion on him and said: 'I will not put you to +the torture; I know that if your son had followed +your advice, he would not have done such things.' +Atradates died, and Astyages gave him an honourable +burial. Meanwhile Cyrus and Oebares after a brave +struggle had been compelled to retire to Pasargadae. +The mountain was very high and with steep sides, and +the way to it led through narrow passes, which were +here and there overtopped by high walls of rock. +Oebares defended the passes with 10,000 heavy-armed +men. As it was impossible to force a way through, +Astyages gave command that 100,000 men should go +round the mountain, and seek for a pass there and +climb the mountain. This movement compelled Cyrus +and Oebares to seek shelter during the night on a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span> +lower hill for the army, together with the women and +children. Astyages followed quickly, and his army +was already between the two mountains, and bravely +attacked that held by the Persians, the approach to +which, lying through deep gorges, thick oak forests, +and wild olive trees, was very difficult. The Persians +fought still more bravely; in one place Cyrus dashed +forward, and in another Oebares, who urged them not +to let their wives, mothers, and old men be massacred +and tortured by the Medes. So they rushed down +with a cry, and when their javelins failed, they threw +down stones in great numbers. The Medes were +driven back, and Cyrus chanced to come to the house +in which he once lived with his father as a boy, when +he pastured goats. He kindled a fire of cypress and +laurel-wood, and offered the sacrifice of the man who +is distressed and in desperate circumstances. Then +followed thunder and lightning, and when Cyrus sank +down in prayer, birds of good omen settled on the +roof, as a sign that he would again reach Pasargadae. +So the Persians remained for the night on the +mountain, and when on the following morning the +Medes renewed the attack, they fought yet more +bravely, relying on the happy omens. But Astyages +placed 50,000 men at the foot of the mountain behind +those who were attacking, and bade them slay all who +came down. Thus pressed, the Medes fought more +zealously than on the previous day, and the Persians +retired to the top of the mountain on which were +their women and children. These ran to meet the +fugitives, and cried out to them, 'Cowards, whither +would ye fly, will ye creep back into the bosoms that +bore you?' Seized with shame, the Persians turned, +and in one onslaught drove the Medes down the +mountain, and slew sixty thousand of them."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span></p> + +<p>"But Astyages did not retire from the siege of the +mountain. Cyrus had still need of much cunning and +bravery before he succeeded in defeating Astyages +and taking the camp of the Medes. On that day, +Cyrus went into the tent of Astyages, seated himself +on his throne, and took the sceptre amid the acclamations +of the Persians; and Oebares put the king's +kidaris on his head with the words: 'Thou art more +worthy to bear it; the gods give it to thee for thy +virtue, and grant the Persians to rule over the Medes.' +The treasures of Astyages, which the Persians found in +the camp of the Medes, were brought to Pasargadae +under the care of Oebares; but even those which +they found in the tents of the other Medes were +enormous. It was not long before the intelligence of +the defeat and flight of Astyages spread abroad, and +nations as well as individuals deserted him. First of +all Artasyras, the chief of the Hyrcanians, came, with +50,000 men, and recognised Cyrus as king; afterwards +came the chiefs of the Parthians, Sacæ, Bactrians, and +other nations, each seeking to arrive before the other. +Only a few faithful men remained with Astyages, and +when Cyrus marched against him he was easily overcome. +Then Cyrus gained possession of Ecbatana. +There the daughter of Astyages and her husband +Spitamas were taken captive with their two sons. +But Astyages could not be found; Amytis and +Spitamas had hidden him in the palace in the woodwork +of the roof. Then Cyrus commanded that +Amytis, her husband, and her children should be +tortured that they might confess where Astyages was, +but he came forward of his own will to prevent the +torture. Spitamas was beheaded, because he had lied, +and said that he did not know the hiding-place of +Astyages; Amytis Cyrus took for his wife. He loosed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span> +from Astyages the heavy chains which Oebares had +put upon him, honoured him as a father, and made +him satrap of the Barcanians."<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a></p> + +<p>According to Deinon, who wrote in the first half of +the fourth century <small>B.C.</small>, Cyrus was first governor of +the staff-bearers of Astyages, and then of his body-guard. +In a dream he had thrice seen the sun at +his feet, and thrice stretched out his arms to grasp it, +and the magicians had interpreted this dream to the +effect that he would reign for thrice ten years. When +Astyages had given Cyrus leave to go to Persia, and +he had availed himself of it, the king sent for Angares, +the most famous of the Median minstrels, in order to +sing before him and his company at the banquet. +After reciting the usual songs, Angares at last said: +"The great beast of prey, more mighty than a wild +boar, is let loose in the swamps; when he is master +of his land, he will with ease fight against many." +And when Astyages asked, "What wild beast is +this?" Angares answered: "Cyrus the Persian." +Then Astyages, regarding the suspicion as well-founded, +sent to fetch Cyrus back, but failed to +recover him.<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a></p> + +<p>The narrative of Pompeius Trogus has been preserved +in excerpts only. Astyages had a daughter, +but no male heirs. From her bosom, he saw, in a +dream, a vine growing, of which the branches overshadowed +all Asia. The interpreters of dreams declared +that this vision portended the greatness of +the grandson whom his daughter would bring forth, +but it also involved the loss of the empire to him. +To be rid of this fear, Astyages had not given his +daughter to any eminent man, nor even to a Mede<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span>—that +there might not be rank on the father's side +as well as on the mother's, to excite the ambition of +his grandson—but to Cambyses, a man of middle +station, in the then unknown nation of the Persians. +Even this did not remove the alarm of Astyages; +when his daughter was pregnant he sent for her in +order to have her child put to death before his +eyes. When a boy was born he gave him to Harpagus, +his trusted friend, to be put to death. But +Harpagus, fearing that the daughter of Astyages if +she should come to the throne would avenge on him +the death of her son, gave the child to the herdman +of the king, and bade him expose it. The herdman +obeyed, but when his wife heard of the matter, she +urged her husband to fetch the child and show it to +her. Wearied by her entreaties, the herdman went +back into the forest, and there found a dog beside the +child, suckling it, and defending it from the beasts of +prey. He took it up and carried it to his fold, while +the dog followed in much distress. When the herdman's +wife took it in her arms, the child smiled on +her as though it had known her, and it was so full +of life and sweet smiles that the woman induced her +husband to expose her own child in place of the +grandson of the king. After this the excerpt goes +on to relate, like Herodotus, the game of the boys, +the answer of Cyrus, the revenge of Astyages on +Harpagus, the letter in the hare's belly, in which +Harpagus imparts to Cyrus his plan for the desertion +of the Medes to the Persians. When Cyrus had +received and read this letter in Persepolis, a dream +also urged the enterprise upon him, but at the same +time bade him take as his associate the man whom +he met first on the following day. Next day, before +dawn, Cyrus went on a journey, and met a slave of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span> +the name of Oebares, belonging to the house of a +Mede. When Cyrus found that he was a Persian by +birth, he took his chains off and turned back with him +to Persepolis. Cyrus then assembled the Persians. +On the first day he made them cut down a wood on +the way, and on the second he entertained them. +Astyages sends Harpagus against them, and he +passes over to their side with the army entrusted to +him. Astyages now marches out in person, after summoning +all his forces, against Persia. The struggle +was severe. Astyages placed a portion of his army +in the rear of his forces, and told the latter that they +must try whether they could not break through the +ranks of the enemy in battle more easily than through +the ranks behind them in flight. The Medes attacked +with great spirit; the Persians were forced back to +their wives and children, by whom they were again +driven into the battle with the cry: Would they fly +for refuge into the bosoms of their mothers and wives? +They put the Medes to flight. Here the excerpt of +Justin breaks off, though he represents Astyages as +having been taken prisoner in this battle after the +rout. Cyrus merely took the government from him; +he treated him as his grandfather, and made him +satrap of the Hyrcanians; Oebares he made ruler of +Persia, and gave him his sister in marriage.<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a></p> + +<p>Polyaenus repeats the narrative of Herodotus about +the manner in which Cyrus induced the Persians to +revolt. Then followed a war between the Medes and +Persians, and Cyrus was three times defeated. As the +women and children of the Persians were at Pasargadae, +Cyrus was compelled to risk another battle in the +neighbourhood of this place. The Persians were again +put to flight; Oebares was retreating when the women<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span> +met the fugitives, with the cry already quoted. The +Persians halted; and as the Medes were pursuing +without order, the Persians gained such a victory that +no further battle was needed to decide the question of +the throne.