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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: A Literary History of the Arabs + +Author: Reynold Nicholson + +Release Date: November 11, 2011 [EBook #37985] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ARABS *** + + + + +Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Turgut Dincer, Sania Ali +Mirza and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="box"> +<p>Transcriber's note:<br /> +Spelling of the Arabic names is different in the body of +the text, in the References and in the Index, +these have been left as shown in the original text. +Page references in the Index are sometimes related to the footnotes in +these pages which can be found using the footnote links in these +pages, not necessarily in the page itself. Page titles are +displayed when the mouse hovers over page numbers.</p> +</div> + +<p> </p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><img src="images/frontispiece.jpg" width="500" height="352" alt= +"Litigants before a Judge (British Museum Or. 1200)" title="" /></div> + +<h4><span class="smcap">Litigants before a Judge</span></h4> + +<div class="center"> +<p><small>From an Arabic manuscript in the British Museum (Or. 1200; No. 1007 in Rieu's +<i>Arabic Supplement</i>), dated A.H. 654 = A.D. 1256, which contains the <i>Maqámȧt</i> +of Ḥarìrì illustrated by 81 miniatures in colours. This one represents a scene in +the 8th Maqáma: Abú Zayd and his son appearing before the Cadi of Ma‘arratu +’l-Nu’mán. The figure on the left is Ḥárith b. Hammám, whom Ḥarìrì puts +forward as the relater of Abú Zayd's adventures.</small></p> +</div> + +<p> </p> + +<h2>A LITERARY<br /> + +HISTORY OF THE ARABS</h2> + +<h5>BY</h5> + +<h4>REYNOLD A. NICHOLSON</h4> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"><img src="images/seal75.png" width="75" height="83" alt= +"Seal" title="" /></div> + +<h4>CAMBRIDGE<br /> + +AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS<br /> + +1966</h4> + +<hr /> + +<h5>PUBLISHED BY<br /> + +THE SYNDICS OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS</h5> + +<h6>Bentley House, 200 Euston Road, London, N.W. 1<br /> +American Branch: 32 East 57th Street, New York N.Y. 10022,<br /> +West African Office: P.O. Box 33, Ibadan, Nigeria</h6> + +<h6>First edition (T. Fisher Unwin) 1907, reprinted 1914, 1923<br /> +Reprinted (Cambridge University Press) 1930, 1941, 1953,<br /> +1962, 1966</h6> + +<h6><i>First printed in Great Britain at the University Press, Cambridge<br /> +Reprinted by offset-litho by Latimer Trend & Co. Ltd, Whitstable</i></h6> + +<hr /> + +<h4><i>To</i><br /> + +<span class="smcap">Professor A. A. BEVAN</span><br /> + +<small>In grateful recollection of many kindnesses</small></h4> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">ix</a></span></p> + +<h3><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h3> + +<p><i>A Literary History of the Arabs</i>, published by T. Fisher Unwin +in 1907 and twice re-issued without alteration, now appears +under new auspices, and I wish to thank the Syndics of the +Cambridge University Press for the opportunity they have given +me of making it in some respects more accurate and useful than +it has hitherto been. Since the present edition is printed from +the original plates, there could be no question of revising the +book throughout and recasting it where necessary; but while +only a few pages have been rewritten, the Bibliography has been +brought up to date and I have removed several mistakes from +the text and corrected others in an appendix which includes a +certain amount of supplementary matter. As stated in the +preface to the first edition, I hoped "to compile a work which +should serve as a general introduction to the subject, and which +should be neither too popular for students nor too scientific for +ordinary readers. It has been my chief aim to sketch in broad +outlines what the Arabs thought, and to indicate as far as possible +the influences which moulded their thought.... Experience has +convinced me that young students of Arabic, to whom this +volume is principally addressed, often find difficulty in understanding +what they read, since they are not in touch with the +political, intellectual, and religious notions which are presented +to them. The pages of almost every Arabic book abound in +allusions to names, events, movements, and ideas of which +Moslems require no explanation, but which puzzle the Western +reader unless he have some general knowledge of Arabian +history in the widest meaning of the word. Such a survey is +not to be found, I believe, in any single European book; and if +mine supply the want, however partially and inadequately, I +<span class='pagenum'>x</span> +shall feel that my labour has been amply rewarded.... As regards +the choice of topics, I agree with the author of a famous +anthology who declares that it is harder to select than compose +(<i>ikhtiyáru ’l-kalám aṣ‘abu min ta’lífihi</i>). Perhaps an epitomist +may be excused for not doing equal justice all round. To me +the literary side of the subject appeals more than the historical, +and I have followed my bent without hesitation; for in order to +interest others a writer must first be interested himself.... Considering +the importance of Arabic poetry as, in the main, +a true mirror of Arabian life, I do not think the space devoted +to it is excessive. Other branches of literature could not receive +the same attention. Many an eminent writer has been dismissed +in a few lines, many well-known names have been passed over. +But, as before said, this work is a sketch of ideas in their historical +environment rather than a record of authors, books, and dates. +The exact transliteration of Arabic words, though superfluous for +scholars and for persons entirely ignorant of the language, is an +almost indispensable aid to the class of readers whom I have +especially in view. My system is that recommended by the +Royal Asiatic Society and adopted by Professor Browne in his +<i>Literary History of Persia</i>; but I use ẓ for the letter which he +denotes by <i>dh</i>. The definite article <i>al</i>, which is frequently +omitted at the beginning of proper names, has been restored in +the Index. It may save trouble if I mention here the abbreviations +'b.' for 'ibn' (son of); J.R.A.S. for <i>Journal of the Royal +Asiatic Society</i>; Z.D.M.G. for <i>Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen +Gesellschaft</i>; and S.B.W.A. for <i>Sitzungsberichte der +Wiener Akademie</i>. Finally, it behoves me to make full acknowledgment +of my debt to the learned Orientalists whose works +I have studied and freely 'conveyed' into these pages. References +could not be given in every case, but the reader will see for +himself how much is derived from Von Kremer, Goldziher, +Nöldeke, and Wellhausen, to mention only a few of the leading +authorities. At the same time I have constantly gone back to +the native sources of information."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>xi</span></p> + +<p>There remains an acknowledgment of a more personal kind. +Twenty-two years ago I wrote—"my warmest thanks are +due to my friend and colleague, Professor A. A. Bevan, who +read the proofs throughout and made a number of valuable +remarks which will be found in the footnotes." Happily the +present occasion permits me to renew those ties between us; +and the book which he helped into the world now celebrates +its majority by associating itself with his name.</p> + +<p><span class="quotsig">REYNOLD A. NICHOLSON</span><br /> + +<i>November 1, 1929</i></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">xii</a></span></p> +<hr /> +<h4>Frontispiece<br /> +<small><span class="smcap">Litigants before a Judge</span> (British Museum Or. 1200)</small></h4> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>xiii</span></p> + +<h3>Contents</h3> + +<table width="100%" summary="Contents" border="0"> + +<tr> +<td class="t10"> </td> +<td class="t80"> </td> +<td class="t10a"><small>PAGE</small></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t80" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Preface</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_ix">ix</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t80" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_xv">xv</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t80" colspan="2"><small>CHAPTER</small></td> +<td class="t10a"> </td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">I.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">Saba and Ḥimyar</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">II.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">The History and Legends of the Pagan Arabs</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_30">30</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">III.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">Pre-islamic Poetry, Manners, and Religion</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">IV.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">The Prophet and the Koran</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">V.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">The Orthodox Caliphate and the Umayyad Dynasty</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_181">181</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">VI.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">The Caliphs of Baghdád</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_254">254</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">VII.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">Poetry, Literature, and Science in the ‘Abbásid Period</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_285">285</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">VIII.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">Orthodoxy, Free-thought, and Mysticism</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_365">365</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">IX.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">The Arabs in Europe</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_405">405</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t10">X.</td> +<td class="t80"><span class="smcap">From the Mongol Invasion to the Present Day</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_442">442</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t80" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Appendix</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_471">471</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t80" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Bibliography</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_477">477</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="t80" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Index</span></td> +<td class="t10a"><a href="#Page_487">487</a></td> +</tr> + +</table> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">xv</a></span></p> + +<h3>Introduction</h3> + +<p>The Arabs belong to the great family of nations which on +account of their supposed descent from Shem, the son of +Noah, are commonly known as the 'Semites.'<span class="sidenote"> The Semites.</span> +This term includes the Babylonians and Assyrians, +the Hebrews, the Phœnicians, the Aramæans, the Abyssinians, +the Sabæans, and the Arabs, and although based on a classification +that is not ethnologically precise—the Phœnicians and +Sabæans, for example, being reckoned in Genesis, chap. x, +among the descendants of Ham—it was well chosen by Eichhorn +(† 1827) to comprehend the closely allied peoples which +have been named. Whether the original home of the undivided +Semitic race was some part of Asia (Arabia, Armenia, or the +district of the Lower Euphrates), or whether, according to a +view which has lately found favour, the Semites crossed +into Asia from Africa,<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> is still uncertain. Long before the +epoch when they first appear in history they had branched +off from the parent stock and formed separate nationalities. +The relation of the Semitic languages to each other cannot +be discussed here, but we may arrange them in the chronological +order of the extant literature as follows:—<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>xvi</span></p> + +<p>1. Babylonian or Assyrian (3000-500 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>).</p> + +<p>2. Hebrew (from 1500 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>).</p> + +<p>3. South Arabic, otherwise called Sabæan or Ḥimyarite +(inscriptions from 800 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>).</p> + +<p>4. Aramaic (inscriptions from 800 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>).</p> + +<p>5. Phœnician (inscriptions from 700 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>).</p> + +<p>6. Æthiopic (inscriptions from 350 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>7. Arabic (from 500 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding that Arabic is thus, in a sense, the youngest +of the Semitic languages, it is generally allowed to be nearer +akin than any of them to the original archetype, the +'Ursemitisch,' from which they all are derived, just as +the Arabs, by reason of their geographical situation and the +monotonous uniformity of desert life, have in some respects +preserved the Semitic character more purely and exhibited it +more distinctly than any people of the same family. From +the period of the great Moslem conquests (700 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) to the +present day they have extended their language, <span class="sidenote"> The Arabs as +representatives +of the +Semitic Race.</span> +religion, and culture over an enormous expanse +of territory, far surpassing that of all the ancient +Semitic empires added together. It is true that +the Arabs are no longer what they were in the Middle Ages, +the ruling nation of the world, but loss of temporal power +has only strengthened their spiritual dominion. Islam still +reigns supreme in Western Asia; in Africa it has steadily +advanced; even on European soil it has found in Turkey +compensation for its banishment from Spain and Sicily. +While most of the Semitic peoples have vanished, leaving but +a meagre and ambiguous record, so that we cannot hope to +become intimately acquainted with them, we possess in the +<span class='pagenum'>xvii</span>case of the Arabs ample materials for studying almost every +phase of their development since the sixth century of the +Christian era, and for writing the whole history of their +national life and thought. This book, I need hardly say, +makes no such pretensions. Even were the space at +my disposal unlimited, a long time must elapse before +the vast and various field of Arabic literature can be +thoroughly explored and the results rendered accessible to +the historian.</p> + +<p>From time immemorial Arabia was divided into North and +South, not only by the trackless desert (<i>al-Rub‘ al-Khálí</i>, the +'Solitary Quarter') which stretches across the <span class="sidenote"> Arabs of the +North and South.</span> +peninsula and forms a natural barrier to intercourse, +but also by the opposition of two kindred +races widely differing in their character and way of life. +Whilst the inhabitants of the northern province (the Ḥijáz +and the great central highland of Najd) were rude nomads +sheltering in 'houses of hair,' and ever shifting to and fro +in search of pasture for their camels, the people of Yemen +or Arabia Felix are first mentioned in history as the inheritors +of an ancient civilisation and as the owners of fabulous wealth—spices, +gold and precious stones—which ministered to the +luxury of King Solomon. The Bedouins of the North spoke +Arabic—that is to say, the language of the Pre-islamic poems +and of the Koran—whereas the southerners used a dialect +called by Muḥammadans 'Ḥimyarite' and a peculiar script +of which the examples known to us have been discovered and +deciphered in comparatively recent times. Of these Sabæans—to +adopt the designation given to them by Greek and +Roman geographers—more will be said presently. The +period of their bloom was drawing to a close in the early +centuries of our era, and they have faded out of history +before 600 a.d., when their northern neighbours first rise +into prominence.</p> + +<p>It was, no doubt, the consciousness of this racial distinction +<span class="sidenote"> Ishmaelites and Yoqṭánids.</span> +<span class='pagenum'>xviii</span>that caused the view to prevail among Moslem genealogists +that the Arabs followed two separate lines of descent from +their common ancestor, Sám b. Núḥ (Shem, +the son of Noah). As regards those of the +North, their derivation from ‘Adnán, a descendant +of Ismá‘íl (Ishmael) was universally recognised; those +of the South were traced back to Qaḥṭán, whom most +genealogists identified with Yoqṭán (Joktan), the son of ‘Ábir +(Eber). Under the Yoqṭánids, who are the elder line, we +find, together with the Sabæans and Ḥimyarites, several large +and powerful tribes—<i>e.g.</i>, Ṭayyi’, Kinda, and Tanúkh—which +had settled in North and Central Arabia long before +Islam, and were in no respect distinguishable from the +Bedouins of Ishmaelite origin. As to ‘Adnán, his exact +genealogy is disputed, but all agree that he was of the +posterity of Ismá‘íl (Ishmael), the son of Ibráhím (Abraham) +by Hájar (Hagar). The story runs that on the birth of +Ismá‘íl God commanded Abraham to journey to Mecca with +Hagar and her son and to leave them there. They were seen +by some Jurhumites, descendants of Yoqṭán, who took pity +on them and resolved to settle beside them. Ismá‘íl grew up +with the sons of the strangers, learned to shoot the bow, and +spoke their tongue. Then he asked of them in marriage, +and they married him to one of their women.<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> The tables +on the opposite page show the principal branches of the +younger but by far the more important family of the Arabs +which traced its pedigree through ‘Adnán to Ismá‘íl. A +dotted line indicates the omission of one or more links in +the genealogical chain.<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>xix</span></p> + +<table width="500px" summary="geneology"> +<tr><td> +<div class="center">I.<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a></div> +</td></tr> +</table> +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><img src="images/xiximage.png" width="500" height="647" alt= +"pedigree through ‘Adnán to Ismá‘í" title="" /></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>xx</span>It is undeniable that these lineages are to some extent +fictitious. There was no Pre-islamic science of genealogy, +so that the first Muḥammadan investigators had only confused +and scanty traditions to work on. They were biassed, +moreover, by political, religious, and other considerations.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> +Thus their study of the Koran <span class="sidenote"> Character of +Muḥammadan +genealogy.</span> +and of Biblical history led to the introduction +of the patriarchs who stand at the head of their lists. Nor +can we accept the national genealogy beginning with ‘Adnán +as entirely historical, though a great deal of it was actually +stored in the memories of the Arabs at the time when Islam +arose, and is corroborated by the testimony of the Pre-islamic +poets.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> On the other hand, the alleged descent of every +tribe from an eponymous ancestor is inconsistent with facts +established by modern research.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> It is probable that many +names represent merely a local or accidental union; and +many more, <i>e.g.</i>, Ma‘add, seem originally to have denoted +large groups or confederations of tribes. The theory of +a radical difference between the Northern Arabs and those +of the South, corresponding to the fierce hostility which +has always divided them since the earliest days of Islam,<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> +may hold good if we restrict the term 'Yemenite' +(Southern) to the civilised Sabæans, Ḥimyarites, &c., who +dwelt in Yemen and spoke their own dialect, but +can hardly apply to the Arabic-speaking 'Yemenite' +Bedouins scattered all over the peninsula. Such criticism, +however, does not affect the value of the genealogical +documents regarded as an index of the popular mind. From +this point of view legend is often superior to fact, and it +must be our aim in the following chapters to set forth what +<span class='pagenum'>xxi</span>the Arabs believed rather than to examine whether or no +they were justified in believing it.</p> + +<p>'Arabic,' in its widest signification, has two principal +dialects:—</p> + +<p>1. South Arabic, spoken in Yemen and including Sabæan, +Ḥimyarite, Minæan, with the kindred dialects of Mahra +and Shiḥr.</p> + +<p>2. Arabic proper, spoken in Arabia generally, exclusive +of Yemen.</p> + +<p>Of the former language, leaving Mahrí, Socotrí, and other +living dialects out of account, we possess nothing beyond the +numerous inscriptions which have been collected <span class="sidenote"> South Arabic.</span> +by European travellers and which it will be convenient +to discuss in the next chapter, where I shall give +a brief sketch of the legendary history of the Sabæans and +Ḥimyarites. South Arabic resembles Arabic in its grammatical +forms, <i>e.g.</i>, the broken plural, the sign of the dual, and +the manner of denoting indefiniteness by an affixed <i>m</i> (for +which Arabic substitutes <i>n</i>) as well as in its vocabulary; its +alphabet, which consists of twenty-nine letters, <i>Sin</i> and <i>Samech</i> +being distinguished as in Hebrew, is more nearly akin to the +Æthiopic. The Ḥimyarite Empire was overthrown by the +Abyssinians in the sixth century after Christ, and by 600 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> +South Arabic had become a dead language. From this time +forward the dialect of the North established an almost +universal supremacy and won for itself the title of 'Arabic' +<i>par excellence</i>.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a></p> + +<p>The oldest monuments of written Arabic are modern in +date compared with the Sabæan inscriptions, some of which +take us back 2,500 years or thereabout. Apart <span class="sidenote"> The oldest +specimens of +Arabic writing.</span> +from the inscriptions of Ḥijr in the northern +Ḥijáz, and those of Ṣafá in the neighbourhood of +Damascus (which, although written by northern Arabs before +the Christian era, exhibit a peculiar character not unlike the +<span class='pagenum'>xxii</span>Sabæan and cannot be called Arabic in the usual acceptation +of the term), the most ancient examples of Arabic writing +which have hitherto been discovered appear in the trilingual +(Syriac, Greek, and Arabic) inscription of Zabad,<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> south-east of +Aleppo, dated 512 or 513 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, and the bilingual (Greek and +Arabic) of Ḥarrán,<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> dated 568 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> With these documents we +need not concern ourselves further, especially as their +interpretation presents great difficulties. Very few among +the Pre-islamic Arabs were able to read or write.<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Those who +could generally owed their skill to Jewish and Christian +teachers, or to the influence of foreign culture radiating +from Ḥíra and Ghassán. But although the Koran, which +was first collected soon after the battle of Yamáma (633 +a.d.), is the oldest Arabic book, the beginnings of literary +composition in the Arabic language can be traced back to +an earlier period. Probably all the Pre-islamic poems which +have come down to us belong to the century preceding +Islam (500-622 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), but their elaborate form and technical +perfection forbid the hypothesis that in them we have "the +first sprightly runnings" of Arabian song. It may be said of +these magnificent odes, as of the Iliad and <span class="sidenote"> The Pre-islamic +poems.</span> +Odyssey, that "they are works of highly finished +art, which could not possibly have been produced +until the poetical art had been practised for a long time." +They were preserved during hundreds of years by oral tradition, +as we shall explain elsewhere, and were committed to writing, +for the most part, by the Moslem scholars of the early +‘Abbásid age, <i>i.e.</i>, between 750 and 900 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> It is a noteworthy +fact that the language of these poems, the authors of +which represent many different tribes and districts of the +<span class='pagenum'>xxiii</span>peninsula, is one and the same. The dialectical variations +are too trivial to be taken into account. We might conclude +that the poets used an artificial dialect, not such as was +commonly spoken but resembling the epic dialect of Ionia +which was borrowed by Dorian and Æolian bards. When +we find, however, that the language in question is employed +not only by the wandering troubadours, who were often men +of some culture, and the Christian Arabs of Ḥíra on the +Euphrates, but also by goat-herds, brigands, and illiterate +Bedouins of every description, there can be no room for doubt +that in the poetry of the sixth century we hear the Arabic +language as it was then spoken throughout the length and +breadth of Arabia. The success of Muḥammad and the +conquests made by Islam under the Orthodox Caliphs gave +an entirely new importance to this classical idiom. Arabic +became the sacred language of the whole Moslem world. +This was certainly due to the Koran; but, on <span class="sidenote"> The Koran.</span> +the other hand, to regard the dialect of Mecca, +in which the Koran is written, as the source and prototype +of the Arabic language, and to call Arabic 'the dialect of +Quraysh,' is utterly to reverse the true facts of the case. +Muḥammad, as Nöldeke has observed, took the ancient poetry +for a model; and in the early age of Islam it was the authority +of the heathen poets (of whom Quraysh had singularly few) +that determined the classical usage and set the standard of +correct speech. Moslems, who held the Koran to be the +Word of God and inimitable in point of style, naturally +exalted the dialect of the Prophet's tribe above all others, even +laying down the rule that every tribe spoke less purely in +proportion to its distance from Mecca, but this view will not +commend itself to the unprejudiced student. The Koran, +however, exercised a unique influence on the history of the +Arabic language and literature. We shall see in a subsequent +chapter that the necessity of preserving the text of the Holy +Book uncorrupted, and of elucidating its obscurities, caused +<span class='pagenum'>xxiv</span>the Moslems to invent a science of grammar and lexicography, +and to collect the old Pre-Muḥammadan poetry and traditions +which must otherwise have perished. When the Arabs +settled as conquerors in Syria and Persia and mixed with +foreign peoples, the purity of the classical language could no +longer be maintained. While in Arabia itself, especially +among the nomads of the desert, little difference was felt, +in the provincial garrison towns and great centres of industry +like Baṣra and Kúfa, where the population largely consisted +of aliens who had embraced Islam and were rapidly being +Arabicised, the door stood open for all sorts of depravation +to creep in. Against this vulgar Arabic the <span class="sidenote"> Arabic in the +Muḥammadan +Empire.</span> +philologists waged unrelenting war, and it was +mainly through their exertions that the classical +idiom triumphed over the dangers to which it was exposed. +Although the language of the pagan Bedouins did not survive +intact—or survived, at any rate, only in the mouths of pedants +and poets—it became, in a modified form, the universal +medium of expression among the upper classes of Muḥammadan +society. During the early Middle Ages it was spoken +and written by all cultivated Moslems, of whatever nationality +they might be, from the Indus to the Atlantic; it was the +language of the Court and the Church, of Law and +Commerce, of Diplomacy and Literature and Science. When +the Mongol invasion in the thirteenth century swept away the +‘Abbásid Caliphate, and therewith the last vestige of political +unity in Islam, classical Arabic ceased to be the κοινή or +'common dialect' of the Moslem world, and was supplanted +in Arabia, Syria, Egypt, and other Arabic-speaking countries +by a vulgar colloquial idiom. In these countries, however, it +is still the language of business, literature, and education, and +we are told on high authority that even now it "is undergoing +a renaissance, and there is every likelihood of its again +becoming a great literary vehicle."<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> And if, for those +<span class='pagenum'>xxv</span>Moslems who are not Arabs, it occupies relatively much +the same position as Latin and Greek in modern European +culture, we must not forget that the Koran, its most +renowned masterpiece, is learned by every Moslem when +he first goes to school, is repeated in his daily prayers, and +influences the whole course of his life to an extent which the +ordinary Christian can hardly realise.</p> + +<p>I hope that I may be excused for ignoring in a work +such as this the information regarding Ancient Arabian history +which it is possible to glean from the Babylonian and Assyrian +monuments. Any sketch that might be drawn of the Arabs, say +from 2500 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> to the beginning of our era, would resemble a +map of Cathay delineated by Sir John Mandeville. But amongst +the shadowy peoples of the peninsula one, besides Saba and +Ḥimyar, makes something more than a transient impression. +The Nabaṭæans (<i>Nabaṭ</i>, pl. <i>Anbáṭ</i>) dwelt in towns, drove a +flourishing trade long before the birth of Christ, and founded +the kingdom of Petra, which attained a high <span class="sidenote"> The Nabaṭæans.</span> +degree of prosperity and culture until it was +annexed by Trajan in 105 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> These Nabaṭæans were +Arabs and spoke Arabic, although in default of a script of their +own they used Aramaic for writing.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> Muḥammadan authors +identify them with the Aramæans, but careful study of their +inscriptions has shown that this view, which was accepted by +Quatremère,<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> is erroneous. 'The Book of Nabaṭæan Agriculture' +(<i>Kitábu ’l-Faláḥat al-Nahaṭiyya</i>), composed in 904 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> +by the Moslem Ibnu ’l-Waḥshiyya, who professed to have +translated it from the Chaldæan, is now known to be a forgery. +I only mention it here as an instance of the way in which +Moslems apply the term 'Nabaṭæan'; for the title in question +does not, of course, refer to Petra but to Babylon.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>xxvi</span>From what has been said the reader will perceive that the +<span class="sidenote"> Three periods of +Arabian history.</span>history of the Arabs, so far as our knowledge of it +is derived from Arabic sources, may be divided +into the following periods:—</p> + +<table class="left" width="100%" summary="periods" border="0"> + +<tr> +<td class="left">I.</td> +<td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Sabæan and Ḥimyarite period, from 800 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, +the date of the oldest South Arabic inscriptions, to +500 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left">II.</td> +<td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Pre-islamic period (500-622 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left">III.</td> +<td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Muḥammadan period, beginning with the Migration +(Hijra, or Hegira, as the word is generally written) +of the Prophet from Mecca to Medína in 622 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> +and extending to the present day.</p></td> +</tr> + +</table> + +<p>For the first period, which is confined to the history of Yemen +or South Arabia, we have no contemporary Arabic sources except +the inscriptions. The valuable but imperfect <span class="sidenote"> The Sabæans and +Ḥimyarites.</span> +information which these supply is appreciably +increased by the traditions preserved in the Pre-islamic +poems, in the Koran, and particularly in the later +Muḥammadan literature. It is true that most of this material +is legendary and would justly be ignored by any one engaged +in historical research, but I shall nevertheless devote a +good deal of space to it, since my principal object is to make +known the beliefs and opinions of the Arabs themselves.</p> + +<p>The second period is called by Muḥammadan writers the +<i>Jáhiliyya</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, the Age of Ignorance or Barbarism.<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> Its +characteristics are faithfully and vividly reflected +in the songs and odes of the heathen poets which <span class="sidenote"> The pagan +Arabs.</span> +have come down to us. There was no prose +literature at that time: it was the poet's privilege to sing the +history of his own people, to record their genealogies, to celebrate +their feats of arms, and to extol their virtues. Although +an immense quantity of Pre-islamic verse has been lost for ever, +<span class='pagenum'>xxvii</span>we still possess a considerable remnant, which, together with +the prose narratives compiled by Moslem philologists and +antiquaries, enables us to picture the life of those wild days, +in its larger aspects, accurately enough.</p> + +<p>The last and by far the most important of the three periods +comprises the history of the Arabs under Islam. It falls +naturally into the following sections, which are <span class="sidenote"> The Moslem +Arabs.</span> +enumerated in this place in order that the reader +may see at a glance the broad political outlines +of the complex and difficult epoch which lies before him.</p> + +<p class="p1"><i>A.</i> The Life of Muḥammad.</p> + +<p>About the beginning of the seventh century of the Christian +era a man named Muḥammad, son of ‘Abdulláh, of the tribe +Quraysh, appeared in Mecca with a Divine <span class="sidenote"> Life of +Muḥammad.</span> +revelation (Koran). He called on his fellow-townsmen +to renounce idolatry and worship the +One God. In spite of ridicule and persecution he continued +for several years to preach the religion of Islam in Mecca, but, +making little progress there, he fled in 622 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> to the neighbouring +city of Medína. From this date his cause prospered +exceedingly. During the next decade the whole of Arabia +submitted to his rule and did lip-service at least to the new +Faith.</p> + +<p class="p1"><i>B.</i> The Orthodox Caliphate (632-661 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>On the death of the Prophet the Moslems were governed +in turn by four of the most eminent among his Companions—Abú +Bakr, ‘Umar, ‘Uthmán, and ‘Alí—who bore <span class="sidenote"> The Orthodox +Caliphs.</span> +the title of <i>Khalífa</i> (Caliph), <i>i.e.</i>, Vicegerent, and +are commonly described as the Orthodox Caliphs +(<i>al-Khulafá al-Ráshidún</i>). Under their guidance Islam was +firmly established in the peninsula and was spread far beyond +its borders. Hosts of Bedouins settled as military colonists in +the fertile plains of Syria and Persia. Soon, however, the +<span class='pagenum'>xxviii</span>recently founded empire was plunged into civil war. The +murder of ‘Uthmán gave the signal for a bloody strife between +rival claimants of the Caliphate. ‘Alí, the son-in-law of the +Prophet, assumed the title, but his election was contested by +the powerful governor of Syria, Mu‘áwiya b. Abí Sufyán.</p> + +<p class="p1"><i>C.</i> The Umayyad Dynasty (661-750 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>‘Alí fell by an assassin's dagger, and Mu‘áwiya succeeded to +the Caliphate, which remained in his family for ninety years. +The Umayyads, with a single exception, were <span class="sidenote"> The Umayyad +dynasty.</span> +Arabs first and Moslems afterwards. Religion +sat very lightly on them, but they produced some +able and energetic princes, worthy leaders of an imperial race. +By 732 a.d. the Moslem conquests had reached the utmost +limit which they ever attained. The Caliph in Damascus had +his lieutenants beyond the Oxus and the Pyrenees, on the shores +of the Caspian and in the valley of the Nile. Meantime the +strength of the dynasty was being sapped by political and +religious dissensions nearer home. The Shí‘ites, who held that +the Caliphate belonged by Divine right to ‘Alí and his descendants, +rose in revolt again and again. They were joined +by the Persian Moslems, who loathed the Arabs and the +oppressive Umayyad government. The ‘Abbásids, a family +closely related to the Prophet, put themselves at the head of +the agitation. It ended in the complete overthrow of the +reigning house, which was almost exterminated.</p> + +<p class="p1"><i>D.</i> The ‘Abbásid Dynasty (750-1258 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>Hitherto the Arabs had played a dominant rôle in the +Moslem community, and had treated the non-Arab Moslems +with exasperating contempt. Now the tables were <span class="sidenote">The ‘Abbásid +dynasty.</span>turned. We pass from the period of Arabian +nationalism to one of Persian ascendancy and +cosmopolitan culture. The flower of the ‘Abbásid troops +were Persians from Khurásán; Baghdád, the wonderful +<span class='pagenum'>xxix</span>‘Abbásid capital, was built on Persian soil; and Persian nobles +filled the highest offices of state at the ‘Abbásid court. The +new dynasty, if not religious, was at least favourable to +religion, and took care to live in the odour of sanctity. For a +time Arabs and Persians forgot their differences and worked +together as good Moslems ought. Piety was no longer its +own reward. Learning enjoyed munificent patronage. This +was the Golden Age of Islam, which culminated in the glorious +reign of Hárún al-Rashíd (786-809 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). On his death +peace was broken once more, and the mighty empire began +slowly to collapse. As province after province cut itself loose +from the Caliphate, numerous independent dynasties sprang up, +while the Caliphs became helpless puppets in the hands of +Turkish mercenaries. Their authority was still formally +recognised in most Muḥammadan countries, but since the +middle of the ninth century they had little or no real +power.</p> + +<p><i>E.</i> From the Mongol invasion to the present day (1258 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>—).</p> + +<p>The Mongol hordes under Húlágú captured Baghdád in +1258 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> and made an end of the Caliphate. Sweeping +onward, they were checked by the Egyptian <span class="sidenote"> The Post-Mongolian +period.</span> +Mamelukes and retired into Persia, where, some +fifty years afterwards, they embraced Islam. The +successors of Húlágú, the Íl-kháns, reigned in Persia until a +second wave of barbarians under Tímúr spread devastation and +anarchy through Western Asia (1380-1405 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). The unity +of Islam, in a political sense, was now destroyed. Out of the +chaos three Muḥammadan empires gradually took shape. In +1358 the Ottoman Turks crossed the Hellespont, in 1453 +they entered Constantinople, and in 1517 Syria, Egypt, and +Arabia were added to their dominions. Persia became an +independent kingdom under the Ṣafawids (1502-1736); while +in India the empire of the Great Moguls was founded by Bábur, +<span class='pagenum'>xxx</span>a descendant of Tímúr, and gloriously maintained by his +successors, Akbar and Awrangzíb (1525-1707).</p> + +<p>Some of the political events which have been summarised +above will be treated more fully in the body of this work; +others will receive no more than a passing notice. +The ideas which reveal themselves in Arabic <span class="sidenote"> Arabian literary +history.</span> +literature are so intimately connected with the +history of the people, and so incomprehensible apart from the +external circumstances in which they arose, that I have found +myself obliged to dwell at considerable length on various +matters of historical interest, in order to bring out what is really +characteristic and important from our special point of view. +The space devoted to the early periods (500-750 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) will not +appear excessive if they are seen in their true light as the +centre and heart of Arabian history. During the next hundred +years Moslem civilisation reaches its zenith, but the Arabs +recede more and more into the background. The Mongol +invasion virtually obliterated their national life, though in +Syria and Egypt they maintained their traditions of culture +under Turkish rule, and in Spain we meet them struggling +desperately against Christendom. Many centuries earlier, in +the palmy days of the ‘Abbásid Empire, the Arabs <i>pur sang</i> contributed +only a comparatively small share to the literature +which bears their name. I have not, however, enforced the +test of nationality so strictly as to exclude all foreigners or +men of mixed origin who wrote in Arabic. It may be said +that the work of Persians (who even nowadays <span class="sidenote"> Writers who are +wholly or partly +of foreign extraction.</span> +are accustomed to use Arabic when writing on +theological and philosophical subjects) cannot +illustrate the history of Arabian thought, but +only the influence exerted upon Arabian thought by Persian +ideas, and that consequently it must stand aside unless admitted +for this definite purpose. But what shall we do in the case of +those numerous and celebrated authors who are neither wholly +<span class='pagenum'>xxxi</span>Arab nor wholly Persian, but unite the blood of both races? +Must we scrutinise their genealogies and try to discover which +strain preponderates? That would be a tedious and unprofitable +task. The truth is that after the Umayyad period no +hard-and-fast line can be drawn between the native and foreign +elements in Arabic literature. Each reacted on the other, and +often both are combined indissolubly. Although they must be +distinguished as far as possible, we should be taking a narrow +and pedantic view of literary history if we insisted on regarding +them as mutually exclusive.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER I</h4> + +<h5>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</h5> + +<p>With the Sabæans Arabian history in the proper sense may +be said to begin, but as a preliminary step we must take +account of certain races which figure more or less <span class="sidenote"> Primitive +races.</span> +prominently in legend, and are considered by +Moslem chroniclers to have been the original +inhabitants of the country. Among these are the peoples of +‘Ád and Thamúd, which are constantly held up in the Koran +as terrible examples of the pride that goeth before destruction. +The home of the ‘Ádites was in Ḥaḍramawt, the province +adjoining Yemen, on the borders of the desert named <i>Aḥqáfu +’l'Raml</i>. It is doubtful whether they were Semites, possibly +of Aramaic descent, who were subdued and exterminated by +invaders from the north, or, as Hommel maintains,<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> the +representatives of an imposing non-Semitic <span class="sidenote">Legend of ‘Ad.</span>culture which survives in the tradition of +'Many-columned Iram,'<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> the Earthly Paradise built by +Shaddád, one of their kings. The story of their destruction +is related as follows:<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> They were a people of gigantic +strength and stature, worshipping idols and committing all +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_2" id="Page_2" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>2</a></span> +manner of wrong; and when God sent to them a prophet, +Húd by name, who should warn them to repent, they +answered: "O Húd, thou hast brought us no evidence, +and we will not abandon our gods for thy saying, nor will we +believe in thee. We say one of our gods hath afflicted thee +with madness."<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> Then a fearful drought fell upon the land +of ‘Ád, so that they sent a number of their chief men to +Mecca to pray for rain. On arriving at Mecca the envoys +were hospitably received by the Amalekite prince, Mu‘áwiya +b. Bakr, who entertained them with wine and music—for he +had two famous singing-girls known as <i>al-Jarádatán</i>; which +induced them to neglect their mission for the space of a whole +month. At last, however, they got to business, and their +spokesman had scarce finished his prayer when three clouds +appeared, of different colours—white, red, and black—and a +voice cried from heaven, "Choose for thyself and for thy +people!" He chose the black cloud, deeming that it had the +greatest store of rain, whereupon the voice chanted—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Thou hast chosen embers dun | that will spare of ‘Ád not one | +that will leave nor father nor son | ere him to death they shall have +done."</p></div> + +<p>Then God drove the cloud until it stood over the land of ‘Ád, +and there issued from it a roaring wind that consumed the +whole people except a few who had taken the prophet's +warning to heart and had renounced idolatry.</p> + +<p>From these, in course of time, a new people arose, who are +called 'the second ‘Ád.' They had their settlements in +Yemen, in the region of Saba. The building of the great +Dyke of Ma’rib is commonly attributed to their king, +Luqmán b. ‘Ád, about whom many fables are told. He was +surnamed 'The Man of the Vultures' (<i>Dhu ’l-Nusúr</i>), +because it had been granted to him that he should live as +long as seven vultures, one after the other.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_3" id="Page_3" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGEND OF ‘ÁD AND THAMÚD</i></span>3</a></span> + +In North Arabia, between the Ḥijáz and Syria, dwelt the +kindred race of Thamúd, described in the Koran (vii, 72) as +inhabiting houses which they cut for themselves <span class="sidenote">Legend of +Thamúd.</span> +in the rocks. Evidently Muḥammad did not +know the true nature of the hewn chambers +which are still to be seen at Ḥijr (Madá’in Ṣáliḥ), a week's +journey northward from Medína, and which are proved by +the Nabaṭæan inscriptions engraved on them to have been +sepulchral monuments.<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> Thamúd sinned in the same way +as ‘Ád, and suffered a like fate. They scouted the prophet +Ṣáliḥ, refusing to believe in him unless he should work a +miracle. Ṣáliḥ then caused a she-camel big with young to come +forth from a rock, and bade them do her no hurt, but one of +the miscreants, Qudár the Red (al-Aḥmar), hamstrung and +killed her. "Whereupon a great earthquake overtook them +with a noise of thunder, and in the morning they lay dead in +their houses, flat upon their breasts."<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> The author of this +catastrophe became a byword: Arabs say, "More unlucky +than the hamstringer of the she-camel," or "than Aḥmar of +Thamúd." It should be pointed out that, unlike the ‘Ádites, +of whom we find no trace in historical times, the Thamúdites +are mentioned as still existing by Diodorus Siculus and +Ptolemy; and they survived down to the fifth century a.d. +in the corps of <i>equites Thamudeni</i> attached to the army of the +Byzantine emperors.</p> + +<p>Besides ‘Ád and Thamúd, the list of primitive races +includes the ‘Amálíq (Amalekites)—a purely fictitious term +under which the Moslem antiquaries lumped <span class="sidenote">‘Amálíq.</span>together several peoples of an age long past, +<i>e.g.</i>, the Canaanites and the Philistines. We hear of Amalekite +settlements in the Tiháma (Netherland) of Mecca and +in other parts of the peninsula. Finally, mention should +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_4" id="Page_4" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>4</a></span>be made of Ṭasm and Jadís, sister tribes of which nothing +is recorded except the fact of their destruction and the +events that brought it about. The legendary <span class="sidenote"> Ṭasm and Jadís.</span> +narrative in which these are embodied has some +archæological interest as showing the existence in early +Arabian society of a barbarous feudal custom, 'le droit du +seigneur,' but it is time to pass on to the main subject of +this chapter.</p> + +<p>The Pre-islamic history of the Yoqṭánids, or Southern +Arabs, on which we now enter, is virtually the history of <span class="sidenote"> History of the +Yoqṭánids.</span> +two peoples, the Sabæans and the Ḥimyarites, +who formed the successive heads of a South +Arabian empire extending from the Red Sea to +the Persian Gulf.</p> + +<p>Saba<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> (Sheba of the Old Testament) is often incorrectly +used to denote the whole of Arabia Felix, whereas it was only +one, though doubtless the first in power and <span class="sidenote"> The Sabæans.</span> +importance, of several kingdoms, the names and +capitals of which are set down in the works of Greek +and Roman geographers. However exaggerated may be the +glowing accounts that we find there of Sabæan wealth and +magnificence, it is certain that Saba was a flourishing commercial +state many centuries before the birth of Christ.<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> +"Sea-traffic between the ports of East Arabia and India was +very early established, and Indian products, especially spices +and rare animals (apes and peacocks) were conveyed to the +coast of ‘Umán. Thence, apparently even in the tenth century +b.c., they went overland to the Arabian Gulf, where they +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_5" id="Page_5" href="#"><span><i>THE SABÆAN EMPIRE</i></span>5</a></span> +were shipped to Egypt for the use of the Pharaohs and +grandees.... The difficulty of navigating the Red Sea +caused the land route to be preferred for the traffic between +Yemen and Syria. From Shabwat (Sabota) in Ḥaḍramawt +the caravan road went to Ma’rib (Mariaba), the Sabæan +capital, then northward to Macoraba (the later Mecca), and +by way of Petra to Gaza on the Mediterranean."<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> The +prosperity of the Sabæans lasted until the Indian trade, +instead of going overland, began to go by sea along the coast +of Ḥaḍramawt and through the straits of Báb al-Mandab. In +consequence of this change, which seems to have taken place +in the first century a.d., their power gradually declined, a +great part of the population was forced to seek new homes in +the north, their cities became desolate, and their massive +aqueducts crumbled to pieces. We shall see presently that +Arabian legend has crystallised the results of a long period of +decay into a single fact—the bursting of the Dyke of Ma’rib.</p> + +<p>The disappearance of the Sabæans left the way open for a +younger branch of the same stock, namely, the Ḥimyarites, +or, as they are called by classical authors, <span class="sidenote"> The Ḥimyarites.</span> +Homeritæ, whose country lay between Saba and +the sea. Under their kings, known as Tubba‘s, they soon +became the dominant power in South Arabia and exercised +sway, at least ostensibly, over the northern tribes down to the +end of the fifth century a.d., when the latter revolted and, led +by Kulayb b. Rabí‘a, shook off the suzerainty of Yemen in a +great battle at Khazázá.<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> The Ḥimyarites never flourished like +the Sabæans. Their maritime situation exposed them more to +attack, while the depopulation of the country had seriously +weakened their military strength. The Abyssinians—originally +colonists from Yemen—made repeated attempts to gain a +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_6" id="Page_6" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>6</a></span>foothold, and frequently managed to instal governors who +were in turn expelled by native princes. Of these Abyssinian +viceroys the most famous is Abraha, whose unfortunate expedition +against Mecca will be related in due course. Ultimately +the Ḥimyarite Empire was reduced to a Persian dependency. +It had ceased to exist as a political power about a hundred +years before the rise of Islam.</p> + +<p>The chief Arabian sources of information concerning Saba +and Ḥimyar are (1) the so-called 'Ḥimyarite' inscriptions, <span class="sidenote"> Sources of +information.</span> +and (2) the traditions, almost entirely of a legendary +kind, which are preserved in Muḥammadan +literature.</p> + +<p>Although the South Arabic language may have maintained +itself sporadically in certain remote districts down to the +Prophet's time or even later, it had long ago been +superseded as a medium of daily intercourse by <span class="sidenote"> The South +Arabic or +Sabæan +inscriptions.