<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> Anaximenes of Lampsacus also relates +that Cyrus had built Pasargadae at the place where +he had overcome Astyages in battle. Strabo tells us: +"Cyrus held Pasargadae in honour, for it was there +that he conquered Astyages in the final battle, and +became ruler of all Asia in his place, and he built +a city and a palace in remembrance of the victory."<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> +Plutarch tells us: When Cyrus revolted from Astyages +and the Medes he was three times conquered in battle, +and when the Persians fled into the city, the enemy +had almost succeeded in forcing an entrance with them, +when the women came out to meet them. The cry of +the women brought about a change in the battle, and +for this reason Cyrus made a law that as often as the +king came into the city of Pasargadae, every woman +should receive a piece of gold. Ochus marched past +the city to evade the law; but Alexander twice +entered Pasargadae, and gave double to all the women +that were with child.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> In all these narratives the +land of the Persians is the scene of the decisive +conflict.</p> + +<p>Only a few short fragments remain of the account<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span> +given by Diodorus of the overthrow of Astyages. With +him Cyrus is the son of Mandane, the daughter of +Astyages, and Cambyses. His father brought him +up as a king, and inflamed him with a desire for +the mightiest achievements. As a young man he displayed +a capacity in advance of his years, and clearly +showed that he would undertake the most important +enterprises. He was the first man of his time in +bravery, wisdom, and all other virtues. Another fragment +obviously comes after the defeat, which, according +to Nicolaus, Astyages suffered in the final battle +at Pasargadae. When defeated, Astyages, though he +had himself disgracefully turned and fled, showed +ferocious anger against his army. He deposed all the +commanders and elected others in their place. Those +who were to blame for the flight, he executed one +and all, thinking that he should thus compel the +others to show themselves brave men in danger. +"For he was cruel and harsh in character. But he +did not terrify the multitude by this severity; on the +other hand, by the exasperation which such violence +and caprice excited in every one, he roused them to a +desire for revolution and deposition. The troops met +in their divisions; treasonable speeches were uttered, +and the majority urged each other to vengeance."<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a></p> + +<p>Xenophon, it is true, has not written a history of +Cyrus, but has given a description of his life from +his knowledge of the Persian life and character, +and the conclusions he deduced therefrom, as to the +possible origin of the empire, in order to explain and +realise to the Greeks the difficulty which they found +it so hard to solve—the manner in which great +nations could form one community and be governed +by one person. With him Cyrus is the son of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span> +Cambyses, who is the king of the Persians, and +Mandane the daughter of Astyages of Media, whom +Xenophon represents as reigning before Cyaxares. +When Cyrus was twelve years of age, his mother went +with him to Media, in order to show him to his grandfather, +whom the boy astonished by his apt answers. +At the age of sixteen, Cyrus performs his first deeds +of arms. When Astyages died, he was succeeded on +the throne by his son Cyaxares, the brother of Mandane. +He entreats Cambyses to aid him against the +Assyrians; Cambyses sends Cyrus, by whose services +the Medes are defeated. After this he conquered +the Lydians, who had come to aid the Assyrians +against the Medes, and took Babylon; and his uncle +Cyaxares, whom Xenophon does not describe as a +pattern ruler, gives him his daughter in marriage, +and Media as a dowry, for he was without male +children. Cambyses and Mandane assented to this +arrangement. After the death of Cambyses, Cyrus +became king of Persia, and on the death of Cyaxares, +Media also became his.</p> + +<p>The Armenians also narrate the fall of Astyages. +Moses of Chorene (I. 513) tells us that he only related +the stories of the Persians to please his patron +Sahak (Isaac) Bagratuni, and gave them a meaning +which they did not possess. Biurasp Asdahag lived +at the time of Nimrod, and the person whom the +Persians in their stories call the child of Satan, +served him; and with regard to the dragon, or the +changing of Asdahag into a dragon, the truth was +that he sacrificed men in infinite numbers to the +dragon, till the multitude grew weary, overpowered +him, and threw him into a trench filled with bitumen. +Moses further tells us: The ninth descendant of +Baroir of Armenia (I. 515), King Tigran, was the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span> +mightiest of all the princes of Armenia, and helped +Cyrus to overthrow the kingdom of the Medes. +Tigran was pledged by treaties to Asdahag (Astyages) +the king of the Medians, and when he united with +Cyrus, Astyages had an evil dream. He saw a high +mountain surrounded by snow and ice, as in the land +of the son of Haikhs (I. 513). On the summit of the +mountain, a woman in purple, covered with a sky-blue +veil, brought forth three heroes at once: one, carried +on a lion, dashed toward the west; the second, on a +leopard, to the north; the third, on a monstrous +dragon, to Media. With this Asdahag fought in the +dream: they shed a sea of blood, and pierced each +other with their lances. Asdahag explained this +dream to mean that he had to expect an attack from +Tigran, the king of Armenia. To prevent this, and +secretly to destroy Tigran, Asdahag sought Tigran's +sister, Tigranuhi, in marriage, obtained her, and held +her in great honour. Then he asked for a meeting with +Tigran. But Tigranuhi had perceived the duplicity of +Asdahag, and warned her brother. He collected the +best warriors of great and little Armenia, and marched +against the Medes. The war continued for four +months, till Tigran in a hand-to-hand conflict pierced +the iron armour of Asdahag with his lance. The death +of Asdahag put an end to the battle and the war, +and Tigran led his sister back to Armenia, where she +became the ancestress of the race of Osdan. Anuish +(Aryanis), the first wife of Astyages, and a number of +young princesses and boys, more than 10,000 in all, +Tigranes brought to Armenia, and settled there to +the east of the great mountain, towards the land of +Koghten, in the plain of Ajtnayan, as far as Nakhjevan. +In the songs of the people of Koghten, the +descendants of Astyages are spoken of in an alle<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span>gorical +manner, as the descendants of the dragon; +for Astyages (Asdahag) in our language means the +dragon.<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> As has been shown, the Armenians were +closely allied to the people of Iran in language, character, +and religious worship. It cannot therefore +astonish us that the legends of Iran are known to +them. What Moses tells us of Biurasp Asdahag and +his serpents rests on the myth in the Avesta of the +serpent Azhi dahaka, the Zohak of the later form +of Iranian legend (p. 250). The epithet which Moses +gives to Asdahag, Biurasp, is also of Iranian origin; +Baevaraçpa means the lord of 10,000 horses. That +the descendants of Astyages are spoken of in the +national legend of Armenia as the descendants of +the dragon, shows that the Armenians had confounded +Astyages of Media with Azhi dahaka or +Zohak. The Armenians can only claim as their own +the legend of King Tigran, who overcomes and slays +Asdahag of Media. They ascribe to their princes the +overthrow of the Medes. As already remarked, the +Armenian legend of Tigran must come down from +an early date. Xenophon makes Tigran the son +of the king of Armenia, the most faithful helper and +associate of Cyrus.<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a></p> + +<p>Leaving out of sight the romance of Xenophon, +and the Armenian tradition, which involve special +hypotheses, the accounts in the West of the fall of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span> +Astyages go back to two distinct versions, one of which +we have in the narrative of Herodotus, the other in +the narrative of Ctesias-Nicolaus, which is presupposed +in Deinon and Polyaenus. In Trogus we have a third +version, which combines the two. So far as Justin's +excerpt allows us to form an opinion, this version, and +the fragments of Diodorus, are based upon the Persian +history of Deinon. The introduction is distinguished +from the account of Herodotus by the fact that only +one dream of Astyages is mentioned; that Cyrus is +already exposed, and a dog is suckling him before +the herdsman's wife, whose name was "dog," brings +him up; then follows the story of Herodotus, including +the letter, which Harpagus sends to Cyrus in +the hare's belly. At this point Trogus passes into the +account of Nicolaus; he represents Cyrus as receiving +in a dream the exhortation to rise against Astyages, +and to take the first man he meets as his associate. +Cyrus meets Oebares, though not, it is true, on the +borders of the Cadusians. The place of the horsemen, +who in Nicolaus are first sent by Astyages, is +taken in Trogus by the march of Harpagus, and his +desertion to Cyrus; then follows the narrative of the +war, which in the most essential traits agrees with the +version of Ctesias-Nicolaus. From Deinon's fragments +we shall add to the excerpt from Trogus, that +Cyrus before his rebellion had served at the court +of Astyages as overseer of the staff-bearers, and then +of the body-guard; that Astyages was warned by +Angares; and, finally, the defection of the Medes after +the battle of Pasargadae, as given in the fragments +of Diodorus.</p> + +<p>The detail and liveliness of the traits in the accounts +of Herodotus and Ctesias-Nicolaus, in the fragment +of Deinon, and the narrative of Trogus—the warnings<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> +and portents—the dialogues and speeches of the +action—the letter:—all these point to poetical sources. +We found that the accounts of Ctesias of the foundation, +rise, and fall of Assyria, and of the rise of +Media, were based upon poems, and here also, beyond +doubt, poetic traditions form the groundwork. Herodotus, +at the beginning of his narrative, tells us: "I +write these matters from the accounts given by some +of the Persians, who do not exaggerate the life of +Cyrus, but wish to narrate the order of events; I am +aware that three other different accounts of the life of +Cyrus are in existence."