</span> +the language of the North, the Arabic <i>par +excellence</i>, which henceforth reigns without a rival +throughout the peninsula. The dead language, however, did +not wholly perish. Already in the sixth century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> the +Bedouin rider made his camel kneel down while he stopped +to gaze wonderingly at inscriptions in a strange character +engraved on walls of rock or fragments of hewn stone, and +compared the mysterious, half-obliterated markings to the +almost unrecognisable traces of the camping-ground which +for him was fraught with tender memories. These inscriptions +are often mentioned by Muḥammadan authors, who +included them in the term <i>Musnad</i>. That some Moslems—probably +very few—could not only read the South Arabic +alphabet, but were also acquainted with the elementary rules +of orthography, appears from a passage in the eighth book of +Hamdání's <i>Iklíl</i>; but though they might decipher proper +names and make out the sense of words here and there, they +had no real knowledge of the language. How the inscriptions +were discovered anew by the enterprise of European travellers, +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_7" id="Page_7" href="#"><span><i>SOUTH ARABIC INSCRIPTIONS</i></span>7</a></span> +gradually deciphered and interpreted until they became capable +of serving as a basis for historical research, and what results +the study of them has produced, this I shall now set forth as +briefly as possible. Before doing so it is necessary to explain +why instead of 'Ḥimyarite inscriptions' and 'Ḥimyarite +language' I have adopted the less familiar designations 'South +Arabic' or 'Sabæan.' 'Ḥimyarite' is equally misleading, +whether applied to the language of the inscriptions or to the +inscriptions themselves. As regards the language, it was +spoken in one form or another not by the <span class="sidenote"> Objections to +the term +'Ḥimyarite.'</span> +Ḥimyarites alone, but also by the Sabæans, the +Minæans, and all the different peoples of Yemen. +Muḥammadans gave the name of 'Ḥimyarite' to the ancient +language of Yemen for the simple reason that the Ḥimyarites +were the most powerful race in that country during the last +centuries preceding Islam. Had all the inscriptions belonged +to the period of Ḥimyarite supremacy, they might with some +justice have been named after the ruling people; but the fact +is that many date from a far earlier age, some going back to +the eighth century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, perhaps nearly a thousand years before +the Ḥimyarite Empire was established. The term 'Sabæan' +is less open to objection, for it may fairly be regarded as a +national rather than a political denomination. On the whole, +however, I prefer 'South Arabic' to either.</p> + +<p>Among the pioneers of exploration in Yemen the first to +interest himself in the discovery of inscriptions was Carsten +Niebuhr, whose <i>Beschreibung von Arabien</i>, published +in 1772, conveyed to Europe the report <span class="sidenote"> Discovery and +decipherment +of the South +Arabic +inscriptions.</span> +that inscriptions which, though he had not seen +them, he conjectured to be 'Ḥimyarite,' existed +in the ruins of the once famous city of Ẓafár. On one +occasion a Dutchman who had turned Muḥammadan showed +him the copy of an inscription in a completely unknown +alphabet, but "at that time (he says) being very ill with a +violent fever, I had more reason to prepare myself for death +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_8" id="Page_8" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>8</a></span> +than to collect old inscriptions."<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> Thus the opportunity was +lost, but curiosity had been awakened, and in 1810 Ulrich +Jasper Seetzen discovered and copied several inscriptions in the +neighbourhood of Ẓafár. Unfortunately these copies, which +had to be made hastily, were very inexact. He also purchased +an inscription, which he took away with him and copied at +leisure, but his ignorance of the characters led him to mistake +the depressions in the stone for letters, so that the conclusions +he came to were naturally of no value.<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> The first serviceable +copies of South Arabic inscriptions were brought to Europe by +English officers employed on the survey of the southern and +western coasts of Arabia. Lieutenant J. R. Wellsted published +the inscriptions of Ḥiṣn Ghuráb and Naqb al-Ḥajar in his +<i>Travels in Arabia</i> (1838).</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Emil Rödiger, Professor of Oriental Languages +at Halle, with the help of two manuscripts of the Berlin Royal +Library containing 'Ḥimyarite' alphabets, took the first step +towards a correct decipherment by refuting the idea, for which +De Sacy's authority had gained general acceptance, that the +South Arabic script ran from left to right<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a>; he showed, moreover, +that the end of every word was marked by a straight perpendicular +line.<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> Wellsted's inscriptions, together with those which +Hulton and Cruttenden brought to light at Ṣan‘á, were deciphered +by Gesenius and Rödiger working independently +(1841). Hitherto England and Germany had shared the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_9" id="Page_9" href="#"><span><i>SOUTH ARABIC INSCRIPTIONS</i></span>9</a></span> +credit of discovery, but a few years later France joined +hands with them and was soon leading the way with +characteristic brilliance. In 1843 Th. Arnaud, starting from +Ṣan‘á, succeeded in discovering the ruins of Ma’rib, the ancient +Sabæan metropolis, and in copying at the risk of his life +between fifty and sixty inscriptions, which were afterwards +published in the <i>Journal Asiatique</i> and found an able interpreter +in Osiander.<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> Still more important were the results of the +expedition undertaken in 1870 by the Jewish scholar, Joseph +Halévy, who penetrated into the Jawf, or country lying east +of Ṣan‘á, which no European had traversed before him since +24 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, when Ælius Gallus led a Roman army by the same +route. After enduring great fatigues and meeting with many +perilous adventures, Halévy brought back copies of nearly seven +hundred inscriptions.<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> During the last twenty-five years much +fresh material has been collected by E. Glaser and Julius +Euting, while study of that already existing by Prætorius, +Halévy, D. H. Müller, Mordtmann, and other scholars has +substantially enlarged our knowledge of the language, history, +and religion of South Arabia in the Pre-islamic age.</p> + +<p>Neither the names of the Ḥimyarite monarchs, as they +appear in the lists drawn up by Muḥammadan historians, nor +the order in which these names are arranged can pretend to +accuracy. If they are historical persons at all they must have +reigned in fairly recent times, perhaps a short while before the +rise of Islam, and probably they were unimportant princes +whom the legend has thrown back into the ancient epoch, and +has invested with heroic attributes. Any one who doubts this +has only to compare the modern lists with those which have +been made from the material in the inscriptions.<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> D. H. +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_10" id="Page_10" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>10</a></span> +Müller has collected the names of thirty-three Minæan kings. +Certain names are often repeated—a proof of the existence of +ruling dynasties—and ornamental epithets are <span class="sidenote"> The historical +value of +the inscriptions.</span> +usually attached to them. Thus we find Dhamar‘alí +Dhirríḥ (Glorious), Yatha‘amar Bayyin (Distinguished), +Kariba’íl Watár Yuhan‘im (Great, Beneficent), +Samah‘alí Yanúf (Exalted). Moreover, the kings bear +different titles corresponding to three distinct periods of South +Arabian history, viz., 'Priest-king of Saba' (<i>Mukarrib Saba</i>),<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> +'King of Saba' (<i>Malk Saba</i>), and 'King of Saba and Raydán.' +In this way it is possible to determine approximately the age of +the various buildings and inscriptions, and to show that they +do not belong, as had hitherto been generally supposed, to the +time of Christ, but that in some cases they are at least eight +hundred years older.</p> + +<p>How widely the peaceful, commerce-loving people of Saba +and Ḥimyar differed in character from the wild Arabs to +whom Muḥammad was sent appears most strikingly <span class="sidenote"> Votive +inscriptions.</span> +in their submissive attitude towards their gods, +which forms, as Goldziher has remarked, the keynote +of the South Arabian monuments.<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> The prince erects +a thank-offering to the gods who gave him victory over his +enemies; the priest dedicates his children and all his possessions; +the warrior who has been blessed with "due man-slayings," +or booty, or escape from death records his gratitude, +and piously hopes for a continuance of favour. The dead are +conceived as living happily under divine protection; they are +venerated and sometimes deified.<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> The following inscription, +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_11" id="Page_11" href="#"><span><i>SOUTH ARABIC INSCRIPTIONS</i></span>11</a></span> +translated by Lieut.-Col. W. F. Prideaux, is a typical example +of its class:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Sa‘d-iláh and his sons, Benú Marthad<sup>im</sup>, have endowed Il-Maḳah +of Hirrán with this tablet, because Il-Maḳah, lord of Awwám Dhú-‘Irán +Alú, has favourably heard the prayer addressed to him, and has +consequently heard the Benú Marthad<sup>im</sup> when they offered the first-fruits +of their fertile lands of Arhaḳim in the presence of Il-Maḳah +of Hirrán, and Il-Maḳah of Hirrán has favourably heard the prayer +addressed to him that he would protect the plains and meadows and +this tribe in their habitations, in consideration of the frequent gifts +throughout the year; and truly his (Sa‘d-iláh's) sons will descend to +Arhaḳim, and they will indeed sacrifice in the two shrines of ‘Athtor +and Shams<sup>im</sup>, and there shall be a sacrifice in Hirrán—both in order +that Il-Maḳah may afford protection to those fields of Bin Marthad<sup>im</sup> +as well as that he may favourably listen—and in the sanctuary of +Il-Maḳah of Ḥarwat, and therefore may he keep them in safety +according to the sign in which Sa‘d-iláh was instructed, the sign +which he saw in the sanctuary of Il-Maḳah of Na‘mán; and as for +Il-Maḳah of Hirrán, he has protected those fertile lands of Arhaḳim +from hail and from all misfortune (<i>or</i>, from cold and from all +extreme heat)."<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a></p></div> + +<p>In concluding this very inadequate account of the South +Arabic inscriptions I must claim the indulgence of my readers, +who are aware how difficult it is to write clearly and accurately +upon any subject without first-hand knowledge, in particular +when the results of previous research are continually being +transformed by new workers in the same field.</p> + +<p>Fortunately we possess a considerable literary supplement to +these somewhat austere and meagre remains. Our knowledge +of South Arabian geography, antiquities, and <span class="sidenote"> Literary +sources.</span> +legendary history is largely derived from the +works of two natives of Yemen, who were filled +with enthusiasm for its ancient glories, and whose writings, +though different as fact and fable, are from the present point +of view equally instructive—Ḥasan b. Aḥmad al-Hamdání and +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_12" id="Page_12" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>12</a></span> +Nashwán b. Sa‘íd al-Ḥimyarí. Besides an excellent geography +of Arabia (<i>Ṣifatu Jazírat al-‘Arab</i>), which has been edited by +<span class="sidenote">Hamdání +(† 945 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span>D. H. Müller, Hamdání left a great work on history and antiquities of Yemen, entitled +<i>al-Iklíl</i> ('The Crown'), and divided into ten +books under the following heads:—<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="indent2">Book I. <i>Compendium of the beginning and origins of genealogy.</i></p> + +<p class="indent2">Book II. <i>Genealogy of the descendants of al-Hamaysa‘ b. Ḥimyar.</i></p> + +<p class="indent2">Book III. <i>Concerning the pre-eminent qualities of Qaḥṭán.</i></p> + +<p class="indent2">Book IV. <i>Concerning the first period of history down to the reign of +Tubba‘ Abú Karib.</i></p> + +<p class="indent2">Book V. <i>Concerning the middle period from the accession of As‘ad +Tubba‘ to the reign of Dhú Nuwás.</i></p> + +<p class="indent2">Book VI. <i>Concerning the last period down to the rise of Islam.</i></p> + +<p class="indent2">Book VII. <i>Criticism of false traditions and absurd legends.</i></p> + +<p class="indent2">Book VIII. <i>Concerning the castles, cities, and tombs of the Ḥimyarites; +the extant poetry of ‘Alqama,</i><a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> <i>the elegies, the inscriptions, +and other matters.</i></p> + +<p class="indent2">Book IX. <i>Concerning the proverbs and wisdom of the Ḥimyarites in the +Ḥimyarite language, and concerning the alphabet of the +inscriptions.</i></p> + +<p class="indent2">Book X. <i>Concerning the genealogy of Ḥáshid and Bakíl</i> (the two +principal tribes of Hamdán).</p></div> + +<p>The same intense patriotism which caused Hamdání to devote +himself to scientific research inspired Nashwán b. Sa‘íd, who +descended on the father's side from one of the <span class="sidenote">Nashwán b. +Sa‘íd +al-Ḥimyarí +(† 1177 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +ancient princely families of Yemen, to recall the +legendary past and become the laureate of a +long vanished and well-nigh forgotten empire. +In 'The Ḥimyarite Ode' (<i>al-Qaṣídatu ’l-Ḥimyariyya</i>) he sings +the might and grandeur of the monarchs who ruled over his +people, and moralises in true Muḥammadan spirit upon the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_13" id="Page_13" href="#"><span><i>LITERARY MATERIALS</i></span>13</a></span> +fleetingness of life and the futility of human ambition.<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> +Accompanying the Ode, which has little value except as a +comparatively unfalsified record of royal names,<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> is a copious +historical commentary either by Nashwán himself, as Von +Kremer thinks highly probable, or by some one who lived +about the same time. Those for whom history represents an +aggregate of naked facts would find nothing to the purpose in +this commentary, where threads of truth are almost inextricably +interwoven with fantastic and fabulous embroideries. A +literary form was first given to such legends by the professional +story-tellers of early Islam. One of these, the South Arabian +‘Abíd b. Sharya, visited Damascus by command of the Caliph +Mu‘áwiya I, who questioned him "concerning <span class="sidenote">‘Abíd b. Sharya.</span> +the ancient traditions, the kings of the Arabs and +other races, the cause of the confusion of tongues, and the +history of the dispersion of mankind in the various countries of +the world,"<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> and gave orders that his answers should be put +together in writing and published under his name. This work, +of which unfortunately no copy has come down to us, was +entitled 'The Book of the Kings and the History of the +Ancients' (<i>Kitábu ’l-Mulúk wa-akhbáru ’l-Máḍín</i>). Mas‘údí +(† 956 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) speaks of it as a well-known book, enjoying a wide +circulation.<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> It was used by the commentator of the Ḥimyarite +Ode, either at first hand or through the medium of Hamdání's +<i>Iklíl</i>. We may regard it, like the commentary itself, as a +historical romance in which most of the characters and some of +the events are real, adorned with fairy-tales, fictitious verses, +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_14" id="Page_14" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>14</a></span> +and such entertaining matter as a man of learning and story-teller +by trade might naturally be expected to introduce. +Among the few remaining Muḥammadan authors who <span class="sidenote"> Ḥamza of Iṣfahán.</span> +bestowed special attention on the Pre-islamic period of +South Arabian history, I shall mention here only +Ḥamza of Iṣfahán, the eighth book of whose +Annals (finished in 961 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) provides a useful +sketch, with brief chronological details, of the Tubba‘s or +Ḥimyarite kings of Yemen.</p> + +<p>Qaḥṭán, the ancestor of the Southern Arabs, was succeeded +by his son Ya‘rub, who is said to have been the first to use the +Arabic language, and the first to receive the salutations +with which the Arabs were accustomed <span class="sidenote">Ya‘rub.</span> +to address their kings, viz., "<i>In‘im ṣabáḥ<sup>an</sup></i>" ("Good morning!") +and "<i>Abayta ’l-la‘na</i>" ("Mayst thou avoid malediction!"). +His grandson, ‘Abd Shams Saba, is named as the +founder of Ma’rib and the builder of the famous Dyke, which, +according to others, was constructed by Luqmán b. ‘Ád. +Saba had two sons, Ḥimyar and Kahlán. Before his +death he deputed the sovereign authority to Ḥimyar, +and the task of protecting the frontiers and making +war upon the enemy to Kahlán. Thus Ḥimyar <span class="sidenote"> Ḥimyar and Kahlán.</span> +obtained the lordship, assumed the title Abú +Ayman, and abode in the capital city of the +realm, while Kahlán took over the defence of the borders +and the conduct of war.<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> Omitting the long series of mythical +Sabæan kings, of whom the legend has little or nothing to +relate, we now come to an event which fixed itself ineffaceably +in the memory of the Arabs, and which is known in their +traditions as <i>Saylu ’l-‘Arim</i>, or the Flood of the Dyke.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_15" id="Page_15" href="#"><span><i>THE DYKE OF MA’RIB</i></span>15</a></span> +Some few miles south-west of Ma’rib the mountains draw +together leaving a gap, through which flows the River Adana. +During the summer its bed is often dry, but in the +rainy season the water rushes down with such <span class="sidenote">The Dam of +Ma’rib.</span> +violence that it becomes impassable. In order to +protect the city from floods, and partly also for purposes of +irrigation, the inhabitants built a dam of solid masonry, which, +long after it had fallen into ruin, struck the imagination of +Muḥammad, and was reckoned by Moslems among the wonders +of the world.<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> That their historians have clothed the bare fact +of its destruction in ample robes of legendary circumstance is +not surprising, but renders abridgment necessary.<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a></p> + +<p>Towards the end of the third century of our era, or possibly +at an earlier epoch,<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> the throne of Ma’rib was temporarily +occupied by ‘Amr b. ‘Ámir Má’ al-Samá, surnamed <span class="sidenote"> Its destruction +announced by +portents.</span> +Muzayqiyá.<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> His wife, Ẓarífa, was skilled +in the art of divination. She dreamed dreams and +saw visions which announced the impending calamity. "Go +to the Dyke," she said to her husband, who doubted her clairvoyance, +"and if thou see a rat digging holes in the Dyke +with its paws and moving huge boulders with its hind-legs, be +assured that the woe hath come upon us." So ‘Amr went to + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_16" id="Page_16" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>16</a></span> + +the Dyke and looked carefully, and lo, there was a rat moving +an enormous rock which fifty men could not have rolled from +its place. Convinced by this and other prodigies that the +Dyke would soon burst and the land be laid waste, he resolved +to sell his possessions and depart with his family; and, lest +conduct so extraordinary should arouse suspicion, he had recourse +to the following stratagem. He invited the chief men +of the city to a splendid feast, which, in accordance with a +preconcerted plan, was interrupted by a violent altercation +between himself and his son (or, as others relate, an orphan +who had been brought up in his house). Blows were exchanged, +and ‘Amr cried out, "O shame! on the day of my +glory a stripling has insulted me and struck my face." He +swore that he would put his son to death, but the guests +entreated him to show mercy, until at last he gave way. +"But by God," he exclaimed, "I will no longer remain in +a city where I have suffered this indignity. I will sell my +lands and my stock." Having successfully got rid of his +encumbrances—for there was no lack of buyers eager to take +him at his word—‘Amr informed the people of the danger with +which they were threatened, and set out from Ma’rib at the +head of a great multitude. Gradually the waters made a +breach in the Dyke and swept over the country, spreading +devastation far and wide. Hence the proverb <i>Dhahabú</i> (or +<i>tafarraqú</i>) <i>aydí Saba</i>, "They departed" (or "dispersed") "like +the people of Saba."<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a></p> + +<p>This deluge marks an epoch in the history of South Arabia. +The waters subside, the land returns to cultivation <span class="sidenote"> Fall of the +Sabæan +Empire.</span> +and prosperity, but Ma’rib lies desolate, and the +Sabæans have disappeared for ever, except "to +point a moral or adorn a tale." Al-A‘shá sang:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Metre <i>Mutaqárib</i>: <img class="floatInsert" src="images/054image.png" alt="metre" /></span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_17" id="Page_17" href="#"><span><i>DESTRUCTION OF THE DYKE</i></span>17</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Let this warn whoever a warning will take—</span> +<span class="i0">And Ma’rib withal, which the Dam fortified.</span> +<span class="i0">Of marble did Ḥimyar construct it, so high,</span> +<span class="i0">The waters recoiled when to reach it they tried.</span> +<span class="i0">It watered their acres and vineyards, and hour</span> +<span class="i0">By hour, did a portion among them divide.</span> +<span class="i0">So lived they in fortune and plenty until</span> +<span class="i0">Therefrom turned away by a ravaging tide.</span> +<span class="i0">Then wandered their princes and noblemen through</span> +<span class="i0">Mirage-shrouded deserts that baffle the guide."<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The poet's reference to Ḥimyar is not historically accurate. +It was only after the destruction of the Dyke and the dispersion +of the Sabæans who built it<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> that the Ḥimyarites, with their +capital Ẓafár (at a later period, Ṣan‘á) became the rulers of Yemen.</p> + +<p>The first Tubba‘, by which name the Ḥimyarite kings are +known to Muḥammadan writers, was Ḥárith, called al-Rá’ish, <span class="sidenote">The Tubba‘s.</span> +<i>i.e.</i>, the Featherer, because he 'feathered' his +people's nest with the booty which he brought +home as a conqueror from India and Ádharbayján.<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> Of the +Tubba‘s who come after him some obviously owe their place +in the line of Ḥimyar to genealogists whose respect for the +Koran was greater than their critical acumen. Such a man of +straw is Ṣa‘b Dhu ’l-Qarnayn (Ṣa‘b the Two-horned).</p> + +<p>The following verses show <span class="sidenote">Dhu ’l-Qarnayn.</span> that he is a double of the mysterious Dhu +’l-Qarnayn of Koranic legend, supposed by +most commentators to be identical with Alexander the Great<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a>:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_18" id="Page_18" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>18</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Ours the realm of Dhu ’l-Qarnayn the glorious,</span> +<span class="i0">Realm like his was never won by mortal king.</span> +<span class="i0">Followed he the Sun to view its setting</span> +<span class="i0">When it sank into the sombre ocean-spring;</span> +<span class="i0">Up he clomb to see it rise at morning,</span> +<span class="i0">From within its mansion when the East it fired;</span> +<span class="i0">All day long the horizons led him onward,<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a></span> +<span class="i0">All night through he watched the stars and never tired.</span> +<span class="i0">Then of iron and of liquid metal</span> +<span class="i0">He prepared a rampart not to be o'erpassed,</span> +<span class="i0">Gog and Magog there he threw in prison</span> +<span class="i0">Till on Judgment Day they shall awake at last."<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Similarly, among the Tubba‘s we find the Queen of Sheba, +whose adventures with <span class="sidenote"> Bilqís.</span>Solomon are related in the twenty-seventh +chapter of the Koran. Although Muḥammad +himself did not mention her name or +lineage, his interpreters were equal to the occasion and revealed +her as Bilqís, the daughter of Sharáḥíl (Sharaḥbíl).</p> + +<p>The national hero of South Arabian legend is the Tubba‘ + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_19" id="Page_19" href="#"><span><i>THE TUBBA‘ AS‘AD KÁMIL</i></span>19</a></span> + +As‘ad Kámil, or, as he is sometimes called, Abú Karib. Even +at the present day, says Von Kremer, his memory is kept alive, +and still haunts the ruins of his palace at Ẓafár. <span class="sidenote">As‘ad Kámil.</span> +"No one who reads the Ballad of his Adventures +or the words of exhortation which he addressed on his +deathbed to his son Ḥassán can escape from the conviction that +here we have to do with genuine folk-poetry—fragments of a +South Arabian legendary cycle, the beginnings of which undoubtedly +reach back to a high antiquity."<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> I translate here +the former of these pieces, which may be entitled</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">THE BALLAD OF THE THREE WITCHES.<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a></span> +<span class="i0"> </span> +<span class="i05">"Time brings to pass full many a wonder</span> +<span class="i0">Whereof the lesson thou must ponder.</span> +<span class="i0">Whilst all to thee seems ordered fair,</span> +<span class="i0">Lo, Fate hath wrought confusion there.</span> +<span class="i0">Against a thing foredoomed to be</span> +<span class="i0">Nor cunning nor caution helpeth thee.</span> +<span class="i0">Now a marvellous tale will I recite;</span> +<span class="i0">Trust me to know and tell it aright!</span> +<span class="i0"> </span> +<span class="i0">Once on a time was a boy of Asd</span> +<span class="i0">Who became the king of the land at last,</span> +<span class="i0">Born in Hamdán, a villager;</span> +<span class="i0">The name of that village was Khamir.</span> +<span class="i0">This lad in the pride of youth defied</span> +<span class="i0">His friends, and they with scorn replied.</span> +<span class="i0">None guessed his worth till he was grown</span> +<span class="i0">Ready to spring.</span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_20" id="Page_20" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>20</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i10">One morn, alone</span> +<span class="i0">On Hinwam hill he was sore afraid.<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a></span> +<span class="i0">(His people knew not where he strayed;</span> +<span class="i0">They had seen him only yesternight,</span> +<span class="i0">For his youth and wildness they held him light.</span> +<span class="i0">The wretches! Him they never missed</span> +<span class="i0">Who had been their glory had they wist).</span> +<span class="i0"> </span> +<span class="i0">O the fear that fell on his heart when he</span> +<span class="i0">Saw beside him the witches three!</span> +<span class="i0">The eldest came with many a brew—</span> +<span class="i0">In some was blood, blood-dark their hue.</span> +<span class="i0">'Give me the cup!' he shouted bold;</span> +<span class="i0">'Hold, hold!' cried she, but he would not hold.</span> +<span class="i0">She gave him the cup, nor he did shrink</span> +<span class="i0">Tho' he reeled as he drained the magic drink.</span> +<span class="i0"> </span> +<span class="i0">Then the second yelled at him. Her he faced</span> +<span class="i0">Like a lion with anger in his breast.</span> +<span class="i0">'These be our steeds, come mount,' she cried,</span> +<span class="i0">'For asses are worst of steeds to ride.'</span> +<span class="i0">''Tis sooth,' he answered, and slipped his flank</span> +<span class="i0">O'er a hyena lean and lank,</span> +<span class="i0">But the brute so fiercely flung him away,</span> +<span class="i0">With deep, deep wounds on the earth he lay.</span> +<span class="i0">Then came the youngest and tended him</span> +<span class="i0">On a soft bed, while her eyes did swim</span> +<span class="i0">In tears; but he averted his face</span> +<span class="i0">And sought a rougher resting-place:</span> +<span class="i0">Such paramour he deemed too base.</span> +<span class="i0">And himthought, in anguish lying there,</span> +<span class="i0">That needles underneath him were.<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a></span> +<span class="i0"> </span> +<span class="i0">Now when they had marked his mien so bold,</span> +<span class="i0">Victory in all things they foretold.</span> +<span class="i0">'The wars, O As‘ad, waged by thee</span> +<span class="i0">Shall heal mankind of misery.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_21" id="Page_21" href="#"><span><i>BALLAD OF THE THREE WITCHES</i></span>21</a></span> + +<span class="i0">Thy sword and spear the foe shall rue</span> +<span class="i0">When his gashes let the daylight through;</span> +<span class="i0">And blood shall flow on every hand</span> +<span class="i0">What time thou marchest from land to land.</span> +<span class="i0">By us be counselled: stay not within</span> +<span class="i0">Khamir, but go to Ẓafár and win!</span> +<span class="i0">To thee shall dalliance ne'er be dear,</span> +<span class="i0">Thy foes shall see thee before they hear.</span> +<span class="i0">Desire moved to encounter thee,</span> +<span class="i0">Noble prince, us witches three.</span> +<span class="i0">Not jest, but earnest on thee we tried,</span> +<span class="i0">And well didst thou the proof abide.'</span> +<span class="i0"> </span> +<span class="i0">As‘ad went home and told his folk</span> +<span class="i0">What he had seen, but no heed they took.</span> +<span class="i0">On the tenth day he set out again</span> +<span class="i0">And fared to Ẓafár with thoughts in his brain.</span> +<span class="i0">There fortune raised him to high renown:</span> +<span class="i0">None swifter to strike ever wore a crown.<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a></span> +<span class="ia"> * * * + * *<sup> </sup></span> +<span class="i0">Thus found we the tale in memory stored,</span> +<span class="i0">And Almighty is the Lord.</span> +<span class="i0">Praise be to God who liveth aye,</span> +<span class="i0">The Glorious to whom all men pray!"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Legend makes As‘ad the hero of a brilliant expedition to +Persia, where he defeated the general sent against him by the +Arsacids, and penetrated to the Caspian Sea. On his way +home he marched through the Ḥijáz, and having learned that +his son, whom he left behind in Medína, had been treacherously +murdered, he resolved to take a terrible vengeance on the +people of that city.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Now while the Tubba‘ was carrying on war against them, there +came to him two Jewish Rabbins of the Banú Qurayẓa, men deep in +knowledge, who when they heard that he wished to destroy the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_22" id="Page_22" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>22</a></span> + +city and its people, said to him: 'O King, forbear! Verily, if thou +wilt accept nothing save that which thou desirest, an intervention +will be made betwixt thee and the city, and we are <span class="sidenote">As‘ad Kámil +and the +two Rabbins +of Medína.</span> +not sure but that sudden chastisement may befall +thee.' 'Why so?' he asked. They answered: ''Tis +the place of refuge of a prophet who in the after +time shall go forth from the sacred territory of Quraysh: it shall be +his abode and his home.' So the king refrained himself, for he saw +that those two had a particular knowledge, and he was pleased with +what they told him. On departing from Medína he followed them +in their religion.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> ... And he turned his face towards Mecca, that +being his way to Yemen, and when he was between <span class="sidenote">As‘ad Kámil +at Mecca.</span> +‘Usfán and Amaj some Hudhalites came to him and +said: 'O King, shall we not guide thee to a house of +ancient treasure which the kings before thee neglected, wherein +are pearls and emeralds and chrysolites and gold and silver?' He +said, 'Yea.' They said: 'It is a temple at Mecca which those who +belong to it worship and in which they pray.' Now the Hudhalites +wished to destroy him thereby, knowing that destruction awaited +the king who should seek to violate its precinct. So on comprehending +what they proposed, he sent to the two Rabbins to ask +them about the affair. They replied: 'These folk intend naught +but to destroy thee and thine army; we wot not of any house in the +world that God hath chosen for Himself, save this. If thou do that +to which they invite thee, thou and those with thee will surely +perish together.' He said: 'What then is it ye bid me do when I +come there?' They said: 'Thou wilt do as its people do—make +the circuit thereof, and magnify and honour it, and shave thy head, +and humble thyself before it, until thou go forth from its precinct.' +He said: 'And what hinders you from doing that yourselves?' +'By God,' said they, 'it is the temple of our father Abraham, and +verily it is even as we told thee, but we are debarred therefrom by +the idols which its people have set up around it and by the blood-offerings +which they make beside it; for they are vile polytheists,' +or words to the same effect. The king perceived that their advice +was good and their tale true. He ordered the Hudhalites to +approach, and cut off their hands and feet. Then he continued his +march to Mecca, where he made the circuit of the temple, sacrificed +camels, and shaved his head. According to what is told, he stayed +six days at Mecca, feasting the inhabitants with the flesh of camels + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_23" id="Page_23" href="#"><span><i>AS‘AD KÁMIL AND THE RABBINS</i></span>23</a></span> + +and letting them drink honey.<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a>... Then he moved out with his +troops in the direction of Yemen, the two Rabbins accompanying +him; and on entering Yemen he called on his subjects <span class="sidenote"> He seeks to +establish +Judaism in +Yemen.</span> +to adopt the religion which he himself had embraced, +but they refused unless the question were submitted +to the ordeal of fire which at that time existed in +Yemen; for as the Yemenites say, there was in their country a +fire that gave judgment between them in their disputes: it devoured +the wrong-doer but left the injured person unscathed. +The Yemenites therefore came forward with their <span class="sidenote"> The ordeal of +fire.</span> +idols and whatever else they used as a means of +drawing nigh unto God, and the two Rabbins came forward with +their scriptures hung on their necks like necklaces, and both parties +seated themselves at the place from which the fire was wont to +issue. And the fire blazed up, and the Yemenites shrank back from +it as it approached them, and were afraid, but the bystanders urged +them on and bade them take courage. So they held out until the +fire enveloped them and consumed the idols and images and the +men of Ḥimyar, the bearers thereof; but the Rabbins came forth +safe and sound, their brows moist with sweat, and the scriptures +were still hanging on their necks. Thereupon the Ḥimyarites consented +to adopt the king's religion, and this was the cause of +Judaism being established in Yemen."<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a></p></div> + +<p>The poem addressed to his son and successor, Ḥassán, which +tradition has put into his mouth, is a sort of last will and +testament, of which the greater part is taken <span class="sidenote">As‘ad's farewell +to his son.</span> +up with an account of his conquests and with +glorification of his family and himself.<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> Nearly +all that we find in the way of maxims or injunctions suitable +to the solemn occasion is contained in the following verses:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"O Ḥassán, the hour of thy father's death has arrived at last:</span> +<span class="i0">Look to thyself ere yet the time for looking is past.</span> +<span class="i0">Oft indeed are the mighty abased, and often likewise</span> +<span class="i0">Are the base exalted: such is Man who is born and dies.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_24" id="Page_24" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>24</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Bid ye Ḥimyar know that standing erect would I buried be,</span> +<span class="i0">And have my wine-skins and Yemen robes in the tomb with me.<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a></span> +<span class="i0">And hearken thou to my Sibyl, for surely can she foresay</span> +<span class="i0">The truth, and safe in her keeping is castle Ghaymán aye.<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>In connection with Ghaymán a few words may be added +respecting the castles in Yemen, of which the ruined skeletons +rising from solitary heights seem still to frown <span class="sidenote"> The castles +of Yemen.</span> +defiance upon the passing traveller. Two thousand +years ago, and probably long before, they +were occupied by powerful barons, more or less independent, +who in later times, when the Ḥimyarite Empire had begun to +decline, always elected, and occasionally deposed, their royal +master. Of these castles the geographer Hamdání has given a +detailed account in the eighth book of his great work on the +history and antiquities of Yemen entitled the <i>Iklíl</i>, or +'Crown.'<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> The oldest and most celebrated was Ghumdán, +the citadel of Ṣan‘á. It is described as a huge edifice of +twenty stories, each story ten cubits high. The <span class="sidenote"> Ghumdán.</span> +four façades were built with stone of different +colours, white, black, green, and red. On the top story was +a chamber which had windows of marble framed with ebony +and planewood. Its roof was a slab of pellucid marble, so +that when the lord of Ghumdán lay on his couch he saw the +birds fly overhead, and could distinguish a raven from a kite. +At each corner stood a brazen lion, and when the wind blew + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_25" id="Page_25" href="#"><span><i>ZARQÁ OF YAMÁMA</i></span>25</a></span> + +it entered the hollow interior of the effigies and made a sound +like the roaring of lions.</p> + +<p>The adventure of As‘ad Kámil with the three witches must +have recalled to every reader certain scenes in <i>Macbeth</i>. +Curiously enough, in the history of his son Ḥassán an incident +is related which offers a striking parallel to the march of +Birnam Wood. Ṭasm and Jadís have already been mentioned. +On the massacre of the former tribe by the latter, a +single Ṭasmite named Ribáḥ b. Murra made his escape and +took refuge with the Tubba‘ Ḥassán, whom he persuaded to +lead an expedition against the murderers. Now Ribáḥ's sister +had married a man of Jadís. Her name was <span class="sidenote">Zarqá’u +’l-Yamáma.</span> +Zarqá’u ’l-Yamáma—<i>i.e.</i>, the Blue-eyed Woman +of Yamáma—and she had such piercing sight that +she was able to descry an army thirty miles away. Ḥassán +therefore bade his horsemen hold in front of them leafy +branches which they tore down from the trees. They +advanced thus hidden, and towards evening, when they had +come within a day's journey, Zarqá said to her people: "I +see trees marching." No one believed her until it was too +late. Next morning Ḥassán fell upon them and put the whole +tribe to the sword.</p> + +<p>The warlike expeditions to which Ḥassán devoted all his +energy were felt as an intolerable burden by the chiefs of +Ḥimyar, who formed a plot to slay him and set <span class="sidenote"> Ḥassán +murdered by +his brother.</span> +his brother ‘Amr on the throne. ‘Amr was at +first unwilling to lend himself to their designs, +but ultimately his scruples were overcome, and he +stabbed the Tubba‘ with his own hand. The assassin +suffered a terrible punishment. Sleep deserted him, and in his +remorse he began to execute the conspirators one after another. +There was, however, a single chief called Dhú <span class="sidenote">Dhú Ru‘ayn.</span> +Ru‘ayn, who had remained loyal and had done his +best to save ‘Amr from the guilt of fratricide. Finding his +efforts fruitless, he requested ‘Amr to take charge of a sealed + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_26" id="Page_26" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>26</a></span> + +paper which he brought with him, and to keep it in a safe +place until he should ask for it. ‘Amr consented and thought +no more of the matter. Afterwards, imagining that Dhú +Ru‘ayn had joined in the fatal plot, he gave orders for his +execution. "How!" exclaimed Dhú Ru‘ayn, "did not I tell +thee what the crime involved?" and he asked for the sealed +writing, which was found to contain these verses—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"O fool to barter sleep for waking! Blest</span> +<span class="i0">Is he alone whose eyelids close in rest.</span> +<span class="i0">Hath Ḥimyar practised treason, yet 'tis plain</span> +<span class="i0">That God forgiveness owes to Dhú Ru‘ayn.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a>"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>On reading this, ‘Amr recognised that Dhú Ru‘ayn had +spoken the truth, and he spared his life.</p> + +<p>With ‘Amr the Tubba‘ dynasty comes to an end. The +succeeding kings were elected by eight of the most powerful +barons, who in reality were independent princes, each ruling in +his strong castle over as many vassals and retainers as he could +bring into subjection. During this period the Abyssinians +conquered at least some part of the country, and Christian +viceroys were sent by the Najáshí (Negus) to govern it in his +name. At last Dhú Nuwás, a descendant of the Tubba‘ +As‘ad Kámil, crushed the rebellious barons and made himself +unquestioned monarch of Yemen. A fanatical adherent of +Judaism, he resolved to stamp out Christianity in <span class="sidenote"> Dhú Nuwás.</span> +Najrán, where it is said to have been introduced +from Syria by a holy man called Faymiyún (Phemion). The +Ḥimyarites flocked to his standard, not so much from religious +motives as from hatred of the Abyssinians. The pretended +murder of two Jewish children gave Dhú Nuwás a plausible +<i>casus belli</i>. He marched against Najrán with an overwhelming +force, entered the city, and bade the inhabitants <span class="sidenote">Massacre of the +Christians in +Najrán (523 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +choose between Judaism and death. Many +perished by the sword; the rest were thrown into +a trench which the king ordered to be dug and filled with + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_27" id="Page_27" href="#"><span><i>DHÚ NUWÁS</i></span>27</a></span> + +blazing fire. Nearly a hundred years later, when Muḥammad +was being sorely persecuted, he consoled and encouraged his +followers by the example of the Christians of Najrán, who +suffered "<i>for no other reason but that they believed in the mighty, +the glorious God</i>."<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> Dhú Nuwás paid dearly for his triumph. +Daws Dhú Tha‘labán, one of those who escaped from the +massacre, fled to the Byzantine emperor and implored him, as +the head of Christendom, to assist them in obtaining vengeance. +Justinus accordingly wrote a letter to the Najáshí, desiring him +to take action, and ere long an Abyssinian army, 70,000 +strong, under the command of Aryáṭ, disembarked in Yemen. +Dhú Nuwás could not count on the loyalty of the Ḥimyarite +nobles; his troops melted away. "When he saw <span class="sidenote"> Death of +Dhú Nuwás.</span> +the fate that had befallen himself and his people, +he turned to the sea and setting spurs to his horse, +rode through the shallows until he reached the deep water. +Then he plunged into the waves and nothing more of him +was seen."<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a></p> + +<p>Thus died, or thus at any rate should have died, the last +representative of the long line of Ḥimyarite kings. Henceforth +Yemen appears in Pre-islamic history only as an Abyssinian +dependency or as a Persian protectorate. The events +now to be related form the prologue to a new drama in which +South Arabia, so far from being the centre of interest, plays an +almost insignificant rôle.<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>On the death of Dhú Nuwás, the Abyssinian general Aryáṭ +continued his march through Yemen. He slaughtered a third part +of the males, laid waste a third part of the land, and +sent a third part of the women and children to the <span class="sidenote"> Yemen under +Abyssinian rule.</span> +Najáshí as slaves. Having reduced the Yemenites to +submission and re-established order, he held the position of viceroy + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_28" id="Page_28" href="#"><span><i>SABA AND ḤIMYAR</i></span>28</a></span> + +for several years. Then mutiny broke out in the Abyssinian army +of occupation, and his authority was disputed by an officer, named +Abraha. When the rivals faced each other, Abraha said to Aryáṭ: +"What will it avail you to engage the Abyssinians in a civil war that +will leave none of them alive? Fight it out with me, and let the +troops follow the victor." His challenge being accepted, Abraha +stepped forth. He was a short, fleshy man, compactly built, a +devout Christian, while Aryáṭ was big, tall, and handsome. +When the duel began, Aryáṭ thrust his spear <span class="sidenote"> Abraha and +Aryáṭ.</span> +with the intention of piercing Abraha's brain, but it +glanced off his forehead, slitting his eyelid, nose, and lip—hence the +name, <i>al-Ashram</i>, by which Abraha was afterwards known; and ere +he could repeat the blow, a youth in Abraha's service, called +‘Atwada, who was seated on a hillock behind his master, sprang +forward and dealt him a mortal wound. Thus Abraha found +himself commander-in-chief of the Abyssinian army, but the Najáshí +was enraged and swore not to rest until he set foot on the soil of +Yemen and cut off the rebel's forelock. On hearing this, Abraha +wrote to the Najáshí: "O King, Aryáṭ was thy servant even as I am. +We quarrelled over thy command, both of us owing allegiance to +thee, but I had more strength than he to command the Abyssinians +and keep discipline and exert authority. When I heard of the +king's oath, I shore my head, and now I send him a sack of the +earth of Yemen that he may put it under his feet and fulfil his oath." +The Najáshí answered this act of submission by appointing Abraha +to be his viceroy.... Then Abraha built the church +(<i>al-Qalís</i>) at San‘á, the like of which was not to be seen +at that time in the whole world, and wrote to the +Najáshí that he would not be content until he had diverted thither +every pilgrim in Arabia. This letter made much talk, and a man of +the Banú Fuqaym, one of those who arranged the calendar, was +angered by what he learned of Abraha's purpose; so he went into +the church and defiled it. When Abraha heard that the author of +the outrage belonged to the people of the Temple in Mecca, and +that he meant to show thereby his scorn and contempt for the new +foundation, he waxed wroth and swore that he would march against +the Temple and lay it in ruins.</p></div> + +<p>The disastrous failure of this expedition, which took place +in the year of the Elephant (570 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), did not at once free +Yemen from the Abyssinian yoke. The sons of Abraha, +Yaksum and Masrúq, bore heavily on the Arabs. Seeing no + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_29" id="Page_29" href="#"><span><i>THE ABYSSINIANS IN YEMEN</i></span>29</a></span> + +help among his own people, a noble Ḥimyarite named Sayf b. +Dhí Yazan resolved to seek foreign intervention. His choice +lay between the Byzantine and Persian empires, <span class="sidenote"> Sayf b. Dhí +Yazan.</span> +and he first betook himself to Constantinople. +Disappointed there, he induced the Arab king of +Ḥíra, who was under Persian suzerainty, to present him at the +court of Madá’in (Ctesiphon). How he won audience of the +Sásánian monarch, Núshírwán, surnamed the Just, and tempted +him by an ingenious trick to raise a force of eight hundred +condemned felons, who were set free and shipped to Yemen +under the command of an aged general; how they literally +'burned their boats' and, drawing courage from despair, routed +the Abyssinian host and made Yemen a satrapy <span class="sidenote">The Persians in +Yemen +(<i>circa</i> 572 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +of Persia<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a>—this forms an almost epic narrative, +which I have omitted here (apart from considerations +of space) because it belongs to Persian rather than to +Arabian literary history, being probably based, as Nöldeke has +suggested, on traditions handed down by the Persian conquerors +who settled in Yemen to their aristocratic descendants +whom the Arabs called <i>al-Abná</i> (the Sons) or <i>Banu ’l-Aḥrár</i> +(Sons of the Noble).</p> + +<p>Leaving the once mighty kingdom of Yemen thus pitiably +and for ever fallen from its high estate, we turn northward +into the main stream of Arabian history.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER II</h4> + +<h5>THE HISTORY AND LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</h5> + +<p>Muḥammadans include the whole period of Arabian history +from the earliest times down to the establishment of Islam +in the term <i>al-Jáhiliyya</i>, which was used by <span class="sidenote"> The Age of +Barbarism +(al-Jáhiliyya).</span> +Muḥammad in four passages of the Koran and is +generally translated 'the state or ignorance' or +simply 'the Ignorance.' Goldziher, however, has shown conclusively +that the meaning attached to <i>jahl</i> (whence <i>Jáhiliyya</i> +is derived) by the Pre-islamic poets is not so much 'ignorance' +as 'wildness,' 'savagery,' and that its true antithesis is not +<i>‘ilm</i> (knowledge), but rather <i>ḥilm</i>, which denotes the moral +reasonableness of a civilised man. "When Muḥammadans say +that Islam put an end to the manners and customs of the +<i>Jáhiliyya</i>, they have in view those barbarous practices, that +savage temper, by which Arabian heathendom is distinguished +from Islam and by the abolition of which Muḥammad sought +to work a moral reformation in his countrymen: the haughty +spirit of the <i>Jáhiliyya</i> (<i>ḥamiyyatu ’l-Jáhiliyya</i>), the tribal pride +and the endless tribal feuds, the cult of revenge, the implacability +and all the other pagan characteristics which Islam was +destined to overcome."<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a></p> + +<p>Our sources of information regarding this period may be +classified as follows:—</p> + +<p>(1) <i>Poems and fragments of verse</i>, which though not written + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_31" id="Page_31" href="#"><span><i>SOURCES OF INFORMATION</i></span>31</a></span> + +down at the time were preserved by oral tradition and committed +to writing, for the most part, two or three hundred +years afterwards. The importance of this, virtually <span class="sidenote"> Sources of +information +concerning the +Jáhiliyya.</span> +the sole contemporary record of Pre-islamic +history, is recognised in the well-known saying, +"Poetry is the public register of the Arabs (<i>al-shi‘ru +díwánu ’l-‘Arab</i>); thereby genealogies are kept in mind +and famous actions are made familiar." Some account of the +chief collections of old Arabian poetry will be given in the +next chapter.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Proverbs.</i> These are of less value, as they seldom +explain themselves, while the commentary attached to them is +the work of scholars bent on explaining them at all costs, +though in many cases their true meaning could only be conjectured +and the circumstances of their origin had been entirely +forgotten. Notwithstanding this very pardonable excess of +zeal, we could ill afford to lose the celebrated collections +of Mufaḍḍal b. Salama († <i>circa</i> 900 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and Maydání († 1124 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>),<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> which contain so much curious information throwing +light on every aspect of Pre-islamic life.</p> + +<p>(3) <i>Traditions and legends.</i> Since the art of writing was +neither understood nor practised by the heathen Arabs in +general, it was impossible that Prose, as a literary form, should +exist among them. The germs of Arabic Prose, however, may +be traced back to the <i>Jáhiliyya</i>. Besides the proverb (<i>mathal</i>) and +the oration (<i>khuṭba</i>) we find elements of history and romance +in the prose narratives used by the rhapsodists to introduce and +set forth plainly the matter of their songs, and in the legends +which recounted the glorious deeds of tribes and individuals. +A vast number of such stories—some unmistakably genuine, +others bearing the stamp of fiction—are preserved in various +literary, historical, and geographical works composed under the +‘Abbásid Caliphate, especially in the <i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i> (Book + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_32" id="Page_32" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>32</a></span> + +of Songs) by Abu ’l-Faraj of Iṣfahán († 967 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), an invaluable +compilation based on the researches of the great Humanists +as they have been well named by Sir Charles Lyall, of the +second and third centuries after the Hijra.<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> The original +writings of these early critics and scholars have <span class="sidenote"><i>The Book of +Songs.</i></span> +perished almost without exception, and beyond the +copious citations in the <i>Aghání</i> we possess hardly +any specimens of their work. "The <i>Book of Songs</i>," says Ibn +Khaldún, "is the Register of the Arabs. It comprises all that +they had achieved in the past of excellence in every kind of +poetry, history, music, <i>et cetera</i>. So far as I am aware, no other +book can be put on a level with it in this respect. It is the +final resource of the student of belles-lettres, and leaves him +nothing further to desire."<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a></p> + +<p>In the following pages I shall not attempt to set in due +order and connection the confused mass of poetry and legend +in which all that we know of Pre-islamic Arabia <span class="sidenote"> Scope of +this chapter.</span> +lies deeply embedded. This task has already been +performed with admirable skill by Caussin de +Perceval in his <i>Essai sur l'histoire des Arabes avant l'Islamisme</i>,<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> +and it could serve no useful purpose to inflict a dry summary +of that famous work upon the reader. The better course, I +think, will be to select a few typical and outstanding features +of the time and to present them, wherever possible, as they +have been drawn—largely from imagination—by the Arabs +themselves. If the Arabian traditions are wanting in historical +accuracy they are nevertheless, taken as a whole, true in spirit +to the Dark Age which they call up from the dead and +reverently unfold beneath our eyes.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_33" id="Page_33" href="#"><span><i>ARAB KINGDOMS</i></span>33</a></span> +About the middle of the third century of our era Arabia +was enclosed on the north and north-east by the rival empires +of Rome and Persia, to which the Syrian desert, stretching +right across the peninsula, formed a natural termination. In +order to protect themselves from Bedouin raiders, who poured +over the frontier-provinces, and after laying hands on all the +booty within reach vanished as suddenly as they came, both +Powers found it necessary to plant a line of garrisons along +the edge of the wilderness. Thus the tribesmen were partially +held in check, but as force alone seemed an expensive and +inefficient remedy it was decided, in accordance with the well-proved +maxim, <i>divide et impera</i>, to enlist a number of the +offending tribes in the Imperial service. Regular pay and the +prospect of unlimited plunder—for in those days Rome and +Persia were almost perpetually at war—were inducements that +no true Bedouin could resist. They fought, however, +as free allies under their own chiefs or <span class="sidenote"> The Arab +dynasties of Ḥíra +and Ghassán.</span> +phylarchs. In this way two Arabian dynasties +sprang up—the Ghassánids in Syria and the Lakhmites at +Ḥíra, west of the Euphrates—military buffer-states, always +ready to collide even when they were not urged on by the +suzerain powers behind them. The Arabs soon showed what +they were capable of when trained and disciplined in arms. +On the defeat of Valerian by the Chosroes Sábúr I, an Arab +chieftain in Palmyra, named Udhayna (Odenathus), marched +at the head of a strong force against the conqueror, drove him +out of Syria, and pursued him up to the very walls of Madá’in, +the Persian capital (265 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). His brilliant exploits were +duly rewarded by the Emperor Gallienus, who bestowed on +him the title of Augustus. He was, in fact, the <span class="sidenote"> Odenathus and +Zenobia.</span> +acknowledged master of the Roman legions in the +East when, a year later, he was treacherously +murdered. He found a worthy successor in his wife, the +noble and ambitious Zenobia, who set herself the task of +building up a great Oriental Empire. She fared, however, no + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_34" id="Page_34" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>34</a></span> + +better than did Cleopatra in a like enterprise. For a moment +the issue was doubtful, but Aurelian triumphed and the proud +'Queen of the East' was led a captive before his chariot +through the streets of Rome (274 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>These events were not forgotten by the Arabs. It flattered +their national pride to recall that once, at any rate, Roman +armies had marched under the flag of an Arabian princess. +But the legend, as told in their traditions, has little in common +with reality. Not only are names and places freely altered—Zenobia +herself being confused with her Syrian general, Zabdai—but +the historical setting, though dimly visible in the background, +has been distorted almost beyond recognition: what +remains is one of those romantic adventures which delighted +the Arabs of the <i>Jáhiliyya</i>, just as their modern descendants +are never tired of listening to the <i>Story of ‘Antar</i> or to the +<i>Thousand Nights and a Night</i>.</p> + +<p class="tb">The first king of the Arab settlers in ‘Iráq (Babylonia)<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> +is said to have been Málik the Azdite, <span class="sidenote"> Málik the Azdite.</span> who was accidentally +shot with an arrow by his son, Sulayma. Before +he expired he uttered a verse which has become +proverbial:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"><i>U‘allimuhu ’l-rimáyata kulla yawm<sup>in</sup></i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>falamma ’stadda sá‘iduhú ramání.</i></span> +<span class="i0"> </span> +<span class="i05">"I taught him every day the bowman's art,</span> +<span class="i0">And when his arm took aim, he pierced my heart."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Málik's kingdom, if it can properly be described as such, was +consolidated and organised by his son, Jadhíma, surnamed +al-Abrash (the Speckled)—a polite euphemism for <span class="sidenote"> Jadhíma +al-Abrash.</span> +al-Abraṣ (the Leprous). He reigned as the vassal +of Ardashír Bábakán, the founder (226 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) of +the Sásánian dynasty in Persia, which thereafter continued to +dominate the Arabs of ‘Iráq during the whole Pre-islamic + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_35" id="Page_35" href="#"><span><i>JADHÍMA AL-ABRASH</i></span>35</a></span> + +period. Jadhíma is the hero of many fables and proverbs. +His pride, it is said, was so overweening that he would suffer +no boon-companions except two stars called <i>al-Farqadán</i>, and +when he drank wine he used to pour out a cup for each of +them. He had a page, ‘Adí b. Naṣr, with whom his sister fell +in love; and in a moment of intoxication he gave his consent +to their marriage. Next morning, furious at the trick which +had been played upon him, he beheaded the unlucky bridegroom +and reviled his sister for having married a slave. +Nevertheless, when a son was born, Jadhíma adopted the boy, +and as he grew up regarded him with the utmost affection. +One day the youthful ‘Amr suddenly disappeared. For a long +time no trace of him could be found, but at last he was discovered, +running wild and naked, by two brothers, Málik and +‘Aqíl, who cared for him and clothed him and presented him +to the king. Overjoyed at the sight, Jadhíma promised to +grant them whatever they asked. They chose the honour, +which no mortal had hitherto obtained, of being his boon-companions, +and by this title (<i>nadmáná Jadhíma</i>) they are +known to fame.</p> + +<p>Jadhíma was a wise and warlike prince. In one of his +expeditions he defeated and slew ‘Amr b. Ẓarib b. Ḥassán b. +Udhayna, an Arab chieftain who had brought part of Eastern +Syria and Mesopotamia under his sway, and who, as the name +Udhayna indicates, is probably identical with Odenathus, the +husband of Zenobia. This opinion is confirmed by the statement +of Ibn Qutayba that "Jadhíma sought in marriage <span class="sidenote"> The story of +Zabbá.</span> +Zabbá, the daughter of the King of Mesopotamia, +who became queen after her <i>husband</i>."<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a>—According +to the view generally held by Muḥammadan +authors Zabbá<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> was the daughter of ‘Amr b. Ẓarib and was + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_36" id="Page_36" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>36</a></span> + +elected to succeed him when he fell in battle. However this +may be, she proved herself a woman of extraordinary courage +and resolution. As a safeguard against attack she built two +strong castles on either bank of the Euphrates and connected +them by a subterranean tunnel; she made one fortress her +own residence, while her sister, Zaynab, occupied the other.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Having thus secured her position she determined to take +vengeance on Jadhíma. She wrote to him that the sceptre was +slipping from her feeble grasp, that she found no man worthy of +her except himself, that she desired to unite her kingdom with his +by marriage, and begged him to come and see her. Jadhíma needed +no urging. Deaf to the warnings of his friend and counsellor, +Qaṣír, he started from Baqqa, a castle on the Euphrates. When +they had travelled some distance, Qaṣír implored him to return. +"No," said Jadhíma, "the affair was decided at Baqqa"—words +which passed into a proverb. On approaching their destination the +king saw with alarm squadrons of cavalry between him and the city, +and said to Qaṣír, "What is the prudent course?" "You left +prudence at Baqqa," he replied; "if the cavalry advance and salute +you as king and then retire in front of you, the woman is sincere, +but if they cover your flanks and encompass you, they mean +treachery. Mount al-‘Aṣá"—Jadhíma's favourite mare—"for she +cannot be overtaken or outpaced, and rejoin your troops while +there is yet time." Jadhíma refused to follow this advice. Presently +he was surrounded by the cavalry and captured. Qaṣír, however, +sprang on the mare's back and galloped thirty miles without drawing +rein.</p> + +<p>When Jadhíma was brought to Zabbá she seated him on a skin of +leather and ordered her maidens to open the veins in his arm, so +that his blood should flow into a golden bowl. "O Jadhíma," said +she, "let not a single drop be lost. I want it as a cure for madness." +The dying man suddenly moved his arm and sprinkled with his +blood one of the marble pillars of the hall—an evil portent for +Zabbá, inasmuch as it had been prophesied by a certain soothsayer +that unless every drop of the king's blood entered the bowl, his +murder would be avenged.</p> + +<p>Now Qaṣír came to ‘Amr b. ‘Adí, Jadhíma's nephew and son by adoption, +who has been mentioned above, and engaged to win over the +army to his side if he would take vengeance on Zabbá. "But how?" +cried ‘Amr; " for she is more inaccessible than the eagle of the air." +"Only help me," said Qaṣír, "and you will be clear of blame." He + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_37" id="Page_37" href="#"><span><i>THE STORY OF ZABBÁ</i></span>37</a></span> + +cut off his nose and ears and betook himself to Zabbá, pretending +that he had been mutilated by ‘Amr. The queen believed what she +saw, welcomed him, and gave him money to trade on her behalf. +Qaṣír hastened to the palace of ‘Amr at Ḥíra, and, having obtained +permission to ransack the royal treasury, he returned laden with +riches. Thus he gradually crept into the confidence of Zabbá, until +one day he said to her: "It behoves every king and queen to provide +themselves with a secret passage wherein to take refuge in +case of danger." Zabbá answered: "I have already done so," and +showed him the tunnel which she had constructed underneath the +Euphrates. His project was now ripe for execution. With the +help of ‘Amr he fitted out a caravan of a thousand camels, each +carrying two armed men concealed in sacks. When they drew near +the city of Zabbá, Qaṣír left them and rode forward to announce +their arrival to the queen, who from the walls of her capital viewed +the long train of heavily burdened camels and marvelled at the slow +pace with which they advanced. As the last camel passed through +the gates of the city the janitor pricked one of the sacks with an +ox-goad which he had with him, and hearing a cry of pain, exclaimed, +"By God, there's mischief in the sacks!" But it was too late. +‘Amr and his men threw themselves upon the garrison and put them +to the sword. Zabbá sought to escape by the tunnel, but Qaṣír stood +barring the exit on the further side of the stream. She hurried back, +and there was ‘Amr facing her. Resolved that her enemy should +not taste the sweetness of vengeance, she sucked her seal-ring, +which contained a deadly poison, crying, "By my own hand, not +by ‘Amr's!"<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a></p></div> + +<p>In the kingdoms of Ḥíra and Ghassán Pre-islamic culture +attained its highest development, and from these centres it +diffused itself and made its influence felt throughout Arabia. +Some account, therefore, of their history and of the circumstances +which enabled them to assume a civilising rôle will +not be superfluous.<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_38" id="Page_38" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>38</a></span> + +About the beginning of the third century after Christ a +number of Bedouin tribes, wholly or partly of Yemenite origin, +who had formed a confederacy and called themselves <span class="sidenote"> The foundation +of Ḥíra.</span> +collectively Tanúkh, took advantage of the +disorder then prevailing in the Arsacid Empire to +invade ‘Iráq (Babylonia) and plant their settlements in the +fertile country west of the Euphrates. While part of the +intruders continued to lead a nomad life, others engaged in +agriculture, and in course of time villages and towns grew up. +The most important of these was Ḥíra (properly, al-Ḥíra, +<i>i.e.</i>, the Camp), which occupied a favourable and healthy +situation a few miles to the south of Kúfa, in the neighbourhood +of ancient Babylon.<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> According to Hishám b. +Muḥammad al-Kalbí († 819 or 821 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), an excellent +authority for the history of the Pre-islamic period, the +inhabitants of Ḥíra during the reign of Ardashír Bábakán, +the first Sásánian king of Persia (226-241 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), consisted of +three classes, viz.:—</p> + +<p>(1) The <i>Tanúkh</i>, who dwelt west of the Euphrates between +Ḥíra and Anbár in tents of camel's hair.</p> + +<p>(2) The <i>‘Ibád</i>, who lived in houses in Ḥíra.</p> + +<p>(3) The <i>Aḥláf</i> (Clients), who did not belong to either of +the above-mentioned classes, but attached themselves to the +people of Ḥíra and lived among them—blood-guilty fugitives + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_39" id="Page_39" href="#"><span><i>ḤÍRA AND ITS INHABITANTS</i></span>39</a></span> + +pursued by the vengeance of their own kin, or needy emigrants +seeking to mend their fortunes.</p> + +<p>Naturally the townsmen proper formed by far the most +influential element in the population. Hishám, as we have +seen, calls them 'the ‘Ibád.' His use of this <span class="sidenote">The ‘Ibád.</span> +term, however, is not strictly accurate. The +‘Ibád are exclusively the <i>Christian Arabs of Ḥíra</i>, and are +so called in virtue of their Christianity; the pagan Arabs, +who at the time when Ḥíra was founded and for long +afterwards constituted the bulk of the citizens, were never +comprised in a designation which expresses the very opposite +of paganism. <i>‘Ibád</i> means 'servants,' <i>i.e.</i>, those who serve +God or Christ. It cannot be determined at what epoch the +name was first used to distinguish the religious community, +composed of members of different tribes, which was dominant +in Ḥíra during the sixth century. Dates are comparatively +of little importance; what is really remarkable is the +existence in Pre-islamic times of an Arabian community +that was not based on blood-relationship or descent from a +common ancestor, but on a spiritual principle, namely, the +profession of a common faith. The religion and culture of +the ‘Ibád were conveyed by various channels to the inmost +recesses of the peninsula, as will be shown more fully in a +subsequent chapter. They were the schoolmasters of the +heathen Arabs, who could seldom read or write, and who, it +must be owned, so far from desiring to receive instruction, +rather gloried in their ignorance of accomplishments which +they regarded as servile. Nevertheless, the best minds among +the Bedouins were irresistibly attracted to Ḥíra. Poets in +those days found favour with princes. A great number of +Pre-islamic bards visited the Lakhmite court, while some, +like Nábigha and ‘Abíd b. al-Abraṣ, made it their permanent +residence.</p> + +<p>It is unnecessary to enter into the vexed question as to the +origin and rise of the Lakhmite dynasty at Ḥíra. According + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_40" id="Page_40" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>40</a></span> + +to Hishám b. Muḥammad al-Kalbi, who gives a list of twenty +kings, covering a period of 522 years and eight months, the +first Lakhmite ruler was ‘Amr b. ‘Adí b. Naṣr <span class="sidenote"> The Lakhmites.</span> +b. Rabí‘a b. Lakhm, the same who was adopted +by Jadhíma, and afterwards avenged his death on Queen +Zabbá. Almost nothing is known of his successors until we +come to Nu‘mán I, surnamed al-A‘war (the One-eyed), <span class="sidenote">Nu‘mán I. +(<i>circa</i> 400 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +whose reign falls in the first quarter of the fifth +century. Nu‘mán is renowned in legend as the +builder of Khawarnaq, a famous castle near Ḥíra. +It was built at the instance of the Sásánian king, Yazdigird I, +who desired a salubrious residence for his son, Prince Bahrám +Gór. On its completion, Nu‘mán ordered the architect, a +'Roman' (<i>i.e.</i>, Byzantine subject) named Sinimmár, to be +cast headlong from the battlements, either on account of his +boast that he could have constructed a yet more <span class="sidenote"> The Castle of +Khawarnaq.</span> +wonderful edifice "which should turn round +with the sun," or for fear that he might reveal +the position of a certain stone, the removal of which would +cause the whole building to collapse. One spring day (so the +story is told) Nu‘mán sat with his Vizier in Khawarnaq, which +overlooked the Fen-land (al-Najaf), with its neighbouring +gardens and plantations of palm-trees and canals, to the west, +and the Euphrates to the east. Charmed by the beauty of the +prospect, he exclaimed, "Hast thou ever seen the like of +this?" "No," replied the Vizier, "if it would <span class="sidenote">Nu‘mán +becomes an +anchorite.</span> +but last." "And what is lasting?" asked +Nu‘mán. "That which is with God in heaven." +"How can one attain to it?" "By renouncing the world +and serving God, and striving after that which He hath." +Nu‘mán, it is said, immediately resolved to abandon his +kingdom; on the same night he clad himself in sackcloth, +stole away unperceived, and became a wandering devotee +(<i>sá’iḥ</i>). This legend seems to have grown out of the +following verses by ‘Adí b. Zayd, the ‘Ibádite:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_41" id="Page_41" href="#"><span><i>THE LAKHMITE DYNASTY</i></span>41</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"Consider thou Khawarnaq's lord—and oft</span> +<span class="i0">Of heavenly guidance cometh vision clear—</span> +<span class="i0">Who once, rejoicing in his ample realm,</span> +<span class="i0">Surveyed the broad Euphrates, and Sadír;<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a></span> +<span class="i0">Then sudden terror struck his heart: he cried,</span> +<span class="i0">'Shall Man, who deathward goes, find pleasure here?'</span> +<span class="i0">They reigned, they prospered; yet, their glory past,</span> +<span class="i0">In yonder tombs they lie this many a year.</span> +<span class="i0">At last they were like unto withered leaves</span> +<span class="i0">Whirled by the winds away in wild career."<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The opinion of most Arabian authors, that Nu‘mán embraced +Christianity, is probably unfounded, but there is reason to +believe that he was well disposed towards it, and that his +Christian subjects—a Bishop of Ḥíra is mentioned as early as +410 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>—enjoyed complete religious liberty.</p> + +<p>Nu‘mán's place was filled by his son Mundhir, an able and +energetic prince. The power of the Lakhmites at this time +may be inferred from the fact that on the death <span class="sidenote"> Mundhir I.</span> +of Yazdigird I Mundhir forcibly intervened in +the dispute as to the Persian succession and procured the +election of Bahrám Gór, whose claims had previously been +rejected by the priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> In the war which broke out +shortly afterwards between Persia and Rome, Mundhir proved +himself a loyal vassal, but was defeated by the Romans with +great loss (421 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Passing over several obscure reigns, we +arrive at the beginning of the sixth century, when another +Mundhir, the third and most illustrious of his <span class="sidenote">Mundhir III, +b. Má’ al-samá.</span> +name, ascended the throne. This is he whom the +Arabs called Mundhir b. Má’ al-samá.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> He had +a long and brilliant reign, which, however, was temporarily + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_42" id="Page_42" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>42</a></span> + +clouded by an event that cannot be understood without some +reference to the general history of the period. About 480 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> +the powerful tribe of Kinda, whose princes appear to have held +much the same position under the Tubba‘s of Yemen as the +Lakhmites under the Persian monarchs, had extended their +sway over the greater part of Central and Northern Arabia. +The moving spirit in this conquest was Ḥujr, <span class="sidenote"> Rise of Kinda.</span> +surnamed Akilu ’l-Murár, an ancestor of the +poet Imru’u ’l-Qays. On his death the Kindite confederacy +was broken up, but towards the year 500 it was re-established +for a brief space by his grandson, Ḥárith b. ‘Amr, and became +a formidable rival to the kingdoms of Ghassán and Ḥíra. +Meanwhile, in Persia, the communistic doctrines of Mazdak +had obtained wide popularity among the lower <span class="sidenote"> Mazdak.</span> +classes, and were finally adopted by King Kawádh +himself.<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> Now, it is certain that at some date between 505 +and 529 Ḥárith b. ‘Amr, the Kindite, invaded ‘Iráq, and drove +Mundhir out of his kingdom; and it seems not impossible +that, as many historians assert, the latter's downfall +was due to his anti-Mazdakite opinions, which <span class="sidenote"> Mundhir +expelled from +Ḥíra by Ḥárith +of Kinda.</span> +would naturally excite the displeasure of his +suzerain. At any rate, whatever the causes may +have been, Mundhir was temporarily supplanted by Ḥárith, +and although he was restored after a short interval, before the +accession of Anúshirwán, who, as Crown Prince, carried out +a wholesale massacre of the followers of Mazdak (528 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +the humiliation which he had suffered and cruelly avenged was +not soon forgotten;<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> the life and poems of Imru’u ’l-Qays + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_43" id="Page_43" href="#"><span><i>MUNDHIR III</i></span>43</a></span> + +bear witness to the hereditary hatred subsisting between +Lakhm and Kinda. Mundhir's operations against the +Romans were conducted with extraordinary vigour; he +devastated Syria as far as Antioch, and Justinian saw himself +obliged to entrust the defence of these provinces to the +Ghassánid Ḥárith b. Jabala (Ḥárith al-A‘raj), in whom +Mundhir at last found more than his match. From this time +onward the kings of Ḥíra and Ghassán are continually raiding +and plundering each other's territory. In one of his expeditions +Mundhir captured a son of Ḥárith, and "immediately +sacrificed him to Aphrodite"—<i>i.e.</i>, to the Arabian goddess +al-‘Uzzá;<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a>—but on taking the field again in 554 he was +surprised and slain by stratagem in a battle which <span class="sidenote"> Death of +Mundhir III.</span> +is known proverbially as 'The Day of Ḥalíma.'<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> +On the whole, the Lakhmites were a heathen and +barbarous race, and these epithets are richly deserved by +Mundhir III. It is related in the <i>Aghání</i> that he had two +boon-companions, Khálid b. al-Muḍallil and ‘Amr b. Mas‘úd, +with whom he used to carouse; and once, being irritated by +words spoken in wine, he gave orders that they should be +buried alive. Next morning he did not recollect what had +passed and inquired as usual for his friends. On learning +the truth he was filled with remorse. He caused two +obelisks to be erected over their graves, and two +days in every year he would come and sit beside <span class="sidenote"> Mundhir's +"Good Day and +Evil Day."</span> +these obelisks, which were called <i>al-Ghariyyán</i>—<i>i.e.</i>, +the Blood-smeared. One day was the Day of Good +(<i>yawmu na‘im<sup>in</sup></i>), and whoever first encountered him on that +day received a hundred black camels. The other day was the +Day of Evil (<i>yawmu bu’s<sup>in</sup></i>), on which he would present the +first-comer with the head of a black polecat (<i>ẓaribán</i>), then +sacrifice him and smear the obelisks with his blood.<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> The + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_44" id="Page_44" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>44</a></span> + +poet ‘Abíd b. al-Abraṣ is said to have fallen a victim to this +horrible rite. It continued until the doom fell upon a certain +Ḥanẓala of Ṭayyi’, who was granted a year's grace in order to +regulate his affairs, on condition that he should find a surety. +He appealed to one of Mundhir's suite, Sharík b. ‘Amr, who +straightway rose and said to the king, "My hand <span class="sidenote"> Ḥanẓala and +Sharík.</span> +for his and my blood for his if he fail to return +at the time appointed." When the day came +Ḥanẓala did not appear, and Mundhir was about to sacrifice +Sharík, whose mourning-woman had already begun to chant +the dirge. Suddenly a rider was seen approaching, wrapped +in a shroud and perfumed for burial. A mourning-woman +accompanied him. It was Ḥanẓala. Mundhir marvelled at +their loyalty, dismissed them with marks of honour, and +abolished the custom which he had instituted.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a></p> + +<p>He was succeeded by his son ‘Amr, who is known to +contemporary poets and later historians as ‘Amr, son of Hind.<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> +During his reign Ḥíra became an important literary +centre. Most of the famous poets then living <span class="sidenote">‘Amr B. Hind +(554-569 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +visited his court; we shall see in the next chapter +what relations he had with Ṭarafa, ‘Amr b. Kulthúm, +and Ḥárith b. Ḥilliza. He was a morose, passionate, and +tyrannical man. The Arabs stood in great awe of him, but +vented their spite none the less. "At Ḥíra," said Daháb +al-‘Ijlí, "there are mosquitoes and fever and lions and ‘Amr b. +Hind, who acts unjustly and wrongfully."<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> He was slain by +the chief of Taghlib, ‘Amr b. Kulthúm, in vengeance for an +insult offered to his mother, Laylá.</p> + +<p>It is sufficient to mention the names of Qábús and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_45" id="Page_45" href="#"><span><i>NU‘MÁN III ABÚ QÁBÚS</i></span>45</a></span> + +Mundhir IV, both of whom were sons of Hind, and occupied +the throne for short periods. We now come to the +last Lakhmite king of Ḥíra, and by far the <span class="sidenote">Nu‘mán Abú +Qábús.</span> +most celebrated in tradition, Nu‘mán III, son of +Mundhir IV, with the <i>kunya</i> (name of honour) Abú +Qábús, who reigned from 580 to 602 or from 585 to 607. +He was brought up and educated by a noble Christian family +in Ḥíra, the head of which was Zayd b. Ḥammád, father of the +poet ‘Adí b. Zayd. ‘Adí is such an interesting figure, and his +fortunes were so closely and tragically linked with those of +Nu‘mán, that some account of his life and character will be +acceptable. Both his father and grandfather were men of +unusual culture, who held high posts in the civil administration +under Mundhir III and his successors. Zayd, moreover, +through the good offices of a <i>dihqán</i>, or Persian +landed proprietor, Farrukh-máhán by name, <span class="sidenote">‘Adí b. Zayd.</span> +obtained from Khusraw Anúshirwán an important and confidential +appointment—that of Postmaster—ordinarily reserved +for the sons of satraps.<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> When ‘Adí grew up, his father sent +him to be educated with the son of the <i>dihqán</i>. He learned +to write and speak Persian with complete facility and Arabic +with the utmost elegance; he versified, and his accomplishments +included archery, horsemanship, and polo. At the +Persian court his personal beauty, wit, and readiness in reply +so impressed Anúshirwán that he took him into his service +as secretary and interpreter—Arabic had never before been +written in the Imperial Chancery—and accorded him all the +privileges of a favourite. He was entrusted with a mission to +Constantinople, where he was honourably received; and on his +departure the Qayṣar,<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> following an excellent custom, instructed +the officials in charge of the post-routes to provide horses and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_46" id="Page_46" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>46</a></span> + +every convenience in order that the ambassador might see for +himself the extent and resources of the Byzantine Empire. +‘Adí passed some time in Syria, especially at Damascus, where +his first poem is said to have appeared. On his father's death, +which happened about this time, he renounced the splendid +position at Ḥíra which he might have had for the asking, and +gave himself up to hunting and to all kinds of amusement +and pleasure, only visiting Madá’in (Ctesiphon) at intervals to +perform his secretarial duties. While staying at Ḥíra he fell +in love with Nu‘mán's daughter Hind, who was then eleven +years old. The story as told in the <i>Book of Songs</i> is too curious +to be entirely omitted, though want of space prevents me from +giving it in full.<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It is related that Hind, who was one of the fairest women of her +time, went to church on Thursday of Holy Week, three days after +Palm Sunday, to receive the sacrament. ‘Adí had <span class="sidenote">‘Adí meets the +Princess Hind +in church.</span> +entered the church for the same purpose. He espied +her—she was a big, tall girl—while she was off her +guard, and fixed his gaze upon her before she became +aware of him. Her maidens, who had seen him approaching, said +nothing to their mistress, because one of them called Máriya was +enamoured of ‘Adí and knew no other way of making his acquaintance. +When Hind saw him looking at herself, she was highly +displeased and scolded her handmaidens and beat some of them. +‘Adí had fallen in love with her, but he kept the matter secret for a +whole year. At the end of that time Máriya, thinking that Hind had +forgotten what passed, described the church of Thómá (St. Thomas) +and the nuns there and the girls who frequented it, and the beauty +of the building and of the lamps, and said to her, "Ask thy mother's +leave to go." As soon as leave was granted, Máriya conveyed the +intelligence to ‘Adí, who immediately dressed himself in a magnificent + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_47" id="Page_47" href="#"><span><i>ADÍ THE SON OF ZAYD</i></span>47</a></span> + +gold-embroidered Persian tunic (<i>yalmaq</i>) and hastened to the +rendezvous, accompanied by several young men of Ḥíra. When +Máriya perceived him, she cried to Hind, "Look at this youth: by +God, he is fairer than the lamps and all things else that thou seest." +"Who is he?" she asked. "‘Adí, son of Zayd." "Do you think," +said Hind, "that he will recognise me if I come nearer?" Then +she advanced and watched him as he conversed with his friends, +outshining them all by the beauty of his person, the elegance of his +language, and the splendour of his dress. "Speak to him," said +Máriya to her young mistress, whose countenance betrayed her +feelings. After exchanging a few words the lovers parted. Máriya +went to ‘Adí and promised, if he would first gratify her wishes, to +bring about his union with Hind. She lost no time in warning +Nu‘mán that his daughter was desperately in love with ‘Adí and +would either disgrace herself or die of grief unless he gave her to +him. Nu‘mán, however, was too proud to make overtures to ‘Adí, +who on his part feared to anger the prince by proposing an alliance. +The ingenious Máriya found a way out of the difficulty. She suggested +that ‘Adí should invite Nu‘mán and his suite to a banquet, <span class="sidenote"> His marriage to +Hind.</span> +and having well plied him with wine should ask for the hand of his +daughter, which would not then be refused. So it +came to pass. Nu‘mán gave his consent to the marriage, +and after three days Hind was brought home +to her husband.<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a></p></div> + +<p>On the death of Mundhir IV ‘Adí warmly supported the +claims of Nu‘mán, who had formerly been his pupil and was <span class="sidenote">‘Adí secures the +election of +Nu‘mán as King +of Ḥíra.</span> +now his father-in-law, to the throne of Ḥíra. +The ruse which he employed on this occasion +was completely successful, but it cost him his +life.<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> The partisans of Aswad b. Mundhir, one of the defeated +candidates, resolved on vengeance. Their intrigues awakened + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_48" id="Page_48" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>48</a></span> + +<span class="sidenote">He is imprisoned +and put to death +by Nu‘mán.</span>the suspicions of Nu‘mán against the 'King-maker.' ‘Adí +was cast into prison, where he languished for a +long time and was finally murdered by Nu‘mán +when the Chosroes (Parwéz, son of Hurmuz) had +already intervened to procure his release.<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a></p> + +<p>‘Adí left a son named Zayd, who, on the recommendation +of Nu‘mán, was appointed by Khusraw Parwéz to succeed his <span class="sidenote">The vengeance +of Zayd b. ‘Adí.</span> +father as Secretary for Arabian Affairs at the court +of Ctesiphon. Apparently reconciled to Nu‘mán, +he was none the less bent on vengeance, and only waited for +an opportunity. The kings of Persia were connoisseurs in +female beauty, and when they desired to replenish their harems +they used to circulate an advertisement describing with extreme +particularity the physical and moral qualities which were to be +sought after;<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> but hitherto they had neglected Arabia, which, +as they supposed, could not furnish any woman possessed of +these perfections. Zayd therefore approached the Chosroes +and said: "I know that Nu‘mán has in his family a number +of women answering to the description. Let me go to him, +and send with me one of thy guardsmen who understands +Arabic." The Chosroes complied, and Zayd set out for Ḥíra. +On learning the object of his mission, Nu‘mán exclaimed with +indignation: "What! are not the gazelles of Persia sufficient +for your needs?" The comparison of a beautiful woman to a +gazelle is a commonplace in Arabian poetry, but the officer +accompanying Zayd was ill acquainted with Arabic, and asked +the meaning of the word (<i>‘ín</i> or <i>mahá</i>) which Nu‘mán had +employed. "Cows," said Zayd. When Parwéz heard from <span class="sidenote">Death of +Nu‘mán III.</span> +his guardsman that Nu‘mán had said, "Do not the +cows of Persia content him?" he could scarcely +suppress his rage. Soon afterwards he sent for Nu‘mán, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_49" id="Page_49" href="#"><span><i>DEATH OF NU‘MÁN III</i></span>49</a></span> + +threw him into chains, and caused him to be trampled to +pieces by elephants.<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a></p> + +<p>Nu‘mán III appears in tradition as a tyrannical prince, +devoted to wine, women, and song. He was the patron of +many celebrated poets, and especially of Nábigha <span class="sidenote">Character of +Nu‘mán III.</span> +Dhubyání, who was driven from Ḥíra in consequence +of a false accusation. This episode, as well as +another in which the poet Munakhkhal was concerned, gives +us a glimpse into the private life of Nu‘mán. He had married +his step-mother, Mutajarrida, a great beauty in her time; but +though he loved her passionately, she bestowed her affections +elsewhere. Nábigha was suspected on account of a poem in +which he described the charms of the queen with the utmost +minuteness, but Munakhkhal was the real culprit. The lovers +were surprised by Nu‘mán, and from that day Munakhkhal +was never seen again. Hence the proverb, "Until Munakhkhal +shall return," or, as we might say, "Until the coming of +the Coqcigrues."</p> + +<p>Although several of the kings of Ḥíra are said to have been +Christians, it is very doubtful whether any except Nu‘mán III +deserved even the name; the Lakhmites, unlike <span class="sidenote">Nu‘mán's +conversion to +Christianity.</span> +the majority of their subjects, were thoroughly +pagan. Nu‘mán's education would naturally predispose +him to Christianity, and his conversion may have been +wrought, as the legend asserts, by his mentor ‘Adí b. Zayd.</p> + +<p>According to Muḥammadan genealogists, the Ghassánids, +both those settled in Medína and those to whom the name +is consecrated by popular usage—the Ghassánids <span class="sidenote"> The Ghassánids +or Jafnites.</span> +of Syria—are descended from ‘Amr b. ‘Ámir +al-Muzayqiyá, who, as was related in the last chapter, sold his +possessions in Yemen and quitted the country, taking with him +a great number of its inhabitants, shortly before the Bursting of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_50" id="Page_50" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>50</a></span> + +the Dyke of Ma’rib. His son Jafna is generally regarded as +the founder of the dynasty. Of their early history very few +authentic facts have been preserved. At first, we are told, +they paid tribute to the Ḍajá‘ima, a family of the stock of +Salíḥ, who ruled the Syrian borderlands under Roman protection. +A struggle ensued, from which the Ghassánids +emerged victorious, and henceforth we find them established +in these regions as the representatives of Roman authority +with the official titles of Patricius and Phylarch, which they +and the Arabs around them rendered after the simple Oriental +fashion by 'King' (<i>malik</i>).</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The first (says Ibn Qutayba) that reigned in Syria of the family +of Jafna was Ḥárith b. ‘Amr Muḥarriq, who was so called because <span class="sidenote"> Ibn Qutayba's +account of the +Ghassánids.</span> +he burnt (<i>ḥarraqa</i>) the Arabs in their houses. He is +Ḥárith the Elder (al-Akbar), and his name of honour +(<i>kunya</i>) is Abú Shamir. After him reigned Ḥárith b. +Abí Shamir, known as Ḥárith the Lame (<i>al-A‘raj</i>), +whose mother was Máriya of the Ear-rings. He was the best of +their kings, and the most fortunate, and the craftiest; and in his +raids he went the farthest afield. He led an expedition against +Khaybar<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> and carried off a number of prisoners, but set them free +after his return to Syria. When Mundhir b. Má’ al-samá marched +against him with an army 100,000 strong, Ḥárith sent <span class="sidenote"> Ḥárith the Lame.</span> +a hundred men to meet him—among them the poet +Labíd, who was then a youth—ostensibly to make peace. They +surrounded Mundhir's tent and slew the king and his companions; +then they took horse, and some escaped, while others were slain. +The Ghassánid cavalry attacked the army of Mundhir and put them +to flight. Ḥárith had a daughter named Ḥalíma, who perfumed the +hundred champions on that day and clad them in shrouds of white +linen and coats of mail. She is the heroine of the proverb, "The +day of Ḥalíma is no secret."<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> Ḥárith was succeeded by his son, +Ḥárith the Younger. Among his other sons were ‘Amr b. Ḥárith +(called Abú Shamir the Younger), to whom Nábigha came on leaving +Nu‘mán b. Mundhir; Mundhir b. Ḥárith; and al-Ayham b. Ḥárith. +Jabala, the son of al-Ayham, was the last of the kings of Ghassán. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_51" id="Page_51" href="#"><span><i>THE JAFNITE DYNASTY</i></span>51</a></span> + +He was twelve spans in height, and his feet brushed the ground +when he rode on horseback. He reached the Islamic period and became +a Moslem in the Caliphate of ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb, <span class="sidenote"> Jabala b. al-Ayham.</span> +but afterwards he turned Christian and went to live in +the Byzantine Empire. The occasion of his turning +Christian was this: In passing through the bazaar of Damascus he +let his horse tread upon one of the bystanders, who sprang up and +struck Jabala a blow on the face. The Ghassánís seized the fellow +and brought him before Abú ‘Ubayda b. al-Jarráḥ,<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> complaining that +he had struck their master. Abú ‘Ubayda demanded proof. "What +use wilt thou make of the proof?" said Jabala. He answered: "If +he has struck thee, thou wilt strike him a blow in return." "And +shall not he be slain?" "No." "Shall not his hand be cut off?" +"No," said Abú ‘Ubayda; "God has ordained retaliation only—blow +for blow." Then Jabala went forth and betook himself to +Roman territory and became a Christian; and he stayed there all +the rest of his life.<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a></p></div> + +<p>The Arabian traditions respecting the dynasty of Ghassán +are hopelessly confused and supply hardly any material even for <span class="sidenote"> Ḥárith the Lame.</span> +the rough historical sketch which may be pieced +together from the scattered notices in Byzantine +authors.<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> It would seem that the first unquestionable Ghassánid +prince was Ḥárith b. Jabala (Ἀρέθας τοῦ Γαβάλα), who +figures in Arabian chronicles as 'Ḥárith the Lame,' and who +was appointed by Justinian (about 529 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) to balance, on the +Roman side, the active and enterprising King of Ḥíra, Mundhir +b. Má’ al-samá. During the greater part of his long reign +(529-569 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) he was engaged in war with this dangerous +rival, to whose defeat and death in the decisive battle of +Ḥalíma we have already referred. Like all his line, Ḥárith +was a Christian of the Monophysite Church, which he defended +with equal zeal and success at a time when its very existence + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_52" id="Page_52" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>52</a></span> + +was at stake. The following story illustrates his formidable +character. Towards the end of his life he visited Constantinople +to arrange with the Imperial Government which of his +sons should succeed him, and made a powerful impression on +the people of that city, especially on the Emperor's nephew, +Justinus. Many years afterwards, when Justinus had fallen +into dotage, the chamberlains would frighten him, when he +began to rave, with "Hush! Arethas will come and take you."<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a></p> + +<p>Ḥárith was succeeded by his son, Mundhir, who vanquished +the new King of Ḥíra, Qábús b. Hind, on Ascension Day, +<span class="sidenote"> Mundhir b. +Ḥárith.</span>570 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, in a battle which is perhaps identical +with that celebrated by the Arabs as the Battle of +‘Ayn Ubágh. The refusal of the Emperor Justinus to furnish +him with money may have prevented Mundhir from pursuing +his advantage, and was the beginning of open hostility between +them, which culminated about eleven years later in his being +carried off to Constantinople and forced to reside in Sicily.</p> + +<p>From this time to the Persian conquest of Palestine +(614 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) anarchy prevailed throughout the Ghassánid +kingdom. The various tribes elected their own princes, who +sometimes, no doubt, were Jafnites; but the dynasty had +virtually broken up. Possibly it was restored by Heraclius +when he drove the Persians out of Syria (629 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), as the +Ghassánians are repeatedly found fighting for Rome against +the Moslems, and according to the unanimous testimony of +Arabian writers, the Jafnite Jabala b. al-Ayham, who took an +active part in the struggle, was the last king of Ghassán. +His accession may be placed about 635 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> The poet +Ḥassán b. Thábit, who as a native of Medína could claim +kinship with the Ghassánids, and visited their court in his +youth, gives a glowing description of its luxury and magnificence.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_53" id="Page_53" href="#"><span><i>THE JAFNITE DYNASTY</i></span>53</a></span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"I have seen ten singing-girls, five of them Greeks, singing Greek +songs to the music of lutes, and five from Ḥíra who had been presented +to King Jabala by Iyás b. Qabíṣa,<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> chanting <span class="sidenote"> Ḥassán b. +Thábit's picture +of the +Ghassánid +court.</span> +Babylonian airs. Arab singers used to come from +Mecca and elsewhere for his delight; and when he +would drink wine he sat on a couch of myrtle and +jasmine and all sorts of sweet-smelling flowers, surrounded +by gold and silver vessels full of ambergris and musk. +During winter aloes-wood was burned in his apartments, while in +summer he cooled himself with snow. Both he and his courtiers +wore light robes, arranged with more regard to comfort than ceremony,<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> +in the hot weather, and white furs, called <i>fanak</i>,<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> or the like, +in the cold season; and, by God, I was never in his company but +he gave me the robe which he was wearing on that day, and many +of his friends were thus honoured. He treated the rude with forbearance; +he laughed without reserve and lavished his gifts before +they were sought. He was handsome, and agreeable in conversation: +I never knew him offend in speech or act."<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a></p></div> + +<p>Unlike the rival dynasty on the Euphrates, the Ghassánids +had no fixed residence. They ruled the country round +Damascus and Palmyra, but these places were never in their +possession. The capital of their nomad kingdom was the +temporary camp (in Aramaic, <i>ḥértá</i>) which followed them to +and fro, but was generally to be found in the Gaulonitis + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_54" id="Page_54" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>54</a></span> + +(al-Jawlán), south of Damascus. Thus under the quickening +impulse of Hellenistic culture the Ghassánids developed a civilisation +far superior to that of the Lakhmites, who, <span class="sidenote"> Ghassánid +civilisation.</span> +just because of their half-barbarian character, +were more closely in touch with the heathen +Arabs, and exercised a deeper influence upon them. Some +aspects of this civilisation have been indicated in the description +of Jabala b. al-Ayham's court, attributed to the poet +Ḥassán. An earlier bard, the famous Nábigha, having fallen +out of favour with Nu‘mán III of Híra, fled to Syria, where +he composed a splendid eulogy of the Ghassánids <span class="sidenote"> Nábigha's +encomium.</span> +in honour of his patron, King ‘Amr, son of Ḥárith +the Lame. After celebrating their warlike +prowess, which he has immortalised in the oft-quoted verse—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"One fault they have: their swords are blunt of edge</span> +<span class="i0">Through constant beating on their foemen's mail,"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>he concludes in a softer strain:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Theirs is a liberal nature that God gave</span> +<span class="i0">To no men else; their virtues never fail.</span> +<span class="i0">Their home the Holy Land: their faith upright:</span> +<span class="i0">They hope to prosper if good deeds avail.</span> +<span class="i0">Zoned in fair wise and delicately shod,</span> +<span class="i0">They keep the Feast of Palms, when maidens pale,</span> +<span class="i0">Whose scarlet silken robes on trestles hang,</span> +<span class="i0">Greet them with odorous boughs and bid them hail.</span> +<span class="i0">Long lapped in ease tho' bred to war, their limbs</span> +<span class="i0">Green-shouldered vestments, white-sleeved, richly veil."<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The Pre-islamic history of the Bedouins is mainly a record +of wars, or rather guerillas, in which a great deal of raiding +and plundering was accomplished, as a rule without serious +bloodshed. There was no lack of shouting; volleys of vaunts + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_55" id="Page_55" href="#"><span><i>HISTORY OF THE BEDOUINS</i></span>55</a></span> + +and satires were exchanged; camels and women were carried +off; many skirmishes took place but few pitched battles: it +was an Homeric kind of warfare that called forth individual +exertion in the highest degree, and gave ample opportunity for +single-handed deeds of heroism. "To write a true history of +such Bedouin feuds is well-nigh impossible. As comparatively +trustworthy sources of information we have only the <span class="sidenote"> Character of +Bedouin +history.