<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> Xenophon tells us that +Cyrus "is even now the theme of song among the +barbarians."<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> In Deinon's fragment it is Angares, the +most famous of the Median minstrels, who, while +singing at the table of Astyages, warns him in a +poetical figure against Cyrus (p. 354); in the account +of Nicolaus it is one of the singing women, from whom, +at the same time and in a similar figure, this warning +comes. At the court of the Sassanids there were +singing women who sang to the kings the achievements +of old days. Ibn-al-Hareth brought women of +this kind from the court of Chosru Nushirvan to the +Koreishites, and they sang the deeds of Rustem.<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> +According to these statements and indications we +may regard it as certain that the elevation of Cyrus +and the fall of Astyages was celebrated in song +among the Persians and Medes. In spite of the differences +between the three narratives, certain traits are +common to all. In all dreams announce the future +greatness of Cyrus; in Herodotus these appear to +Astyages; in Nicolaus, to the mother of Cyrus; in +Deinon and Trogus, to Cyrus also. In Herodotus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> +Cambyses is rich in flocks, in Nicolaus the mother of +Cyrus tends goats; in Herodotus Cambyses is of a +quiet disposition, in Nicolaus he is driven by his son +to revolt, and finally disowns the enterprise. All three +narratives lay stress on the warnings given to Astyages +against Cyrus, though in different ways; all mark +strongly the early personal valour of Cyrus, which +Xenophon also celebrates. Artembares the Mede is +found both in Herodotus and Nicolaus, though in a +different relation to Cyrus. In all three accounts a +counsellor—Harpagus in the one case, Oebares in the +other—exercises the greatest influence on the resolutions +of Cyrus. Herodotus and Nicolaus mark the cunning +of Cyrus as opposed to Astyages; in both Cyrus gives +out that he is carrying out the king's orders in arming +the Persians. In Herodotus Cyrus tells the Persians +that he does not consider them worse men than the +Medes, and they revolt "because they have now got a +leader in Cyrus." In Nicolaus Cyrus asks whether +there is not a leader who can put an end to the rule +of the Medes over better men than themselves. In +both the dominion of the Medes has long been hated +by the Persians. In both before the beginning of +the struggle Astyages commands Cyrus to appear +before him. In Herodotus Astyages says, when +Harpagus has passed over to Cyrus and the Median +army has broken up, that "he shall not succeed;" +and in Nicolaus he uses the same words after the +first defeat of his horsemen. In Herodotus it is the +cruelty of Astyages to Harpagus, and his severity +towards the Medes, which cost him his throne; in +Diodorus the army revolts, even after brave fighting, +from Astyages because he cruelly revenges upon +them the defeat at Pasargadae. In all three accounts +Cyrus does no harm to Astyages after his victory.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span></p> + +<p>Let us set aside the poetical colours in the account +of Herodotus in order to test its coherence. What +alarm could Astyages, who was without male heirs, +feel at the announcement that his daughter's son +would one day rule over all Asia, <i>i. e.</i> would still +further extend the dominion of the Medes? In the +second dream, which portends no more than the first, +a reason is given for the alarm; the interpreters +declare that the dream signifies that Astyages will +lose his throne. If Astyages had reason to fear the +yet unborn child of his daughter, the obvious remedy +was not to allow her to marry. Nevertheless she is +married, not to a Mede, but to a man of the subject +races, a Persian of a good family, <i>i. e.</i> of noble +descent, wealthy, but "quiet in his disposition." +This was equivalent to taking the Persian into the +royal family, giving up to him or his son the right +of succession, bringing the crown of Media into the +possession of a stranger, and allowing the kingdom to +pass from the Medes to the Persians. Even if such +perversity could occur to Astyages the Medes were +not likely to permit it, when the Magians tell Astyages, +in Herodotus, how anxious they are that the dominion +should not fall into the hands of a Persian. It is +true that Herodotus represents Harpagus some twenty +or thirty years later as persuading the chief Medes, +and persuading them singly, that Astyages must be +overthrown, and the Persian made king, but this is +simply incredible. After this marvellous marriage of +the heiress to the throne with a Persian, Cambyses is +not brought to Ecbatana to the court, but remains +in Persia, and no harm is done to the dreaded son of +the marriage, even when his real origin has been +discovered. Nay, more, the boy who at an early age +discovers high aims, and a resolute will, is not even<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span> +brought to the court to be under the eye of Astyages, +but is sent back to Persia to his father, and by his +means Harpagus is able to bring Persia to revolt. +The letter hidden in the hare's belly obviously arose +from an anticipation of the supervision of the great +roads which was introduced at a later time by the +Achæmenids. But what reason had Cyrus to cause +the Persians to revolt? According to Herodotus +Cambyses is the son-in-law, and hence the heir, of +Astyages. Cyrus will succeed his father as heir to +the Median throne, why then should he rebel against +his aged grandfather?—why should he seek by hazard, +danger, and bloodshed, a crown which by inheritance +must soon come to Cambyses or Cyrus?<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a></p> + +<p>In the narrative of Herodotus Cyrus is no more +than an instrument in the hands of Harpagus. The +crime of Astyages against Harpagus; the well-merited +punishment of this crime by his own imprisonment +and loss of empire, form the hinge of the narrative, +which at the same time brings into prominence the +doctrine that no one, even though warned, can escape +his doom. It is not probable that there were songs +among the Persians or Medes, which illustrated Herodotus' +view of the unavoidable <i>Nemesis</i> which governs +the actions and fortunes of men; or that Persian +poems would represent Cyrus as the son of a Median +mother. In them the Persians merely glorified the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span> +founder of their freedom and supremacy, of whom, as +we know, they cherished the most grateful memories. +But the Medes might possess poems in which the +change of empire was treated from their point of +view; they might attempt to make the loss of empire +appear less painful, the dishonour of defeat by the +Persians less degrading. To be overthrown by a man +belonging to the subject race was bitter. Hence the +Medes could avail themselves of a change frequent in +the East, and represent Cyrus as a scion of their +own royal house. The Egyptians maintained that +Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, who reduced them to +subjection, was the son of Cyrus and the daughter of +their own Pharaoh Hophra.<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> This was mere invention; +and the Medes must have found their version +the more easy to maintain, because Cyrus spared +Astyages after the defeat, and took his daughter into +his harem. And if it was not the arms of the Persians, +but rather the treachery of a distinguished +Mede, the discontent of the chiefs of Media with a +cruel king, that decided the struggle between the +Persians and Medes, the submission became thus less +intolerable to the pride of the Medes. If a distinguished +Mede had been at variance with Astyages, and +in the last moment of the battle had gone over to +Cyrus,—much could be made of the desertion in +Median poems. If after his victory Cyrus reposed +great confidence in an eminent Mede, this might be +made a ground for previous treachery to Astyages. +A few years after his victory Cyrus entrusted to the +Mede Harpagus, the leadership of the army, the +subjugation and maintenance of far distant regions. +If the legend of the Persians represented Achæmenes,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> +the ancestor of their princely race, as being fed by +an eagle (p. 327), their poems would speak of the +founder of their dominion as distinguished by divine +honours, and surround his birth and youth with +happy omens of the future. These traits the Medes +could use for their own purposes as warnings vouchsafed +to Astyages. If the Persians represented Cyrus +as suckled by a dog, the favoured creature of Auramazda, +the Medes carried the subject further, and +spoke of the exposing of Cyrus, which was then +brought into combination with the enmity of Harpagus +to Astyages; the origin of this was the refusal +of Harpagus to put the Persian boy to death, +which Astyages punished by the Thyestean banquet. +Thus owing to the crime of Astyages, Harpagus +their own countryman became filled with desire for +vengeance; he is the counsellor of Cyrus, the author +and leader of the revolt.</p> + +<p>Median poetry of this kind has been followed by +Herodotus. He has told us already that he would +narrate the life of Cyrus as it was given by the +Persians, who had no desire to exaggerate their +account, but these Persians are undoubtedly the +Medes. The Median origin of his story is placed +beyond doubt by the words which the captive Astyages +addresses to Harpagus, and by the fact that +with him it is a Mede who is the decisive counsellor +and guide of Cyrus, while in the other version it is a +Persian. Beside the reason given by Herodotus himself +for choosing this version, others no doubt had +influence. The Delphian oracle bade Crœsus take to +flight "whenever a mule should govern the Medes." +According to the Medes Cyrus was the son of a +Persian father and Median mother. The sufferings +and acts of Harpagus formed the centre of the Median<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span> +version, and he was only too well known to the +Greeks on the west coast of Asia Minor. With the +warning portents, and the exposure of Cyrus, the +Median version brought Herodotus on the familiar +ground of Greek legend, in which similar oracles, +futile exposing of children, and deceptive explanations +were common. Finally, the vengeance which overtook +Astyages suits the ethical feeling of Herodotus. +We may assume therefore that his narrative faithfully +represents the contents of Median poems. These +could already have changed the dog which was +said to have suckled Cyrus into the herdman's wife, +who was called by the name of "dog." But inasmuch +as Herodotus does not "intend to exaggerate," +as he observes that "the dog was everything in +the mouth of Cyrus," and "his parents caught this +up in order to represent the preservation of Cyrus +as a work of the gods,"—as he further remarks "that +Cyrus owing to his origin was regarded as more than +human,"<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a>—this rationalising turn may have proceeded +from the historian himself. In the Persian tradition +Cyrus was certainly suckled and guarded by the dog, +and this trait is retained in the account of Deinon-Trogus, +though united with the story of the exposure. +But Deinon has at the same time proved the +exposure impossible, for he states that Cyrus came +to the throne in his fortieth year, and lived till his +seventieth.<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> If this were true, the exposure and the +command of Astyages respecting it would fall to the +ground, for Cyrus would have seen the light in the +year 599 <small>B.C.</small>, <i>i. e.</i> some years before the accession of +Astyages, even if we allow the latter the longer reign +which Eusebius assigns to him.</p> + +<p>If the story of Herodotus is governed by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span> +conception of the unavoidable punishment of crime, +the connecting clue in the story of Nicolaus is the +rise of a beggar-boy of the lowest origin by skill and +industry, by cunning and bravery, by endurance in the +greatest danger, and final victory in the most severe +struggles. Cyrus is the son of humble parents; his +father is driven by want to robbery, his mother tends +goats; they belong to the lowest tribe of the Persians, +the marauding Mardians whom we have found in the +mountains of south-western Persia (p. 323). Hunger +drives the boy from the goat-pasture to Ecbatana. +Beginning as a sweeper of the palace, he works his +way step by step upwards by address and industry to +the highest offices at the court, so that he can make +his father satrap of Persia and his mother the most +distinguished lady in Persia. Then the dream of his +mother, and the interpretation given of it by the +Babylonian, plant ambition in his soul, which is +strengthened by the happy portent, vouchsafed to +him on his mission to the chief of the Cadusians, and +the advice of Oebares. He succeeds in persuading +Astyages to grant him permission to visit his parents +in Persia; when too late, Astyages is warned by the +wife of the Babylonian, and the words of the singing-woman +(Angares in Deinon). A fierce war breaks +out. The father of Cyrus is taken captive, and in +his last moments disavows the attempt of his son. +Defeated again and again, the Persians in their last +refuge at Pasargadae are reduced to the greatest +distress. Then fortune turns; the Medes are driven +back and defeated in numerous engagements, and +Oebares can at length place the crown on the head of +Cyrus in the tent of Astyages.</p> + +<p>If Xenophon in his book on Cyrus sought to make +it clear to the Greeks, by what personal and material<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span> +means Cyrus was able to conquer Asia, Ctesias or +Nicolaus will show pragmatically how a beggar-boy +rose step by step to be lord of the continent. He says +nothing of the relationship of Astyages and Cyrus, or +of the princely origin of Cyrus, or of his exposure, or +of the dog: Cyrus owes his successes to himself and +the gods. However impossible it may be that this +introduction and the whole tendency of the narrative +can be borrowed from the tradition of the Persians; +however certain that Cyrus the beggar-boy is an +invention of the Greeks, to point the contrast between +beginning and end, and make the subject more interesting; +yet if only we give another turn to the +introduction, we have the Persian account before us in +the narrative of Nicolaus, as we have the Median in +the account of Herodotus—and a mixture of the two +in the excerpt from Trogus. The Persian version is +from the first marked in Ctesias and Nicolaus by the +fact that they do not represent Cyrus as the descendant +of Astyages. Moreover, the parallel between the +fall of the Assyrians and the fall of the Median empire +cannot be mistaken. "We must narrate the great +change brought about by the transition of the dominion +to the Persians"—such is the beginning of the +account of Nicolaus. This parallel can only have +arisen from Persian minstrels. They had to show +that the task of Cyrus was great, and more difficult +than that of Arbaces. They had to lay the greatest +stress on the personal excellence of Cyrus in order +to raise him above the level of Arbaces. The latter, +guided by the advice of the viceroy of Babylon and +aided by the Babylonians, had proved the conqueror. +The arts of the Chaldæans were certainly respected +and used in Iran; they must have been sought after +and employed as a poetic motive. It was to carry<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span> +out the parallel that the Persian songs gave Cyrus +a Babylonian adviser; yet they represent the counsel +and influence of this Babylonian as entirely removed +by a Persian of far greater importance, and utterly +thrown into the shade. The emphasis which the +Persian songs laid on the personal virtue of Cyrus +misled the Greeks into making an attempt at the +biography of the beggar-boy, and so rendered this +change easier. Atradates, the name given by Nicolaus +to the father of Cyrus, is no doubt taken from an +epithet of Cyrus himself. Strabo tells us that Cyrus +was originally called Atradates; the word is the +old Persian <i>atriyadata</i>, old Bactrian, <i>ataredata</i>; the +Avesta recommends the name as good and saving. +The parents of Cyrus are said to belong to the tribe of +the Mardians, but later on Nicolaus himself shows +that Cyrus' ancestral home is at Pasargadae (p. 352). +In contempt the Medes might unite the whole Persian +nation under the name of their poorest tribes. +"Why have I raised up these Mardians for such +mischief?" Astyages asks in Nicolaus. The goat-tending +of the mother of Cyrus is due to the same +cause. In the account of Herodotus Cambyses is +said to be rich in herds; among the Persians the +care of flocks occupied a large place, and at a later +time the tending and protection of the flocks was one +of the means employed for strengthening and hardening +the Persian youth. Cyrus himself, in the narrative +of Nicolaus, calls himself and his father goat-herds. +When Arsaces of Armenia visited the court +of the Sassanid Shapur II. one of the first officers +at the court of Shapur insolently said: "Will the +king of the goats pasture on our slopes?"<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> Such +traits as these in the Persian poems, connected with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span> +the poverty and simplicity of the life of the "terebinth-eating" +Persians (which Nicolaus also, following the +tradition, brings into such prominence), supplied the +Greek revision with the necessary support for changing +Cyrus into a Mardian goat-herd and beggar-boy. +Yet the true position of the parents of Cyrus breaks +through in the statement that the father of Cyrus was +satrap of Persia, and his mother the first lady in the +land, a position which also appears in the statement +in Herodotus of the noble descent and wealth of +Cambyses, and is even more plainly marked in other +passages in which the taunt is hurled at Cyrus: that +the son of Cambyses ought not to give way to a +woman,—and traces the lineage of Cyrus back to +Achæmenes, though in the account of the rebellion of +Cyrus he calls his grandfather also Cyrus.</p> + +<p>The rise of Cyrus at the court of Astyages was +borrowed from another trait in the Persian poems. +The custom of the East, that the sons of distinguished +princes and nobles should perform certain courtly and +honourable services at the gate of the king, must have +been current in Media also. The Persian poems must +have proudly declared how Cyrus distinguished himself +there in his youth in the duties of the court or of +arms. This description was changed into the series of +stages by which the beggar-boy rose to the highest +office at the court of the king. The Persian account +is obviously preserved here in Deinon's narrative—like +the suckling and protection of Cyrus by the dog—in +which Cyrus before the rebellion is chief of the +staff-bearers and the body-guard of the king. When +Cyrus had won the favour of Astyages, Nicolaus is +obviously more true to the Persian account. In old +days the chaff of horses announced his elevation to +Arbaces, and to Cyrus it is announced by horse-dung,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span> +which is carried to him by a Persian, the slave of a +Mede, who has been recently whipped; and as to +Arbaces, so to Cyrus, a Babylonian announces that +the throne is destined for him. As Arbaces is instigated +and encouraged by Belesys, so is Cyrus by +the interpreter of dreams from Babylon, and Cyrus +promises him great rewards if he reaches the throne, +as Arbaces had promised Belesys. The conversations +of Arbaces with Belesys correspond exactly to the +conversations of Cyrus with the Babylonian and +Oebares. In Nicolaus Cyrus says, that Arbaces who +overthrew Sardanapalus was not wiser than himself, +nor were the Medes better warriors than the Persians. +But if the Median empire was founded with the help +of the Babylonian, the Persian must rise without such +assistance. Arbaces had to concede to Belesys and +his successors the hereditary dominion over Babylonia; +on this occasion Oebares takes care that in the +future empire of the Persians, Babylonia shall not be +in the way as an hereditary monarchy given in reward +of services; he removes the Babylonian against the +wishes of Cyrus. If the Medes had formerly been +able to conquer Assyria with the aid of the Babylonians, +the Persians now defeat the Medes unaided, +and if Sardanapalus was effeminate, Astyages, according +to Nicolaus, is the bravest king of the Medes after +Arbaces. To treat the struggle so briefly as Herodotus +does was impossible for Nicolaus, as the object of his +narrative was to bring out the valour of Cyrus. So +we may assume that the Persian songs gave similar +prominence to the contests before Nineveh and Pasargadæ. +Arbaces is thrice defeated before Nineveh, and +inclined to retire. Astyages leads against Cyrus the +whole forces of his kingdom—more than a million +soldiers. In spite of the excellent arrangements of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span> +Oebares and the utmost bravery, Cyrus is three times +defeated:—he is already reduced to extremities in the +fourth conflict, when the cry of the women restores +the fight. At length Oebares is able to place the +Median crown on the head of Cyrus in the tent of +Astyages. With such servants the throne and kingdom +of the Persians is more firmly established than +that of the Medes.