</span> +poems and fragments of verse which have been preserved. +According to Suyúṭí, the Arabian traditionists +used to demand from any Bedouin who related +an historical event the citation of some verses in +its support; and, in effect, all such stories that have come +down to us are crystallised round the poems. Unfortunately +these crystals are seldom pure. It appears only too often that +the narratives have been invented, with abundant fancy and +with more or less skill, to suit the contents of the verses."<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> +But although what is traditionally related concerning the +Battle-days of the Arabs (<i>Ayyámu ’l-‘Arab</i>) is to a large extent +legendary, it describes with sufficient fidelity how tribal hostilities +generally arose and the way in which they were conducted. +The following account of the War of Basús—the +most famous of those waged in Pre-islamic times—will serve +to illustrate this important phase of Bedouin life.<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Towards the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Kulayb, son of Rabí‘a, +was chieftain of the Banú Taghlib, a powerful tribe which divided +with their kinsmen, the Banú Bakr, a vast tract in <span class="sidenote"> War of +Basús.</span> +north-eastern Arabia, extending from the central +highlands to the Syrian desert. His victory at the +head of a confederacy formed by these tribes and others over the +Yemenite Arabs made him the first man in the peninsula, and soon +his pride became no less proverbial than his power.<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> He was + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_56" id="Page_56" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>56</a></span> + +married to Ḥalíla, daughter of Murra, of the Banú Bakr, and dwelt +in a 'preserve' (<i>ḥimá</i>), where he claimed the sole right of pasturage +for himself and the sons of Murra. His brother-in-law, Jassás, had +an aunt named Basús. While living under her nephew's protection +she was joined by a certain Sa‘d, a client of her own people, who +brought with him a she-camel called Sarábi.</p></div> + +<p>Now it happened that Kulayb, seeing a lark's nest as he walked +on his land, said to the bird, which was screaming and fluttering <span class="sidenote">Kulayb b. +Rabí‘a and +Jassás b. Murra.</span> +distressfully over her eggs, "Have no fear! I will +protect thee." But a short time afterwards he +observed in that place the track of a strange camel +and found the eggs trodden to pieces. Next morning +when he and Jassás visited the pasture ground, Kulayb noticed the +she-camel of Sa‘d among his brother-in-law's herd, and conjecturing +that she had destroyed the eggs, cried out to Jassás, "Take heed +thou! Take heed! I have pondered something, and were I sure, +I would have done it! May this she-camel never come here again +with this herd!" "By God," exclaimed Jassás, "but she shall +come!" and when Kulayb threatened to pierce her udder with an +arrow, Jassás retorted, "By the stones of Wá’il,<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> fix thine arrow in +her udder and I will fix my lance in thy backbone!" Then he +drove his camels forth from the <i>ḥimá</i>. Kulayb went home in a +passion, and said to his wife, who sought to discover what ailed +him, "Knowest thou any one who durst defend his client against +me?" She answered, "No one except my brother Jassás, if he has +given his word." She did what she could to prevent the quarrel +going further, and for a time nothing worse than taunts passed +between them, until one day Kulayb went to look after his camels +which were being taken to water, and were followed by those of +Jassás. While the latter were waiting their turn to <span class="sidenote">The wounding +of Sa‘d's +she-camel.</span> +drink, Sa‘d's she-camel broke loose and ran towards +the water. Kulayb imagined that Jassás had let her +go deliberately, and resenting the supposed insult, he +seized his bow and shot her through the udder. The beast lay +down, moaning loudly, before the tent of Basús, who in vehement +indignation at the wrong suffered by her friend, Sa‘d, tore the veil +from her head, beating her face and crying, "O shame, shame!" +Then, addressing Sa‘d, but raising her voice so that Jassás might + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_57" id="Page_57" href="#"><span><i>THE WAR OF BASÚS</i></span>57</a></span> + +hear, she spoke these verses, which are known as 'The Instigators' +(<i>al-Muwaththibát</i>):—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i6">"<i>O Sa‘d, be not deceived! Protect thyself!</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>This people for their clients have no care.</i></span> + +<span class="sidenote">Verses spoken by Basús.</span> + +<span class="i8"><i>Look to my herds, I charge thee, for I doubt</i></span> +<span class="i8"><i>Even my little daughters ill may fare.</i></span> +<span class="i8"><i>By thy life, had I been in Minqar's house,</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>Thou would'st not have been wronged, my client, there!</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>But now such folk I dwell among that when</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>The wolf comes, 'tis my sheep he comes to tear!</i>"<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Jassás was stung to the quick by the imputation, which no Arab +can endure, that injury and insult might be inflicted upon his guest-friend +with impunity. Some days afterwards, having ascertained +that Kulayb had gone out unarmed, he followed and slew him, and +fled in haste to his own people. Murra, when he heard the news, +said to his son, "Thou alone must answer for thy deed: thou shalt +be put in chains that his kinsmen may slay thee. By the stones of +Wá’il, never will Bakr and Taghlib be joined together <span class="sidenote"> Kulayb +murdered by +Jassás.</span> +in welfare after the death of Kulayb. Verily, an evil +thing hast thou brought upon thy people, O Jassás! +Thou hast slain their chief and severed their union +and cast war into their midst." So he put Jassás in chains and confined +him in a tent; then he summoned the elders of the families +and asked them, "What do ye say concerning Jassás? Here he is, +a prisoner, until the avengers demand him and we deliver him unto +them." "No, by God," cried Sa‘d b. Málik b. Ḍubay‘a b. Qays, "we +will not give him up, but will fight for him to the last man!" With +these words he called for a camel to be sacrificed, and when its +throat was cut they swore to one another over the blood. Thereupon +Murra said to Jassás:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i6">"<i>If war thou hast wrought and brought on me,</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>No laggard I with arms outworn.</i></span> + +<span class="sidenote">Verses of Murra, the father of Jassás.</span> + +<span class="i8"><i>Whate'er befall, I make to flow</i></span> +<span class="i8"><i>The baneful cups of death at morn.</i></span> +<span class="i8"> </span> +<span class="i8"><i>When spear-points clash, my wounded man</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>Is forced to drag the spear he stained.</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>Never I reck, if war must be,</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>What Destiny hath preordained.</i></span> + +<span class="i6"> <span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_58" id="Page_58" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>58</a></span></span> + +<span class="i6"><i>Donning war's harness, I will strive</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>To fend from me the shame that sears.</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>Already I thrill and my lust is roused</i></span> +<span class="i6"><i>For the shock of the horsemen against the spears!</i>"<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Thus began the War of Basús between Taghlib on the one side +and the clan of Shaybán, to which Murra belonged, on the other; <span class="sidenote"> Outbreak of +war between +Taghlib and +Bakr.</span> +for at first the remaining divisions of Bakr held aloof +from the struggle, considering Shaybán to be clearly +in the wrong. The latter were reduced to dire straits, +when an event occurred which caused the Bakrites +to rise as one man on behalf of their fellows. Ḥárith b.‘Ubád, +a famous knight of Bakr, had refused to take part in the contest, +saying in words which became proverbial, "I have neither camel +nor she-camel in it," <i>i.e.</i>, "it is no affair of mine." One day his +nephew, Bujayr, encountered Kulayb's brother, Muhalhil, on whom +the mantle of the murdered chief had fallen; and Muhalhil, struck +with admiration for the youth's comeliness, asked him who he was. +"Bujayr," said he, "the son of ‘Amr, the son of ‘Ubád." "And +who is thy uncle on the mother's side?" "My mother is a captive" +(for he would not name an uncle of whom he had no honour). +Then Muhalhil slew him, crying, "Pay for Kulayb's shoe-latchet!" +On hearing this, Ḥárith sent a message to Muhalhil in which he +declared that if vengeance were satisfied by the death of Bujayr, +he for his part would gladly acquiesce. But Muhalhil replied, "I +have taken satisfaction only for Kulayb's shoe-latchet." Thereupon +Ḥárith sprang up in wrath and cried:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"<i>God knows, I kindled not this fire, altho'</i></span> +<span class="i2"><i>I am burned in it to-day.</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>A lord for a shoe-latchet is too dear:</i></span> +<span class="i2"><i>To horse! To horse! Away!</i>"<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>And al-Find, of the Banú Bakr, said on this occasion:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"<i>We spared the Banú Hind<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> +and said, 'Our brothers they remain:</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>It may be Time will make of us one people yet again.'</i>"</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_59" id="Page_59" href="#"><span><i>THE WAR OF BASÚS</i></span>59</a></span> + +<span class="i0"><i>But when the wrong grew manifest, and naked Ill stood plain,</i></span> + +<span class="sidenote">Verses by<br /> al-Find.</span> + +<span class="i7"><i>And naught was left but ruthless hate, we paid them bane with bane!</i></span> +<span class="i7"><i>As lions marched we forth to war in wrath and high disdain:</i></span> +<span class="i7"><i>Our swords brought widowhood and tears and wailing in their train,</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>Our spears dealt gashes wide whence blood like water spilled amain.</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>No way but Force to weaken Force and mastery obtain;</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>'Tis wooing contumely to meet wild actions with humane:</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>By evil thou may'st win to peace when good is tried in vain.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">124</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The Banú Bakr now prepared for a decisive battle. As their +enemy had the advantage in numbers, they adopted a stratagem +devised by Ḥárith. "Fight them," said he, "with your women. +Equip every woman with a small waterskin and give her a club. +Place the whole body of them behind you—this will make you more +resolved in battle—and wear some distinguishing mark which they +will recognise, so that when a woman passes by one of your +wounded she may know him by his mark and give him water to +drink, and raise him from the ground; but when she passes by one +of your foes she will smite him with her club and slay him." So the +Bakrites shaved their heads, devoting themselves to <span class="sidenote"> The Day of +Shearing.</span> +death, and made this a mark of recognition between +themselves and their women, and this day was called +the Day of Shearing. Now Jaḥdar b. Ḍubay‘a was an ill-favoured, +dwarfish man, with fair flowing love-locks, and he said, "O my +people, if ye shave my head ye will disfigure me, so leave my locks +for the first horseman of Taghlib that shall emerge from the hill-pass +on the morrow" (meaning "I will answer for him, if my locks are +spared"). On his request being granted, he exclaimed:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i9">"<i>To wife and daughter</i></span> +<span class="i10"><i>Henceforth I am dead:</i></span> +<span class="i9"><i>Dust for ointment</i></span> +<span class="i10"><i>On my hair is shed.</i></span> + +</div><div class="stanza"> + +<span class="sidenote">The vow of Jaḥdar b. Ḍubay‘a.</span> + +<span class="i9"><i>Let me close with the horsemen</i></span> +<span class="i10"><i>Who hither ride,</i></span> +<span class="i9"><i>Cut my locks from me</i></span> +<span class="i10"><i>If I stand aside!</i></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_60" id="Page_60" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>60</a></span> + +<span class="i9"><i>Well wots a mother</i></span> +<span class="i10"><i>If the son she bore</i></span> +<span class="i9"><i>And swaddled on her bosom</i></span> +<span class="i10"><i>And smelt him o'er,</i></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i9"><i>Whenever warriors</i></span> +<span class="i10"><i>In the mellay meet,</i></span> +<span class="i9"><i>Is a puny weakling</i></span> +<span class="i10"><i>Or a man complete!</i>"<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">125</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>He kept his promise but in the course of the fight he fell, severely +wounded. When the women came to him, they saw his love-locks +and imagining that he was an enemy despatched him with their +clubs.</p> + +<p>The presence of women on the field and the active share they +<span class="sidenote">Women as +combatants.</span>took in the combat naturally provoked the bitterest feelings. If +they were not engaged in finishing the bloody work of +the men, their tongues were busy inciting them. We +are told that a daughter of al-Find bared herself +recklessly and chanted:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"<i>War! War! War! War!</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>It has blazed up and scorched us sore.</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>The highlands are filled with its roar.</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>Well done, the morning when your heads ye shore!</i>"<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">126</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The mothers were accompanied by their children, whose tender +age did not always protect them from an exasperated foe. It is +related that a horseman of the Banú Taghlib transfixed a young boy +and lifted him up on the point of his spear. He is said to have been +urged to this act of savagery by one al-Bazbáz, who was riding +behind him on the crupper. Their triumph was short; al-Find saw +them, and with a single spear-thrust pinned them to each other—an +exploit which his own verses record.</p> + +<p>On this day the Banú Bakr gained a great victory, and broke the +power of Taghlib. It was the last battle of note in the Forty +Years' War, which was carried on, by raiding and plundering, until +the exhaustion of both tribes and the influence of King Mundhir III +of Ḥíra brought it to an end.</p> + +<p>Not many years after the conclusion of peace between + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_61" id="Page_61" href="#"><span><i>THE WAR OF DÁḤIS AND GHABRÁ</i></span>61</a></span> + +Bakr and Taghlib, another war, hardly less famous in tradition <span class="sidenote"> The War of +Dáḥis and +Ghabrá.</span> +than the War of Basús, broke out in Central Arabia. The +combatants were the tribes of ‘Abs and Dhubyán, +the principal stocks of the Banú Ghaṭafán, +and the occasion of their coming to blows is +related as follows:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Qays, son of Zuhayr, was chieftain of ‘Abs. He had a horse +called Dáḥis, renowned for its speed, which he matched against +Ghabrá, a mare belonging to Ḥudhayfa b. Badr, the chief of +Dhubyán. It was agreed that the course should be a hundred +bow-shots in length, and that the victor should receive a hundred +camels. When the race began Ghabrá took the lead, but as they +left the firm ground and entered upon the sand, where the 'going' +was heavy, Dáḥis gradually drew level and passed his antagonist. +He was nearing the goal when some Dhubyánites sprang from an +ambuscade prepared beforehand, and drove him out of his course, +thus enabling Ghabrá to defeat him. On being informed of this +foul play Qays naturally claimed that he had won the wager, but +the men of Dhubyán refused to pay even a single camel. Bitterly +resenting their treachery, he waylaid and slew one of Ḥudhayfa's +brothers. Ḥudhayfa sought vengeance, and the murder of Málik, +a brother of Qays, by his horsemen gave the signal for war. In the +fighting which ensued Dhubyán more than held their own, but +neither party could obtain a decisive advantage. Qays slew the +brothers Ḥudhayfa and Ḥamal—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"<i>Ḥamal I slew and eased my heart thereby,</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>Ḥudhayfa glutted my avenging brand;</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>But though I slaked my thirst by slaying them,</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>I would as lief have lost my own right hand.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">127</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>After a long period—forty years according to the traditional +computation—‘Abs and Dhubyán were reconciled by the exertions +of two chieftains of the latter tribe, Ḥárith b. ‘Awf and Harim b. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_62" id="Page_62" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>62</a></span> + +Sinán, whose generous and patriotic intervention the poet Zuhayr +has celebrated. Qays went into exile. "I will not look," he said, +"on the face of any woman of Dhubyán whose father or brother or +husband or son I have killed." If we may believe the legend, he +became a Christian monk and ended his days in ‘Umán.</p></div> + +<p>Descending westward from the highlands of Najd the +traveller gradually approaches the Red Sea, which is separated +from the mountains running parallel to it by a <span class="sidenote"> The Ḥijáz.</span> +narrow strip of coast-land, called the Tiháma +(Netherland). The rugged plateau between Najd and the +coast forms the Ḥijáz (Barrier), through which in ancient +times the Sabæan caravans laden with costly merchandise +passed on their way to the Mediterranean ports. Long before +the beginning of our era two considerable trading settlements +had sprung up in this region, viz., Macoraba (Mecca) and, +some distance farther north, Yathrippa (Yathrib, the Pre-islamic +name of Medína). Of their early inhabitants and +history we know nothing except what is related by Muḥammadan +writers, whose information reaches back to the days of +Adam and Abraham. Mecca was the cradle of Islam, and +Islam, according to Muḥammad, is the religion of Abraham, +which was corrupted by succeeding generations until he himself +was sent to purify it and to preach it anew. Consequently +the Pre-islamic history of Mecca has all been, so to speak, +'Islamised.' The Holy City of Islam is made to appear in +the same light thousands of years before the Prophet's time: +here, it is said, the Arabs were united in worship of Allah, +hence they scattered and fell into idolatry, hither they return +annually as pilgrims to a shrine which had been originally +dedicated to the One Supreme Being, but which afterwards +became a Pantheon of tribal deities. This theory lies at the +root of the Muḥammadan legend which I shall now recount +as briefly as possible, only touching on the salient points of +interest.</p> + +<p>In the Meccan valley—the primitive home of that portion + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_63" id="Page_63" href="#"><span><i>EARLY HISTORY OF MECCA</i></span>63</a></span> + +of the Arab race which claims descent from Ismá‘íl (Ishmael), +the son of Ibráhím (Abraham) by Hájar (Hagar)—stands an +irregular, cube-shaped building of small dimensions—the +Ka‘ba. Legend attributes its foundation <span class="sidenote">Foundation of +the Ka‘ba.</span> +to Adam, who built it by Divine command after +a celestial archetype. At the Deluge it was taken up into +heaven, but was rebuilt on its former site by Abraham and +Ishmael. While they were occupied in this work Gabriel +brought the celebrated Black Stone, which is set in the south-east +corner of the building, and he also instructed them in the +ceremonies of the Pilgrimage. When all was finished Abraham +stood on a rock known to later ages as the <i>Maqámu Ibráhím</i>, +and, turning to the four quarters of the sky, made proclamation: +"O ye people! The Pilgrimage to the Ancient House +is prescribed unto you. Hearken to your Lord!" And +from every part of the world came the answer: "<i>Labbayka +’lláhumma, labbayka</i>"—<i>i.e.</i>, "We obey, O God, we obey."</p> + +<p>The descendants of Ishmael multiplied exceedingly, so that +the barren valley could no longer support them, and a great +number wandered forth to other lands. They were succeeded +as rulers of the sacred territory by the tribe of Jurhum, who +waxed in pride and evil-doing until the vengeance of God fell +upon them. Mention has frequently been made of the Bursting +of the Dyke of Ma’rib, which caused an extensive movement +of Yemenite stocks to the north. The invaders halted +in the Ḥijáz and, having almost exterminated the Jurhumites, +resumed their journey. One group, however—the Banú +Khuzá‘a, led by their chief Luḥayy—settled in the neighbourhood +of Mecca. ‘Amr, son of Luḥayy, was renowned +among the Arabs for his wealth and generosity. Ibn Hishám +says: 'I have been told by a learned man that ‘Amr b. Luḥayy +went from Mecca to Syria on some business <span class="sidenote"> Idolatry introduced +at Mecca.</span> +and when he arrived at Má’ab, in the land +of al-Balqá, he found the inhabitants, who were +‘Amálíq, worshipping idols. "What are these idols?" he inquired. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_64" id="Page_64" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>64</a></span> + +"They are idols that send us rain when we ask them +for rain, and help us when we ask them for help." "Will ye +not give me one of them," said ‘Amr, "that I may take it to +Arabia to be worshipped there?" So they gave him an idol +called Hubal, which he brought to Mecca and set it up and +bade the people worship and venerate it.'<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> Following his +example, the Arabs brought their idols and installed them +round the sanctuary. The triumph of Paganism was complete. +We are told that hundreds of idols were destroyed by +Muḥammad when he entered Mecca at the head of a Moslem +army in 8 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 629 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p> + +<p>To return to the posterity of Ismá‘íl through ‘Adnán: the +principal of their descendants who remained in the Ḥijáz were <span class="sidenote"> The Quraysh.</span> +the Hudhayl, the Kinána, and the Quraysh. The +last-named tribe must now engage our attention +almost exclusively. During the century before Muḥammad +we find them in undisputed possession of Mecca and acknowledged +guardians of the Ka‘ba—an office which they administered +with a shrewd appreciation of its commercial value. +Their rise to power is related as follows:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Kiláb b. Murra, a man of Quraysh, had two sons, Zuhra and Zayd. +The latter was still a young child when his father died, and soon +afterwards his mother, Fáṭima, who had married again, <span class="sidenote"> The story of +Quṣayy.</span> +left Mecca, taking Zayd with her, and went to live in +her new husband's home beside the Syrian borders. +Zayd grew up far from his native land, and for this reason he got +the name of Quṣayy—<i>i.e.</i>, 'Little Far-away.' When he reached +man's estate and discovered his true origin he returned to Mecca, +where the hegemony was wholly in the hands of the Khuzá‘ites +under their chieftain, Ḥulayl b. Ḥubshiyya, with the determination +to procure the superintendence of the Ka‘ba for his own people, the +Quraysh, who as pure-blooded descendants of Ismá‘íl had the best +right to that honour. By his marriage with Ḥubbá, the daughter of +Ḥulayl, he hoped to inherit the privileges vested in his father-in-law, +but Ḥulayl on his deathbed committed the keys of the Ka‘ba to a + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_65" id="Page_65" href="#"><span><i>THE QURAYSH</i></span>65</a></span> + +kinsman named Abú Ghubshán. Not to be baffled, Quṣayy made +the keeper drunk and persuaded him to sell the keys for a skin of +wine—hence the proverbs "A greater fool than Abú Ghubshán" +and "Abú Ghubshán's bargain," denoting a miserable fraud. +Naturally the Khuza‘ites did not acquiesce in the results of this +transaction; they took up arms, but Quṣayy was prepared for the +struggle and won a decisive victory. He was now master of Temple +and Town and could proceed to the work of organisation. His first +step was to bring together the Quraysh, who had <span class="sidenote"> Quṣayy master +of Mecca.</span> +previously been dispersed over a wide area, into the +Meccan valley—this earned for him the title of <i>al-Mujammi‘</i> +(the Congregator)—so that each family had its allotted +quarter. He built a House of Assembly (<i>Dáru ’l-Nadwa</i>), where +matters affecting the common weal were discussed by the Elders of +the tribe. He also instituted and centred in himself a number of +dignities in connection with the government of the Ka‘ba and the +administration of the Pilgrimage, besides others of a political and +military character. Such was his authority that after his death, no +less than during his life, all these ordinances were regarded by the +Quraysh as sacred and inviolable.</p></div> + +<p>The death of Quṣayy may be placed in the latter half of the +fifth century. His descendant, the Prophet Muḥammad, was <span class="sidenote"> Mecca in the +sixth century +after Christ.</span> +born about a hundred years afterwards, in 570 or +571 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> With one notable exception, to be +mentioned immediately, the history of Mecca +during the period thus defined is a record of petty factions +unbroken by any event of importance. The Prophet's +ancestors fill the stage and assume a commanding position, +which in all likelihood they never possessed; the historical +rivalry of the Umayyads and ‘Abbásids appears in the persons +of their founders, Umayya and Háshim—and so forth. Meanwhile +the influence of the Quraysh was steadily maintained +and extended. The Ka‘ba had become a great national +rendezvous, and the crowds of pilgrims which it attracted +from almost every Arabian clan not only raised the credit of +the Quraysh, but also materially contributed to their commercial +prosperity. It has already been related how Abraha, +the Abyssinian viceroy of Yemen, resolved to march against + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_66" id="Page_66" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>66</a></span> + +Mecca with the avowed purpose of avenging upon the Ka‘ba +a sacrilege committed by one of the Quraysh in the church +at Ṣan‘á. Something of that kind may have served as a +pretext, but no doubt his real aim was to conquer Mecca and +to gain control of her trade.</p> + +<p>This memorable expedition<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> is said by Moslem historians +to have taken place in the year of Muḥammad's birth (about <span class="sidenote"> The Year of +the Elephant.</span> +570 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), usually known as the Year of the +Elephant—a proof that the Arabs were deeply +impressed by the extraordinary spectacle of these +huge animals, one or more of which accompanied the +Abyssinian force. The report of Abraha's preparations filled +the tribesmen with dismay. At first they endeavoured to +oppose his march, regarding the defence of the Ka‘ba as a +sacred duty, but they soon lost heart, and Abraha, after +defeating Dhú Nafar, a Ḥimyarite chieftain, encamped in the +neighbourhood of Mecca without further resistance. He sent +the following message to ‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib, the <span class="sidenote"> The Abyssinians +at Mecca.</span> +Prophet's grandfather, who was at that time the +most influential personage in Mecca: "I have +not come to wage war on you, but only to destroy the +Temple. Unless you take up arms in its defence, I have +no wish to shed your blood." ‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib replied: +"By God, we seek not war, for which we are unable. This +is God's holy House and the House of Abraham, His Friend; +it is for Him to protect His House and Sanctuary; if He +abandons it, we cannot defend it."</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Then ‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib was conducted by the envoy to the +Abyssinian camp, as Abraha had ordered. There he inquired after +Dhú Nafar, who was his friend, and found him a <span class="sidenote">‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib's +interview +with Abraha.</span> +prisoner. "O Dhú Nafar," said he, "can you do +aught in that which has befallen us?" Dhú Nafar +answered, "What can a man do who is a captive in the hands of a + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_67" id="Page_67" href="#"><span><i>THE ABYSSINIAN INVASION</i></span>67</a></span> + +king, expecting day and night to be put to death? I can do nothing +at all in the matter, but Unays, the elephant-driver, is my friend; I +will send to him and press your claims on his consideration and ask +him to procure you an audience with the king. Tell Unays what +you wish: he will plead with the king in your favour if he can." +So Dhú Nafar sent for Unays and said to him, "O Unays, ‘Abdu +’l-Muṭṭalib is lord of Quraysh and master of the caravans of Mecca. +He feeds the people in the plain and the wild creatures on the +mountain-tops. The king has seized two hundred of his camels. +Now get him admitted to the king's presence and help him to the +best of your power." Unays consented, and soon ‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib +stood before the king. When Abraha saw him he held him in too +high respect to let him sit in an inferior place, but was unwilling +that the Abyssinians should see the Arab chief, who was a large +man and a comely, seated on a level with himself; he therefore +descended from his throne and sat on his carpet and bade ‘Abdu +’l-Muṭṭalib sit beside him. Then he said to his dragoman, "Ask +him what he wants of me." ‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib replied, "I want the +king to restore to me two hundred camels of mine which he has +taken away." Abraha said to the dragoman, "Tell him: You +pleased me when I first saw you, but now that you have spoken to +me I hold you cheap. What! do you speak to me of two hundred +camels which I have taken, and omit to speak of a temple venerated +by you and your fathers which I have come to destroy?" Then said +‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib: "The camels are mine, but the Temple belongs +to another, who will defend it," and on the king exclaiming, "He +cannot defend it from me," he said, "That is your affair; only give +me back my camels."</p> + +<p>As it is related in a more credible version, the tribes settled round +Mecca sent ambassadors, of whom ‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib was one, offering +to surrender a third part of their possessions to Abraha on condition +that he should spare the Temple, but he refused. Having +recovered his camels, ‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib returned to the Quraysh, +told them what had happened, and bade them leave the city and +take shelter in the mountains. Then he went to the Ka‘ba, accompanied +by several of the Quraysh, to pray for help against Abraha +and his army. Grasping the ring of the door, he cried:—</p></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"<i>O God, defend Thy neighbouring folk even as a man his gear</i><a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> <i>defendeth!</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>Let not their Cross and guileful plans defeat the plans Thyself intendeth!</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>But if Thou make it so, 'tis well: according to Thy will it endeth.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_68" id="Page_68" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>68</a></span>Next morning, when Abraha prepared to enter Mecca, his +elephant knelt down and would not budge, though they beat its +head with an axe and thrust sharp stakes into its flanks; but when +they turned it in the direction of Yemen, it rose up and trotted with +alacrity. Then God sent from the sea a flock of birds like swallows +every one of which carried three stones as large as a <span class="sidenote"> Rout of the +Abyssinians.</span> +chick-pea or a lentil, one in its bill and one in each +claw, and all who were struck by those stones perished.<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> +The rest fled in disorder, dropping down as they ran or wherever +they halted to quench their thirst. Abraha himself was smitten +with a plague so that his limbs rotted off piecemeal.<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a></p></div> + +<p>These details are founded on the 105th chapter of the +Koran, entitled 'The Súra of the Elephant,' which may be +freely rendered as follows:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Hast not thou seen the people of the Elephant, how dealt with them the Lord?</span> +<span class="i0">Did not He make their plot to end in ruin abhorred?—</span> +<span class="i0">When He sent against them birds, horde on horde,</span> +<span class="i0">And stones of baked clay upon them poured,</span> +<span class="i0">And made them as leaves of corn devoured."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The part played by ‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib in the story is, of +course, a pious fiction designed to glorify the Holy City and +to claim for the Prophet's family fifty years before Islam a +predominance which they did not obtain until long afterwards; +but equally of course the legend reflects Muḥammadan belief, +and may be studied with advantage as a characteristic specimen +of its class.</p> + +<p>"When God repulsed the Abyssinians from Mecca and +smote them with His vengeance, the Arabs held the Quraysh + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_69" id="Page_69" href="#"><span><i>ROUT OF THE ABYSSINIANS</i></span>69</a></span> + +in high respect and said, 'They are God's people: God hath +fought for them and hath defended them against their enemy;' +and made poems on this matter."<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> The following verses, +according to Ibn Isḥáq, are by Abu ’l-Ṣalt b. Abí Rabí‘a of +Thaqíf; others more reasonably ascribe them to his son +Umayya, a well-known poet and monotheist (Ḥaníf) contemporary +with Muḥammad:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i6">"Lo, the signs of our Lord are everlasting,</span> +<span class="i6">None disputes them except the unbeliever.</span> +<span class="i6">He created Day and Night: unto all men</span> +<span class="i6">Is their Reckoning ordained, clear and certain.</span> +<span class="i6">Gracious Lord! He illumines the daytime</span> + +<span class="sidenote">Verses by Umayya b. Abi ’l-Ṣalt.</span> + +<span class="i8">With a sun widely scattering radiance.</span> +<span class="i8">He the Elephant stayed at Mughammas</span> +<span class="i8">So that sore it limped as though it were hamstrung,</span> +<span class="i8">Cleaving close to its halter, and down dropped,</span> +<span class="i6">As one falls from the crag of a mountain.</span> +<span class="i6">Gathered round it were princes of Kinda,</span> +<span class="i6">Noble heroes, fierce hawks in the mellay.</span> +<span class="i6">There they left it: they all fled together,</span> +<span class="i6">Every man with his shank-bone broken.</span> +<span class="i6">Vain before God is every religion,</span> +<span class="i6">When the dead rise, except the Ḥanífite.<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a>"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The patriotic feelings aroused in the Arabs of the Ḥijáz +by the Abyssinian invasion—feelings which must have been +shared to some extent by the Bedouins generally—received a +fresh stimulus through events which occurred about forty years +after this time on the other side of the peninsula. It will be +remembered that the Lakhmite dynasty at Ḥíra came to an +end with Nu‘mán III, who was cruelly executed by Khusraw +Parwéz (602 or 607 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> Before his death he had deposited +his arms and other property with Háni’, a chieftain of the +Banú Bakr. These were claimed by Khusraw, and as Háni’ +refused to give them up, a Persian army was sent to Dhú Qár, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_70" id="Page_70" href="#"><span><i>THE LEGENDS OF THE PAGAN ARABS</i></span>70</a></span> + +a place near Kúfa abounding in water and consequently a +favourite resort of the Bakrites during the dry season. A +desperate conflict ensued, in which the Persians <span class="sidenote">Battle of Dhú +Qár (<i>circa</i> 610 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +were completely routed.<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> Although the forces +engaged were comparatively small,<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> this victory +was justly regarded by the Arabs as marking the commencement +of a new order of things; <i>e.g.</i>, it is related that +Muḥammad said when the tidings reached him: "This is the +first day on which the Arabs have obtained satisfaction from +the Persians." The desert tribes, hitherto overshadowed by +the Sásánian Empire and held in check by the powerful +dynasty of Ḥíra, were now confident and aggressive. They +began to hate and despise the Colossus which they no longer +feared, and which, before many years had elapsed, they trampled +in the dust.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER III</h4> + +<h5>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY, MANNERS, AND RELIGION</h5> + +<p>"When there appeared a poet in a family of the Arabs, the +other tribes round about would gather together to that family +and wish them joy of their good luck. Feasts would be got +ready, the women of the tribe would join together in bands, +playing upon lutes, as they were wont to do at bridals, and the +men and boys would congratulate one another; for a poet was +a defence to the honour of them all, a weapon to ward off +insult from their good name, and a means of perpetuating their +glorious deeds and of establishing their fame for ever. And +they used not to wish one another joy but for three things—the +birth of a boy, the coming to light of a poet, and the +foaling of a noble mare."<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">139</a></p> + +<p>As far as extant literature is concerned—and at this time +there was only a spoken literature, which was preserved by +oral tradition, and first committed to writing long afterwards—the +<i>Jáhiliyya</i> or Pre-islamic Age covers scarcely more than +a century, from about 500 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, when the oldest poems of +which we have any record were composed, to the year of +Muḥammad's Flight to Medína (622 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), which is the +starting-point of a new era in Arabian history. The influence +of these hundred and twenty years was great and lasting. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_72" id="Page_72" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>72</a></span> + +They saw the rise and incipient decline of a poetry which +most Arabic-speaking Moslems have always regarded as a +model of unapproachable excellence; a poetry rooted in the +life of the people, that insensibly moulded their minds and +fixed their character and made them morally and spiritually a +nation long before Muḥammad welded the various conflicting +groups into a single organism, animated, for some time at +least, by a common purpose. In those days poetry was no +luxury for the cultured few, but the sole medium of literary +expression. Every tribe had its poets, who freely uttered what +they felt and thought. Their unwritten words "flew across +the desert faster than arrows," and came home to the hearts +and bosoms of all who heard them. Thus in the midst of +outward strife and disintegration a unifying principle was at +work. Poetry gave life and currency to an ideal of Arabian +virtue (<i>muruwwa</i>), which, though based on tribal community +of blood and insisting that only ties of blood were sacred, +nevertheless became an invisible bond between diverse clans, +and formed, whether consciously or not, the basis of a national +community of sentiment.</p> + +<p>In the following pages I propose to trace the origins of +<span class="sidenote">Origins of Arabian Poetry</span>Arabian poetry, to describe its form, contents, and general +features, to give some account of the most celebrated +Pre-islamic poets and collections of Pre-islamic +verse, and finally to show in what manner +it was preserved and handed down.</p> + +<p>By the ancient Arabs the poet (<i>shá‘ir</i>, plural <i>shu‘ará</i>), as his +name implies, was held to be a person endowed with supernatural +knowledge, a wizard in league with spirits (<i>jinn</i>) or +satans (<i>shayáṭín</i>) and dependent on them for the magical +powers which he displayed. This view of his personality, +as well as the influential position which he occupied, are curiously +indicated by the story of a certain youth who was refused +the hand of his beloved on the ground that he was neither a poet + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_73" id="Page_73" href="#"><span><i>THE POET AS A WIZARD</i></span>73</a></span> + +nor a soothsayer nor a water-diviner.<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> The idea of poetry as +an art was developed afterwards; the pagan <i>shá‘ir</i> is the oracle +of his tribe, their guide in peace and their champion in war. +It was to him they turned for counsel when they sought new +pastures, only at his word would they pitch or strike their 'houses +of hair,' and when the tired and thirsty wanderers found a well +and drank of its water and washed themselves, led by him they +may have raised their voices together and sung, like Israel—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"Spring up, O well, sing ye unto it."<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">141</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Besides fountain-songs, war-songs, and hymns to idols, +other kinds of poetry must have existed in the earliest times—<i>e.g.</i>, +the love-song and the dirge. The powers of the <i>shá‘ir</i>, +however, were chiefly exhibited in Satire (<i>hijá</i>), which in the <span class="sidenote"> Satire.</span> +oldest known form "introduces and accompanies the tribal +feud, and is an element of war just as important +as the actual fighting."<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> The menaces which he +hurled against the foe were believed to be inevitably fatal. +His rhymes, often compared to arrows, had all the effect of a +solemn curse spoken by a divinely inspired prophet or priest,<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> +and their pronunciation was attended with peculiar ceremonies +of a symbolic character, such as anointing the hair on one side +of the head, letting the mantle hang down loosely, and wearing +only one sandal.<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> Satire retained something of these +ominous associations at a much later period when the magic +utterance of the <i>shá‘ir</i> had long given place to the lampoon + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_74" id="Page_74" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>74</a></span> + +by which the poet reviles his enemies and holds them up to +shame.</p> + +<p>The obscure beginnings of Arabian poetry, presided over +by the magician and his familiar spirits, have left not a <span class="sidenote">Saj‘.</span> +rack behind in the shape of literature, but the task +of reconstruction is comparatively easy where we +are dealing with a people so conservative and tenacious of +antiquity as the Arabs. Thus it may be taken for certain +that the oldest form of poetical speech in Arabia was rhyme +without metre (<i>Saj‘</i>), or, as we should say, 'rhymed prose,' +although the fact of Muḥammad's adversaries calling him a +poet because he used it in the Koran shows the light in which +it was regarded even after the invention and elaboration of +metre. Later on, as we shall see, <i>Saj‘</i> became a merely +rhetorical ornament, the distinguishing mark of all eloquence +whether spoken or written, but originally it had a deeper, +almost religious, significance as the special form adopted by +poets, soothsayers, and the like in their supernatural revelations +and for conveying to the vulgar every kind of mysterious and +esoteric lore.</p> + +<p>Out of <i>Saj‘</i> was evolved the most ancient of the Arabian +metres, which is known by the name of <i>Rajaz</i>.<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> This is an +irregular iambic metre usually consisting of four <span class="sidenote"> Rajaz.</span> +or six—an Arab would write 'two or three'—feet +to the line; and it is a peculiarity of <i>Rajaz</i>, marking its +affinity to <i>Saj‘</i>, that all the lines rhyme with each other, +whereas in the more artificial metres only the opening verse<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_75" id="Page_75" href="#"><span><i>ARABIAN METRES</i></span>75</a></span> + +is doubly rhymed. A further characteristic of <i>Rajaz</i> is that +it should be uttered extempore, a few verses at a time—commonly +verses expressing some personal feeling, emotion, or +experience, like those of the aged warrior Durayd b. Zayd b. +Nahd when he lay dying:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"The house of death<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> is builded for Durayd to-day.</span> +<span class="i0">Could Time be worn out, sure had I worn Time away.</span> +<span class="i0">No single foe but I had faced and brought to bay.</span> +<span class="i0">The spoils I gathered in, how excellent were they!</span> +<span class="i0">The women that I loved, how fine was their array!"<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">148</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Here would have been the proper place to give an account +of the principal Arabian metres—the 'Perfect' (<i>Kámil</i>), the +'Ample' (<i>Wáfir</i>) the 'Long' (<i>Ṭawíl</i>), the <span class="sidenote"> Other metres.</span> +'Wide' (<i>Basiṭ</i>), the 'Light' (<i>Khafíf</i>), and +several more—but in order to save valuable space I must +content myself with referring the reader to the extremely +lucid treatment of this subject by Sir Charles Lyall in the +Introduction to his <i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, pp. xlv-lii. All +the metres are quantitative, as in Greek and Latin. Their +names and laws were unknown to the Pre-islamic bards: the +rules of prosody were first deduced from the ancient poems and +systematised by the grammarian, Khalíl b. Ahmad († 791 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +to whom the idea is said to have occurred as he watched a +coppersmith beating time on the anvil with his hammer.</p> + +<p>We have now to consider the form and matter of the oldest +extant poems in the Arabic language. Between these highly <span class="sidenote"> The oldest +extant poems.</span> +developed productions and the rude doggerel of +<i>Saj‘</i> or <i>Rajaz</i> there lies an interval, the length of +which it is impossible even to conjecture. The +first poets are already consummate masters of the craft. "The +number and complexity of the measures which they use, their +established laws of quantity and rhyme, and the uniform + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_76" id="Page_76" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>76</a></span> + +manner in which they introduce the subject of their poems,<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> +notwithstanding the distance which often separated one composer +from another, all point to a long previous study and +cultivation of the art of expression and the capacities of their +language, a study of which no record now remains."<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">150</a></p> + +<p>It is not improbable that the dawn of the Golden Age of +Arabian Poetry coincided with the first decade of the sixth <span class="sidenote"> Their date.</span> +century after Christ. About that time the War +of Basús, the chronicle of which has preserved a +considerable amount of contemporary verse, was in full +blaze; and the first Arabian ode was composed, according +to tradition, by Muhalhil b. Rabí‘a the Taghlibite on the +death of his brother, the chieftain Kulayb, which caused war +to break out between Bakr and Taghlib. At any rate, during +the next hundred years in almost every part of the peninsula +we meet with a brilliant succession of singers, all using the +same poetical dialect and strictly adhering to the same rules of +composition. The fashion which they set maintained itself +virtually unaltered down to the end of the Umayyad period +(750 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), and though challenged by some daring spirits under +the ‘Abbásid Caliphate, speedily reasserted its supremacy, which +at the present day is almost as absolute as ever.</p> + +<p>This fashion centres in the <i>Qaṣída</i>,<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> or Ode, the only +form, or rather the only finished type of poetry that existed + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_77" id="Page_77" href="#"><span><i>THE QAṢÍDA OR ODE</i></span>77</a></span> + +in what, for want of a better word, may be called the classical +period of Arabic literature. The verses (<i>abyát</i>, singular <i>bayt</i>) +of which it is built vary in number, but are seldom <span class="sidenote"> The Qaṣída.</span> +less than twenty-five or more than a hundred; +and the arrangement of the rhymes is such that, while the two +halves of the first verse rhyme together, the same rhyme is +repeated once in the second, third, and every following verse +to the end of the poem. Blank-verse is alien to the Arabs, +who regard rhyme not as a pleasing ornament or a "troublesome +bondage," but as a vital organ of poetry. The rhymes +are usually feminine, <i>e.g.</i>, sa<i>khíná</i>, tu<i>líná</i>, mu<i>híná</i>; mukh<i>lidí</i>, +<i>yadí</i>, ‘uw<i>wadí</i>; ri<i>jámuhá</i>, si<i>lámuhá</i>, ḥa<i>rámuhá</i>. To surmount +the difficulties of the monorhyme demands great technical +skill even in a language of which the peculiar formation +renders the supply of rhymes extraordinarily abundant. The +longest of the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i>, the so-called 'Long Poems,' is +considerably shorter than Gray's <i>Elegy</i>. An Arabian Homer +or Chaucer must have condescended to prose. With respect +to metre the poet may choose any except <i>Rajaz</i>, which is +deemed beneath the dignity of the Ode, but his liberty does +not extend either to the choice of subjects or to the method of +handling them: on the contrary, the course of his ideas is +determined by rigid conventions which he durst not overstep.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"I have heard," says Ibn Qutayba, "from a man of learning that +the composer of Odes began by mentioning the deserted dwelling-places +and the relics and traces of habitation. Then <span class="sidenote"> Ibn Qutayba's +account of the +contents and +divisions of the +Ode.</span> +he wept and complained and addressed the desolate +encampment, and begged his companion to make a +halt, in order that he might have occasion to speak +of those who had once lived there and afterwards +departed; for the dwellers in tents were different from townsmen or +villagers in respect of coming and going, because they moved from +one water-spring to another, seeking pasture and searching out the +places where rain had fallen. Then to this he linked the erotic +prelude (<i>nasíb</i>), and bewailed the violence of his love and the +anguish of separation from his mistress and the extremity of his +passion and desire, so as to win the hearts of his hearers and divert + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_78" id="Page_78" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>78</a></span> + +their eyes towards him and invite their ears to listen to him, since +the song of love touches men's souls and takes hold of their hearts, +God having put it in the constitution of His creatures to love dalliance +and the society of women, in such wise that we find very few but +are attached thereto by some tie or have some share therein, whether +lawful or unpermitted. Now, when the poet had assured himself of +an attentive hearing, he followed up his advantage and set forth his +claim: thus he went on to complain of fatigue and want of sleep +and travelling by night and of the noonday heat, and how his camel +had been reduced to leanness. And when, after representing all the +discomfort and danger of his journey, he knew that he had fully +justified his hope and expectation of receiving his due meed from +the person to whom the poem was addressed, he entered upon the +panegyric (<i>madíḥ</i>), and incited him to reward, and kindled his +generosity by exalting him above his peers and pronouncing the +greatest dignity, in comparison with his, to be little."<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">152</a></p></div> + +<p>Hundreds of Odes answer exactly to this description, which +must not, however, be regarded as the invariable model. The +erotic prelude is often omitted, especially in elegies; or if it +does not lead directly to the main subject, it may be followed +by a faithful and minute delineation of the poet's horse or +camel which bears him through the wilderness with a speed +like that of the antelope, the wild ass, or the ostrich: Bedouin +poetry abounds in fine studies of animal life.<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> The choice of +a motive is left open. Panegyric, no doubt, paid better than +any other, and was therefore the favourite; but in Pre-islamic +times the poet could generally please himself. The <i>qaṣída</i> +is no organic whole: rather its unity resembles that of a series +of pictures by the same hand or, to employ an Eastern trope, +of pearls various in size and quality threaded on a necklace.</p> + +<p>The ancient poetry may be defined as an illustrative criticism + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_79" id="Page_79" href="#"><span><i>SHANFARÁ</i></span>79</a></span> + +of Pre-islamic life and thought. Here the Arab has +drawn himself at full length without embellishment or extenuation.</p> + +<p>It is not mere chance that Abú Tammám's famous +anthology is called the <i>Ḥamása</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, 'Fortitude,' from the +title of its first chapter, which occupies nearly a half of the +book. 'Ḥamása' denotes the virtues most highly prized by +the Arabs—bravery in battle, patience in misfortune, persistence +in revenge, protection of the weak and defiance of the +strong; the will, as Tennyson has said,</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>As types of the ideal Arab hero we may take Shanfará of +<span class="sidenote"> The Ideal Arab +hero.</span>Azd and his comrade in foray, Ta’abbaṭa Sharr<sup>an</sup>. +Both were brigands, outlaws, swift runners, and +excellent poets. Of the former</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"it is said that he was captured when a child from his tribe by the +Banú Salámán, and brought up among them: he did not learn his +origin until he had grown up, when he vowed vengeance against +his captors, and returned to his own tribe. His oath was that he +would slay a hundred men of Salámán; he slew ninety-eight, when +an ambush of his enemies succeeded in taking him prisoner. In <span class="sidenote"> Shanfará.</span> +the struggle one of his hands was hewn off by a sword +stroke, and, taking it in the other, he flung it in the +face of a man of Salámán and killed him, thus making ninety-nine. +Then he was overpowered and slain, with one still wanting to make +up his number. As his skull lay bleaching on the ground, a man +of his enemies passed by that way and kicked it with his foot; a +splinter of bone entered his foot, the wound mortified, and he died, +thus completing the hundred."<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a></p></div> + +<p>The following passage is translated from Shanfará's splendid +Ode named <i>Lámiyyatu ’l-‘Arab</i> (the poem rhymed in <i>l</i> of the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_80" id="Page_80" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>80</a></span> + +Arabs), in which he describes his own heroic character and +the hardships of a predatory life:—<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"And somewhere the noble find a refuge afar from scathe,</span> +<span class="i0">The outlaw a lonely spot where no kin with hatred burn.</span> +<span class="i0">Oh, never a prudent man, night-faring in hope or fear,</span> +<span class="i0">Hard pressed on the face of earth, but still he hath room to turn.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">To me now, in your default, are comrades a wolf untired,</span> +<span class="i0">A sleek leopard, and a fell hyena with shaggy mane:<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a></span> +<span class="i0">True comrades: they ne'er let out the secret in trust with them,</span> +<span class="i0">Nor basely forsake their friend because that he brought them bane.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">And each is a gallant heart and ready at honour's call,</span> +<span class="i0">Yet I, when the foremost charge, am bravest of all the brave;</span> +<span class="i0">But if they with hands outstretched are seizing the booty won,</span> +<span class="i0">The slowest am I whenas most quick is the greedy knave.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">By naught save my generous will I reach to the height of worth</span> +<span class="i0">Above them, and sure the best is he with the will to give.</span> +<span class="i0">Yea, well I am rid of those who pay not a kindness back,</span> +<span class="i0">Of whom I have no delight though neighbours to me they live.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Enow are companions three at last: an intrepid soul,</span> +<span class="i0">A glittering trenchant blade, a tough bow of ample size,</span> +<span class="i0">Loud-twanging, the sides thereof smooth-polished, a handsome bow</span> +<span class="i0">Hung down from the shoulder-belt by thongs in a comely wise,</span> +<span class="i0">That groans, when the arrow slips away, like a woman crushed</span> +<span class="i0">By losses, bereaved of all her children, who wails and cries."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_81" id="Page_81" href="#"><span><i>TA’ABBAṬA SHARR<sup>AN</sup></i></span>81</a></span> + +On quitting his tribe, who cast him out when they were +threatened on all sides by enemies seeking vengeance for the +blood that he had spilt, Shanfará said:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Bury me not! Me you are forbidden to bury,</span> +<span class="i0">But thou, O hyena, soon wilt feast and make merry,</span> +<span class="i0">When foes bear away mine head, wherein is the best of me,</span> +<span class="i0">And leave on the battle-field for thee all the rest of me.</span> +<span class="i0">Here nevermore I hope to live glad—a stranger</span> +<span class="i0">Accurst, whose wild deeds have brought his people in danger."<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Thábit b. Jábir b. Sufyán of Fahm is said to have got his +nickname, Ta’abbaṭa Sharr<sup>an</sup>, because one day his mother, who +had seen him go forth from his tent with a sword <span class="sidenote">Ta’abbaṭa +Sharr<sup>an.</sup></span> +under his arm, on being asked, "Where is +Thábit?" replied, "I know not: he put a +mischief under his arm-pit (<i>ta’abbaṭa sharr<sup>an</sup></i>) and departed." +According to another version of the story, the 'mischief' +was a Ghoul whom he vanquished and slew and carried home +in this manner. The following lines, which he addressed to +his cousin, Shams b. Málik, may be applied with equal justice +to the poet himself:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Little he complains of labour that befalls him; much he wills;</span> +<span class="i0">Diverse ways attempting, mightily his purpose he fulfils.</span> +<span class="i0">Through one desert in the sun's heat, through another in starlight,</span> +<span class="i0">Lonely as the wild ass, rides he bare-backed Danger noon and night.</span> +<span class="i0">He the foremost wind outpaceth, while in broken gusts it blows,</span> +<span class="i0">Speeding onward, never slackening, never staying for repose.</span> +<span class="i0">Prompt to dash upon the foeman, every minute watching well—</span> +<span class="i0">Are his eyes in slumber lightly sealed, his heart stands sentinel.</span> +<span class="i0">When the first advancing troopers rise to sight, he sets his hand</span> +<span class="i0">From the scabbard forth to draw his sharp-edged, finely-mettled brand.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_82" id="Page_82" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>82</a></span> + +<span class="i0">When he shakes it in the breast-bone of a champion of the foe,</span> +<span class="i0">How the grinning Fates in open glee their flashing side-teeth show!</span> +<span class="i0">Solitude his chosen comrade, on he fares while overhead</span> +<span class="i0">By the Mother of the mazy constellations he is led."<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>These verses admirably describe the rudimentary Arabian +virtues of courage, hardness, and strength. We must now +take a wider survey of the moral ideas on which pagan society +was built, and of which Pre-islamic poetry is at once the promulgation +and the record. There was no written code, no <span class="sidenote"> The old Arabian +points of +honour.</span> +legal or religious sanction—nothing, in effect, save the binding +force of traditional sentiment and opinion, <i>i.e.</i>, +Honour. What, then, are the salient points of +honour in which Virtue (<i>Muruwwa</i>), as it was +understood by the heathen Arabs, consists?</p> + +<p>Courage has been already mentioned. Arab courage is like +that of the ancient Greeks, "dependent upon excitement and +vanishing quickly before depression and delay."<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> <span class="sidenote"> Courage.</span> +Hence the Arab hero is defiant and boastful, as +he appears, <i>e.g.</i>, in the <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> of ‘Amr b. Kulthúm. +When there is little to lose by flight he will ride off unashamed; +but he will fight to the death for his womenfolk, +who in serious warfare often accompanied the tribe and +were stationed behind the line of battle.<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">160</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"When I saw the hard earth hollowed</span> +<span class="i0">By our women's flying footprints,</span> +<span class="i0">And Lamís her face uncovered</span> +<span class="i0">Like the full moon of the skies,</span> +<span class="i0">Showing forth her hidden beauties—</span> +<span class="i0">Then the matter was grim earnest:</span> +<span class="i0">I engaged their chief in combat,</span> +<span class="i0">Seeing help no other wise."<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_83" id="Page_83" href="#"><span><i>COURAGE AND LOYALTY</i></span>83</a></span> + +The tribal constitution was a democracy guided by its chief +men, who derived their authority from noble blood, noble +character, wealth, wisdom, and experience. As a Bedouin +poet has said in homely language—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"A folk that hath no chiefs must soon decay,</span> +<span class="i0"> +And chiefs it hath not when the vulgar sway.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Only with poles the tent is reared at last,</span> +<span class="i0"> +And poles it hath not save the pegs hold fast</span> +<span class="i0"> +But when the pegs and poles are once combined,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Then stands accomplished that which was designed."<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">162</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The chiefs, however, durst not lay commands or penalties on +their fellow-tribesmen. Every man ruled himself, and was +free to rebuke presumption in others. "<i>If you are our lord</i>" +(<i>i.e.</i>, if you act discreetly as a <i>sayyid</i> should), "<i>you will lord +over us, but if you are a prey to pride, go and be proud!</i>" (<i>i.e.</i>, we +will have nothing to do with you).<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> Loyalty in the mouth of +a pagan Arab did not mean allegiance to his superiors, but +faithful devotion to his equals; and it was closely <span class="sidenote"> Loyalty.</span> +connected with the idea of kinship. The family +and the tribe, which included strangers living in the tribe +under a covenant of protection—to defend these, individually +and collectively, was a sacred duty. Honour required that +a man should stand by his own people through thick and +thin.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I am of Ghaziyya: if she be in error, then I will err;</span> +<span class="i0"> +And if Ghaziyya be guided right, I go right with her!"</span> +</div> +</div> +<p>sang Durayd b. Ṣimma, who had followed his kin, against his +better judgment, in a foray which cost the life of his brother +‘Abdulláh.<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> If kinsmen seek help it should be given promptly, +without respect to the merits of the case; if they do wrong + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_84" id="Page_84" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>84</a></span> + +it should be suffered as long as possible before resorting to +violence.<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> The utilitarian view of friendship is often emphasised, +as in these verses:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +Take for thy brother whom thou wilt in the days of peace,</span><span class="i0"> +But know that when fighting comes thy kinsman alone is near.</span><span class="i0"> +Thy true friend thy kinsman is, who answers thy call for aid</span><span class="i0"> +With good will, when deeply drenched in bloodshed are sword and spear.</span><span class="i0"> +Oh, never forsake thy kinsman e'en tho' he do thee wrong,</span><span class="i0"> +For what he hath marred he mends thereafter and makes sincere."<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">166</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>At the same time, notwithstanding their shrewd common +sense, nothing is more characteristic of the Arabs—heathen +and Muḥammadan alike—than the chivalrous devotion and +disinterested self-sacrifice of which they are capable on behalf +of their friends. In particular, the ancient poetry affords +proof that they regarded with horror any breach of the solemn +covenant plighted between patron and client or host and guest. +This topic might be illustrated by many striking examples, but +one will suffice:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Arabs say: "<i>Awfá mina ’l-Samaw’ali</i>"—"More loyal than +al-Samaw’al"; or <i>Wafá<sup>un</sup> ka-wafá’i ’l-Samaw’ali</i>"—" A loyalty like +that of al-Samaw’al." These proverbs refer to <span class="sidenote">The story of +Samaw’al b. +‘Adiyá.</span> +Samaw’al b. ‘Adiyá, an Arab of Jewish descent and +Jew by religion, who lived in his castle, called al-Ablaq +(The Piebald), at Taymá, some distance north of +Medína. There he dug a well of sweet water, and would entertain +the Arabs who used to alight beside it; and they supplied themselves +with provisions from his castle and set up a market. It is +related that the poet Imru’u ’l-Qays, while fleeing, hotly pursued by +his enemies, towards Syria, took refuge with Samaw’al, and before +proceeding on his way left in charge of his host five coats of mail +which had been handed down as heirlooms by the princes of his +family. Then he departed, and in due course arrived at Constantinople, +where he besought the Byzantine emperor to help him to + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_85" id="Page_85" href="#"><span><i>SAMAW’AL B. ‘ADIYA</i></span>85</a></span> + +recover his lost kingdom. His appeal was not unsuccessful, but he +died on the way home. Meanwhile his old enemy, the King of Ḥíra, +sent an army under Ḥárith b. Ẓálim against Samaw’al, demanding +that he should surrender the coats of mail. Samaw’al refused to +betray the trust committed to him, and defended himself in his +castle. The besiegers, however, captured his son, who had gone +out to hunt. Ḥárith asked Samaw’al: "Dost thou know this +lad?" "Yes, he is my son." "Then wilt thou deliver what is +in thy possession, or shall I slay him?" Samaw’al answered: "Do +with him as thou wilt. I will never break my pledge nor give up +the property of my guest-friend." So Ḥárith smote the lad with his +sword and clove him through the middle. Then he raised the siege. +And Samaw’al said thereupon:—</p></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"<i>I was true with the mail-coats of the Kindite</i>,<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>I am true though many a one is blamed for treason.</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>Once did ‘Ádiyá, my father, exhort me:</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>'O Samaw’al, ne'er destroy what I have builded.'</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>For me built ‘Ádiyá a strong-walled castle</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>With a well where I draw water at pleasure;</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>So high, the eagle slipping back is baffled.</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>When wrong befalls me I endure not tamely.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The Bedouin ideal of generosity and hospitality is personified +in Ḥátim of Ṭayyi’, of whom many anecdotes are told. We +may learn from the following one how extravagant are an +Arab's notions on this subject:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>When Ḥátim's mother was pregnant she dreamed that she was +asked, "Which dost thou prefer?—a generous son called Ḥátim, or +ten like those of other folk, lions in the hour of battle, <span class="sidenote">Ḥátim of Ṭayyi’.</span> +brave lads and strong of limb?" and that she answered, +"Ḥátim." Now, when Ḥátim grew up he was wont +to take out his food, and if he found any one to share it he +would eat, otherwise he threw it away. His father, seeing that + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_86" id="Page_86" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>86</a></span> + +he wasted his food, gave him a slave-girl and a mare with her +foal and sent him to herd the camels. On reaching the pasture, +Ḥátim began to search for his fellows, but none was in sight; +then he came to the road, but found no one there. While he +was thus engaged he descried a party of riders on the road and +went to meet them. "O youth," said they, "hast thou aught to +entertain us withal?" He answered: "Do ye ask me of entertainment +when ye see the camels?" Now, these riders were +‘Abíd b. al-Abras and Bishr b. Abí Kházim and Nábigha al-Dhubyání, +and they were on their way to King Nu‘mán.<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> Ḥátim +slaughtered three camels for them, whereupon ‘Abíd said: "We +desired no entertainment save milk, but if thou must needs charge +thyself with something more, a single young she-camel would have +sufficed us." Ḥátim replied: "That I know, but seeing different +faces and diverse fashions I thought ye were not of the same +country, and I wished that each of you should mention what ye +saw, on returning home." So they spoke verses in praise of him +and celebrated his generosity, and Ḥátim said: "I wished to bestow +a kindness upon you, but your bounty is greater than mine. I +swear to God that I will hamstring every camel in the herd unless +ye come forward and divide them among yourselves." The poets +did as he desired, and each man received ninety-nine camels; then +they proceeded on their journey to Nu‘mán. When Ḥátim's father +heard of this he came to him and asked, "Where are the camels?" +"O my father," replied Ḥátim, "by means of them I have conferred +on thee everlasting fame and honour that will cleave to thee like the +ring of the ringdove, and men will always bear in mind some verse +of poetry in which we are praised. This is thy recompense for the +camels." On hearing these words his father said, "Didst thou with +my camels thus?" "Yes." "By God, I will never dwell with thee +again." So he went forth with his family, and Ḥátim was left alone +with his slave-girl and his mare and the mare's foal.<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">170</a></p></div> + +<p>We are told that Ḥátim's daughter was led as a captive +before the Prophet and thus addressed him: "'O Muḥammad, +my sire is dead, and he who would have come to plead for me +is gone. Release me, if it seem good to thee, and do not let the +Arabs rejoice at my misfortune; for I am the daughter of +the chieftain of my people. My father was wont to free the +captive, and protect those near and dear to him, and entertain + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_87" id="Page_87" href="#"><span><i>ḤÁTIM OF ṬAYYI’</i></span>87</a></span> + +the guest, and satisfy the hungry, and console the afflicted, and +give food and greeting to all; and never did he turn away +any who sought a boon. I am Ḥátim's daughter.' <span class="sidenote"> Ḥátim's +daughter before +the Prophet.</span> +The Prophet (on whom be the blessing +and peace of God) answered her: 'O maiden, +the true believer is such as thou hast described. Had thy +father been an Islamite, verily we should have said, "God have +mercy upon him!" Let her go,' he continued, 'for her sire +loved noble manners, and God loves them likewise.'"<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a></p> + +<p>Ḥátim was a poet of some repute.<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> The following lines are +addressed to his wife, Máwiyya:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"O daughter of ‘Abdulláh and Málik and him who wore</span> +<span class="i0"> +The two robes of Yemen stuff—the hero that rode the roan,</span> +<span class="i0"> +When thou hast prepared the meal, entreat to partake thereof</span> +<span class="i0"> +A guest—I am not the man to eat, like a churl, alone—:</span> +<span class="i0"> +Some traveller thro' the night, or house-neighbour; for in sooth</span> +<span class="i0"> +I fear the reproachful talk of men after I am gone.</span> +<span class="i0"> +The guest's slave am I, 'tis true, as long as he bides with me,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Although in my nature else no trait of the slave is shown."<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Here it will be convenient to make a short digression in +order that the reader may obtain, if not a complete view, at +least some glimpses of the position and influence <span class="sidenote"> Position of +women.</span> +of women in Pre-islamic society. On the whole, +their position was high and their influence great. +They were free to choose their husbands, and could return, if +ill-treated or displeased, to their own people; in some cases + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_88" id="Page_88" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>88</a></span> + +they even offered themselves in marriage and had the right of +divorce. They were regarded not as slaves and chattels, but as +equals and companions. They inspired the poet to sing and +the warrior to fight. The chivalry of the Middle Ages is, +perhaps, ultimately traceable to heathen Arabia. "Knight-errantry, +the riding forth on horseback in search of adventures, +the rescue of captive maidens, the succour rendered everywhere +to women in adversity—all these were essentially Arabian +ideas, as was the very name of <i>chivalry</i>, the connection of +honourable conduct with the horse-rider, the man of noble +blood, the cavalier."<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> But the nobility of the women is not +only reflected in the heroism and devotion of the men; it +stands recorded in song, in legend, and in history. Fáṭima, +the daughter of Khurshub, was one of three noble matrons +who bore the title <i>al-Munjibát</i>, 'the Mothers <span class="sidenote"> Arabian +heroines.</span> +of Heroes.' She had seven sons, three of whom, +viz., Rabí‘ and ‘Umára and Anas, were called +'the Perfect' (<i>al-Kamala</i>). One day Ḥamal b. Badr the +Fazárite raided the Banú ‘Abs, the tribe to which Fáṭima +belonged, and made her his prisoner. As he led away the +camel on which she was mounted at the time, she cried: +"Man, thy wits are wandering. By God, if thou take me +captive, and if we leave behind us this hill which is now +in front of us, surely there will never be peace <span class="sidenote">Fáṭima +daughter of +Khurshub.</span> +between thee and the sons of Ziyád" (Ziyád was +the name of her husband), "because people will +say what they please, and the mere suspicion of evil is +enough." "I will carry thee off," said he, "that thou mayest +herd my camels." When Fáṭima knew that she was certainly +his prisoner she threw herself headlong from her camel and +died; so did she fear to bring dishonour on her sons.<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> Among +the names which have become proverbial for loyalty we find + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_89" id="Page_89" href="#"><span><i>WOMEN OF THE HEROIC AGE</i></span>89</a></span> + +those of two women, Fukayha and Umm Jamíl. As to +Fukayha, it is related that her clansmen, having been raided by +the brigand Sulayk b. Sulaka, resolved to attack <span class="sidenote"> Fukayha.</span> +him; but since he was a famous runner, on the +advice of one of their shaykhs they waited until he had gone +down to the water and quenched his thirst, for they knew that +he would then be unable to run. Sulayk, however, seeing +himself caught, made for the nearest tents and sought refuge +with Fukayha. She threw her smock over him, and stood +with drawn sword between him and his pursuers; and as they +still pressed on, she tore the veil from her hair and shouted for +help. Then her brothers came and defended Sulayk, so that +his life was saved.<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> Had space allowed, it would have been a +pleasant task to make some further extracts from the long +Legend of Noble Women. I have illustrated their keen +sense of honour and loyalty, but I might equally well have +chosen examples of gracious dignity and quick intelligence and +passionate affection. Many among them had the gift of +poetry, which they bestowed especially on the dead; it is +a final proof of the high character and position of women in +Pre-islamic Arabia that the hero's mother and sisters were +deemed most worthy to mourn and praise him. The praise of +living women by their lovers necessarily takes a different tone; +the physical charms of the heroine are fully described, but we +seldom find any appreciation of moral beauty. One notable +exception to this rule occurs at the beginning of an ode by +Shanfará. The passage defies translation. It is, to quote Sir +Charles Lyall, with whose faithful and sympathetic rendering +of the ancient poetry every student of Arabic literature should +be acquainted, "the most lovely picture of womanhood which +heathen Arabia has left us, drawn by the same hand that has +given us, in the unrivalled <i>Lâmîyah</i>, its highest ideal of heroic +hardness and virile strength."<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">177</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_90" id="Page_90" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>90</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i6">UMAYMA.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"She charmed me, veiling bashfully her face,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Keeping with quiet looks an even pace;</span> +<span class="i0"> +Some lost thing seem to seek her downcast eyes:</span> +<span class="i0"> +Aside she bends not—softly she replies.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Ere dawn she carries forth her meal—a gift</span> +<span class="i0"> +To hungry wives in days of dearth and thrift.</span> +<span class="i0"> +No breath of blame up to her tent is borne,</span> +<span class="i0"> +While many a neighbour's is the house of scorn.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Her husband fears no gossip fraught with shame,</span> +<span class="i0"> +For pure and holy is Umayma's name.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Joy of his heart, to her he need not say</span> +<span class="i0"> +When evening brings him home—'Where passed the day?'</span> +<span class="i0"> +Slender and full in turn, of perfect height,</span> +<span class="i0"> +A very fay were she, if beauty might</span> +<span class="i0"> +Transform a child of earth into a fairy sprite!"<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Only in the freedom of the desert could the character thus +exquisitely delineated bloom and ripen. These verses, taken +by themselves, are a sufficient answer to any one who would +maintain that Islam has increased the social influence of +Arabian women, although in some respects it may have raised +them to a higher level of civilisation.<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a></p> + +<p>There is, of course, another side to all this. In a land +where might was generally right, and where</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i6"> +"the simple plan</span> +<span class="i0"> +That he should take who has the power</span> +<span class="i0"> +And he should keep who can,"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>was all but universally adopted, it would have been strange if +the weaker sex had not often gone to the wall. The custom +which prevailed in the <i>Jáhiliyya</i> of burying female infants +alive, revolting as it appears to us, was due partly to the +frequent famines with which Arabia is afflicted through lack +of rain, and partly to a perverted sense of honour. Fathers + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_91" id="Page_91" href="#"><span><i>THE CUSTOM OF INFANTICIDE</i></span>91</a></span> + +feared lest they should have useless mouths to feed, or lest +they should incur disgrace in consequence of their daughters +being made prisoners of war. Hence the birth of <span class="sidenote"> Infanticide.</span> +a daughter was reckoned calamitous, as we read +in the Koran: "<i>They attribute daughters unto God—far be +it from Him!—and for themselves they desire them not. When +a female child is announced to one of them, his face darkens +wrathfully: he hides himself from his people because of the bad +news, thinking—'Shall I keep the child to my disgrace or cover +it away in the dust?'</i>"<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> It was said proverbially, "The +despatch of daughters is a kindness" and "The burial of +daughters is a noble deed."<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> Islam put an end to this +barbarity, which is expressly forbidden by the Koran: "<i>Kill +not your children in fear of impoverishment: we will provide for +them and for you: verily their killing was a great sin.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> Perhaps +the most touching lines in Arabian poetry are those in which a +father struggling with poverty wishes that his daughter may +die before him and thus be saved from the hard mercies of +her relatives:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">THE POOR MAN'S DAUGHTER</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"But for Umayma's sake I ne'er had grieved to want nor braved</span> +<span class="i0"> +Night's blackest horror to bring home the morsel that she craved.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Now my desire is length of days because I know too well</span> +<span class="i0"> +The orphan girl's hard lot, with kin unkind enforced to dwell.</span> +<span class="i0"> +I dread that some day poverty will overtake my child,</span> +<span class="i0"> +And shame befall her when exposed to every passion wild.<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a></span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_92" id="Page_92" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>92</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +She wishes me to live, but I must wish her dead, woe's me:</span> +<span class="i0"> +Death is the noblest wooer a helpless maid can see.</span> +<span class="i0"> +I fear an uncle may be harsh, a brother be unkind,</span> +<span class="i0"> +When I would never speak a word that rankled in her mind."<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">184</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>And another says:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Were not my little daughters</span> +<span class="i0"> +Like soft chicks huddling by me,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Through earth and all its waters</span> +<span class="i0"> +To win bread would I roam free.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +Our children among us going,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Our very hearts they be;</span> +<span class="i0"> +The wind upon them blowing</span> +<span class="i0"> +Would banish sleep from me."<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">185</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>"Odi et amo": these words of the poet might serve as an +epitome of Bedouin ethics. For, if the heathen Arab was, as +we have seen, a good friend to his friends, he had +in the same degree an intense and deadly feeling <span class="sidenote"> Treatment of +enemies.</span> +of hatred towards his enemies. He who did not +strike back when struck was regarded as a coward. No +honourable man could forgive an injury or fail to avenge +it. An Arab, smarting under the loss of some camels driven +off by raiders, said of his kin who refused to help him:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"For all their numbers, they are good for naught,</span> +<span class="i0"> +My people, against harm however light:</span> +<span class="i0"> +They pardon wrong by evildoers wrought,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Malice with lovingkindness they requite."<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">186</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The last verse, which would have been high praise in the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_93" id="Page_93" href="#"><span><i>BLOOD-REVENGE</i></span>93</a></span> + +mouth of a Christian or Muḥammadan moralist, conveyed +to those who heard it a shameful reproach. The approved +method of dealing with an enemy is set forth plainly enough +in the following lines:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Humble him who humbles thee, close tho' be your kindredship:</span> +<span class="i0"> +If thou canst not humble him, wait till he is in thy grip.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Friend him while thou must; strike hard when thou hast him on the hip."<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Above all, blood called for blood. This obligation lay +heavy on the conscience of the pagan Arabs. Vengeance, +with them, was "almost a physical necessity, <span class="sidenote"> Blood-revenge.</span> +which if it be not obeyed will deprive its +subject of sleep, of appetite, of health." It was a tormenting +thirst which nothing would quench except blood, a disease +of honour which might be described as madness, although +it rarely prevented the sufferer from going to work with +coolness and circumspection. Vengeance was taken upon +the murderer, if possible, or else upon one of his fellow-tribesmen. +Usually this ended the matter, but in some cases +it was the beginning of a regular blood-feud in which the +entire kin of both parties were involved; as, <i>e.g.</i>, the murder of +Kulayb led to the Forty Years' War between Bakr and +Taghlib.<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> The slain man's next of kin might accept a +blood-wit (<i>diya</i>), commonly paid in camels—the coin of +the country—as atonement for him. If they did so, however, +it was apt to be cast in their teeth that they preferred milk +(<i>i.e.</i>, she-camels) to blood.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> The true Arab feeling is +expressed in verses like these:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"With the sword will I wash my shame away,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Let God's doom bring on me what it may!"<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_94" id="Page_94" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>94</a></span> + +It was believed that until vengeance had been taken for +the dead man, his spirit appeared above his tomb in the +shape of an owl (<i>háma</i> or <i>ṣadá</i>), crying "<i>Isqúní</i>" ("Give +me to drink"). But pagan ideas of vengeance were bound up +with the Past far more than with the Future. The shadowy +after-life counted for little or nothing beside the deeply-rooted +memories of fatherly affection, filial piety, and brotherhood +in arms.</p> + +<p>Though liable to abuse, the rough-and-ready justice of +the vendetta had a salutary effect in restraining those who +would otherwise have indulged their lawless instincts without +fear of punishment. From our point of view, however, its +interest is not so much that of a primitive institution as of a +pervading element in old Arabian life and literature. Full, or +even adequate, illustration of this topic would carry me far +beyond the limits of my plan. I have therefore selected from +the copious material preserved in the <i>Book of Songs</i> a characteristic +story which tells how Qays b. al-Khaṭím took vengeance +on the murderers of his father and his grandfather.<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It is related on the authority of Abú ‘Ubayda that ‘Adí b. ‘Amr, +the grandfather of Qays, was slain by a man named Málik belonging +to the Banú ‘Amr b. ‘Ámir b. Rabí‘a b. ‘Ámir b. <span class="sidenote"> The story of the +vengeance of +Qays b. al-Khaṭím.</span> +Ṣa‘ṣa‘a; and his father, Khaṭím b. ‘Adí, by one of +the Banú ‘Abd al-Qays who were settled in Hajar. +Khaṭím died before avenging his father, ‘Adí, when +Qays was but a young lad. The mother of Qays, fearing that he +would sally forth to seek vengeance for the blood of his father and +his grandfather and perish, went to a mound of dust beside the +door of their dwelling and laid stones on it, and began to say to +Qays, "This is the grave of thy father and thy grandfather;" and +Qays never doubted but that it was so. He grew up strong in +the arms, and one day he had a tussle with a youth of the Banú +Ẓafar, who said to him: "By God, thou would'st do better to +turn the strength of thine arms against the slayers of thy father and +grandfather instead of putting it forth upon me." "And who are +their slayers?" "Ask thy mother, she will tell thee." So Qays + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_95" id="Page_95" href="#"><span><i>QAYS IBN AL-KHAṬÍM</i></span>95</a></span> + +took his sword and set its hilt on the ground and its edge between +his two breasts, and said to his mother: "Who killed my father and +my grandfather?" "They died as people die, and these are their +graves in the camping-ground." "By God, verily thou wilt tell me +who slew them or I will bear with my whole weight upon this sword +until it cleaves through my back." Then she told him, and Qays +swore that he would never rest until he had slain their slayers. "O +my son," said she, "Málik, who killed thy grandfather, is of the +same folk as Khidásh b. Zuhayr, and thy father once bestowed +a kindness on Khidásh, for which he is grateful. Go, then, to him +and take counsel with him touching thine affair and ask him to help +thee." So Qays set out immediately, and when he came to the +garden where his water-camel was watering his date-palms, he +smote the cord (of the bucket) with his sword and cut it, so that the +bucket dropped into the well. Then he took hold of the camel's +head, and loaded the beast with two sacks of dates, and said: +"Who will care for this old woman" (meaning his mother) "in my +absence? If I die, let him pay her expenses out of this garden, and +on her death it shall be his own; but if I live, my property will +return to me, and he shall have as many of its dates as he wishes to +eat." One of his folk cried, "I am for it," so Qays gave him the +garden and set forth to inquire concerning Khidásh. He was told +to look for him at Marr al-Ẓahrán, but not finding him in his tent, he +alighted beneath a tree, in the shade of which the guests of Khidásh +used to shelter, and called to the wife of Khidásh, "Is there any +food?" Now, when she came up to him, she admired his comeliness—for +he was exceeding fair of countenance—and said: "By +God, we have no fit entertainment for thee, but only dates." He +replied, "I care not, bring out what thou hast." So she sent to him +dates in a large measure (<i>qubá‘</i>), and Qays took a single date and +ate half of it and put back the other half in the <i>qubá‘</i>, and gave +orders that the <i>qubá‘</i> should be brought in to the wife of Khidásh; +then he departed on some business. When Khidásh returned and +his wife told him the news of Qays, he said, "This is a man who +would render his person sacred."<a name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> While he sat there with his wife +eating fresh ripe dates, Qays returned on camel-back; and Khidásh, +when he saw the foot of the approaching rider, said to his wife, "Is +this thy guest?" "Yes." "'Tis as though his foot were the foot of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_96" id="Page_96" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>96</a></span> + +my good friend, Khaṭím the Yathribite." Qays drew nigh, and struck +the tent-rope with the point of his spear, and begged leave to come +in. Having obtained permission, he entered to Khidásh and told +his lineage and informed him of what had passed, and asked him to +help and advise him in his affair. Khidásh bade him welcome, and +recalled the kindness which he had of his father, and said, "As to +this affair, truly I have been expecting it of thee for some time. +The slayer of thy grandfather is a cousin of mine, and I will +aid thee against him. When we are assembled in our meeting-place, +I will sit beside him and talk with him, and when I strike his +thigh, do thou spring on him and slay him." Qays himself relates: +"Accompanied by Khidásh, I approached him until I stood over his +head when Khidásh sat with him, and as soon as he struck the man's +thigh I smote his head with a sword named <i>Dhu ’l-Khurṣayn</i>" (the +Two-ringed). "His folk rushed on me to slay me, but Khidásh came +between us, crying, 'Let him alone, for, by God, he has slain none +but the slayer of his grandfather.'" Then Khidásh called for one of +his camels and mounted it, and started with Qays to find the +‘Abdite who killed his father. And when they were near Hajar +Khidásh advised him to go and inquire after this man, and to say to +him when he discovered him: "I encountered a brigand of thy +people who robbed me of some articles, and on asking who was the +chieftain of his people I was directed to thee. Go with me, then, +that thou mayest take from him my property. If," Khidásh +continued, "he follow thee unattended, thou wilt gain thy desire of +him; but should he bid the others go with thee, laugh, and if he +ask why thou laughest, say, 'With us, the noble does not as thou +dost, but when he is called to a brigand of his people, he goes forth +alone with his whip, not with his sword; and the brigand when he +sees him gives him everything that he took, in awe of him.' If he +shall dismiss his friends, thy course is clear; but if he shall refuse +to go without them, bring him to me nevertheless, for I hope that +thou wilt slay both him and them." So Khidásh stationed himself +under the shade of a tree, while Qays went to the ‘Abdite and +addressed him as Khidásh had prompted; and the man's sense of +honour was touched to the quick, so that he sent away his friends +and went with Qays. And when Qays came back to Khidásh, the +latter said to him, "Choose, O Qays! Shall I help thee or shall I +take thy place?" Qays answered, "I desire neither of these +alternatives, but if he slay me, let him not slay thee!" Then he +rushed upon him and wounded him in the flank and drove his lance +through the other side, and he fell dead on the spot. When Qays +had finished with him, Khidásh said, "If we flee just now, his folk + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_97" id="Page_97" href="#"><span><i>SONGS OF REVENGE</i></span>97</a></span> + +will pursue us; but let us go somewhere not far off, for they will +never think that thou hast slain him and stayed in the neighbourhood. +No; they will miss him and follow his track, and when they +find him slain they will start to pursue us in every direction, and will +only return when they have lost hope." So those two entered some +hollows of the sand, and after staying there several days (for it +happened exactly as Khidásh had foretold), they came forth when +the pursuit was over, and did not exchange a word until they +reached the abode of Khidásh. There Qays parted from him and +returned to his own people.</p></div> + +<p>The poems relating to blood-revenge show all that is best and +much that is less admirable in the heathen Arab—on the one +hand, his courage and resolution, his contempt of death and +fear of dishonour, his single-minded devotion to the dead as to +the living, his deep regard and tender affection for the men of +his own flesh and blood; on the other hand, his implacable +temper, his perfidious cruelty and reckless ferocity in hunting +down the slayers, and his savage, well-nigh inhuman exultation +over the slain. The famous Song or Ballad of Vengeance that +I shall now attempt to render in English verse is usually attributed +to Ta’abbaṭa Sharr<sup>an</sup>,<a name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> although some pronounce <span class="sidenote">Song of +Vengeance +by Ta’abbaṭa +Sharran.</span> +it to be a forgery by Khalaf al-Aḥmar, +the reputed author of Shanfará's masterpiece, and +beyond doubt a marvellously skilful imitator of +the ancient bards. Be that as it may, the ballad is utterly +pagan in tone and feeling. Its extraordinary merit was detected +by Goethe, who, after reading it in a Latin translation, +published a German rendering, with some fine criticism of the +poetry, in his <i>West-oestlicher Divan</i>.<a name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> I have endeavoured to +suggest as far as possible the metre and rhythm of the original, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_98" id="Page_98" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>98</a></span> + +since to these, in my opinion, its peculiar effect is largely due. +The metre is that known as the 'Tall' (<i>Madíd</i>), viz.:—</p> + +<div class="figcenter2" style="width: 300px;"><img src="images/136image.png" width="300" height="30" alt= +"the metre" title="" /></div> + +<p>Thus the first verse runs in Arabic:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"><i>Inna bi’l-shi‘ | bi ’lladhi |‘inda Sal‘<sup>in</sup></i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>la-qatíl<sup>an</sup> | damuhú | má yuṭallu.</i></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Of course, Arabic prosody differs radically from English, +but <i>mutatis mutandis</i> several couplets in the following version +(<i>e.g.</i> the third, eighth, and ninth) will be found to correspond +exactly with their model. As has been said, however, my +object was merely to suggest the abrupt metre and the heavy, +emphatic cadences, so that I have been able to give variety to +the verse, and at the same time to retain that artistic freedom +without which the translator of poetry cannot hope to satisfy +either himself or any one else.</p> + +<p>The poet tells how he was summoned to avenge his uncle, +slain by the tribesmen of Hudhayl: he describes the dead +man's heroic character, the foray in which he fell, his former +triumphs over the same enemy, and finally the terrible vengeance +taken for him.<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"In the glen there a murdered man is lying—</span> +<span class="i0">Not in vain for vengeance his blood is crying.</span> +<span class="i0">He hath left me the load to bear and departed;</span> +<span class="i0">I take up the load and bear it true-hearted.</span> +<span class="i0">I, his sister's son, the bloodshed inherit,</span> +<span class="i0">I whose knot none looses, stubborn of spirit;<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a></span> +<span class="i0">Glowering darkly, shame's deadly out-wiper,</span> +<span class="i0">Like the serpent spitting venom, the viper.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_99" id="Page_99" href="#"><span><i>POEM BY TA’ABBAṬA SHARRAN</i></span>99</a></span> + +<span class="i0">Hard the tidings that befell us, heart-breaking;</span> +<span class="i0">Little seemed thereby the anguish most aching.</span> +<span class="i0">Fate hath robbed me—still is Fate fierce and froward—</span> +<span class="i0">Of a hero whose friend ne'er called him coward:</span> +<span class="i0">As the warm sun was he in wintry weather,</span> +<span class="i0">'Neath the Dog-star shade and coolness together:</span> +<span class="i0">Spare of flank—yet this in him showed not meanness;</span> +<span class="i0">Open-handed, full of boldness and keenness:</span> +<span class="i0">Firm of purpose, cavalier unaffrighted—</span> +<span class="i0">Courage rode with him and with him alighted:</span> +<span class="i0">In his bounty, a bursting cloud of rain-water;</span> +<span class="i0">Lion grim when he leaped to the slaughter.</span> +<span class="i0">Flowing hair, long robe his folk saw aforetime,</span> +<span class="i0">But a lean-haunched wolf was he in war-time.</span> +<span class="i0">Savours two he had, untasted by no men:</span> +<span class="i0">Honey to his friends and gall to his foemen.</span> +<span class="i0">Fear he rode nor recked what should betide him:</span> +<span class="i0">Save his deep-notched Yemen blade, none beside him.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Oh, the warriors girt with swords good for slashing,</span> +<span class="i0">Like the levin, when they drew them, outflashing!</span> +<span class="i0">Through the noonday heat they fared: then, benighted,</span> +<span class="i0">Farther fared, till at dawning they alighted.<a name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">197</a></span> +<span class="i0">Breaths of sleep they sipped; and then, while they nodded,</span> +<span class="i0">Thou didst scare them: lo, they scattered and scudded.</span> +<span class="i0">Vengeance wreaked we upon them, unforgiving:</span> +<span class="i0">Of the two clans scarce was left a soul living.<a name="FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Ay, if <i>they</i> bruised his glaive's edge 'twas in token</span> +<span class="i0">That by him many a time their own was broken.</span> +<span class="i0">Oft he made them kneel down by force and cunning—</span> +<span class="i0">Kneel on jags where the foot is torn with running.</span> +<span class="i0">Many a morn in shelter he took them napping;</span> +<span class="i0">After killing was the rieving and rapine.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">They have gotten of me a roasting—I tire not</span> +<span class="i0">Of desiring them till me they desire not.</span> +<span class="i0">First, of foemen's blood my spear deeply drinketh,</span> +<span class="i0">Then a second time, deep in, it sinketh.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_100" id="Page_100" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>100</a></span> + +<span class="i0">Lawful now to me is wine, long forbidden:</span> +<span class="i0">Sore my struggle ere the ban was o'erridden.<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">199</a></span> +<span class="i0">Pour me wine, O son of ‘Amr! I would taste it,</span> +<span class="i0">Since with grief for mine uncle I am wasted.</span> +<span class="i0">O'er the fallen of Hudhayl stands screaming</span> +<span class="i0">The hyena; see the wolf's teeth gleaming!</span> +<span class="i0">Dawn will hear the flap of wings, will discover</span> +<span class="i0">Vultures treading corpses, too gorged to hover."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>All the virtues which enter into the Arabian conception +of Honour were regarded not as personal qualities inherent +or acquired, but as hereditary possessions which a <span class="sidenote"> Honour conferred +by +noble ancestry.</span> +man derived from his ancestors, and held in trust +that he might transmit them untarnished to his +descendants. It is the desire to uphold and emulate the +fame of his forbears, rather than the hope of winning +immortality for himself, that causes the Arab "to say the +say and do the deeds of the noble." Far from sharing the +sentiment of the Scots peasant—"a man's a man for a' that"—he +looks askance at merit and renown unconsecrated by +tradition.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"The glories that have grown up with the grass</span><span class="i0"> +Can match not those inherited of old."