</p> + +<p>This inquiry enables us to reconstruct in its main +outlines the tradition of the Persians. Cambyses, the +descendant of Achæmenes, was the chief of the Persians. +Before the birth of Cyrus his wife had a +dream that so much water came from her "that it +was like a great river which inundated all Asia, and +flowed into the sea." We know what reverence the +Avesta pays to the dog, and the importance it ascribes +to its glance (p. 207). The suckling of the boy +Cyrus by a dog is the sign of the most bounteous +favour and most secure protection on the part of the +gods. Herodotus told us above that owing to his +origin Cyrus counted himself as more than a man, +and Xenophon represents him as begotten by gods, +springing from a line of kings, and practised from his +youth up in bravery and virtue.<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> In accordance +with the custom of the Persians the son of the prince +grows up among the flocks. Mithradates, which Herodotus +gives as the name of the herdsman with whom +the boy is brought up, means "given by Mithra;" +the favourite of the god, who increases the flocks of +the farms where men worship him, and gives victory +in battles, is the protector of Cyrus. In the game of +the boys he shows by cleverness and unbroken resolution +the great destiny to which he was called. Then +he goes into service at the court of the Median king;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span> +where the Persian poems have already shown us +Parsondes at the time of Cyaxares, who subsequently +made the Cadusians enemies of the Medes.<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> Eminent +in every position, Cyrus wins the confidence of Astyages, +and becomes the chief of his bodyguard. Then +according to Deinon's fragments he sees the sun in a +dream thrice inclining towards him. It was the +brilliance or majesty of the king which Cyrus is +represented as beholding. In the Avesta Thraetaona +and Kereçaçpa seize the majesty when it departs +from Yima, and the Turanian Franghraçyan seeks +thrice to grasp the glance of the majesty.<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> Then a +Persian, the slave of a Mede, brings a new sign of +good fortune to Cyrus when far from his fatherland +on the borders of the Cadusians. Oebares (Hubara, +the good bearer) is the first Persian whom Cyrus +liberates from the service of the Medes; and thus he +has gained his most faithful helper. Angares the +Mede, who warns Astyages, calls Cyrus "more mighty +than a wild boar." The singing girl also calls Cyrus +a "boar." We saw above that the victorious god +Verethraghna appears in the form of a boar, and in +that shape accompanies the chariot of Mithra.<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> The +battle in the mountains of Persia, as described by +Nicolaus, belongs in all essential traits to the Persian +legend. It is precisely at Pasargadae, at the house +of Cyrus, <i>i. e.</i> of Achæmenes, that the fortune of arms +changes. The proclamation of Cyrus in the tent of +Astyages, and his coronation by the Persians, which +first made him a free man instead of a Median slave, +is throughout in accordance with the meaning and +tendency of the Persian legend. The gentleness of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span> +Cyrus towards Astyages is the counterpart of the +generosity which the Median king who conquered +Nineveh once displayed towards Belesys. Oebares +undoubtedly belongs to the Persian Epos; he is the +faithful servant who upholds the interest of the +kingdom even against the will of the king, and +sacrifices himself for it. The Persians of the best +time held it a duty to sacrifice themselves for the +king.</p> + +<p>The overthrow of the Parthian empire is explained +in the same way as the overthrow of the Medes. +Papak, the prince of Fars, sees in a dream the sun +illuminating the world from the head of his herdman +Sassan. His daughter brings forth Ardeshir to +Sassan; Ardeshir serves at the court of the Parthian +king Artaban, and shoots wild asses better than anyone +else. On an announcement of the interpreters +of stars, Ardeshir flies from the court and arms the +Persians. Artaban abuses him as an impudent Kurd, +and sends the prince of Susiana to fetch him, but +this prince, and then Artaban himself, are overcome. +Shapur, the son of Ardeshir, is restored to life +against his command, and his grandson Auharmazdi +is brought up secretly, and recognised by his conduct +in the play of the boys. In both, dreams and letters +and the inborn majesty of the royal children play +their part.<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a></p> + +<p>Astyages, who ascended the throne in the year 593 +<small>B.C.</small>, ruled over the Median empire for more than 30 +years; he had already reached a great age when the +Persians rebelled against him. Aristotle remarks that +his effeminate life and the carelessness of his government +inspired Cyrus with courage.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> The daughter of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span> +Alyattes of Lydia, whom he had married in his youth, +had brought him no son; both the Median version +of Herodotus, and the Persian in Trogus and Ctesias, +allow Astyages a daughter only—Mandane in the +one case, in the other Amytis, the name of the sister +of Astyages, whom Nebuchadnezzar married. This +daughter, according to Ctesias and Nicolaus, Astyages +marries to Spitamas, the Mede (Çpitama, <i>i. e.</i> the +excellent) and at the same time gives him "all Media +as a dowry." Marriage with the heiress to the throne +gave her husband the claim and right to succession. +The daughter of the king bore two sons to +Spitamas: Spitaces and Magabernes.<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> About the +origin of Cyrus there is no doubt. He was the son +of Cambyses, the grandson of Teispes, the great-grandson +of Achaemenes, who united the Persian tribes +under his leadership, and recognised the sovereignty +of Phraortes the Median king. As Cyaxares and +Astyages followed Phraortes on the throne of Media, +so did Teispes and Cambyses follow Achaemenes as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span> +his viceroys or vassal kings over Persia. It may have +been the case that, as already remarked, after the +consolidation of the Median empire, the sovereignty +became more oppressive for the Persians, and the links +of their dependence were drawn closer. According to +the previous custom, the viceroyalty of Persia would +descend, at the death of Cambyses, to his son Cyrus. +If the custom which subsequently prevailed in the +Persian kingdom was current among the Medes, and +the sons of the satraps or princes of the subject lands +had to wait at the king's gate, and perform courtly +or martial service as hostages for the fidelity of +their fathers, and at the same time to learn obedience +and submission in order to find favour with the +king when in his immediate presence and covered by +the splendour of his power—Cyrus must also have +served at the court of Astyages, and may have filled +the office of the staff-bearer, body-guard, or of butler, +an honourable position at the court of the Medes and +Persians. In Ecbatana he had no doubt an opportunity +of comparing the simple manners, the capacity +and vigour of his Persians, with the splendour of the +court, and the luxurious life of the Median chiefs. +Moreover, the great advantage which Spitamas had +gained by marriage with the daughter of the king +must have excited the jealousy and ambition of other +Medes who considered themselves to have a better +claim, or even raised their eyes to the throne. In the +account of Herodotus, Harpagus is said to be akin to +the family of Astyages. It is possible that Cyrus +contemplated a breach between Persia and Media +on the death of Astyages, when he would find his +opportunity in a contested and previously disputed +succession. It may be a fact that Astyages had his +suspicions, that he summoned Cyrus who had already<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span> +left the court before him, and Cyrus was thus compelled +to break with him sooner than he intended. +It seems more certain that Cambyses was still alive, +than that the Persians took up arms against Astyages +at the instigation of Cyrus, who was, as we have +remarked, at that time in his fortieth year.