<a name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Ancestral renown (<i>ḥasab</i>) is sometimes likened to a strong +castle built by sires for their sons, or to a lofty mountain +which defies attack.<a name="FNanchor_201" id="FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> The poets are full of boastings +(<i>mafákhir</i>) and revilings (<i>mathálib</i>) in which they loudly proclaim +the nobility of their own ancestors, and try to blacken +those of their enemy without any regard to decorum.</p> + +<p class="tb">It was my intention to add here some general remarks on +Arabian poetry as compared with that of the Hebrews, the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_101" id="Page_101" href="#"><span><i>THE MU‘ALLAQÁT</i></span>101</a></span> + +Persians, and our own, but since example is better than precept +I will now turn directly to those celebrated odes which are +well known by the title of <i>Mu‘-allaqát</i>, or 'Suspended Poems,' +to all who take the slightest interest in Arabic literature.<a name="FNanchor_202" id="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">202</a></p> + +<p><i>Mu‘allaqa</i> (plural, <i>Mu‘allaqát</i>) "is most likely derived from +the word <i>‘ilq</i>, meaning 'a precious thing or a thing held in +high estimation,' either because one 'hangs on' tenaciously to +it, or because it is 'hung up' in a place of honour, or in a +conspicuous place, in a treasury or storehouse."<a name="FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> In course +of time the exact signification of <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> was forgotten, and +it became necessary to find a plausible explanation. <span class="sidenote">The Mu‘allaqát, +or 'Suspended +Poems.'</span> +Hence arose the legend, which frequent repetition +has made familiar, that the 'Suspended Poems' +were so called from having been hung up in the Ka‘ba on +account of their merit; that this distinction was awarded +by the judges at the fair of ‘Ukáẓ, near Mecca, where +poets met in rivalry and recited their choicest productions; +and that the successful compositions, before being affixed +to the door of the Ka‘ba, were transcribed in letters of +gold upon pieces of fine Egyptian linen.<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> Were these statements + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_102" id="Page_102" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>102</a></span> + +true, we should expect them to be confirmed by some +allusion in the early literature. But as a matter of fact nothing +of the kind is mentioned in the Koran or in religious tradition, +in the ancient histories of Mecca, or in such works as the +<i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i>, which draw their information from old and +trustworthy sources.<a name="FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> Almost the first authority who refers to +the legend is the grammarian Aḥmad al-Naḥḥás; († 949 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +and by him it is stigmatised as entirely groundless. Moreover, +although it was accepted by scholars like Reiske, Sir W. Jones, +and even De Sacy, it is incredible in itself. Hengstenberg, in +the Prolegomena to his edition of the <i>Mu‘-allaqa</i> of Imru’u +’l-Qays (Bonn, 1823) asked some pertinent questions: Who +were the judges, and how were they appointed? Why were +only these seven poems thus distinguished? His further +objection, that the art of writing was at that time a rare accomplishment, +does not carry so much weight as he attached to +it, but the story is sufficiently refuted by what we know of +the character and customs of the Arabs in the sixth century +and afterwards. Is it conceivable that the proud sons of the +desert could have submitted a matter so nearly touching their +tribal honour, of which they were jealous above all things, to +external arbitration, or meekly acquiesced in the partial verdict +of a court sitting in the neighbourhood of Mecca, which would +certainly have shown scant consideration for competitors +belonging to distant clans?<a name="FNanchor_206" id="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">206</a></p> + +<p>However <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> is to be explained, the name is not +contemporary with the poems themselves. In all probability +they were so entitled by the person who first chose them + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_103" id="Page_103" href="#"><span><i>THE MU‘ALLAQÁT</i></span>103</a></span> + +out of innumerable others and embodied them in a separate +collection. This is generally allowed to have been Ḥammád +al-Ráwiya, a famous rhapsodist who flourished in <span class="sidenote"> Origin of the +collection.</span> +the latter days of the Umayyad dynasty, and +died about 772 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, in the reign of the ‘Abbásid +Caliph Mahdí. What principle guided Ḥammád in his choice +we do not know. Nöldeke conjectures that he was influenced +by the fact that all the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> are long poems—they are +sometimes called 'The Seven Long Poems' (<i>al-Sab‘ al-Ṭiwál</i>)—for +in Ḥammád's time little of the ancient Arabian poetry +survived in a state even of relative completeness.</p> + +<p>It must be confessed that no rendering of the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> +can furnish European readers with a just idea of the originals, +a literal version least of all. They contain much <span class="sidenote">Difficulty of +translating +the Mu‘allaqát.</span> +that only a full commentary can make intelligible, +much that to modern taste is absolutely incongruous +with the poetic style. Their finest pictures of Bedouin +life and manners often appear uncouth or grotesque, because +without an intimate knowledge of the land and people it is +impossible for us to see what the poet intended to convey, or +to appreciate the truth and beauty of its expression; while the +artificial framework, the narrow range of subject as well as +treatment, and the frank realism of the whole strike us at +once. In the following pages I shall give some account of +the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> and their authors, and endeavour to bring out +the characteristic qualities of each poem by selecting suitable +passages for translation.<a name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a></p> + +<p>The oldest and most famous of the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> is that of +Imru’u ’l-Qays, who was descended from the ancient kings of +Yemen. His grandfather was King Ḥárith of Kinda, the +antagonist of Mundhir III, King of Ḥíra, by whom he was + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_104" id="Page_104" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>104</a></span> + +defeated and slain.<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> On Ḥárith's death, the confederacy +which he had built up split asunder, and his sons divided among +themselves the different tribes of which it was <span class="sidenote">Imru’u +’l-Qays.</span> +composed. Ḥujr, the poet's father, ruled for some +time over the Banú Asad in Central Arabia, but +finally they revolted and put him to death. "The duty of +avenging his murder fell upon Imru’u ’l-Qays, who is represented +as the only capable prince of his family; and the +few historical data which we have regarding him relate to his +adventures while bent upon this vengeance."<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> They are told +at considerable length in the <i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i>, but need not +detain us here. Suffice it to say that his efforts to punish the +rebels, who were aided by Mundhir, the hereditary foe of his +house, met with little success. He then set out for Constantinople, +where he was favourably received by the Emperor +Justinian, who desired to see the power of Kinda re-established +as a thorn in the side of his Persian rivals. The emperor +appointed him Phylarch of Palestine, but on his way thither he +died at Angora (about 540 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). He is said to have perished, +like Nessus, from putting on a poisoned robe sent to him as a +gift by Justinian, with whose daughter he had an intrigue. +Hence he is sometimes called 'The Man of the Ulcers' +(<i>Dhu ’l-Qurúḥ</i>).</p> + +<p>Many fabulous traditions surround the romantic figure of +Imru’u ’l-Qays.<a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> According to one story, he was banished by +his father, who despised him for being a poet and was enraged +by the scandals to which his love adventures gave rise. +Imru’u ’l-Qays left his home and wandered from tribe to tribe +with a company of outcasts like himself, leading a wild life, +which caused him to be known as 'The Vagabond Prince' +(<i>al-Malik al-Ḍillíl</i>). When the news of his father's death + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_105" id="Page_105" href="#"><span><i>IMRU’U ’L-QAYS</i></span>105</a></span> + +reached him he cried, "My father wasted my youth, and now +that I am old he has laid upon me the burden of blood-revenge. +Wine to-day, business to-morrow!" Seven nights he continued +the carouse; then he swore not to eat flesh, nor drink +wine, nor use ointment, nor touch woman, nor wash his +head until his vengeance was accomplished. In the valley +of Tabála, north of Najrán, there was an idol called Dhu +’l-Khalaṣa much reverenced by the heathen Arabs. Imru’u +’l-Qays visited this oracle and consulted it in the ordinary way, +by drawing one of three arrows entitled 'the Commanding,' +'the Forbidding,' and 'the Waiting.' He drew the second, +whereupon he broke the arrows and dashed them on the face +of the idol, exclaiming with a gross imprecation, "If <i>thy</i> +father had been slain, thou would'st not have hindered me!"</p> + +<p>Imru’u ’l-Qays is almost universally reckoned the greatest +of the Pre-islamic poets. Muḥammad described him as 'their +leader to Hell-fire,' while the Caliphs ‘Umar and ‘Alí, +<i>odium theologicum</i> notwithstanding, extolled his genius and originality.<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> +Coming to the <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> itself, European critics have +vied with each other in praising its exquisite diction and +splendid images, the sweet flow of the verse, the charm and +variety of the painting, and, above all, the feeling by which it +is inspired of the joy and glory of youth. The passage translated +below is taken from the first half of the poem, in which +love is the prevailing theme:—<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Once, on the hill, she mocked at me and swore,</span> +<span class="i0"> +'This hour I leave thee to return no more,'</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_106" id="Page_106" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>106</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +Soft! if farewell is planted in thy mind,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Yet spare me, Fáṭima, disdain unkind.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Because my passion slays me, wilt thou part?</span> +<span class="i0"> +Because thy wish is law unto mine heart?</span> +<span class="i0"> +Nay, if thou so mislikest aught in me,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Shake loose my robe and let it fall down free.</span> +<span class="i0"> +But ah, the deadly pair, thy streaming eyes!</span> +<span class="i0"> +They pierce a heart that all in ruin lies.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +How many a noble tent hath oped its treasure</span> +<span class="i0"> +To me, and I have ta'en my fill of pleasure,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Passing the warders who with eager speed</span> +<span class="i0"> +Had slain me, if they might but hush the deed,</span> +<span class="i0"> +What time in heaven the Pleiades unfold</span> +<span class="i0"> +A belt of orient gems distinct with gold.</span> +<span class="i0"> +I entered. By the curtain there stood she,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Clad lightly as for sleep, and looked on me.</span> +<span class="i0"> +'By God,' she cried, 'what recks thee of the cost?</span> +<span class="i0"> +I see thine ancient madness is not lost.'</span> +<span class="i0"> +I led her forth—she trailing as we go</span> +<span class="i0"> +Her broidered skirt, lest any footprint show—</span> +<span class="i0"> +Until beyond the tents the valley sank</span> +<span class="i0"> +With curving dunes and many a pilèd bank,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Then with both hands I drew her head to mine,</span> +<span class="i0"> +And lovingly the damsel did incline</span> +<span class="i0"> +Her slender waist and legs more plump than fine;—</span> +<span class="i0"> +A graceful figure, a complexion bright,</span> +<span class="i0"> +A bosom like a mirror in the light;</span> +<span class="i0"> +A white pale virgin pearl such lustre keeps,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Fed with clear water in untrodden deeps.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Now she bends half away: two cheeks appear,</span> +<span class="i0"> +And such an eye as marks the frighted deer</span> +<span class="i0"> +Beside her fawn; and lo, the shapely neck</span> +<span class="i0"> +Not bare of ornament, else without a fleck;</span> +<span class="i0"> +While from her shoulders in profusion fair,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Like clusters on the palm, hangs down her coal-dark hair."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>In strange contrast with this tender and delicate idyll are +the wild, hard verses almost immediately following, in which +the poet roaming through the barren waste hears the howl of a +starved wolf and hails him as a comrade:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_107" id="Page_107" href="#"><span><i>IMRU’U ’L-QAYS</i></span>107</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Each one of us what thing he finds devours:</span> +<span class="i0"> +Lean is the wretch whose living is like ours."<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">213</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The noble qualities of his horse and its prowess in the +chase are described, and the poem ends with a magnificent +picture of a thunder-storm among the hills of Najd.</p> + +<p class="tb">Ṭarafa b. al-‘Abd was a member of the great tribe of Bakr. +The particular clan to which he belonged was settled in +Baḥrayn on the Persian Gulf. He early developed <span class="sidenote"> Ṭarafa.</span> +a talent for satire, which he exercised upon friend +and foe indifferently; and after he had squandered his +patrimony in dissolute pleasures, his family chased him away +as though he were 'a mangy camel.' At length a reconciliation +was effected. He promised to mend his ways, returned +to his people, and took part, it is said, in the War of +Basús. In a little while his means were dissipated once more +and he was reduced to tend his brother's herds. His <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> +composed at this time won for him the favour of a rich kinsman +and restored him to temporary independence. On the +conclusion of peace between Bakr and Taghlib the youthful +poet turned his eyes in the direction of Ḥíra, where ‘Amr b. +Hind had lately succeeded to the throne (554 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). He was +well received by the king, who attached him, along with his +uncle, the poet Mutalammis, to the service of the heir-apparent. +But Ṭarafa's bitter tongue was destined to cost him dear. +Fatigued and disgusted by the rigid ceremony of the court, he +improvised a satire in which he said—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Would that we had instead of ‘Amr</span> +<span class="i0"> +A milch-ewe bleating round our tent!"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Shortly afterwards he happened to be seated at table opposite +the king's sister. Struck with her beauty, he exclaimed—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_108" id="Page_108" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>108</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Behold, she has come back to me,</span> +<span class="i0"> +My fair gazelle whose ear-rings shine;</span> +<span class="i0"> +Had not the king been sitting here,</span> +<span class="i0"> +I would have pressed her lips to mine!"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>‘Amr b. Hind was a man of violent and implacable temper. +Ṭarafa's satire had already been reported to him, and this new +impertinence added fuel to his wrath. Sending for Ṭarafa and +Mutalammis, he granted them leave to visit their homes, and +gave to each of them a sealed letter addressed to the governor +of Baḥrayn. When they had passed outside the city the +suspicions of Mutalammis were aroused. As neither he nor +his companion could read, he handed his own letter to a boy +of Ḥíra<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> and learned that it contained orders to bury him +alive. Thereupon he flung the treacherous missive into the +stream and implored Ṭarafa to do likewise. Ṭarafa refused +to break the royal seal. He continued his journey to Baḥrayn, +where he was thrown into prison and executed.</p> + +<p>Thus perished miserably in the flower of his youth—according +to some accounts he was not yet twenty—the passionate +and eloquent Ṭarafa. In his <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> he has drawn a +spirited portrait of himself. The most striking feature of +the poem, apart from a long and, to us who are not Bedouins, +painfully tedious description of the camel, is its insistence on +sensual enjoyment as the sole business of life:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Canst thou make me immortal, O thou that blamest me so</span> +<span class="i0"> +For haunting the battle and loving the pleasures that fly?</span> +<span class="i0"> +If thou hast not the power to ward me from Death, let me go</span> +<span class="i0"> +To meet him and scatter the wealth in my hand, ere I die.</span> +<span class="i0"> +</span><span class="i0"> +Save only for three things in which noble youth take delight,</span> +<span class="i0"> +I care not how soon rises o'er me the coronach loud:</span> +<span class="i0"> +Wine that foams when the water is poured on it, ruddy, not bright.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Dark wine that I quaff stol'n away from the cavilling crowd;</span> +<span class="i0"> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_109" id="Page_109" href="#"><span><i>ṬARAFA</i></span>109</a></span> + +"And second, my charge at the cry of distress on a steed</span> +<span class="i0"> +Bow-legged like the wolf you have startled when thirsty he cowers;</span> +<span class="i0"> +And third, the day-long with a lass in her tent of goat's hair</span> +<span class="i0"> +To hear the wild rain and beguile of their slowness the hours."<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">215</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Keeping, as far as possible, the chronological order, we have +now to mention two <i>Mu‘allaqas</i> which, though not directly +related to each other,<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> are of the same period—the reign of +‘Amr b. Hind, King of Ḥíra (554-568 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Moreover, +their strong mutual resemblance and their difference from the +other <i>Mu‘allaqas</i>, especially from typical <i>qaṣídas</i> like those of +‘Antara and Labíd, is a further reason for linking them +together. Their distinguishing mark is the abnormal space +devoted to the main subject, which leaves little room for +the subsidiary motives.</p> + +<p>‘Amr b. Kulthúm belonged to the tribe of Taghlib. His +mother was Laylá, a daughter of the famous poet and warrior +Muhalhil. That she was a woman of heroic <span class="sidenote">‘Amr b. +Kulthúm.</span> +mould appears from the following anecdote, which +records a deed of prompt vengeance on the part +of ‘Amr that gave rise to the proverb, "Bolder in onset than +‘Amr b. Kulthúm"<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a>:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>One day ‘Amr. b. Hind, the King of Ḥíra, said to his boon-companions, +"Do ye know any Arab whose mother would disdain to +serve mine?" They answered, "Yes, the mother of ‘Amr b. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_110" id="Page_110" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>110</a></span> + +Kulthúm." "Why so?" asked the king. "Because," said they, "her +father is Muhalhil b. Rabí‘a and her uncle is Kulayb b. Wá’il, the +most puissant of the Arabs, and her husband is <span class="sidenote">How ’Amr +avenged an +insult to his +mother.</span> +Kulthúm b. Málik, the knightliest, and her son is ‘Amr, +the chieftain of his tribe." Then the king sent to ‘Amr +b. Kulthúm, inviting him to pay a visit to himself, and +asking him to bring his mother, Laylá, to visit his own mother, +Hind. So ‘Amr came to Ḥíra with some men of Taghlib, and +Laylá came attended by a number of their women; and while +the king entertained ‘Amr and his friends in a pavilion which he +had caused to be erected between Ḥíra and the Euphrates, Laylá +found quarters with Hind in a tent adjoining. Now, the king had +ordered his mother, as soon as he should call for dessert, to dismiss +the servants, and cause Laylá to wait upon her. At the pre-arranged +signal she desired to be left alone with her guest, and said, "O Laylá, +hand me that dish." Laylá answered, "Let those who want anything +rise up and serve themselves." Hind repeated her demand, and +would take no denial. "O shame!" cried Laylá. "Help! Taghlib, +help!" When ‘Amr heard his mother's cry the blood flew to his +cheeks. He seized a sword hanging on the wall of the pavilion—the +only weapon there—and with a single blow smote the king +dead.<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">218</a></p></div> + +<p>‘Amr's <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> is the work of a man who united in +himself the ideal qualities of manhood as these were understood +by a race which has never failed to value, even too +highly, the display of self-reliant action and decisive energy. +And if in ‘Amr's poem these virtues are displayed with an +exaggerated boastfulness which offends our sense of decency +and proper reserve, it would be a grave error to conclude that +all this sound and fury signifies nothing. The Bedouin poet +deems it his bounden duty to glorify to the utmost himself, his +family, and his tribe; the Bedouin warrior is never tired of +proclaiming his unshakable valour and recounting his brilliant +feats of arms: he hurls menaces and vaunts in the same breath, +but it does not follow that he is a <i>Miles Gloriosus</i>. ‘Amr +certainly was not: his <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> leaves a vivid impression of +conscious and exultant strength. The first eight verses seem + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_111" id="Page_111" href="#"><span><i>‘AMR IBN KULTHÚM</i></span>111</a></span> + +to have been added to the poem at a very early date, for out of +them arose the legend that ‘Amr drank himself to death with +unmixed wine. It is likely that they were included in the +original collection of the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i>, and they are worth +translating for their own sake:—-</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Up, maiden! Fetch the morning-drink and spare not</span> +<span class="i4"> +The wine of Andarín,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Clear wine that takes a saffron hue when water</span> +<span class="i4"> +Is mingled warm therein.</span> +<span class="i0"> +The lover tasting it forgets his passion,</span> +<span class="i4"> +His heart is eased of pain;</span> +<span class="i0"> +The stingy miser, as he lifts the goblet,</span> +<span class="i4"> +Regardeth not his gain.</span> +<span class="i0"> +</span><span class="i0"> +Pass round from left to right! Why let'st thou, maiden,</span> +<span class="i4"> +Me and my comrades thirst?</span> +<span class="i0"> +Yet am I, whom thou wilt not serve this morning,</span> +<span class="i4"> +Of us three not the worst!</span> +<span class="i0"> +Many a cup in Baalbec and Damascus</span> +<span class="i4"> +And Qáṣirín I drained,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Howbeit we, ordained to death, shall one day</span> +<span class="i4"> +Meet death, to us ordained."<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>In the next passage he describes his grief at the departure +of his beloved, whom he sees in imagination arriving at her +journey's end in distant Yamáma:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"And oh, my love and yearning when at nightfall</span> +<span class="i4"> +I saw her camels haste,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Until sharp peaks uptowered like serried sword-blades,</span> +<span class="i4"> +And me Yamáma faced!</span> +<span class="i0"> +Such grief no mother-camel feels, bemoaning</span> +<span class="i4"> +Her young one lost, nor she,</span> +<span class="i0"> +The grey-haired woman whose hard fate hath left her</span> +<span class="i4"> +Of nine sons graves thrice three."<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Now the poet turns abruptly to his main theme. He + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_112" id="Page_112" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>112</a></span> + +addresses the King of Ḥíra, ‘Amr b. Hind, in terms of defiance, +and warns the foes of Taghlib that they will meet more than +their match:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Father of Hind,<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> take heed and ere thou movest</span> +<span class="i4">Rashly against us, learn</span> +<span class="i0">That still our banners go down white to battle</span> +<span class="i4">And home blood-red return.</span> +<span class="i0">And many a chief bediademed, the champion</span> +<span class="i4">Of the outlaws of the land,</span> +<span class="i0">Have we o'erthrown and stripped him, while around him</span> +<span class="i4">Fast-reined the horses stand.</span> +<span class="i0">Our neighbours lopped like thorn-trees, snarls in terror</span> +<span class="i4">Of us the demon-hound;<a name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">222</a></span> +<span class="i0">Never we try our hand-mill on the foemen</span> +<span class="i4">But surely they are ground.</span> +<span class="i0">We are the heirs of glory, all Ma‘add knows,<a name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a></span> +<span class="i4">Our lances it defend,</span> +<span class="i0">And when the tent-pole tumbles in the foray,</span> +<span class="i4">Trust us to save our friend!<a name="FNanchor_224" id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">224</a></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">O ‘Amr, what mean'st thou? Are we, we of Taghlib,</span> +<span class="i4">Thy princeling's retinue?</span> +<span class="i0">O ‘Amr, what mean'st thou, rating us and hearkening</span> +<span class="i4">To tale-bearers untrue?</span> +<span class="i0">O ‘Amr, ere thee full many a time our spear-shaft</span> +<span class="i4">Has baffled foes to bow;<a name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">225</a></span> +<span class="i0">Nipped in the vice it kicks like a wild camel</span> +<span class="i4">That will no touch allow—</span> +<span class="i0">Like a wild camel, so it creaks in bending</span> +<span class="i4">And splits the bender's brow!"<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> ends with a eulogy, superb in its extravagance, +of the poet's tribe:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_113" id="Page_113" href="#"><span><i>‘AMR IBN KULTHÚM</i></span>113</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Well wot, when our tents rise along their valleys,</span> +<span class="i4">The men of every clan</span> +<span class="i0">That we give death to them that durst attempt us,</span> +<span class="i4">To friends what food we can;</span> +<span class="i0">That staunchly we maintain a cause we cherish,</span> +<span class="i4">Camp where we choose to ride,</span> +<span class="i0">Nor will we aught of peace, when we are angered,</span> +<span class="i4">Till we be satisfied.</span> +<span class="i0">We keep our vassals safe and sound, but rebels</span> +<span class="i4">We soon force to their knees;</span> +<span class="i0">And if we reach a well, we drink pure water,</span> +<span class="i4">Others the muddy lees.</span> +<span class="i0">Ours is the earth and all thereon: when <i>we</i> strike,</span> +<span class="i4">There needs no second blow;</span> +<span class="i0">Kings lay before the new-weaned boy of Taghlib</span> +<span class="i4">Their heads in homage low.</span> +<span class="i0">We are called oppressors, being none, but shortly</span> +<span class="i4">A true name shall it be!<a name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a></span> +<span class="i0">We have so filled the earth 'tis narrow for us,</span> +<span class="i4">And with our ships the sea!<a name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Less interesting is the <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> of Ḥárith b. Ḥilliza of +Bakr. Its inclusion among the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> is probably due, as +Nöldeke suggested, to the fact that Ḥammád, <span class="sidenote"> Ḥárith b. Ḥilliza.</span> +himself a client of Bakr, wished to flatter his +patrons by selecting a counterpart to the <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> of ‘Amr +b. Kulthúm, which immortalised their great rivals, the Banú +Taghlib. Ḥárith's poem, however, has some historical importance, +as it throws light on feuds in Northern Arabia +connected with the antagonism of the Roman and Persian +Empires. Its purpose is to complain of unjust accusations +made against the Banú Bakr by a certain group of the Banú +Taghlib known as the Aráqim:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_114" id="Page_114" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>114</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Our brothers the Aráqim let their tongues</span> +<span class="i4"> +Against us rail unmeasuredly.</span> +<span class="i0"> +The innocent with the guilty they confound:</span> +<span class="i4"> +Of guilt what boots it to be free?</span> +<span class="i0"> +They brand us patrons of the vilest deed,</span> +<span class="i4"> +Our clients in each miscreant see."<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">229</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>A person whom Ḥárith does not name was 'blackening' +the Banú Bakr before the King of Ḥíra. The poet tells him +not to imagine that his calumnies will have any lasting effect: +often had Bakr been slandered by their foes, but (he finely +adds):—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Maugre their hate we stand, by firm-based might</span> +<span class="i4"> +Exalted and by ancestry—</span> +<span class="i0"> +Might which ere now hath dazzled men's eyes: thence scorn</span> +<span class="i4"> +To yield and haughty spirit have we.</span> +<span class="i0"> +On us the Days beat as on mountain dark</span> +<span class="i4"> +That soars in cloudless majesty,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Compact against the hard calamitous shocks</span> +<span class="i4"> +And buffetings of Destiny."<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>He appeals to the offenders not wantonly to break the peace +which ended the War of Basús:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Leave folly and error! If ye blind yourselves,</span> +<span class="i4"> +Just therein lies the malady.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Recall the oaths of Dhu ’l-Majáz<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> for which</span> +<span class="i4"> +Hostages gave security,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Lest force or guile should break them: can caprice</span> +<span class="i4"> +Annul the parchments utterly?<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">232</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>‘Antara b. Shaddád, whose father belonged to the tribe of +‘Abs, distinguished himself in the War of Dáḥis.<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">233</a> In modern +times it is not as a poet that he is chiefly remembered, +but as a hero of romance—the Bedouin <span class="sidenote">‘Antara.</span> +Achilles. Goddess-born, however, he could not be called by + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_115" id="Page_115" href="#"><span><i>ḤÁRITH AND ‘ANTARA</i></span>115</a></span> + +any stretch of imagination. His mother was a black slave, +and he must often have been taunted with his African blood, +which showed itself in a fiery courage that gained the respect +of the pure-bred but generally less valorous Arabs. ‘Antara +loved his cousin ‘Abla, and following the Arabian custom by +which cousins have the first right to a girl's hand, he asked +her in marriage. His suit was vain—the son of a slave mother +being regarded as a slave unless acknowledged by his father—until +on one occasion, while the ‘Absites were hotly engaged +with some raiders who had driven off their camels, ‘Antara +refused to join in the mêlée, saying, "A slave does not understand +how to fight; his work is to milk the camels and bind +their udders." "Charge!" cried his father, "thou art free." +Though ‘Antara uttered no idle boast when he sang—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"On one side nobly born and of the best</span> +<span class="i0"> +Of ‘Abs am I: my sword makes good the rest!"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>his contemptuous references to 'jabbering barbarians,' and to +'slaves with their ears cut off, clad in sheepskins,' are characteristic +of the man who had risen to eminence in spite of the +stain on his scutcheon. He died at a great age in a foray +against the neighbouring tribe of Ṭayyi’. His <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> is +famous for its stirring battle-scenes, one of which is translated +here:—<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Learn, Málik's daughter, how</span> +<span class="i1"> +I rush into the fray,</span> +<span class="i0"> +And how I draw back only</span> +<span class="i1"> +At sharing of the prey.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +I never quit the saddle,</span> +<span class="i1"> +My strong steed nimbly bounds;</span> +<span class="i0"> +Warrior after warrior</span> +<span class="i1"> +Have covered him with wounds.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_116" id="Page_116" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>116</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +Full-armed against me stood</span> +<span class="i1"> +One feared of fighting men:</span> +<span class="i0"> +He fled not oversoon</span> +<span class="i1"> +Nor let himself be ta'en.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +With straight hard-shafted spear</span> +<span class="i1"> +I dealt him in his side</span> +<span class="i0"> +A sudden thrust which opened</span> +<span class="i1"> +Two streaming gashes wide,</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +Two gashes whence outgurgled</span> +<span class="i1"> +His life-blood: at the sound</span> +<span class="i0"> +Night-roaming ravenous wolves</span> +<span class="i1"> +Flock eagerly around.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +So with my doughty spear</span> +<span class="i1"> +I trussed his coat of mail—</span> +<span class="i0"> +For truly, when the spear strikes,</span> +<span class="i1"> +The noblest man is frail—</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +And left him low to banquet</span> +<span class="i1"> +The wild beasts gathering there;</span> +<span class="i0"> +They have torn off his fingers,</span> +<span class="i1"> +His wrist and fingers fair!"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>While ‘Antara's poem belongs to the final stages of the +War of Dáḥis, the <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> of his contemporary, Zuhayr b. +Abí Sulmá, of the tribe of Muzayna, celebrates <span class="sidenote"> Zuhayr.</span> +an act of private munificence which brought +about the conclusion of peace. By the self-sacrificing intervention +of two chiefs of Dhubyán, Harim b. Sinán and +Ḥárith b. ‘Awf, the whole sum of blood-money to which +the ‘Absites were entitled on account of the greater number +of those who had fallen on their side, was paid over to them. +Such an example of generous and disinterested patriotism—for +Harim and Ḥárith had shed no blood themselves—was a fit +subject for one of whom it was said that he never praised men +but as they deserved:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_117" id="Page_117" href="#"><span><i>ZUHAYR</i></span>117</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +Noble pair of Ghayẓ ibn Murra,<a name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> well ye laboured to restore</span> +<span class="i0"> +Ties of kindred hewn asunder by the bloody strokes of war.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Witness now mine oath the ancient House in Mecca's hallowed bound,<a name="FNanchor_236" id="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">236</a></span> +<span class="i0"> +Which its builders of Quraysh and Jurhum solemnly went round,<a name="FNanchor_237" id="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">237</a></span> +<span class="i0"> +That in hard or easy issue never wanting were ye found!</span> +<span class="i0"> +Peace ye gave to ‘Abs and Dhubyán when each fell by other's hand</span> +<span class="i0"> +And the evil fumes they pestled up between them filled the land."<a name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>At the end of his panegyric the poet, turning to the lately +reconciled tribesmen and their confederates, earnestly warns +them against nursing thoughts of vengeance:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Will ye hide from God the guilt ye dare not unto Him disclose?</span> +<span class="i0"> +Verily, what thing soever ye would hide from God, He knows.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Either it is laid up meantime in a scroll and treasured there</span> +<span class="i0"> +For the day of retribution, or avenged all unaware.<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a></span> +<span class="i0"> +War ye have known and war have tasted: not by hearsay are ye wise.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Raise no more the hideous monster! If ye let her raven, she cries</span> +<span class="i0"> +Ravenously for blood and crushes, like a mill-stone, all below,</span> +<span class="i0"> +And from her twin-conceiving womb she brings forth woe on woe."<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>After a somewhat obscure passage concerning the lawless +deeds of a certain Ḥusayn b. Ḍamḍam, which had well-nigh + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_118" id="Page_118" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>118</a></span> + +caused a fresh outbreak of hostilities, Zuhayr proceeds, with a +natural and touching allusion to his venerable age, to enforce +the lessons of conduct and morality suggested by the +situation:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I am weary of life's burden: well a man may weary be</span> +<span class="i0"> +After eighty years, and this much now is manifest to me:</span> +<span class="i0"> +Death is like a night-blind camel stumbling on:—the smitten die</span> +<span class="i0"> +But the others age and wax in weakness whom he passes by.</span> +<span class="i0"> +He that often deals with folk in unkind fashion, underneath</span> +<span class="i0"> +They will trample him and make him feel the sharpness of their teeth.</span> +<span class="i0"> +He that hath enough and over and is niggard with his pelf</span> +<span class="i0"> +Will be hated of his people and left free to praise himself.</span> +<span class="i0"> +He alone who with fair actions ever fortifies his fame</span> +<span class="i0"> +Wins it fully: blame will find him out unless he shrinks from blame.</span> +<span class="i0"> +He that for his cistern's guarding trusts not in his own stout arm</span> +<span class="i0"> +Sees it ruined: he must harm his foe or he must suffer harm.</span> +<span class="i0"> +He that fears the bridge of Death across it finally is driven,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Though he span as with a ladder all the space 'twixt earth and heaven.</span> +<span class="i0"> +He that will not take the lance's butt-end while he has the chance</span> +<span class="i0"> +Must thereafter be contented with the spike-end of the lance.</span> +<span class="i0"> +He that keeps his word is blamed not; he whose heart repaireth straight</span> +<span class="i0"> +To the sanctuary of duty never needs to hesitate.</span> +<span class="i0"> +He that hies abroad to strangers doth account his friends his foes;</span> +<span class="i0"> +He that honours not himself lacks honour wheresoe'er he goes.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Be a man's true nature what it will, that nature is revealed</span> +<span class="i0"> +To his neighbours, let him fancy as he may that 'tis concealed."<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">241</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The ripe sententious wisdom and moral earnestness of +Zuhayr's poetry are in keeping with what has been said + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_119" id="Page_119" href="#"><span><i>ZUHAYR</i></span>119</a></span> + +above concerning his religious ideas and, from another point +of view, with the tradition that he used to compose a <i>qaṣída</i> +in four months, correct it for four months, submit it to the +poets of his acquaintance during a like period, and not +make it public until a year had expired.</p> + +<p>Of his life there is little to tell. Probably he died before +Islam, though it is related that when he was a centenarian he +met the Prophet, who cried out on seeing him, "O God, +preserve me from his demon!"<a name="FNanchor_242" id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> The poetical gifts which +he inherited from his uncle Basháma he bequeathed to his +son Ka‘b, author of the famous ode, <i>Bánat Su‘ád</i>.</p> + +<p>Labíd b. Rabí‘a, of the Banú ‘Ámir b. Ṣa‘ṣa‘a, was born in the +latter half of the sixth century, and is said to have died soon +after Mu‘áwiya's accession to the Caliphate, which <span class="sidenote"> Labíd.</span> +took place in <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 661. He is thus the youngest +of the Seven Poets. On accepting Islam he abjured poetry, +saying, "God has given me the Koran in exchange for it." +Like Zuhayr, he had, even in his heathen days, a strong vein +of religious feeling, as is shown by many passages in his +Díwán.</p> + +<p>Labíd was a true Bedouin, and his <i>Mu‘allaqa</i>, with its +charmingly fresh pictures of desert life and scenery, must be +considered one of the finest examples of the Pre-islamic <i>qaṣída</i> +that have come down to us. The poet owes something to his +predecessors, but the greater part seems to be drawn from his +own observation. He begins in the conventional manner by +describing the almost unrecognisable vestiges of the camping-ground +of the clan to which his mistress belonged:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Waste lies the land where once alighted and did wone</span><span class="i0"> +The people of Miná: Rijám and Ghawl are lone.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_120" id="Page_120" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>120</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +The camp in Rayyán's vale is marked by relics dim</span><span class="i0"> +Like weather-beaten script engraved on ancient stone.</span><span class="i0"> +Over this ruined scene, since it was desolate,</span><span class="i0"> +Whole years with secular and sacred months had flown.</span><span class="i0"> +In spring 'twas blest by showers 'neath starry influence shed,</span><span class="i0"> +And thunder-clouds bestowed a scant or copious boon.</span><span class="i0"> +Pale herbs had shot up, ostriches on either slope</span><span class="i0"> +Their chicks had gotten and gazelles their young had thrown;</span><span class="i0"> +And large-eyed wild-cows there beside the new-born calves</span><span class="i0"> +Reclined, while round them formed a troop the calves half-grown.</span><span class="i0"> +Torrents of rain had swept the dusty ruins bare,</span><span class="i0"> +Until, as writing freshly charactered, they shone,</span><span class="i0"> +Or like to curved tattoo-lines on a woman's arm,</span><span class="i0"> +With soot besprinkled so that every line is shown.</span><span class="i0"> +I stopped and asked, but what avails it that we ask</span><span class="i0"> +Dumb changeless things that speak a language all unknown?"<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>After lamenting the departure of his beloved the poet bids +himself think no more about her: he will ride swiftly away +from the spot. Naturally, he must praise his camel, and he +introduces by way of comparison two wonderful pictures of +animal life. In the former the onager is described racing at +full speed over the backs of the hills when thirst and hunger +drive him with his mate far from the barren solitudes into +which they usually retire. The second paints a wild-cow, +whose young calf has been devoured by wolves, sleeping +among the sand-dunes through a night of incessant rain. At +daybreak "her feet glide over the firm wet soil." For a +whole week she runs to and fro, anxiously seeking her calf, +when suddenly she hears the sound of hunters approaching and +makes off in alarm. Being unable to get within bowshot, the +hunters loose their dogs, but she turns desperately upon them, +wounding one with her needle-like horn and killing another.</p> + +<p>Then, once more addressing his beloved, the poet speaks +complacently of his share in the feasting and revelling, on +which a noble Arab plumes himself hardly less than on his +bravery:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_121" id="Page_121" href="#"><span><i>LABÍD</i></span>121</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Know'st thou not, O Nawár, that I am wont to tie</span><span class="i0"> +The cords of love, yet also snap them without fear?</span><span class="i0"> +That I abandon places when I like them not,</span><span class="i0"> +Unless Death chain the soul and straiten her career?</span><span class="i0"> +Nay, surely, but thou know'st not I have passed in talk</span><span class="i0"> +Many a cool night of pleasure and convivial cheer,</span><span class="i0"> +And often to a booth, above which hung for sign</span><span class="i0"> +A banner, have resorted when old wine was dear.</span><span class="i0"> +For no light price I purchased many a dusky skin</span><span class="i0"> +Or black clay jar, and broached it that the juice ran clear;</span><span class="i0"> +And many a song of shrill-voiced singing-girl I paid,</span><span class="i0"> +And her whose fingers made sweet music to mine ear."<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Continuing, he boasts of dangerous service as a spy in the +enemy's country, when he watched all day on the top of +a steep crag; of his fearless demeanour and dignified assertion +of his rights in an assembly at Ḥíra, to which he came as +a delegate, and of his liberality to the poor. The closing +verses are devoted, in accordance with custom, to matters +of immediate interest and to a panegyric on the virtues of the +poet's kin.</p> + +<p class="tb">Besides the authors of the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> three poets may be +mentioned, of whom the two first-named are universally +acknowledged to rank with the greatest that Arabia has +produced—Nábigha, A‘shá, and ‘Alqama.</p> + +<p>Nábigha<a name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a>—his proper name is Ziyád b. Mu‘áwiya, of the +tribe Dhubyán—lived at the courts of Ghassán and Ḥíra <span class="sidenote"> Nábigha of +Dhubyán.</span> +during the latter half of the century before +Islam. His chief patron was King Nu‘mán b. +Mundhir Abú Qábús of Ḥíra. For many years +he basked in the sunshine of royal favour, enjoying every +privilege that Nu‘mán bestowed on his most intimate friends. +The occasion of their falling out is differently related. +According to one story, the poet described the charms of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_122" id="Page_122" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>122</a></span> + +Queen Mutajarrida, which Nu‘mán had asked him to +celebrate, with such charm and liveliness as to excite her +husband's suspicion; but it is said—and Nábigha's own words +make it probable—that his enemies denounced him as the +author of a scurrilous satire against Nu‘mán which had been +forged by themselves. At any rate he had no choice but to +quit Ḥíra with all speed, and ere long we find him in Ghassán, +welcomed and honoured, as the panegyrist of King ‘Amr b. +Ḥárith and the noble house of Jafna. But his heart was in +Ḥíra still. Deeply wounded by the calumnies of which he +was the victim, he never ceased to affirm his innocence and to +lament the misery of exile. The following poem, which he +addressed to Nu‘mán, is at once a justification and an appeal +for mercy<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">246</a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"They brought me word, O King, thou blamedst me;</span><span class="i0"> +For this am I o'erwhelmed with grief and care.</span><span class="i0"> +I passed a sick man's night: the nurses seemed,</span><span class="i0"> +Spreading my couch, to have heaped up briars there.</span><span class="i0"> +Now (lest thou cherish in thy mind a doubt)</span><span class="i0"> +Invoking our last refuge, God, I swear</span><span class="i0"> +That he, whoever told thee I was false,</span><span class="i0"> +Is the more lying and faithless of the pair.</span><span class="i0"> +Exiled perforce, I found a strip of land</span><span class="i0"> +Where I could live and safely take the air:</span><span class="i0"> +Kings made me arbiter of their possessions,</span><span class="i0"> +And called me to their side and spoke me fair—</span><span class="i0"> +Even as thou dost grace thy favourites</span><span class="i0"> +Nor deem'st a fault the gratitude they bear.<a name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a></span><span class="i0"> +O leave thine anger! Else, in view of men</span><span class="i0"> +A mangy camel, smeared with pitch, I were.</span><span class="i0"> +Seest thou not God hath given thee eminence</span><span class="i0"> +Before which monarchs tremble and despair?</span><span class="i0"> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_123" id="Page_123" href="#"><span><i>NÁBIGHA OF DHUBYÁN</i></span>123</a></span> + +All other kings are stars and thou a sun:</span><span class="i0"> +When the sun rises, lo, the heavens are bare!</span><span class="i0"> +A friend in trouble thou wilt not forsake;</span><span class="i0"> +I may have sinned: in sinning all men share.</span><span class="i0"> +If I am wronged, thou hast but wronged a slave,</span><span class="i0"> +And if thou spar'st, 'tis like thyself to spare."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>It is pleasant to record that Nábigha was finally reconciled +to the prince whom he loved, and that Ḥíra again became his +home. The date of his death is unknown, but it certainly +took place before Islam was promulgated. Had the opportunity +been granted to him he might have died a Moslem: he +calls himself 'a religious man' (<i>dhú ummat<sup>in</sup></i>),<a name="FNanchor_248" id="FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> and although +the tradition that he was actually a Christian lacks authority, +his long residence in Syria and ‘Iráq must have made him +acquainted with the externals of Christianity and with some, +at least, of its leading ideas.</p> + +<p>The grave and earnest tone characteristic of Nábigha's poetry +seldom prevails in that of his younger contemporary, Maymún <span class="sidenote">A‘shá.</span> +b. Qays, who is generally known by his surname, +al-A‘shá—that is, 'the man of weak sight.' A +professional troubadour, he roamed from one end of Arabia to +the other, harp in hand, singing the praises of those who +rewarded him; and such was his fame as a satirist that few +ventured to withhold the bounty which he asked. By common +consent he stands in the very first rank of Arabian poets. +Abu ’l-Faraj, the author of the <i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i>, declares him +to be superior to all the rest, adding, however, "this opinion is +not held unanimously as regards A‘shá or any other." His + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_124" id="Page_124" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>124</a></span> + +wandering life brought him into contact with every kind of +culture then existing in Arabia. Although he was not an +avowed Christian, his poetry shows to what an extent he was +influenced by the Bishops of Najrán, with whom he was +intimately connected, and by the Christian merchants of +Ḥíra who sold him their wine. He did not rise above +the pagan level of morality.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It is related that he set out to visit Muḥammad for the purpose +of reciting to him an ode which he had composed in his honour. +When the Quraysh heard of this, they feared lest their adversary's +reputation should be increased by the panegyric of a bard so famous +and popular. Accordingly, they intercepted him on his way, and +asked whither he was bound. "To your kinsman," said he, "that I +may accept Islam." "He will forbid and make unlawful to thee +certain practices of which thou art fond." "What are these?" said +A‘shá. "Fornication," said Abú Sufyán, "I have not abandoned it," +he replied, "but it has abandoned me. What else?" "Gambling." +"Perhaps I shall obtain from him something to compensate me for +the loss of gambling. What else?" "Usury." "I have never +borrowed nor lent. What else?" "Wine." "Oh, in that case I will +drink the water I have left stored at al-Mihrás." Seeing that A‘shá +was not to be deterred, Abú Sufyán offered him a hundred camels +on condition that he should return to his home in Yamáma +and await the issue of the struggle between Muḥammad and +the Quraysh. "I agree," said A‘shá. "O ye Quraysh," cried Abú +Sufyán, "this is A‘shá, and by God, if he becomes a follower of +Muḥammad, he will inflame the Arabs against you by his poetry. +Collect, therefore, a hundred camels for him."<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">249</a></p></div> + +<p>A‘shá excels in the description of wine and wine-parties. +One who visited Manfúḥa in Yamáma, where the poet was +buried, relates that revellers used to meet at his grave and pour +out beside it the last drops that remained in their cups. As an +example of his style in this <i>genre</i> I translate a few lines from +the most celebrated of his poems, which is included by some +critics among the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i>:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_125" id="Page_125" href="#"><span><i>A‘SHÁ AND ‘ALQAMA</i></span>125</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Many a time I hastened early to the tavern—while there ran</span><span class="i0"> +At my heels a ready cook, a nimble, active serving-man—</span><span class="i0"> +'Midst a gallant troop, like Indian scimitars, of mettle high;</span><span class="i0"> +Well they know that every mortal, shod and bare alike, must die.</span><span class="i0"> +Propped at ease I greet them gaily, them with myrtle-boughs I greet,</span><span class="i0"> +Pass among them wine that gushes from the jar's mouth bittersweet.</span><span class="i0"> +Emptying goblet after goblet—but the source may no man drain—</span><span class="i0"> +Never cease they from carousing save to cry, 'Fill up again!'</span><span class="i0"> +Briskly runs the page to serve them: on his ears hang pearls: below,</span><span class="i0"> +Tight the girdle draws his doublet as he bustles to and fro.</span><span class="i0"> +'Twas the harp, thou mightest fancy, waked the lute's responsive note,</span><span class="i0"> +When the loose-robed chantress touched it and sang shrill with quavering throat.</span><span class="i0"> +Here and there among the party damsels fair superbly glide:</span><span class="i0"> +Each her long white skirt lets trail and swings a wine-skin at her side."<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Very little is known of the life of ‘Alqama b. ‘Abada, who +was surnamed <i>al-Faḥl</i> (the Stallion). His most famous poem <span class="sidenote">‘Alqama.</span> +is that which he addressed to the Ghassánid Ḥárith +al-A‘raj after the Battle of Ḥalíma, imploring him +to set free some prisoners of Tamím—the poet's tribe—among +whom was his own brother or nephew, Shás. The +following lines have almost become proverbial:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Of women do ye ask me? I can spy</span><span class="i0"> +Their ailments with a shrewd physician's eye.</span><span class="i0"> +The man whose head is grey or small his herds</span><span class="i0"> +No favour wins of them but mocking words.</span><span class="i0"> +Are riches known, to riches they aspire,</span><span class="i0"> +And youthful bloom is still their heart's desire."<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_126" id="Page_126" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>126</a></span></p> + +<p>In view of these slighting verses it is proper to observe that +the poetry of Arabian women of the Pre-islamic period is distinctly <span class="sidenote"> Elegiac poetry.</span> +masculine in character. Their songs are +seldom of Love, but often of Death. Elegy +(<i>rithá</i> or <i>marthiya</i>) was regarded as their special province. +The oldest form of elegy appears in the verses chanted on +the death of Ta’abbaṭa Sharr<sup>an</sup> by his sister:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"O the good knight ye left low at Rakhmán,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Thábit son of Jábir son of Sufyán!</span> +<span class="i0"> +He filled the cup for friends and ever slew his man."<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">252</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>"As a rule the Arabian dirge is very simple. The poetess +begins with a description of her grief, of the tears that she +cannot quench, and then she shows how worthy to be deeply +mourned was he whom death has taken away. He is described +as a pattern of the two principal Arabian virtues, bravery and +liberality, and the question is anxiously asked, 'Who will now +make high resolves, overthrow the enemy, and in time of want +feed the poor and entertain the stranger?' If the hero of the +dirge died a violent death we find in addition a burning lust of +revenge, a thirst for the slayer's blood, expressed with an +intensity of feeling of which only women are capable."<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">253</a></p> + +<p>Among Arabian women who have excelled in poetry the +place of honour is due to Khansá—her real name was <span class="sidenote"> Khansá.</span> +Tumáḍir—who flourished in the last years before +Islam. By far the most famous of her elegies +are those in which she bewailed her valiant brothers, Mu‘áwiya +and Ṣakhr, both of whom were struck down by sword or +spear. It is impossible to translate the poignant and vivid +emotion, the energy of passion and noble simplicity of style +which distinguish the poetry of Khansá, but here are a +few verses:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_127" id="Page_127" href="#"><span><i>WOMEN AS ELEGISTS</i></span>127</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +Death's messenger cried aloud the loss of the generous one,</span><span class="i0"> +So loud cried he, by my life, that far he was heard and wide.</span><span class="i0"> +Then rose I, and scarce my soul could follow to meet the news,</span><span class="i0"> +For anguish and sore dismay and horror that Ṣakhr had died.</span><span class="i0"> +In my misery and despair I seemed as a drunken man,</span><span class="i0"> +Upstanding awhile—then soon his tottering limbs subside."<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +<i>Yudhakkiruní ṭulú‘u ’l-shamsi Ṣakhr<sup>an</sup></i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>wa-adhkuruhú likulli ghurúbi shamsi.</i></span> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Sunrise awakes in me the sad remembrance</span> +<span class="i0"> +Of Ṣakhr, and I recall him at every sunset."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>To the poets who have been enumerated many might be +added—<i>e.g.</i>, Ḥassán b. Thábit, who was 'retained' by the <span class="sidenote"> The last poets +born in the Age +of Paganism.</span> +Prophet and did useful work on his behalf; Ka‘b +b. Zuhayr, author or the famous panegyric on +Muḥammad beginning "<i>Bánat Su‘ád</i>" (Su‘ád has +departed); Mutammim b. Nuwayra, who, like Khansá, +mourned the loss of a brother; Abú Miḥjan, the singer of +wine, whose devotion to the forbidden beverage was punished +by the Caliph ‘Umar with imprisonment and exile; and +al-Ḥuṭay’a (the Dwarf), who was unrivalled in satire. All +these belonged to the class of <i>Mukhaḍramún</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, they were +born in the Pagan Age but died, if not Moslems, at any rate +after the proclamation of Islam.</p> + +<p class="tb">The grammarians of Baṣra and Kúfa, by whom the remains +of ancient Arabian poetry were rescued from oblivion, arranged <span class="sidenote"> Collections of +ancient poetry.</span> +and collected their material according to various +principles. Either the poems of an individual or +those of a number of individuals belonging to the +same tribe or class were brought together—such a collection +was called <i>Díwán</i>, plural <i>Dawáwín</i>; or, again, the compiler +edited a certain number of <i>qaṣídas</i> chosen for their fame or + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_128" id="Page_128" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>128</a></span> + +excellence or on other grounds, or he formed an anthology of +shorter pieces or fragments, which were arranged under different +heads according to their subject-matter.</p> + +<p>Among <i>Díwáns</i> mention may be made of <i>The Díwáns of +the Six Poets</i>, viz. Nábigha, ‘Antara, Ṭarafa, Zuhayr, ‘Alqama, <span class="sidenote"> Díwáns.</span> +and Imru’u ’l-Qays, edited with a full commentary +by the Spanish philologist al-A‘lam +(† 1083 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and published in 1870 by Ahlwardt; and of +<i>The Poems of the Hudhaylites</i> (<i>Ash‘áru ’l-Hudhaliyyín</i>) collected +by al-Sukkarí († 888 a.d.), which have been published by +Kosegarten and Wellhausen.</p> + +<p>The chief Anthologies, taken in the order of their composition, +are:—</p> + +<p>1. The <i>Mu‘allaqát</i>, which is the title given to a collection +of seven odes by Imru’u ’l-Qays, Ṭarafa, Zuhayr, Labíd, <span class="sidenote">Anthologies. +1. The <i>Mu‘allaqát</i>.</span> +‘Antara, ‘Amr b. Kulthúm, and Ḥárith b. Ḥilliza; +to these two odes by Nábigha and A‘shá are +sometimes added. The compiler was probably +Ḥammád al-Ráwiya, a famous rhapsodist of Persian descent, +who flourished under the Umayyads and died in the second +half of the eighth century of our era. As the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> have +been discussed above, we may pass on directly to a much +larger, though less celebrated, collection dating from the same +period, viz.:—</p> + +<p>2. The <i>Mufaḍḍaliyyát</i>,<a name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> by which title it is generally known +after its compiler, Mufaḍḍal al-Ḍabbí († <i>circa</i> 786 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), who <span class="sidenote">2. The <i>Mufaḍḍaliyyát</i>.</span> +made it at the instance of the Caliph Manṣúr for +the instruction of his son and successor, Mahdí. +It comprises 128 odes and is extant in two +recensions, that of Anbárí († 916 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), which derives from +Ibnu ’l-A‘rábí, the stepson of Mufaḍḍal, and that of Marzúqí +(† 1030 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). About a third of the <i>Mufaḍḍaliyyát</i> was published + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_129" id="Page_129" href="#"><span><i>THE PRINCIPAL COLLECTIONS</i></span>129</a></span> + +in 1885 by Thorbecke, and Sir Charles Lyall has recently +edited the complete text with Arabic commentary and English +translation and notes.<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a></p> + +<p>All students of Arabian poetry are familiar with—</p> + +<p>3. The <i>Ḥamása</i> of Abú Tammám Ḥabíb b. Aws, himself a +distinguished poet, who flourished under the Caliphs Ma’mún <span class="sidenote">3. The <i>Ḥamása</i> +of Abú Tammám.</span> +and Mu‘taṣim, and died about 850 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Towards +the end of his life he visited ‘Abdulláh b. Ṭáhir, the +powerful governor of Khurásán, who was virtually +an independent sovereign. It was on this journey, as Ibn +Khallikán relates, that Abú Tammám composed the <i>Ḥamása</i>; +for on arriving at Hamadhán (Ecbatana) the winter had set in, +and as the cold was excessively severe in that country, the +snow blocked up the road and obliged him to stop and await +the thaw. During his stay he resided with one of the most +eminent men of the place, who possessed a library in which +were some collections of poems composed by the Arabs of the +desert and other authors. Having then sufficient leisure, he +perused those works and selected from them the passages out of +which he formed his <i>Ḥamása</i>.<a name="FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> The work is divided into ten +sections of unequal length, the first, from which it received its +name, occupying (together with the commentary) 360 pages +in Freytag's edition, while the seventh and eighth require only +thirteen pages between them. These sections or chapters +bear the following titles:—</p> + +<table width="100%" summary="chapters" border="0"> +<tr> +<td class="left">I.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Fortitude (<i>Bábu ’l-Ḥamása</i>).</p></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="left">II.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Dirges (<i>Bábu ’l-Maráthí</i>).</p></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="left">III.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Good Manners (<i>Bábu ’l-Adab</i>).</p></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="left">IV.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Love-Songs (<i>Bábu ’l-Nasíb</i>).</p></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="left">V.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Satire (<i>Bábu ’l-Hijá</i>).</p></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="left">VI.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Guests (Hospitality) and Panegyric (<i>Bábu</i> +<i>’l-Aḍyáf wa ’l-Madíh</i>).</p></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="left"><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_130" id="Page_130" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>130</a></span> +VII.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Descriptions (<i>Bábu ’l-Ṣifát</i>).</p></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="left">VIII.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Travel and Repose (<i>Bábu ’l-Sayr wa ’l-Nu‘ás</i>.</p></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="left">IX.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Facetiæ (<i>Bábu ’l-Mulaḥ</i>).</p></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="left">X.</td><td class="right"><p class="indent4">The Chapter of Vituperation of Women (<i>Bábu Madhammati ’l-Nisá</i>).</p></td> +</tr> + +</table> + +<p>The contents of the <i>Ḥamása</i> include short poems complete +in themselves as well as passages extracted from longer poems; +of the poets represented, some of whom belong to the Pre-islamic +and others to the early Islamic period, comparatively +few are celebrated, while many are anonymous or only known +by the verses attached to their names. If the high level of +excellence attained by these obscure singers shows, on the one +hand, that a natural genius for poetry was widely diffused and +that the art was successfully cultivated among all ranks of +Arabian society, we must not forget how much is due to the +fine taste of Abú Tammám, who, as the commentator +Tibrízí has remarked, "is a better poet in his <i>Ḥamása</i> than +in his poetry."</p> + +<p>4. The <i>Ḥamása</i> of Buḥturí († 897 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a younger contemporary +<span class="sidenote">4. The <i>Ḥamása</i> +of Buḥturí.</span> +of Abú Tammám, is inferior to its model.<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> However +convenient from a practical standpoint, the +division into a great number of sections, each +illustrating a narrowly defined topic, seriously +impairs the artistic value of the work; moreover, Buḥturí +seems to have had a less catholic appreciation of the beauties +of poetry—he admired, it is said, only what was in harmony +with his own style and ideas.</p> + +<p>5. The <i>Jamharatu Ash‘ári ’l-‘Arab</i>, a collection of forty-nine +<span class="sidenote">5. The <i>Jamhara</i>.</span> +odes, was put together probably about +1000 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> by Abú Zayd Muḥammad al-Qurashí, +of whom we find no mention elsewhere.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_131" id="Page_131" href="#"><span><i>ORAL TRADITION</i></span>131</a></span></p> + +<p>Apart from the <i>Díwáns</i> and anthologies, numerous Pre-islamic +<span class="sidenote"> Prose sources.</span> +verses are cited in biographical, philological, and other +works, <i>e.g.</i>, the <i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i> by Abu ’l-Faraj +of Iṣfahán († 967<span class="smcap"> a.d.</span>), the <i>Kitábu ’l-Amálí</i> by +Abú ‘Alí al-Qálí († 967<span class="smcap"> a.d.</span>), the <i>Kámil</i> of Mubarrad († 898 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), and the <i>Khizánatu ’l-Adab</i> of ‘Abdu ’l-Qádir of Baghdád +(† 1682 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p class="tb">We have seen that the oldest existing poems date from the +beginning of the sixth century of our era, whereas the art of +writing did not come into general use among the <span class="sidenote"> The tradition +of Pre-islamic +poetry.</span> +Arabs until some two hundred years afterwards. +Pre-islamic poetry, therefore, was preserved by +oral tradition alone, and the question arises, How was this +possible? What guarantee have we that songs living on +men's lips for so long a period have retained their original +form, even approximately? No doubt many verses, <i>e.g.</i>, those +which glorified the poet's tribe or satirised their enemies, +were constantly being recited by his kin, and in this way +short occasional poems or fragments of longer ones might be +perpetuated. Of whole <i>qaṣídas</i> like the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i>, however, +none or very few would have reached us if their survival +had depended solely on their popularity. What actually saved +them in the first place was an institution resembling that of +the Rhapsodists in Greece. Every professed poet<span class="sidenote"> The Ráwís.</span> +had his <i>Ráwí</i> (reciter), who accompanied him +everywhere, committed his poems to memory, and handed +them down, as well as the circumstances connected with +them, to others. The characters of poet and <i>ráwí</i> were +often combined; thus Zuhayr was the <i>ráwí</i> of his stepfather, +Aws b. Ḥajar, while his own <i>ráwí</i> was al-Ḥuṭay’a. +If the tradition of poetry was at first a labour of love, it +afterwards became a lucrative business, and the <i>Ráwís</i>, +instead of being attached to individual poets, began to form +an independent class, carrying in their memories a prodigious + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_132" id="Page_132" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>132</a></span> + +stock of ancient verse and miscellaneous learning. It is +related, for example, that Ḥammád once said to the Caliph +Walíd b. Yazíd: "I can recite to you, for each letter of +the alphabet, one hundred long poems rhyming in that +letter, without taking into count the short pieces, and all +that composed exclusively by poets who lived before the +promulgation of Islamism." He commenced and continued +until the Caliph, having grown fatigued, withdrew, after +leaving a person in his place to verify the assertion and +hear him to the last. In that sitting he recited two +thousand nine hundred <i>qaṣídas</i> by poets who flourished +before Muḥammad. Walíd, on being informed of the fact, +ordered him a present of one hundred thousand dirhems.<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> +Thus, towards the end of the first century after the Hijra, +<i>i.e.</i>, about 700<span class="smcap"> a.d.</span>, when the custom of <i>writing</i> poetry +began, there was much of Pre-islamic origin still in circulation, +although it is probable that far more had already been +irretrievably lost. Numbers of <i>Ráwís</i> perished in the wars, +or passed away in the course of nature, without leaving any +one to continue their tradition. New times had brought +new interests and other ways of life. The great majority +of Moslems had no sympathy whatever with the ancient +poetry, which represented in their eyes the unregenerate +spirit of heathendom. They wanted nothing beyond the +Koran and the Ḥadíth. But for reasons which will be +stated in another chapter the language of the Koran and +the Ḥadíth was rapidly becoming obsolete as a spoken +idiom outside of the Arabian peninsula: the 'perspicuous +Arabic' on which Muḥammad prided himself had ceased +to be fully intelligible to the Moslems settled in ‘Iráq +and Khurásán, in Syria, and in Egypt. It was essential +that the Sacred Text should be explained, and this +necessity gave birth to the sciences of Grammar and Lexicography. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_133" id="Page_133" href="#"><span><i>THE RÁWÍS OR RHAPSODISTS</i></span>133</a></span> + +The Philologists, or, as they have been aptly +designated, the Humanists of Baṣra and Kúfa, where these +studies were prosecuted with peculiar zeal, naturally +found their best material in the Pre-islamic <span class="sidenote"> The Humanists.</span> +poems—a well of Arabic undefiled. At first the ancient +poetry merely formed a basis for philological research, but +in process of time a literary enthusiasm was awakened. The +surviving <i>Ráwís</i> were eagerly sought out and induced to +yield up their stores, the compositions of famous poets were +collected, arranged, and committed to writing, and as the +demand increased, so did the supply.<a name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">260</a></p> + +<p class="tb">In these circumstances a certain amount of error was inevitable. +Apart from unconscious failings of memory, there <span class="sidenote">Corrupt +tradition of the +old poetry.</span> +can be no doubt that in many cases the <i>Ráwís</i> +acted with intent to deceive. The temptation +to father their own verses, or centos which +they pieced together from sources known only to themselves, +upon some poet of antiquity was all the stronger +because they ran little risk of detection. In knowledge of +poetry and in poetical talent they were generally far more +than a match for the philologists, who seldom possessed any +critical ability, but readily took whatever came to hand. The +stories which are told of Ḥammád al-Ráwiya, <span class="sidenote"> Ḥammád +al-Ráwiya.</span> +clearly show how unscrupulous he was in his +methods, though we have reason to suppose that +he was not a typical example of his class. His contemporary, +Mufaḍḍal al-Ḍabbí, is reported to have said that the corruption +which poetry suffered through Ḥammád could never be +repaired, "for," he added, "Ḥammád is a man skilled in the +language and poesy of the Arabs and in the styles and ideas of +the poets, and he is always making verses in imitation of some + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_134" id="Page_134" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>134</a></span> + +one and introducing them into genuine compositions by the +same author, so that the copy passes everywhere for part of the +original, and cannot be distinguished from it except by critical +scholars—and where are such to be found?"<a name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> This art +of forgery was brought to perfection by Khalaf <span class="sidenote"> Khalaf +al-Aḥmar.</span> +al-Aḥmar († about 800 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), who learned it in +the school of Ḥammád. If he really composed +the famous <i>Lámiyya</i> ascribed to Shanfará, his own poetical +endowments must have been of the highest order. In his +old age he repented and confessed that he was the author +of several poems which the scholars of Baṣra and Kúfa had +accepted as genuine, but they laughed him to scorn, saying, +"What you said then seems to us more trustworthy than +your present assertion."</p> + +<p>Besides the corruptions due to the <i>Ráwís</i>, others have been +accumulated by the philologists themselves. As the Koran +and the Ḥadíth were, of course, spoken and <span class="sidenote"> Other causes of +corruption.</span> +afterwards written in the dialect of Quraysh, to +whom Muḥammad belonged, this dialect was +regarded as the classical standard;<a name="FNanchor_262" id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">262</a> consequently the variations +therefrom which occurred in the ancient poems were, +for the most part, 'emended' and harmonised with it. +Many changes were made under the influence of Islam, +<i>e.g.</i>, 'Allah' was probably often substituted for the pagan +goddess 'al-Lát.' Moreover, the structure of the <i>qaṣída</i>, +its disconnectedness and want of logical cohesion, favoured +the omission and transposition of whole passages or single +verses. All these modes of depravation might be illustrated +in detail, but from what has been said the reader +can judge for himself how far the poems, as they now +stand, are likely to have retained the form in which they +were first uttered to the wild Arabs of the Pre-islamic Age.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_135" id="Page_135" href="#"><span><i>INFLUENCE OF RELIGION</i></span>135</a></span></p> + +<p>Religion had so little influence on the lives of the Pre-islamic +Arabs that we cannot expect to find much trace <span class="sidenote"> Religion.</span> +of it in their poetry. They believed vaguely +in a supreme God, Allah, and more definitely +in his three daughters—al-Lát, Manát, and al-‘Uzzá—who +were venerated all over Arabia and whose intercession was +graciously accepted by Allah. There were also numerous +idols enjoying high favour while they continued to bring +good luck to their worshippers. Of real piety the ordinary +Bedouin knew nothing. He felt no call to pray to his +gods, although he often found them convenient to swear +by. He might invoke Allah in the hour of need, as a +drowning man will clutch at a straw; but his faith in +superstitious ceremonies was stronger. He did not take his +religion too seriously. Its practical advantages he was quick +to appreciate. Not to mention baser pleasures, it gave him +rest and security during the four sacred months, in which +war was forbidden, while the institution of the Meccan +Pilgrimage enabled him to take part in a national fête. +<span class="sidenote">The Fair of +‘Ukáẓ.</span>Commerce went hand in hand with religion. +Great fairs were held, the most famous being +that of ‘Ukáẓ, which lasted for twenty days. +These fairs were in some sort the centre of old Arabian +social, political, and literary life. It was the only occasion +on which free and fearless intercourse was possible between +the members of different clans.<a name="FNanchor_263" id="FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">263</a></p> + +<p>Plenty of excitement was provided by poetical and oratorical +displays—not by athletic sports, as in ancient Greece and +modern England. Here rival poets declaimed their verses +and submitted them to the judgment of an acknowledged +master. Nowhere else had rising talents such an opportunity +of gaining wide reputation: what ‘Ukáẓ said to-day +all Arabia would repeat to-morrow. At ‘Ukáẓ, we are told, +the youthful Muḥammad listened, as though spellbound, to + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_136" id="Page_136" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>136</a></span> + +the persuasive eloquence of Quss b. Sá‘ida, Bishop of Najrán; +and he may have contrasted the discourse of the Christian +preacher with the brilliant odes chanted by heathen bards.</p> + +<p class="tb">The Bedouin view of life was thoroughly hedonistic. Love, +wine, gambling, hunting, the pleasures of song and romance, +the brief, pointed, and elegant expression of wit and wisdom—these +things he knew to be good. Beyond them he saw only +the grave.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Roast meat and wine: the swinging ride</span><span class="i0"> +On a camel sure and tried,</span><span class="i0"> +Which her master speeds amain</span><span class="i0"> +O'er low dale and level plain:</span><span class="i0"> +Women marble-white and fair</span><span class="i0"> +Trailing gold-fringed raiment rare:</span><span class="i0"> +Opulence, luxurious ease,</span><span class="i0"> +With the lute's soft melodies—</span><span class="i0"> +Such delights hath our brief span;</span><span class="i0"> +Time is Change, Time's fool is Man.</span><span class="i0"> +Wealth or want, great store or small,</span><span class="i0"> +All is one since Death's are all."<a name="FNanchor_264" id="FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">264</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>It would be a mistake to suppose that these men always, +or even generally, passed their lives in the aimless pursuit +of pleasure. Some goal they had—earthly, no doubt—such as +the accumulation of wealth or the winning of glory or the fulfilment +of blood-revenge. "<i>God forbid</i>" says one, "<i>that I +should die while a grievous longing, as it were a mountain, +weighs on my breast!</i>"<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> A deeper chord is touched by +Imru’u ’l-Qays: "<i>If I strove for a bare livelihood, scanty +means would suffice me and I would seek no more. But I +strive for lasting renown, and 'tis men like me that sometimes +attain lasting renown. Never, while life endures, does +a man reach the summit of his ambition or cease from toil.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_266" id="FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">266</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_137" id="Page_137" href="#"><span><i>JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY</i></span>137</a></span></p> + +<p>These are noble sentiments nobly expressed. Yet one hears +the sigh of weariness, as if the speaker were struggling against +the conviction that his cause is already lost, and would welcome +the final stroke of destiny. It was a time of wild uproar and +confusion. Tribal and family feuds filled the land, as Zuhayr +says, with evil fumes. No wonder that earnest and thoughtful +minds asked themselves—What worth has our life, what meaning? +Whither does it lead? Such questions paganism could +not answer, but Arabia in the century before Muḥammad was +not wholly abandoned to paganism. Jewish colonists had long +been settled in the Ḥijáz. Probably the earliest settlements +date from the conquest of Palestine by Titus or Hadrian. In +their new home the refugees, through contact <span class="sidenote"> Judaism and +Christianity in +Arabia.</span> +with a people nearly akin to themselves, became +fully Arabicised, as the few extant specimens of +their poetry bear witness. They remained Jews, however, +not only in their cultivation of trade and various industries, but +also in the most vital particular—their religion. This, and +the fact that they lived in isolated communities among the +surrounding population, marked them out as the salt of the +desert. In the Ḥijáz their spiritual predominance was not +seriously challenged. It was otherwise in Yemen. We may +leave out of account the legend according to which Judaism +was introduced into that country from the Ḥijáz by the +Tubba‘ As‘ad Kámil. What is certain is that towards the +beginning of the sixth century it was firmly planted there +side by side with Christianity, and that in the person of +the Ḥimyarite monarch Dhú Nuwás, who adopted the Jewish +faith, it won a short-lived but sanguinary triumph over its +rival. But in Yemen, except among the highlanders of +Najrán, Christianity does not appear to have flourished as it +did in the extreme north and north-east, where the Roman and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_138" id="Page_138" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>138</a></span> + +Persian frontiers were guarded by the Arab levies of Ghassán +and Ḥíra. We have seen that the latter city contained a large +Christian population who were called distinctively <span class="sidenote">The ‘Ibád +of Ḥíra.</span> +‘Ibád, <i>i.e.</i>, Servants (of God). Through them +the Aramaic culture of Babylonia was transmitted +to all parts of the peninsula. They had learned the art of +writing long before it was generally practised in Arabia, as is +shown by the story of Ṭarafa and Mutalammis, and they produced +the oldest <i>written</i> poetry in the Arabic language—a +poetry very different in character from that which forms +the main subject of this chapter. Unfortunately the bulk +of it has perished, since the rhapsodists, to whom we owe +the preservation of so much Pre-islamic verse, were devoted to +the traditional models and would not burden their memories +with anything new-fashioned. The most famous of the ‘Ibádí +poets is ‘Adí b. Zayd, whose adventurous career as a politician +has been sketched above. He is not reckoned by Muḥammadan +critics among the <i>Fuḥúl</i> or poets of the first rank, because +he was a townsman (<i>qarawí</i>). In this connection <span class="sidenote">‘Adí b. Zayd.</span> +the following anecdote is instructive. The +poet al-‘Ajjáj († about 709 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) said of his contemporaries +al-Ṭirimmáḥ and al-Kumayt: "They used to ask me concerning +rare expressions in the language of poetry, and I informed +them, but afterwards I found the same expressions wrongly +applied in their poems, the reason being that they were +townsmen who described what they had not seen and misapplied +it, whereas I who am a Bedouin describe what I +have seen and apply it properly."<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> ‘Adí is chiefly remembered +for his wine-songs. Oriental Christianity has always been +associated with the drinking and selling of wine. Christian +ideas were carried into the heart of Arabia by ‘Ibádí wine +merchants, who are said to have taught their religion to the +celebrated A‘shá. ‘Adí drank and was merry like the rest, but +the underlying thought, 'for to-morrow we die,' repeatedly + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_139" id="Page_139" href="#"><span><i>RELIGIOUS IDEAS</i></span>139</a></span> + +makes itself heard. He walks beside a cemetery, and the +voices of the dead call to him—<a name="FNanchor_268" id="FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">268</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Thou who seest us unto thyself shalt say,</span><span class="i0"> +'Soon upon me comes the season of decay.'</span><span class="i0"> +Can the solid mountains evermore sustain</span><span class="i0"> +Time's vicissitudes and all they bring in train?</span><span class="i0"> +Many a traveller lighted near us and abode,</span><span class="i0"> +Quaffing wine wherein the purest water flowed—</span><span class="i0"> +Strainers on each flagon's mouth to clear the wine,</span><span class="i0"> +Noble steeds that paw the earth in trappings fine!</span><span class="i0"> +For a while they lived in lap of luxury,</span><span class="i0"> +Fearing no misfortune, dallying lazily.</span><span class="i0"> +Then, behold, Time swept them all, like chaff, away:</span><span class="i0"> +Thus it is men fall to whirling Time a prey.</span><span class="i0"> +Thus it is Time keeps the bravest and the best</span><span class="i0"> +Night and day still plunged in Pleasure's fatal quest."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>It is said that the recitation of these verses induced Nu‘mán +al-Akbar, one of the mythical pagan kings of Ḥíra, to accept +Christianity and become an anchorite. Although the story +involves an absurd anachronism, it is <i>ben trovato</i> in so far as it +records the impression which the graver sort of Christian +poetry was likely to make on heathen minds.</p> + +<p>The courts of Ḥíra and Ghassán were well known to the +wandering minstrels of the time before Muḥammad, who +flocked thither in eager search of patronage and remuneration. +We may be sure that men like Nábigha, Labíd, and A‘shá did +not remain unaffected by the culture around them, even if it +seldom entered very deeply into their lives. That considerable +traces of religious feeling are to be found in Pre-islamic poetry +admits of no denial, but the passages in question were formerly +explained as due to interpolation. This view no longer prevails. +Thanks mainly to the arguments of Von <span class="sidenote"> Pre-Islamic +poetry not exclusively +pagan +in sentiment.</span> +Kremer, Sir Charles Lyall, and Wellhausen, it +has come to be recognised (1) that in many cases +the above-mentioned religious feeling is not +Islamic in tone; (2) that the passages in which it occurs + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_140" id="Page_140" href="#"><span><i>PRE-ISLAMIC POETRY</i></span>140</a></span> + +are not of Islamic origin; and (3) that it is the natural and +necessary result of the widely spread, though on the whole +superficial, influence of Judaism, and especially of Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> +It shows itself not only in frequent allusions, <i>e.g.</i>, to the monk +in his solitary cell, whose lamp serves to light belated travellers +on their way, and in more significant references, such as that +of Zuhayr already quoted, to the Heavenly Book in which evil +actions are enscrolled for the Day of Reckoning, but also in +the tendency to moralise, to look within, to meditate on death, +and to value the life of the individual rather than the continued +existence of the family. These things are not characteristic +of old Arabian poetry, but the fact that they do appear at +times is quite in accord with the other facts which have been +stated, and justifies the conclusion that during the sixth century +religion and culture were imperceptibly extending their sphere +of influence in Arabia, leavening the pagan masses, and +gradually preparing the way for Islam.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER IV</h4> + +<h5>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</h5> + +<p>With the appearance of Muḥammad the almost impenetrable +veil thrown over the preceding age is suddenly lifted and we +find ourselves on the solid ground of historical tradition. In +order that the reasons for this change may be understood, it is +necessary to give some account of the principal sources from +which our knowledge of the Prophet's life and teaching is +derived.</p> + +<p>There is first, of course, the Koran,<a name="FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> consisting "exclusively +<span class="sidenote">Sources of information: +I. The +Koran.</span> +of the revelations or commands which Muḥammad professed, +from time to time, to receive through Gabriel as +a message direct from God; and which, under an +alleged Divine direction, he delivered to those +about him. At the time of pretended inspiration, or shortly +after, each passage was recited by Muḥammad before the +Companions or followers who happened to be present, and was +generally committed to writing by some one amongst them +upon palm-leaves, leather, stones, or such other rude material +as conveniently came to hand. These Divine messages continued +throughout the three-and-twenty years of his prophetical +life, so that the last portion did not appear till the year of his +death. The canon was then closed; but the contents were + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_142" id="Page_142" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>142</a></span> + +never, during the Prophet's lifetime, systematically arranged, +or even collected together."<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> They were preserved, however, +in fragmentary copies and, especially, by oral <span class="sidenote"> How it was +preserved.</span> +recitation until the sanguinary wars which followed +Muḥammad's death had greatly diminished +the number of those who could repeat them by heart. +Accordingly, after the battle of Yamáma (633 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) ‘Umar +b. al-Khaṭṭáb came to Abú Bakr, who was then Caliph, and +said: "I fear that slaughter may wax hot among the +Reciters on other battle-fields, and that much of the Koran +may be lost; so in my opinion it should be collected without +delay." Abú Bakr agreed, and entrusted the task to Zayd +b. Thábit, one of the Prophet's amanuenses, who collected +the fragments with great difficulty "from bits of parchment, +thin white stones, leafless palm-branches, and the bosoms of +men." The manuscript thus compiled was deposited with +Abú Bakr during the remainder of his life, then with ‘Umar, +on whose death it passed to his daughter Ḥafṣa. Afterwards, +in the Caliphate of ‘Uthmán, Ḥudhayfa b. al-Yamán, observing +that the Koran as read in Syria was seriously at variance +with the text current in ‘Iráq, warned the Caliph to interfere, +lest the Sacred Book of the Moslems should become a subject +of dispute, like the Jewish and Christian scriptures. In the +year 651 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> ‘Uthmán ordered Zayd b. Thábit to prepare a +Revised Version with the assistance of three Qurayshites, +saying to the latter, "If ye differ from Zayd regarding any +word of the Koran, write it in the dialect of Quraysh; for it +was revealed in their dialect."<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> This has ever since remained +the final and standard recension of the Koran. "Transcripts +were multiplied and forwarded to the chief cities in the empire, +and all previously existing copies were, by the Caliph's command, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_143" id="Page_143" href="#"><span><i>HISTORICAL VALUE OF THE KORAN</i></span>143</a></span> + +committed to the flames."<a name="FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> In the text as it has come +down to us the various readings are few and unimportant, and +its genuineness is above suspicion. We shall see, <span class="sidenote"> Value of the +Koran as an +authority.</span> +moreover, that the Koran is an exceedingly +human document, reflecting every phase of +Muḥammad's personality and standing in close relation to the +outward events of his life, so that here we have materials of +unique and incontestable authority for tracing the origin and +early development of Islam—such materials as do not exist in +the case of Buddhism or Christianity or any other ancient +religion. Unfortunately the arrangement of the Koran can +only be described as chaotic. No chronological sequence is +observed in the order of the Súras (chapters), which is determined +simply by their length, the longest being placed first.<a name="FNanchor_274" id="FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> +Again, the chapters themselves are sometimes made up of +disconnected fragments having nothing in common except the +rhyme; whence it is often impossible to discover the original +context of the words actually spoken by the Prophet, the +occasion on which they were revealed, or the period to which +they belong. In these circumstances the Koran must be +supplemented by reference to our second main source of information, +namely, Tradition.</p> + +<p>Already in the last years of Muḥammad's life (writes Dr. +Sprenger) it was a pious custom that when two Moslems met, +<span class="sidenote"> 2. Tradition +(Ḥadíth).</span> +one should ask for news (<i>ḥadíth</i>) and the other +should relate a saying or anecdote of the Prophet. +After his death this custom continued, and the +name <i>Ḥadíth</i> was still applied to sayings and stories which +were no longer new.<a name="FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> In the course of time an elaborate +system of Tradition was built up, as the Koran—originally the +sole criterion by which Moslems were guided alike in the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_144" id="Page_144" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>144</a></span> + +greatest and smallest matters of public and private interest—was +found insufficient for the complicated needs of a rapidly +extending empire. Appeal was made to the sayings and +practice (<i>sunna</i>) of Muḥammad, which now acquired "the +force of law and some of the authority of inspiration." The +Prophet had no Boswell, but almost as soon as he began to +preach he was a marked man whose <i>obiter dicta</i> could not fail +to be treasured by his Companions, and whose actions were +attentively watched. Thus, during the first century of Islam +there was a multitude of living witnesses from whom traditions +were collected, committed to memory, and orally handed down. +Every tradition consists of two parts: the text (<i>matn</i>) and the +authority (<i>sanad</i>, or <i>isnád</i>), <i>e.g.</i>, the relater says, "I was told +by <i>A</i>, who was informed by <i>B</i>, who had it from <i>C</i>, that the +Prophet (God bless him!) and Abú Bakr and ‘Umar used to <span class="sidenote"> General collections.</span> +open prayer with the words 'Praise to God, the Lord of all +creatures.'" Written records and compilations were comparatively +rare in the early period. Ibn Isḥáq († 768 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) +composed the oldest extant Biography of the Prophet, which +we do not possess, however, in its original shape <span class="sidenote"> Biographies of +Muḥammad.</span> +but only in the recension of Ibn Hishám +(† 833 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Two important and excellent +works of the same kind are the <i>Kitábu ’l-Maghází</i> ('Book of +the Wars') by Wáqidí († 822 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and the <i>Kitábu ’l-Ṭabaqát +al-Kabír</i> ('The Great Book of the Classes,' <i>i.e.</i>, the different +classes of Muḥammad's Companions and those who came after +them) by Ibn Sa‘d († 844 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Of miscellaneous traditions +intended to serve the Faithful as a model and rule of life in +every particular, and arranged in chapters according to the +subject-matter, the most ancient and authoritative +collections are those of Bukhárí († 870 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and +Muslim († 874 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), both of which bear the +same title, viz., <i>al-Ṣaḥíḥ</i>, 'The Genuine.' It only remains to +speak of Commentaries on the Koran. Some passages were +explained by Muḥammad himself, but the real founder of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_145" id="Page_145" href="#"><span><i>THE TRADITIONS OF MUḤAMMAD</i></span>145</a></span> + +Koranic Exegesis was ‘Abdulláh b. ‘Abbás, the Prophet's +cousin. Although the writings of the early interpreters have +entirely perished, the gist of their researches is <span class="sidenote"> Commentaries +on the Koran.</span> +embodied in the great commentary of Ṭabarí († 922 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a man of encyclopædic learning who +absorbed the whole mass of tradition existing in his time. +Subsequent commentaries are largely based on this colossal +work, which has recently been published at Cairo in thirty +volumes. That of Zamakhsharí († 1143 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), which is +entitled the <i>Kashsháf</i>, and that of Bayḍáwí († 1286 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) are +the best known and most highly esteemed in the Muḥammadan +East. A work of wider scope is the <i>Itqán</i> of Suyúṭí († 1505 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), which takes a general survey of the Koranic sciences, +and may be regarded as an introduction to the critical study +of the Koran.</p> + +<p>While every impartial student will admit the justice of +Ibn Qutayba's claim that no religion has such historical attestations +<span class="sidenote"> Character of +Moslem tradition.</span> +as Islam—<i>laysa li-ummat<sup>in</sup> mina ’l-umami</i> +<i>asnád<sup>un</sup> ka-asnádihim</i><a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a>—he must at the same +time cordially assent to the observation made by +another Muḥammadan: "In nothing do we see pious men +more given to falsehood than in Tradition" (<i>lam nara +’l-ṣáliḥína fí shay’<sup>in</sup> akdhaba minhum fi ’l-ḥadíth</i>).<a name="FNanchor_277" id="FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> Of this +severe judgment the reader will find ample confirmation in the +Second Part of Goldziher's <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>.<a name="FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> During +the first century of Islam the forging of Traditions became a +recognised political and religious weapon, of which all parties +availed themselves. Even men of the strictest piety practised +this species of fraud (<i>tadlís</i>), and maintained that the end +justified the means. Their point of view is well expressed in +the following words which are supposed to have been spoken +by the Prophet: "You must compare the sayings attributed + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_146" id="Page_146" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>146</a></span> + +to me with the Koran; what agrees therewith is from me, +whether I actually said it or no;" and again, " Whatever +good saying has been said, I myself have said it."<a name="FNanchor_279" id="FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> As the +result of such principles every new doctrine took the form of +an Apostolic <i>Ḥadíth</i>; every sect and every system defended +itself by an appeal to the authority of Muḥammad. We may +see how enormous was the number of false Traditions in circulation +from the fact that when Bukhárí († 870 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) drew up +his collection entitled 'The Genuine' (<i>al-Ṣaḥíḥ</i>), he limited +it to some 7,000, which he picked out of 600,000.</p> + +<p>The credibility of Tradition, so far as it concerns the life of +the Prophet, cannot be discussed in this place.<a name="FNanchor_280" id="FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">280</a> The oldest +and best biography, that of Ibn Isḥáq, undoubtedly contains a +great deal of fabulous matter, but his narrative appears to be +honest and fairly authentic on the whole.</p> + +<p class="tb">If we accept the traditional chronology, Muḥammad, son of +‘Abdulláh and Ámina, of the tribe of Quraysh, was born at +Mecca on the 12th of Rabí‘ al-Awwal, in the <span class="sidenote"> Birth of +Muḥammad.</span> +Year of the Elephant (570-571 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). His +descent from Quṣayy is shown by the following +table:—</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><img src="images/184image.png" width="500" height="235" alt= +"Muḥammad's descent from Quṣayy" title="" /></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_147" id="Page_147" href="#"><span><i>MUḤAMMAD'S BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD</i></span>147</a></span></p> + +<p>Shortly after his birth he was handed over to a Bedouin +nurse—Ḥalíma, a woman of the Banú Sa‘d—so that until he +<span class="sidenote"> His childhood.</span> +was five years old he breathed the pure air and +learned to speak the unadulterated language of +the desert. One marvellous event which is said to have +happened to him at this time may perhaps be founded on +fact:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"He and his foster-brother" (so Ḥalíma relates) "were among the +cattle behind our encampment when my son came running to us +and cried, 'My brother, the Qurayshite! two men clad <span class="sidenote"> Muḥammad +and the +two angels.</span> +in white took him and laid him on his side and cleft +his belly; and they were stirring their hands in it.' +When my husband and I went out to him we found him standing +with his face turned pale, and on our asking, 'What ails thee, child?' +he answered, 'Two men wearing white garments came to me and +laid me on my side and cleft my belly and groped for something, +I know not what.' We brought him back to our tent, and my +husband said to me, 'O Ḥalíma, I fear this lad has been smitten +(<i>uṣíba</i>); so take him home to his family before it becomes evident.' +When we restored him to his mother she said, 'What has brought +thee, nurse? Thou wert so fond of him and anxious that he should +stay with thee.' I said, 'God has made him grow up, and I have +done my part. I feared that some mischance would befall him, so +I brought him back to thee as thou wishest.' 'Thy case is not thus,' +said she; 'tell me the truth,' and she gave me no peace until I told +her. Then she said, 'Art thou afraid that he is possessed by the +Devil?' I said, 'Yes.' 'Nay, by God,' she replied, 'the Devil +cannot reach him; my son hath a high destiny.'"<a name="FNanchor_281" id="FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">281</a></p></div> + +<p>Other versions of the story are more explicit. The angels, +it is said, drew forth Muḥammad's heart, cleansed it, and +removed the black clot—<i>i.e</i>., the taint of original sin.