<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a></p> + +<p>It follows from the position of affairs that the +Persians awaited the attack of the Medes in their own +country. It was only in the defence of the passes +of their mountains that they could hope to make +a stand against the overwhelming power of their +enemies. In this we may put confidence in the +Persian tradition, as well as in all that it has to say +of a character unfavourable to the Persians; above all, +in the fact that the war was long and severe. As a +fact the Medes appear to have twice penetrated into +the heart of the Persian land. Not only Nicolaus, +Pompeius Trogus, and Polyaenus tell us that the +struggle took place at first in Persia, and that the +battle which saved the country was fought at Pasargadae, +but also an authority of importance, Anaximenes +of Lampsacus, the contemporary of Aristotle and +Strabo (p. 357). "In reward for the services which +the women rendered in that battle," says Nicolaus, +"the women of Persia each received, when the king +came to Pasargadae, a gold coin of the value of twenty +Attic drachmas." Plutarch, as has been observed,<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> +confirms this statement, on the ground of the accounts +of the companions of Alexander, in a very definite way. +We must assume, therefore, that Cyrus maintained +the independence of Persia in a very severe struggle. +When success had been obtained, he went on to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span> +attack Media, whether it was that he did not consider +the freedom of Persia secure without the overthrow +of that country, or that he at once formed +the most ambitious designs. After a battle in Media +had given Cyrus the victory in this new war, the +chiefs of the nations subject to the Medes, the Hyrcanians, +Parthians, Sacæ, and Bactrians, and finally +a part of the Medes, must have abandoned Astyages, +who, after a second defeat, fell into the hands of +Cyrus either in the encounter itself or at the capture +of Ecbatana. The walls of Ecbatana and the seven +rings round the citadel could not avert his fate +(558 <small>B.C.</small>).<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> Herod. 1, 98, 99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> Herod. 1, 112, +πιστοτάτους τῶν δορυφόρων, +while in the recapitulation, 1, 117, we have +πιστοτάτους τῶν εὐνούχων.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> Ctesias, "Fragm. Pers." 2, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> Nicol. Damasc. fragm. 66; Ctes. "Fragm. Pers." 2, 5; Tzetz. +"Chil." 1, 1, 82 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> Athen. p. 633; Cic. "de Divin." 1, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> Justin, 1, 4-7; cf. 44, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> Polyæn. "Strat." 7, 6; 7, 45. But he also explains the change of +fortune at Pasargadae in another way. When Cyrus fled to that place +after his retreat, and many Persians deserted to the Medes, he spread +abroad a report that on the following day 100,000 enemies of the +Medes (Cadusians?) would come to his assistance; every man was to +prepare a bundle of faggots for the allies. The deserter told this to +the Medes, and when Cyrus in the night caused all the bundles to be +lighted, the Medes, thinking that the Persians had received substantial +assistance, deserted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> Strabo, p. 727, 730. Steph. Byzant. +Πασσαργάδαι.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> "De mulier. virtute," 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> Diod. "Ex. de virt. et vit." p. 552, 553 (= 9, 24); cf. 4, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> Moses Choren. 1, 24-30, and appendix to the first book, according +to Le Vaillant's translation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> The form and explanation of the legend of Asdahag in Moses, as +well as the mention of Rustem Sakjig, who has the strength of ten +elephants (2, 8), <i>i. e.</i> of Rustem of Sejestan, prove that the East-Iranian +legend, as we find it in Firdusi, must have been current in +Western Iran in the fourth century at the latest, if it came into +Armenia in the fifth century. I do not think it probable that Moses +took the legend of Tigran from Xenophon's narrative. The vision in +a dream and the duel point to Armenian tradition.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> 1, 95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> "Cyri Instit." 1, 2, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> J. Mohl, "Livre des rois," Introd. p. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> It has been objected to this analysis that the marriage with the +heiress may not have conveyed the throne <i>ipso facto</i> to the husband; +it may have been open to the chieftains to elect a king out of the +members of the royal family. This may be correct for the election of +the Afghan chiefs at the present day by the heads of the families. +How the succession to the throne was arranged among the Medes we +do not know in any detail, or whether their chiefs had any importance +at all; but we do see that the crown went from father to son from +Deioces downwards. In any case, even under that hypothesis, the +husband of the heiress had a nearer claim.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> Herod. 3, 2. So Deinon and Lyceas of Naucratis in Athenaeus, +p. 560.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> Herod. 1, 207; 3, 75; 7, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> Cicero, "de Divin." 1, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> St. Martin on Lebeau, "Bas Empire," 2, 221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> "Cyri instit." 7, 3, 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> Above, p. 299 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> Above, p. 34, 35, 36, 256.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> Above, p. 110. Cf. Windischmann, "Zoroastrische Studien," s. +277.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> Nöldeke, "Tabari," p. 12; Karnamak, s. 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> "Politic." 5, 10, 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> If Astyages was married to the daughter of Alyattes in the year +610 <small>B.C.</small> he must have been 18 or 20 years old at that time; between +610 and 558 the year of his fall there are 52 years. Moreover, according +to Ctesias, Astyages outlived his fall at least ten years ("Fragm. +Pers." 5). If this were the case, and Astyages did not die till 548, he +cannot well have been born before 630 <small>B.C.</small> In Herodotus and Pompeius +Trogus it is expressly said that Astyages had no son, and this is +the motive which induces Harpagus not to put Cyrus to death, as he +would in that case expose himself to the vengeance of the mother, the +heiress to the throne. In Nicolaus also the daughter comes distinctly +forward, and in Ctesias she is also the heiress (<i>e. g.</i> "Pers." 2); in the +history of the overthrow and the death of Astyages, we hear of her +constantly. At the death of Cyrus, her sons by the first marriage +receive satrapies. In Ctesias, it is true, a brother of Amytis is incidentally +mentioned, on the occasion of a later war of Cyrus ("Pers." +3). But as Ctesias is here following a Median version, and after the +death of Astyages the husband of Amytis and not her supposed +brother is removed out of the way, no importance can be attached to +this.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> Above, p. 369.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> Above, p. 357. Nicol. Dam. Fragm. 66; Plut "Alex." c. 69; +Plut. "De Mul. virt." 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> According to the canon of Ptolemy, Cyrus dies 529 <small>B.C.</small> We arrive +at the same year if we reckon back from the death of Darius. This +took place five years after the battle of Marathon (Herod. 7, 1-4), +<i>i. e.</i> 485 <small>B.C.</small> Darius reigned 36 years according to Herodotus and the +canon of Ptolemy. An Egyptian pillar gives the year 34, a demotic +contract the year 35 of his reign: he ascended the throne therefore in +521 <small>B.C.</small> Before him the Magian reigned for seven months, Cambyses +for seven years and five months (Herod. 3, 66, 67). The canon of +Ptolemy omits the Magian and gives Cambyses eight years, because it +reckons by complete years; hence Cambyses ascended the throne in +529. As Cyrus, according to Herodotus, reigned 29 years after his +accession (1, 214), the beginning of his reign over Media must be +placed in 558. If Ctesias gives Cyrus a reign of 30 years ("Pers." 8), +like Deinon (p. 369), and Justin (1, 8), and Eusebius a reign of 31 +years, these statements may be reconciled by the fact that Cyrus may +have taken up arms against Media 30 or 31 years before his death, and +reigned 29 years after the overthrow of Astyages. Diodorus puts the +beginning of Cyrus: Olymp. 55, 1 = 560 <small>B.C.</small> Africanus in Euseb. +"Præp. Evang." 10, p. 488.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<h3>THE RISE OF THE PERSIAN KINGDOM.</h3> + + +<p>The Median empire was not of long duration. Little +more than a century had passed since Phraortes succeeded +Deioces in the government of the land of +Ecbatana, little more than eighty since Phraortes had +united the tribes of the Medes under his leadership, +about sixty since Cyaxares had expelled the Scythians, +and not quite fifty since Nineveh had succumbed to +the arms of the Medes and Babylonians.</p> + +<p>In the overthrow of so mighty a power, Cyrus had +achieved a great, and, so far as we can tell, an unexpected, +success. Scanty as our information is, we can +still perceive that he used the victory with circumspection +and moderation. Herodotus told us that he +did no injury to the captive Astyages, and kept him +with him till his death. Ctesias relates that at the +command of Cyrus, the heavy chains, which Oebares +had put on Astyages, were quickly taken off; that he +honoured him as a father; and entrusted him with the +government of the Barcanians. According to the statement +of Pompeius Trogus, Cyrus allowed him to be +viceroy of the Hyrcanians. The same nation may be +meant by these two names; in the inscriptions of Darius +Hyrcania is called Varkana, in the Avesta Vehrkana.<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span> +Ctesias further tells us that Cyrus put to death the +Mede Spitamas, whom Astyages had married to his +daughter Amytis, and then made his successor, and +that after treating Amytis for some time as his mother +he subsequently made her his wife. No harm was +done to Megabernes and Spitaces, the sons of her +marriage with Spitamas; on the contrary, the first +was placed by the wish of Cyrus in the satrapy of +the Barcanians, the second in the satrapy of the +Derbiccians.</p> + +<p>Cyrus must have made it his object to reconcile the +Medes to their defeat and loss of empire. If he could +make the house of Astyages his own, and take his +daughter to wife, the edge of the change was softened, +and the more apparent it was that this marriage had +the consent of Astyages, the more legitimate would +his rule be in the eyes of the Medes, the less could +they regard it as the dominion of a stranger. It was +of importance to gain the assent of the Medes to the +new kingdom, and support this if possible on the +united power of Medes and Persians. Moreover, the +relations of alliance in which Astyages stood to the +princely houses of Lydia and Babylonia made it +advisable to deal carefully with Astyages and his +kindred. Astyages was still alive in 549 <small>B.C.</small>,<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> according +to Herodotus and Ctesias. Whatever may be +the case as to the connection of Cyrus with Amytis, +his legitimate wife was Cassandane, the daughter of +the Persian Pharnaspes, who according to Herodotus +was an Achæmenid, and was in fact one of the +six tribal princes. Cassandane bore Cyrus two sons,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span> +Cambyses and Bardiya, whom Herodotus calls Smerdis; +Ctesias, Tanyoxarkes; and Xenophon, Tanaoxares. +The death of Cassandane was a great grief to Cyrus; +he caused the whole kingdom to go into mourning +for her.<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a></p> + +<p>With respect to the position which Cyrus took up +in regard to the royal family of Media, and Amytis +more especially, Ctesias has preserved a somewhat +incredible story. This narrative, which again is +obviously taken from a poetical source, ascribes the +death of Astyages to Oebares, to whom, according to +Trogus, Cyrus had given the government of Persia +and his sister in marriage, as a reward for his +services, who in the beginning of his reign had been +his associate in all his dangers, and whom, according +to Ctesias, he had afterwards to thank for the capture +of Sardis. The motive of this act, according to the +drift of these poems, can only have been anxiety on +the part of Oebares lest the influence of Astyages and +his friends should endanger the succession of the house +of Cyrus in the Persian kingdom and the dominion of +the Persians. Oebares had previously murdered the +Babylonian who possessed the secret which controlled +the future of Persia, against the wishes and without +the knowledge of Cyrus (p. 347), and he now acts in a +similar manner towards Astyages. Cyrus, so we are +told in our excerpt,<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> after the Lydian war sent the +eunuch Petesaces to bring Astyages from the Barcanians, +as both he and Amytis wished to see him. +Oebares advised Petesaces to abandon Astyages on +the way in some desert place, to perish by starvation.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span> +This was done. The crime was revealed by dreams, +and Cyrus, on the repeated entreaty of Amytis, gave +Petesaces up to her for punishment. She caused +him to be blinded, flayed, and crucified. Oebares, +fearing that a similar lot was in store for him, +though Cyrus assured him that he should not permit +anything of the kind, refused all nourishment for ten +days, and so put an end to his life. The corpse +of Astyages received a splendid burial. Lions had +guarded it in the desert place in which it had been +abandoned, until Petesaces returned and carried it +away. In the poem in which the singing woman +warns Astyages against Cyrus he is compared to a +lion (p. 349). Whether the lions performed this +service to the corpse of Astyages in the source from +which Ctesias copied—it could scarcely by such an +incident exhibit him as a man favoured by heaven—or +whether the lions dealt with the corpse in a +manner more in accordance with the views of Eastern +Iran, we must leave out of the question. What is +more certain is, that the most zealous Persian could +have no real reason for putting Astyages to death, for +after the Lydian war he would be in his eightieth +year. The importance ascribed to Amytis points to +a Median version; the death of Oebares is accounted +for in a manner suitable to his life and his fidelity.</p> + +<p>In Herodotus the Persians, on the instigation of +Artembares, one of their tribesmen, say to Cyrus: +"Since Zeus gives the sovereignty to the Persians, +and above all to thee, Cyrus, who hast overthrown +Astyages, so let it be thy care that we leave our land +and obtain a better, for our country is small and wild. +Many better regions are close at hand, many at a +distance, and if we gain one of them, we shall be +more admired in the eyes of men. To do this is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[Pg 386]</a></span> +proper for men who possess the dominion, and when +can it be done better than now, when we have so +many men, and rule over all Asia?" When Cyrus +heard this he expressed no astonishment, but said +simply: they might do so, but they must be prepared +to be rulers no longer, but subjects; the same land +could not produce the noblest fruits and warlike men. +The Persians saw that Cyrus' view was the better, +and chose to inhabit and rule over a scanty land, +rather than be the slaves of others.<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a> The distinct +opposition of Cyrus and Artembares seems to carry +us back to Persian poems, otherwise the narrative is +less likely to belong to the tradition of Persia than +to arise out of the necessity which the Greeks felt +for explaining how the Persians succeeded in founding +so mighty an empire from a mountain country so +moderate in extent.</p> + +<p>In any case the Persians, after the overthrow of +Media, were far from possessing the dominion over +Asia. In Nicolaus, it is true, when the news is spread +abroad that Astyages has retired from Persia and +has fled before Cyrus in the first battle in Media, +the chief of the Hyrcanians comes with 50,000 men, +to pay homage to Cyrus as king; he is followed by +the chiefs of the Parthians, Sacæ, and Bactrians, and +then by the remaining nations. But as a fact the +course of things seems to have been different. If the +princes and natives who were subject to the Medes +were ready to throw off their dominion as soon as +they were defeated by the Persians, they were hardly +inclined to recognise Cyrus as sovereign in the room +of Astyages. Herodotus tells us that Cyrus subjugated +the Bactrians and Sacæ, and Upper Asia, one +nation after the other, and puts these conquests after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[Pg 387]</a></span> +the Lydian war.<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> Xenophon represents the Hyrcanians +as joining Cyrus at an early date, and the Cadusians +follow their example, which harmonises with the view +taken in the Persian poems of the hatred of the +Cadusians to the Medes. In Xenophon and Ctesias +the Sacæ are the allies of Cyrus as early as 549 <small>B.C.</small><a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> +If Astyages receives the satrapy of the Hyrcanians +in Justin, this nation and the Parthians, who were +still nearer neighbours of Media, must have been +among those who were subject to Cyrus.</p> + +<p>In Ctesias, Cyrus after the conquest of Astyages +marches against the Bactrians; the battle was undecided. +But when they found that Astyages was +the father and Amytis the wife of Cyrus, the Bactrians +voluntarily submitted to Amytis and Cyrus. +Then Cyrus conquered the Sacæ, and took their king +Amorges captive. We remember that, according to +Herodotus' statement, the proper name of the Sacæ was +Amyrgians, and in the inscriptions of Darius we found +the Çaka Humavarka. The name Amorges seems to +be borrowed from the Amyrgians. When Amorges +had been defeated and taken captive by Cyrus, his +wife Sparethra, as she is called in Ctesias, collected +the Sacæ and took the field with them. Zarinaea, +a princess of the Sacæ, had previously fought with +great bravery against the Medes, but her achievements +are far surpassed by those of Sparethra. With +300,000 men and 200,000 armed women, she went +against the Persians, and defeated Cyrus, taking many +captives, among whom were Medes of distinction. As +a ransom for these Amorges was restored to Sparethra, +and there was friendship between Cyrus and the king +of the Sacæ, and the latter marched with him to the +war against the Lydians. Strabo also speaks of a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[Pg 388]</a></span> +battle in which Cyrus was defeated by the Sacæ. +Being hard pressed on his retreat he abandoned his +camp with large stores of every kind, especially of +wine. When the Sacæ had enjoyed their spoil, +Cyrus fell upon them and massacred nearly all.<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a></p> + +<p>Trogus following Deinon tells us that the nations +who were subject to the Medes did not submit to +Cyrus. Hence arose many wars. The greater part of +these nations he had already overpowered, before he +marched against the Lydians, <i>i. e.</i> in the first eight +years after the overthrow of Astyages. We may assume +that Cyrus, immediately after the dethronement of +Astyages, was occupied with bringing the neighbours +of Media on the east, north, and west into obedience +to the new kingdom. So long as the Parthians, +Hyrcanians, Armenians, were independent or in arms +against Cyrus, the Medes must be strongly tempted +to recover their lost dominion. The Cadusians in +Ghilan were subjects of Cyrus; at any rate the name +of the city Cyropolis on the Caspian Sea, on the +coast of the Cadusians, is a proof that Cyrus placed a +fortress there, in order to keep them or their neighbours +in check; and under the successors of Cyrus +the Cadusians are always mentioned as subjects.<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> +Then he took the same line towards the west, on +which Cyaxares of Media had advanced sixty years +previously after driving out the Scythians; he gained +Armenia and Cappadocia, and made the Halys the +border of his kingdom towards Lydia. In his narrative +of the events of the year 549 <small>B.C.</small>, Herodotus +remarks that the Cappadocians were subject to Cyrus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[Pg 389]</a></span> +having previously been subjects of the Medes. It is +clear from repeated statements that at this time the +Halys was the western border of the empire of Cyrus.<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> +Xenophon reckons the subjugation of the Armenians, +who had been subjects of the Medes, among the +earliest achievements of Cyrus; he tells the story +in his own manner, and places after this the subjection +of the neighbours on the south, the Chaldæans +(Gordyæans) who dwelt in the mountains +which separate the table-land of Armenia from the +hilly country of Assyria. The legends of the Cappadocians +conceal their subjugation to Cyrus under +supposed links of alliance; Cambyses, the father of +Cyrus, had given his own sister Atossa in marriage to +Pharnaces, the king of the Cappadocians.<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> The extension +of the Persian dominion to the east over +Parthia and Hyrcania, the subjugation of the Drangians, +Gedrosians, and Arachoti, must, in consideration +of the observation of Herodotus, that in 548 <small>B.C.</small> +Cyrus was intent on military preparations against +the Bactrians and Sacæ, and the urgent difficulties +which at that time summoned him to the east, be +placed in the later years of his reign; in fact, they +cannot come earlier than the second decade; which +does not, however, make it impossible that Cyrus +should have fought against the Bactrians and Sacæ +in the first decade.<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a></p> + +<p>Cyrus must have arranged his court and state after +the pattern of Media, which in its turn was a copy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[Pg 390]</a></span> +of the court of the kings of Asshur and Babylon. +Ctesias asserts that Petesaces, the eunuch, and after +his death Bagapates, another eunuch, had great influence +with Cyrus.<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> The abode of Achæmenes, +Teispes, and Carabyses, the ancient place of assembly +and metropolis of the tribe of the Pasargadæ, was +changed by Cyrus into a city and fortress; there he +built his palace, in which he deposited the spoil of +his wars, and collected his treasures.<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a> The new +kingdom rested on the power of the Persians; they +alone had to pay no tribute to the king; they formed +the nucleus of the army; the leaders and satraps +were mainly chosen from them. But Cyrus was +obviously anxious to reconcile the Medes, next to +the Persians, with the change in affairs, and win +their aid. This design lay at the base of his treatment +of Astyages and the marriage with his daughter, and +scarcely ten years after the fall of the Median kingdom, +we find Medes at the head of the army of +Cyrus. The clemency of Cyrus towards the other +subject nations is also extolled. Herodotus vouches +for the fact that he laid no fixed tribute upon them, +but left it to themselves to fix the amount of their +yearly contributions. Of all men, Xenophon says, +Cyrus made the largest presents, and exhibited the +greatest liberality towards those who had done him +good service, and in this the subsequent kings of +Persia followed his example.</p> + +<p>According to Xenophon's description, Cyrus was +of a kindly disposition, eager to instruct himself, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[Pg 391]</a></span> +so ambitious that he shrank from no effort and no +danger.<a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> With the Greeks he passes not only for +the founder of the dominion of the Persians, but +for the author of excellent arrangements in the kingdom. +From this point of view Xenophon wrote his +treatise on Cyrus. By his example he wished to +prove to the Greeks how the empire over nations +could be gained, how a great kingdom could be +founded and maintained, how a ruler could command +obedience even among those who had never seen +him and were separated by great distances. It is +a historical romance which he has written on Cyrus; +but he knew the Persian empire, and could not +advance anything absolutely in contradiction to the +current opinion of the Greeks about Cyrus. According +to him the relation of Cyrus to the Persians +rested on a kind of compact. When his son had +subjugated the nations far and wide, Cambyses collected +the elders of the Persians and the officers +who held the highest places, and told them the +Persians had elected Cyrus to be their general, and +given him the army; Cyrus had extended their +power over Asia, and gained glory among all men; +he had made the bravest men in the army rich, and +found pay and food for all the soldiers. If this +relation were maintained it would be for the advantage +of both parties; if, on the other hand, Cyrus +sought to rule over the Persians with the same caprice +as over other nations, or the Persians should attempt +to take the command from him, each would do the +greatest harm to the other. Let Cyrus, therefore, +undertake to protect Persia and uphold the Persian +laws, and the Persians to render Cyrus any service +that he needed against rebellion and enemies. "After<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[Pg 392]</a></span> +me," Cambyses concludes, "Cyrus will be king, and +whenever he comes to Persia he will offer for you +the sacrifice which I am offering now. If he is +in a foreign land, it will be best for the noblest +of our family to offer sacrifices to the gods." "What +Cambyses proposed was approved by Cyrus and the +Persians with invocations to the gods, and the arrangement +is still observed on both sides."<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> Plato +even puts Cyrus on the same level as Lycurgus, +the founder of the constitution of Sparta. He gives +Dion the choice of rivalling the ancient Lycurgus or +Cyrus, or any one else who may be distinguished +by moral excellence and political wisdom.<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> According +to the Laws, Cyrus, brought up from his youth +in the camp and surrounded by danger, became a +skilful general, and as a ruler kept before his eyes +the prosperity of the state. In the same book we +are told that the monarchical form of government +attained its most complete state among the Persians, +and the democratic among the Athenians. But as +the Persian state pursued absolute dominion, and +the Attic uncontrolled freedom, neither discovered +the correct limit; though in ancient times they had +observed due moderation. At the time of Cyrus the +Persians were midway between slavery and freedom. +At first they were free, then they became the lords +of others. But while ruling they had given the +subjects a share in freedom, and treated them on +an equal footing. For this reason the warriors were +devoted to their general and ready to plunge into +danger. And if an intelligent man appeared, who +could give wise counsel, Cyrus gave him liberty to +speak; and as he honoured those who knew how<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[Pg 393]</a></span> +to give advise, every opinion was made use of for +the common good, and the Persians of that day +succeeded in everything by freedom, concord, and +common deliberation.<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> Ctes. "Pers. Ecl." 5; Tzetz. "Chil." 1, 1, 83; Justin, 1, 6. Yet +Diodorus mentions the Barcanians together with the Hyrcanians (2, +2); Curtius (3, 2) represents the Barcanians as providing 12,000 men +for the last Darius; Stephanus of Byzantium (Βαρκάνιοι) puts them +beside the Hyrcanians. Yet all these statements may rest on the +same misconception.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> Herod. 1, 73; above, p. 378, <i>note</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> Herod. 2, 1; 3, 2; 7, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> Ctesias, "Pers." 8. The narrative of the death of Astyages +follows the narrative of the wars against the Bactrians and Sacæ, and +against Crœsus, and precedes the wars against the Derbiccians.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> Herod. 9, 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> Herod. 1, 177.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> "Cyri instit." 5, 3, 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> Strabo, p. 512.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> Ptolem. 6, 2; Ammian, 23, 6. The rebellion of the Cadusians at +a later time was mentioned by Xenoph. "Hellen." 2, 1, 13; Plut. +"Artaxerx." 24; Diod. 15, 8; Justin, 10, 3. They fought with the +last Darius at Arbela; Arrian, "Anab." 3, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> Crœsus, when he has crossed the Halys, is at once in Persian +territory; Herod. 1, 72, 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> Xenoph. "Cyri instit." 3, 1; 3, 2, 1, 2; 7, 2, 5; Diod. 31, 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> The serious difficulty of Cyrus is shown by his rapid march back +from Sardis with much the larger part of his army before the Greek +cities, the Lycians and Carians were reduced. Cp. Vol. VI. chapters +8 and 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> "Persic." 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> Strabo, p. 730; Curt. 5, 6, 10; Arrian, "Anab." 3, 16, 18. The +observation in Xenophon ("Cyri instit." 5, 2, 1), that Cyrus whenever +he trod the soil of Persia gave a piece of gold to each Persian man and +woman, may have arisen from the presents to the women of Pasargadæ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a> "Cyri instit." 1, 2, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> "Cyri instit." 8, 5, 21 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> Plato, "Epp." 4, p. 320. Cf. "Menexen." p. 239.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> "Legg." p. 693, 694. Cicero, ("de Republ." 1, 27, 28), calls Cyrus +the most just, wise, and amiable of rulers.</p></div> +</div> + + +<div class="bbt"> +<h4>END OF VOL. V.</h4> +</div> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[Pg 394]</a></span></p> +<h5>BUNGAY: CLAY AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS.</h5> +<p style="text-align: right;"><i>J. 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