<a name="FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> If +these inventions have any basis at all beyond the desire to +glorify the future Prophet, we must suppose that they refer + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_148" id="Page_148" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>148</a></span> + +to some kind of epileptic fit. At a later period he was +subject to such attacks, which, according to the unanimous +voice of Tradition, often coincided with the revelations sent +down from heaven.</p> + +<p>‘Abdulláh had died before the birth of his son, and when, in +his sixth year, Muḥammad lost his mother also, the charge of +the orphan was undertaken first by his grandfather, the aged +‘Abdu ’l-Muṭṭalib, and then by his uncle, Abú Ṭálib, a poor +but honourable man, who nobly fulfilled the duties of a +guardian to the last hour of his life. Muḥammad's small +patrimony was soon spent, and he was reduced to herding +sheep—a despised employment which usually fell to the lot +of women or slaves. In his twelfth year he accompanied +Abú Ṭálib on a trading expedition to Syria, in the course of +which he is said to have encountered a Christian <span class="sidenote"> His meeting +with the +monk Baḥírá.</span> +monk called Baḥírá, who discovered the Seal of +Prophecy between the boy's shoulders, and hailed +him as the promised apostle. Such anticipations deserve no +credit whatever. The truth is that until Muḥammad assumed +the prophetic rôle he was merely an obscure Qurayshite; and +scarcely anything related of him anterior to that event can be +deemed historical except his marriage to Khadíja, an elderly +widow of considerable fortune, which took place when he was +about twenty-five years of age.</p> + +<p>During the next fifteen years of his life Muḥammad was +externally a prosperous citizen, only distinguished from those +around him by an habitual expression of thoughtful melancholy. +What was passing in his mind may be conjectured +with some probability from his first utterances when he came +forward as a preacher. It is certain, and he himself has +acknowledged, that he formerly shared the idolatry of his +countrymen. "<i>Did not He find thee astray and lead thee +aright?</i>" (Kor. xciii, 7). When and how did the process of +conversion begin? These questions cannot be answered, but +it is natural to suppose that the all-important result, on which + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_149" id="Page_149" href="#"><span><i>THE ḤANÍFS</i></span>149</a></span> + +Muḥammad's biographers concentrate their attention, was preceded +by a long period of ferment and immaturity. The +idea of monotheism was represented in Arabia by the Jews, +who were particularly numerous in the Ḥijáz, and by several +gnostic sects of an ascetic character—<i>e.g.</i>, the Ṣábians<a name="FNanchor_283" id="FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">283</a> and +the Rakúsians. Furthermore, "Islamic tradition knows of +a number of religious thinkers before Muḥammad who are +described as Ḥanífs,"<a name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> and of whom the best known are +Waraqa b. Nawfal of Quraysh; Zayd b. ‘Amr <span class="sidenote"> The Ḥanífs.</span> +b. Nufayl, also of Quraysh; and Umayya b. Abi +’l-Ṣalt of Thaqíf. They formed no sect, as Sprenger imagined; +and more recent research has demonstrated the baselessness of +the same scholar's theory that there was in Pre-islamic times a +widely-spread religious movement which Muḥammad organised, +directed, and employed for his own ends. His Arabian precursors, +if they may be so called, were merely a few isolated +individuals. We are told by Ibn Isḥáq that Waraqa and +Zayd, together with two other Qurayshites, rejected idolatry +and left their homes in order to seek the true religion of +Abraham, but whereas Waraqa is said to have become a Christian, +Zayd remained a pious dissenter unattached either to Christianity +or to Judaism; he abstained from idol-worship, from eating +that which had died of itself, from blood, and from the flesh +of animals offered in sacrifice to idols; he condemned the +barbarous custom of burying female infants alive, and said, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_150" id="Page_150" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>150</a></span> + +"I worship the Lord of Abraham."<a name="FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> As regards Umayya b. +Abi ’l-Ṣalt, according to the notice of him in the <i>Aghání</i>, he +had inspected and read the Holy Scriptures; he wore sackcloth +as a mark of devotion, held wine to be unlawful, was +inclined to disbelieve in idols, and earnestly sought the true +religion. It is said that he hoped to be sent as a prophet to +the Arabs, and therefore when Muḥammad appeared he +envied and bitterly opposed him.<a name="FNanchor_286" id="FNanchor_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> Umayya's verses, some +of which have been translated in a former chapter,<a name="FNanchor_287" id="FNanchor_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> are +chiefly on religious topics, and show many points of resemblance +with the doctrines set forth in the early Súras of the +Koran. With one exception, all the Ḥanífs whose names are +recorded belonged to the Ḥijáz and the west of the Arabian +peninsula. No doubt Muḥammad, with whom most of them +were contemporary, came under their influence, and he may +have received his first stimulus from this quarter.<a name="FNanchor_288" id="FNanchor_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">288</a> While +they, however, were concerned only about their own salvation, +Muḥammad, starting from the same position, advanced far +beyond it. His greatness lies not so much in the sublime ideas +by which he was animated as in the tremendous force and +enthusiasm of his appeal to the universal conscience of mankind.</p> + +<p class="tb">In his fortieth year, it is said, Muḥammad began to dream +dreams and see visions, and desire solitude above all things else. +He withdrew to a cave on Mount Ḥirá, near <span class="sidenote"> Muḥammad's +vision.</span> +Mecca, and engaged in religious austerities (<i>taḥannuth</i>). +One night in the month of Ramaḍán<a name="FNanchor_289" id="FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">289</a> +the Angel<a name="FNanchor_290" id="FNanchor_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> appeared to him and said, "Read!" (<i>iqra’</i>). He + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_151" id="Page_151" href="#"><span><i>THE FIRST REVELATION</i></span>151</a></span> + +answered, "I am no reader" (<i>má ana bi-qári’<sup>in</sup></i>).<a name="FNanchor_291" id="FNanchor_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">291</a> Then the +Angel seized him with a strong grasp, saying, "Read!" and, +as Muḥammad still refused to obey, gripped him once more +and spoke as follows:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="it"> +THE SÚRA OF COAGULATED BLOOD (XCVI).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(1) Read in the name of thy Lord<a name="FNanchor_292" id="FNanchor_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">292</a> who created,</span><span class="i0"> +(2) Who created Man of blood coagulated.</span><span class="i0"> +(3) Read! Thy Lord is the most beneficent,</span><span class="i0"> +(4) Who taught by the Pen,<a name="FNanchor_293" id="FNanchor_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">293</a></span><span class="i0"> +(5) Taught that which they knew not unto men.</span> +</div></div> + +<p>On hearing these words Muḥammad returned, trembling, +to Khadíja and cried, "Wrap me up! wrap me up!" and +remained covered until the terror passed away from him.<a name="FNanchor_294" id="FNanchor_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">294</a> +Another tradition relating to the same event makes it clear + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_152" id="Page_152" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>152</a></span> + +that the revelation occurred in a dream.<a name="FNanchor_295" id="FNanchor_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> "I awoke," said +the Prophet, "and methought it was written in my heart." +If we take into account the notions prevalent among the +Arabs of that time on the subject of inspiration,<a name="FNanchor_296" id="FNanchor_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> it will not +appear surprising that Muḥammad at first believed himself to +be possessed, like a poet or soothsayer, by one of the spirits +called collectively <i>Jinn</i>. Such was his anguish of mind that +he even meditated suicide, but Khadíja comforted and +reassured him, and finally he gained the unalterable conviction +that he was not a prey to demoniacal influences, but a +prophet divinely inspired. For some time he received no +further revelation.<a name="FNanchor_297" id="FNanchor_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">297</a> Then suddenly, as he afterwards related, +he saw the Angel seated on a throne between earth and +heaven. Awe-stricken, he ran into his house and bade them +wrap his limbs in a warm garment (<i>dithár</i>). While he lay +thus the following verses were revealed:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="it"> +THE SÚRA OF THE ENWRAPPED (LXXIV).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(1) O thou who enwrapped dost lie!</span><span class="i0"> +(2) Arise and prophesy,<a name="FNanchor_298" id="FNanchor_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">298</a></span><span class="i0"> +(3) And thy Lord magnify,</span><span class="i0"> +(4) And thy raiment purify,</span><span class="i0"> +(5) And the abomination fly!<a name="FNanchor_299" id="FNanchor_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">299</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Muḥammad no longer doubted that he had a divinely +ordained mission to preach in public. His feelings of relief +and thankfulness are expressed in several Súras of this period, +<i>e.g.</i>—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4"> +THE SÚRA OF THE MORNING (XCIII).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(1) By the Morning bright</span><span class="i0"> +(2) And the softly falling Night,</span><span class="i0"> +(3) Thy Lord hath not forsaken thee, neither art thou hateful in His sight.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_153" id="Page_153" href="#"><span><i>EARLY CONVERTS</i></span>153</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +(4) Verily, the Beginning is hard unto thee, but the End shall be light.<a name="FNanchor_300" id="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">300</a></span><span class="i0"> +(5) Thou shalt be satisfied, the Lord shall thee requite.</span><span class="i0"> +(6) Did not He shelter thee when He found thee in orphan's plight?</span><span class="i0"> +(7) Did not He find thee astray and lead thee aright?</span><span class="i0"> +(8) Did not He find thee poor and make thee rich by His might?</span><span class="i0"> +(9) Wherefore, the orphan betray not,</span><span class="i0"> +(10) And the beggar turn away not,</span><span class="i0"> +(11) And tell of the bounty of thy Lord.</span> +</div></div> + +<p>According to his biographers, an interval of three years +elapsed between the sending of Muḥammad and his appearance +as a public preacher of the faith that was in him. Naturally, +he would first turn to his own family and friends, but it is +difficult to accept the statement that he made no proselytes +openly during so long a period. The contrary is asserted in an +ancient tradition related by al-Zuhrí († 742 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), where +we read that the Prophet summoned the people to embrace +Islam<a name="FNanchor_301" id="FNanchor_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">301</a> both in private and public; and that those who +responded to his appeal were, for the most part, young men +belonging to the poorer class.<a name="FNanchor_302" id="FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">302</a> He found, however, some +influential adherents. Besides Khadíja, who was <span class="sidenote"> The first +Moslems.</span> +the first to believe, there were his cousin ‘Alí, +his adopted son, Zayd b. Ḥáritha, and, most important +of all, Abú Bakr b. Abí Quháfa, a leading merchant of +the Quraysh, universally respected and beloved for his integrity, +wisdom, and kindly disposition. At the outset Muḥammad +seems to have avoided everything calculated to offend the +heathens, confining himself to moral and religious generalities, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_154" id="Page_154" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>154</a></span> + +so that many believed, and the Meccan aristocrats themselves +regarded him with good-humoured toleration as a harmless +oracle-monger. "Look!" they said as he passed by, "there +goes the man of the Banú ‘Abd al-Muṭṭalib who tells of +heaven." But no sooner did he begin to emphasise the Unity +of God, to fulminate against idolatry, and to preach <span class="sidenote"> Hostility of the +Quraysh.</span> +the Resurrection of the dead, than his followers +melted away in face of the bitter antagonism +which these doctrines excited amongst the Quraysh, who saw +in the Ka‘ba and its venerable cult the mainspring of their +commercial prosperity, and were irritated by the Prophet's +declaration that their ancestors were burning in hell-fire. +The authority of Abú Ṭálib secured the personal safety of +Muḥammad; of the little band who remained faithful some +were protected by the strong family feeling characteristic of old +Arabian society, but many were poor and friendless; and these, +especially the slaves, whom the levelling ideas of Islam had +attracted in large numbers, were subjected to cruel persecution.<a name="FNanchor_303" id="FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">303</a> +Nevertheless Muḥammad continued to preach. "I will not +forsake this cause" (thus he is said to have answered Abú +Ṭálib, who informed him of the threatening attitude of the +Quraysh and begged him not to lay on him a greater burden +than he could bear) "until God shall make it prevail or until +I shall perish therein—not though they should set the sun on +my right hand and the moon on my left!"<a name="FNanchor_304" id="FNanchor_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">304</a> But progress + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_155" id="Page_155" href="#"><span><i>FAILURE OF THE MISSION AT MECCA</i></span>155</a></span> + +was slow and painful: the Meccans stood obstinately aloof, +deriding both his prophetic authority and the Divine chastisement +with which he sought to terrify them. Moreover, they +used every kind of pressure short of actual violence in order to +seduce his followers, so that many recanted, and in the fifth +year of his mission he saw himself driven to the necessity of +commanding a general emigration to the Christian <span class="sidenote"> Emigration to +Abyssinia.</span> +kingdom of Abyssinia, where the Moslems would +be received with open arms<a name="FNanchor_305" id="FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">305</a> and would be withdrawn +from temptation.<a name="FNanchor_306" id="FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">306</a> About a hundred men and women +went into exile, leaving their Prophet with a small party of +staunch and devoted comrades to persevere in a struggle that +was daily becoming more difficult. In a moment of weakness +Muḥammad resolved to attempt a compromise <span class="sidenote"> Temporary +reconciliation +with the +Quraysh.</span> +with his countrymen. One day, it is said, the +chief men of Mecca, assembled in a group beside +the Ka‘ba, discussed as was their wont the affairs of the city, +when Muḥammad appeared and, seating himself by them in +a friendly manner, began to recite in their hearing the 53rd +Súra of the Koran. When he came to the verses (19-20)—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Do ye see Al-Lát and Al-‘Uzzá, and Manát, the third and last?"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>Satan prompted him to add:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"These are the most exalted Cranes (or Swans),</span><span class="i0"> +And verily their intercession is to be hoped for."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>The Quraysh were surprised and delighted with this +acknowledgment of their deities; and as Muḥammad wound +up the Súra with the closing words—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Wherefore bow down before God and serve Him,"</span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_156" id="Page_156" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>156</a></span></p> + +<p>the whole assembly prostrated themselves with one accord +on the ground and worshipped.<a name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> But scarcely had Muḥammad +returned to his house when he repented of the sin into +which he had fallen. He cancelled the idolatrous verses +and revealed in their place those which now stand in the +Koran—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Shall yours be the male and his the female?<a name="FNanchor_308" id="FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">308</a></span><span class="i0"> +This were then an unjust division!</span><span class="i0"> +They are naught but names which ye and your fathers have named."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>We can easily comprehend why Ibn Hishám omits all +mention of this episode from his Biography, and why the fact +<span class="sidenote">Muḥammad's +concession to +the idolaters.</span> +itself is denied by many Moslem theologians.<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> +The Prophet's friends were scandalised, his +enemies laughed him to scorn. It was probably +no sudden lapse, as tradition represents, but a calculated +endeavour to come to terms with the Quraysh; and so far +from being immediately annulled, the reconciliation seems +to have lasted long enough for the news of it to reach the +emigrants in Abyssinia and induce some of them to return to +Mecca. While putting the best face on the matter, +Muḥammad felt keenly both his own disgrace and the public +discredit. It speaks well for his sincerity that, as soon as +he perceived any compromise with idolatry to be impossible—to +be, in fact, a surrender of the great principle by which he +was inspired—he frankly confessed his error and delusion. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_157" id="Page_157" href="#"><span><i>BACKSLIDING AND REPENTANCE</i></span>157</a></span> + +Henceforth he "wages mortal strife with images in every +shape"—there is no god but Allah.</p> + +<p>The further course of events which culminated in +Muḥammad's Flight to Medína may be sketched in a few +words. Persecution now waxed hotter than ever, as the +Prophet, rising from his temporary vacillation like a giant +refreshed, threw his whole force into the denunciation of +idolatry. The conversion of ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb, the future +Caliph, a man of 'blood and iron,' gave the signal for open +revolt. "The Moslems no longer concealed their worship +within their own dwellings, but with conscious strength and +defiant attitude assembled in companies about the Ka‘ba, performed +their rites of prayer and compassed the Holy House. +Their courage rose. Dread and uneasiness seized the +Quraysh." The latter retaliated by cutting off all relations +with the Háshimites, who were pledged to defend their kinsman, +whether they recognised him as a prophet or no. This +ban or boycott secluded them in an outlying quarter of the city, +where for more than two years they endured the utmost +privations, but it only cemented their loyalty to Muḥammad, +and ultimately dissensions among the Quraysh themselves caused +it to be removed. Shortly afterwards the Prophet suffered +a double bereavement—the death of his wife, <span class="sidenote"> Death of +of Khadíja and +Abú Ṭálib.</span> +Khadíja, was followed by that of the noble Abú +Ṭálib, who, though he never accepted Islam, +stood firm to the last in defence of his brother's son. Left +alone to protect himself, Muḥammad realised that he must take +some decisive step. The situation was critical. Events had +shown that he had nothing to hope and everything to fear from +the Meccan aristocracy. He had warned them again and +again of the wrath to come, yet they gave no heed. He was +now convinced that they would not and could not believe, +since God in His inscrutable wisdom had predestined them to +eternal damnation. Consequently he resolved on a bold and, +according to Arab ways of thinking, abominable expedient, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_158" id="Page_158" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>158</a></span> + +namely, to abandon his fellow-tribesmen and seek aid from +strangers.<a name="FNanchor_310" id="FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">310</a> Having vainly appealed to the inhabitants of +Ṭá’if, he turned to Medína, where, among a population +largely composed of Jews, the revolutionary ideas of Islam +might more readily take root and flourish than in the +Holy City of Arabian heathendom. This time he was not +disappointed. A strong party in Medína hailed him as the +true Prophet, eagerly embraced his creed, and swore to defend +him at all hazards. In the spring of the year 622 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> the +Moslems of Mecca quietly left their homes and journeyed +northward. A few months later (September, 622) Muḥammad +himself, eluding the vigilance of the Quraysh, entered Medína +in triumph amidst the crowds and acclamations due to a +conqueror.</p> + +<p>This is the celebrated Migration or Hegira (properly <i>Hijra</i>) +which marks the end of the Barbaric Age (<i>al-Jáhiliyya</i>) and +<span class="sidenote">The <i>Hijra</i> or +Migration to +Medina +(622 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +the beginning of the Muḥammadan Era. It also +marks a new epoch in the Prophet's history; but +before attempting to indicate the nature of the +change it will be convenient, in order that we may form +a juster conception of his character, to give some account of +his early teaching and preaching as set forth in that portion of +the Koran which was revealed at Mecca.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_159" id="Page_159" href="#"><span><i>THE FLIGHT TO MEDINA</i></span>159</a></span> + +Koran (Qur’án) is derived from the Arabic root <i>qara’a</i>, +'to read,' and means 'reading aloud' or 'chanting.' This +<span class="sidenote"> The Koran.</span> +term may be applied either to a single Revelation +or to several recited together or, in its usual acceptation, +to the whole body of Revelations which are thought +by Moslems to be, actually and literally, the Word of God; so +that in quoting from the Koran they say <i>qála ’lláhu</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, +'God said.' Each Revelation forms a separate <i>Súra</i> +(chapter)<a name="FNanchor_311" id="FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">311</a> composed of verses of varying length which have +no metre but are generally rhymed. Thus, as regards its +external features, the style of the Koran is modelled upon the +<i>Saj‘</i>,<a name="FNanchor_312" id="FNanchor_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> or rhymed prose, of the pagan soothsayers, but with such +freedom that it may fairly be described as original. Since it +was not in Muḥammad's power to create a form that should +be absolutely new, his choice lay between <i>Saj‘</i> and poetry, the +only forms of elevated style then known to the Arabs. He +himself declared that he was no poet,<a name="FNanchor_313" id="FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">313</a> and this is true in the +sense that he may have lacked the technical accomplishment of +verse-making. It must, however, be borne in <span class="sidenote"> Was Muḥammad +poet?</span> +mind that his disavowal does not refer primarily +to the poetic art, but rather to the person and +character of the poets themselves. He, the divinely inspired +Prophet, could have nothing to do with men who owed their +inspiration to demons and gloried in the ideals of paganism +which he was striving to overthrow. "<i>And the poets do +those follow who go astray! Dost thou not see that they +wander distraught in every vale? and that they say that which +they do not?</i>" (Kor. xxvi, 224-226). Muḥammad was not +of these; although he was not so unlike them as he pretended. +His kinship with the pagan <i>Shá‘ir</i> is clearly shown, for example, +in the 113th and 114th Súras, which are charms against magic +and <i>diablerie</i>, as well as in the solemn imprecation calling down +destruction upon the head of his uncle, ‘Abdu ’l-‘Uzzá, nicknamed +Abú Lahab (Father of Flame).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_160" id="Page_160" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>160</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i3">THE SÚRA OF ABÚ LAHAB (CXI).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(1) Perish the hands of Abú Lahab and perish he!</span> +<span class="i0"> +(2) His wealth shall not avail him nor all he hath gotten in fee.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(3) Burned in blazing fire he shall be!</span> +<span class="i0"> +(4) And his wife, the faggot-bearer, also she.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(5) Upon her neck a cord of fibres of the palm-tree.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>If, then, we must allow that Muḥammad's contemporaries had +some justification for bestowing upon him the title of poet +against which he protested so vehemently, still less can his plea +be accepted by the modern critic, whose verdict will be that +the Koran is not poetical as a whole; that it contains many +pages of rhetoric and much undeniable prose; but that, +although Muḥammad needed "heaven-sent moments for this +skill," in the early Meccan Súras frequently, and fitfully elsewhere, +his genius proclaims itself by grand lyrical outbursts +which could never have been the work of a mere rhetorician.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Muḥammad's single aim in the Meccan Súras," says Nöldeke, "is to +convert the people, by means of persuasion, from their false gods to +<span class="sidenote"> The Meccan +Súras.</span> +the One God. To whatever point the discourse is +directed, this always remains the ground-thought; but +instead of seeking to convince the reason of his +hearers by logical proofs, he employs the arts of rhetoric to +work upon their minds through the imagination. Thus he glorifies +God, describes His working in Nature and History, and ridicules +on the other hand the impotence of the idols. Especially +important are the descriptions of the everlasting bliss of the pious +and the torments of the wicked: these, particularly the latter, must +be regarded as one of the mightiest factors in the propagation of +Islam, through the impression which they make on the imagination +of simple men who have not been hardened, from their youth up, by +similar theological ideas. The Prophet often attacks his heathen +adversaries personally and threatens them with eternal punishment; +but while he is living among heathens alone, he seldom assails the +Jews who stand much nearer to him, and the Christians scarcely +ever."<a name="FNanchor_314" id="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">314</a></p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_161" id="Page_161" href="#"><span><i>THE MECCAN SÚRAS</i></span>161</a></span> + +The preposterous arrangement of the Koran, to which I have +already adverted, is mainly responsible for the opinion almost +unanimously held by European readers that it is obscure, tiresome, +uninteresting; a farrago of long-winded narratives and +prosaic exhortations, quite unworthy to be named in the same +breath with the Prophetical Books of the Old Testament. +One may, indeed, peruse the greater part of the volume, +beginning with the first chapter, and find but a few passages of +genuine enthusiasm to relieve the prevailing dulness. It is in +the short Súras placed at the end of the Koran that we must +look for evidence of Muḥammad's prophetic gift. These are the +earliest of all; in these the flame of inspiration burns purely +and its natural force is not abated. The following versions, +like those which have preceded, imitate the original form as +closely, I think, as is possible in English. They cannot, of +course, do more than faintly suggest the striking effect of the +sonorous Arabic when read aloud. The Koran was designed +for oral recitation, and it must be <i>heard</i> in order to be justly +appraised.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i3"> +THE SÚRA OF THE SEVERING (LXXXII).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(1) When the Sky shall be severèd,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(2) And when the Stars shall be shiverèd,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(3) And when the Seas to mingle shall be sufferèd,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(4) And when the Graves shall be uncoverèd—</span> +<span class="i0"> +(5) A soul shall know that which it hath deferred or deliverèd.<a name="FNanchor_315" id="FNanchor_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">315</a></span> +<span class="i0"> +(6) O Man, what beguiled thee against thy gracious Master to rebel,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(7) Who created thee and fashioned thee right and thy frame did fairly build?</span> +<span class="i0"> +(8) He composed thee in whatever form He willed.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(9) Nay, but ye disbelieve in the Ordeal!<a name="FNanchor_316" id="FNanchor_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">316</a></span> +<span class="i0"> +(10) Verily over you are Recorders honourable,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(11) Your deeds inscribing without fail:<a name="FNanchor_317" id="FNanchor_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">317</a></span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_162" id="Page_162" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>162</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +(12) What ye do they know well.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(13) Surely the pious in delight shall dwell,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(14) And surely the wicked shall be in Hell,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(15) Burning there on the Day of Ordeal;</span> +<span class="i0"> +(16) And evermore Hell-fire they shall feel!</span> +<span class="i0"> +(17) What shall make thee to understand what is the Day of Ordeal?</span> +<span class="i0"> +(18) Again, what shall make thee to understand what is the Day of Ordeal?—</span> +<span class="i0"> +(19) A Day when one soul shall not obtain anything for another +soul, but the command on that Day shall be with God +alone.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i3"> +THE SÚRA OF THE SIGNS (LXXXV).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(1) By the Heaven in which Signs are set,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(2) By the Day that is promisèd,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(3) By the Witness and the Witnessèd:—</span> +<span class="i0"> +(4) Cursèd be the Fellows of the Pit, they that spread</span> +<span class="i0"> +(5) The fire with fuel fed,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(6) When they sate by its head</span> +<span class="i0"> +(7) And saw how their contrivance against the Believers sped;<a name="FNanchor_318" id="FNanchor_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">318</a></span> +<span class="i0"> +(8) And they punished them not save that they believed on God, +the Almighty, the Glorified,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(9) To whom is the Kingdom of Heaven and Earth, and He +seeth every thing beside.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(10) Verily, for those who afflict believing men and women and +repent not, the torment of Gehenna and the torment of +burning is prepared.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(11) Verily, for those who believe and work righteousness are +Gardens beneath which rivers flow: this is the great +Reward.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(12) Stern is the vengeance of thy Lord.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(13) He createth the living and reviveth the dead:</span> +<span class="i0"> +(14) He doth pardon and kindly entreat:</span> +<span class="i0"> +(15) The majestic Throne is His seat:</span> +<span class="i0"> +(16) That he willeth He doeth indeed.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(17) Hath not word come to thee of the multitude</span> +<span class="i0"> +(18) Of Pharaoh, and of Thamúd?<a name="FNanchor_319" id="FNanchor_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">319</a></span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_163" id="Page_163" href="#"><span><i>THE MECCAN SÚRAS</i></span>163</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +(19) Nay, the infidels cease not from falsehood,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(20) But God encompasseth them about.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(21) Surely, it is a Sublime Koran that ye read,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(22) On a Table inviolate.<a name="FNanchor_320" id="FNanchor_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">320</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i3"> +THE SÚRA OF THE SMITING (CI).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(1) The Smiting! What is the Smiting?</span> +<span class="i0"> +(2) And how shalt thou be made to understand what is the Smiting?</span> +<span class="i0"> +(3) The Day when Men shall be as flies scatterèd,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(4) And the Mountains shall be as shreds of wool tatterèd.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(5) One whose Scales are heavy, a pleasing life he shall spend,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(6) But one whose Scales are light, to the Abyss he shall descend.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(7) What that is, how shalt thou be made to comprehend?</span> +<span class="i0"> +(8) Scorching Fire without end!</span> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i1"> +THE SÚRA OF THE UNBELIEVERS (CIX).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(1) Say: 'O Unbelievers,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(2) I worship not that which ye worship,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(3) And ye worship not that which I worship.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(4) Neither will I worship that which ye worship,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(5) Nor will ye worship that which I worship.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(6) Ye have your religion and I have my religion.'</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>To summarise the cardinal doctrines preached by Muḥammad +<span class="sidenote">The teaching of +Muḥammad at +Mecca.</span> +during the Meccan period:—</p> + +<p>1. There is no god but God.</p> + +<p>2. Muḥammad is the Apostle of God, and the +Koran is the Word of God revealed to His Apostle.</p> + +<p>3. The dead shall be raised to life at the Last Judgment, +when every one shall be judged by his actions in the present life.</p> + +<p>4. The pious shall enter Paradise and the wicked shall go +down to Hell.</p> + +<p>Taking these doctrines separately, let us consider a little +more in detail how each of them is stated and by what arguments +it is enforced. The time had not yet come for drawing + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_164" id="Page_164" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>164</a></span> + +the sword: Muḥammad repeats again and again that he is only +a warner (<i>nadhír</i>) invested with no authority to compel where +he cannot persuade.</p> + +<p>1. The Meccans acknowledged the supreme position of +Allah, but in ordinary circumstances neglected him in favour +<span class="sidenote">The Unity of +God.</span> +of their idols, so that, as Muḥammad complains, +"<i>When danger befalls you on the sea, the gods +whom ye invoke are forgotten except Him alone; +yet when He brought you safe to land, ye turned your backs on +Him, for Man is ungrateful.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_321" id="FNanchor_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> They were strongly attached +to the cult of the Ka‘ba, not only by self-interest, but also by +the more respectable motives of piety towards their ancestors +and pride in their traditions. Muḥammad himself regarded +Allah as Lord of the Ka‘ba, and called upon the Quraysh +to worship him as such (Kor. cvi, 3). When they refused to +do so on the ground that they were afraid lest the Arabs should +rise against them and drive them forth from the land, he +assured them that Allah was the author of all their prosperity +(Kor. xxviii, 57). His main argument, however, is drawn +from the weakness of the idols, which cannot create even a +fly, contrasted with the wondrous manifestations of Divine +power and providence in the creation of the heavens and the +earth and all living things.<a name="FNanchor_322" id="FNanchor_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">322</a></p> + +<p>It was probably towards the close of the Meccan period that +Muḥammad summarised his Unitarian ideas in the following +emphatic formula:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="it"> +THE SÚRA OF PURIFICATION (CXII).<a name="FNanchor_323" id="FNanchor_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">323</a></span> +<span class="i0"> +</span><span class="i0"> +(1) Say: 'God is One;</span> +<span class="i0"> +(2) God who liveth on;</span><span class="i0"> +(3) Without father and without son;</span> +<span class="i0"> +(4) And like to Him there is none!'</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_165" id="Page_165" href="#"><span><i>CARDINAL DOCTRINES</i></span>165</a></span> + +2. We have seen that when Muḥammad first appeared as +a prophet he was thought by all except a very few to +<span class="sidenote"> Muḥammad, the +Apostle of +God.</span> +be <i>majnún</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, possessed by a <i>jinní</i>, or genie, +if I may use a word which will send the reader +back to his <i>Arabian Nights</i>. The heathen Arabs +regarded such persons—soothsayers, diviners, and poets—with +a certain respect; and if Muḥammad's 'madness' had taken a +normal course, his claim to inspiration would have passed +unchallenged. What moved the Quraysh to oppose him was +not disbelief in his inspiration—it mattered little to them +whether he was under the spell of Allah or one of the <i>Jinn</i>—but +the fact that he preached doctrines which wounded their +sentiments, threatened their institutions, and subverted the +most cherished traditions of old Arabian life. But in order +successfully to resist the propaganda for which he alleged a +Divine warrant, they were obliged to meet him on his own +ground and to maintain that he was no prophet at all, no +Apostle of Allah, as he asserted, but "an insolent liar," "a +schooled madman," "an infatuated poet," and so forth; and +that his Koran, which he gave out to be the Word of Allah, +was merely "old folks' tales" (<i>asáṭíru ’l-awwalín</i>), or the +invention of a poet or a sorcerer. "Is not he," they cried, "a +man like ourselves, who wishes to domineer over us? Let +him show us a miracle, that we may believe." Muḥammad +could only reiterate his former assertions and warn the infidels +that a terrible punishment was in store for them either in this +world or the next. Time after time he compares himself to +the ancient prophets—Noah, Abraham, Moses, and their +successors—who are represented as employing exactly the +same arguments and receiving the same answers as Muḥammad; +and bids his people hearken to him lest they utterly +perish like the ungodly before them. The truth of the Koran +is proved, he says, by the Pentateuch and the Gospel, all being +Revelations of the One God, and therefore identical in +substance. He is no mercenary soothsayer, he seeks no + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_166" id="Page_166" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>166</a></span> + +personal advantage: his mission is solely to preach. The +demand for a miracle he could not satisfy except by pointing +to his visions of the Angel and especially to the Koran itself, +every verse of which was a distinct sign or miracle (<i>áyat</i>).<a name="FNanchor_324" id="FNanchor_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">324</a> If +he has forged it, why are his adversaries unable to produce anything +similar? "<i>Say: 'If men and genies united to bring the +like of this Koran, they could not bring the like although they +should back each other up'</i>" (Kor. xvii, 90).</p> + +<p>3. Such notions of a future life as were current in Pre-islamic +Arabia never rose beyond vague and barbarous superstition, +<span class="sidenote"> Resurrection +and +Retribution.</span> +<i>e.g.</i>, the fancy that the dead man's tomb +was haunted by his spirit in the shape of a +screeching owl.<a name="FNanchor_325" id="FNanchor_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">325</a> No wonder, then, that the +ideas of Resurrection and Retribution, which are enforced by +threats and arguments on almost every page of the Koran, +appeared to the Meccan idolaters absurdly ridiculous and +incredible. "<i>Does Ibn Kabsha promise us that we shall live?</i>" +said one of their poets. "<i>How can there be life for the ṣadá +and the háma? Dost thou omit to ward me from death, and wilt +thou revive me when my bones are rotten?</i>"<a name="FNanchor_326" id="FNanchor_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> God provided His +Apostle with a ready answer to these gibes: "<i>Say: 'He shall +revive them who produced them at first, for He knoweth every</i> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_167" id="Page_167" href="#"><span><i>CONCEPTIONS OF THE FUTURE LIFE</i></span>167</a></span> + +<i>creation</i>" (Kor. xxxvi, 79). This topic is eloquently illustrated, +but Muḥammad's hearers were probably less impressed by the +creative power of God as exhibited in Nature and in Man +than by the awful examples, to which reference has been +made, of His destructive power as manifested in History. To +Muḥammad himself, at the outset of his mission, it seemed an +appalling certainty that he must one day stand before God and +render an account; the overmastering sense of his own responsibility +goaded him to preach in the hope of saving his +countrymen, and supplied him, weak and timorous as he was, +with strength to endure calumny and persecution. As Nöldeke +has remarked, the grandest Súras of the whole Koran are those +in which Muḥammad describes how all Nature trembles and +quakes at the approach of the Last Judgment. "It is as +though one actually saw the earth heaving, the mountains +crumbling to dust, and the stars hurled hither and thither in +wild confusion."<a name="FNanchor_327" id="FNanchor_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> Súras lxxxii and ci, which have been +translated above, are specimens of the true prophetic style.<a name="FNanchor_328" id="FNanchor_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">328</a></p> + +<p>4. There is nothing spiritual in Muḥammad's pictures of +Heaven and Hell. His Paradise is simply a glorified pleasure-garden, +<span class="sidenote"> The +Muḥammadan +Paradise.</span> +where the pious repose in cool shades, +quaffing spicy wine and diverting themselves with +the Houris (<i>Ḥúr</i>), lovely dark-eyed damsels like +pearls hidden in their shells.<a name="FNanchor_329" id="FNanchor_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">329</a> This was admirably calculated +to allure his hearers by reminding them of one of their chief +enjoyments—the gay drinking parties which occasionally +broke the monotony of Arabian life, and which are often +described in Pre-islamic poetry; indeed, it is highly probable +that Muḥammad drew a good deal of his Paradise from this +source. The gross and sensual character of the Muḥammadan +Afterworld is commonly thought to betray a particular weakness + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_168" id="Page_168" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>168</a></span> + +of the Prophet or is charged to the Arabs in general, but +as Professor Bevan has pointed out, "the real explanation +seems to be that at first the idea of a future retribution was +absolutely new both to Muḥammad himself and to the public +which he addressed. Paradise and Hell had no traditional +associations, and the Arabic language furnished no religious +terminology for the expression of such ideas; if they were to +be made comprehensible at all, it could only be done by means +of precise descriptions, of imagery borrowed from earthly +affairs."<a name="FNanchor_330" id="FNanchor_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">330</a></p> + +<p>Muḥammad was no mere visionary. Ritual observances, +vigils, and other austerities entered largely into his religion, +<span class="sidenote"> Prayer.</span> +endowing it with the formal and ascetic character +which it retains to the present day. Prayer was +introduced soon after the first Revelations: in one of the oldest +(Súra lxxxvii, 14-15) we read, "<i>Prosperous is he who purifies +himself (or gives alms) and repeats the name of his Lord and +prays.</i>" Although the five daily prayers obligatory upon every +true believer are nowhere mentioned in the Koran, the opening +chapter (<i>Súratu ’l-Fátiḥa</i>), which answers to our Lord's +Prayer, is constantly recited on these occasions, and is seldom +omitted from any act of public or private devotion. Since the +<i>Fátiḥa</i> probably belongs to the latest Meccan period, it may +find a place here.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i5"> +THE OPENING SÚRA (I).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(1) In the name of God, the Merciful, who forgiveth aye!</span> +<span class="i0"> +(2) Praise to God, the Lord of all that be,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(3) The Merciful, who forgiveth aye,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(4) The King of Judgment Day!</span> +<span class="i0"> +(5) Thee we worship and for Thine aid we pray.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(6) Lead us in the right way,</span> +<span class="i0"> +(7) The way of those to whom thou hast been gracious, against +whom thou hast not waxed wroth, and who go not +astray!</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_169" id="Page_169" href="#"><span><i>MUḤAMMAD'S ASCENSION</i></span>169</a></span> + +About the same time, shortly before the Migration, Muḥammad +dreamed that he was transported from the Ka‘ba to the +<span class="sidenote"> The Night +journey and +Ascension +of Muḥammad.</span> +Temple at Jerusalem, and thence up to the seventh +heaven. The former part of the vision is indicated +in the Koran (xvii, 1): "<i>Glory to him who took His +servant a journey by night from the Sacred Mosque +to the Farthest Mosque, the precinct whereof we have blessed, +to show him of our signs!</i>" Tradition has wondrously embellished +the <i>Mi‘ráj</i>, by which name the Ascension of the +Prophet is generally known throughout the East; while in +Persia and Turkey it has long been a favourite theme for the +mystic and the poet. According to the popular belief, which +is also held by the majority of Moslem divines, Muḥammad +was transported in the body to his journey's end, but he +himself never countenanced this literal interpretation, though +it seems to have been current in Mecca, and we are told that +it caused some of his incredulous followers to abandon their +faith.</p> + +<p>Possessed and inspired by the highest idea of which man +is capable, fearlessly preaching the truth revealed to him, +leading almost alone what long seemed to be a forlorn hope +against the impregnable stronghold of superstition, yet facing +these tremendous odds with a calm resolution which yielded +nothing to ridicule or danger, but defied his enemies to do their +worst—Muḥammad in the early part of his career presents a +spectacle of grandeur which cannot fail to win our sympathy +and admiration. At Medína, whither we must <span class="sidenote"> Muḥammad at +Medína.</span> +now return, he appears in a less favourable light: +the days of pure religious enthusiasm have passed +away for ever, and the Prophet is overshadowed by the +Statesman. The Migration was undoubtedly essential to the +establishment of Islam. It was necessary that Muḥammad +should cut himself off from his own people in order that he +might found a community in which not blood but religion +formed the sole bond that was recognised. This task he + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_170" id="Page_170" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>170</a></span> + +accomplished with consummate sagacity and skill, though some +of the methods which he employed can only be excused by his +conviction that whatever he did was done in the name of Allah. +As the supreme head of the Moslem theocracy both in spiritual +and temporal matters—for Islam allows no distinction between +Church and State—he exercised absolute authority, and he did +not hesitate to justify by Divine mandate acts of which the +heathen Arabs, cruel and treacherous as they were, might have +been ashamed to be guilty. We need not inquire how much +was due to belief in his inspiration and how much to deliberate +policy. If it revolts us to see God Almighty introduced in the +rôle of special pleader, we ought to remember that Muḥammad, +being what he was, could scarcely have considered the question +from that point of view.</p> + +<p>The conditions prevailing at Medína were singularly adapted +to his design. Ever since the famous battle of Bu‘áth (about +<span class="sidenote"> Medína +predisposed to +welcome +Muḥammad as +Legislator and +Prophet.</span> +615 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), in which the Banú Aws, with the help +of their Jewish allies, the Banú Qurayẓa and the +Banú Naḍír, inflicted a crushing defeat upon the +Banú Khazraj, the city had been divided into two +hostile camps; and if peace had hitherto been +preserved, it was only because both factions were too exhausted +to renew the struggle. Wearied and distracted by earthly +calamities, men's minds willingly admit the consolations of +religion. We find examples of this tendency at Medína even +before the Migration. Abú ‘Ámir, whose ascetic life gained for +him the title of 'The Monk' (<i>al-Ráhib</i>), is numbered among +the <i>Ḥanífs</i>.<a name="FNanchor_331" id="FNanchor_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">331</a> He fought in the ranks of the Quraysh at Uḥud, +and finally went to Syria, where he died an outlaw. Another +Pre-islamic monotheist of Medína, Abú Qays b. Abí Anas, is +said to have turned Moslem in his old age.<a name="FNanchor_332" id="FNanchor_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">332</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The inhabitants of Medína had no material interest in idol-worship +and no sanctuary to guard. Through uninterrupted +contact with the Jews of the city and neighbourhood, as also +with the Christian tribes settled in the extreme north of Arabia on + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_171" id="Page_171" href="#"><span><i>FRIENDS AND FOES AT MEDÍNA</i></span>171</a></span> + +the confines of the Byzantine Empire, they had learned, as it were +instinctively, to despise their inherited belief in idols and to respect +the far nobler and purer faith in a single God; and lastly, they had +become accustomed to the idea of a Divine revelation by means of a +special scripture of supernatural origin, like the Pentateuch and the +Gospel. From a religious standpoint paganism in Medína offered +no resistance to Islam: as a faith, it was dead before it was attacked; +none defended it, none mourned its disappearance. The pagan +opposition to Muḥammad's work as a reformer was entirely political, +and proceeded from those who wished to preserve the anarchy of +the old heathen life, and who disliked the dictatorial rule of +Muḥammad."<a name="FNanchor_333" id="FNanchor_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">333</a></p></div> + +<p>There were in Medína four principal parties, consisting of +those who either warmly supported or actively opposed the +<span class="sidenote"> Parties in +Medína.</span> +Prophet, or who adopted a relatively neutral +attitude, viz., the Emigrants (<i>Muhájirún</i>), the +Helpers (<i>Anṣár</i>), the Hypocrites (<i>Munáfiqún</i>), +and the Jews (<i>Yahúd</i>).</p> + +<p>The Emigrants were those Moslems who left their homes +at Mecca and accompanied the Prophet in his Migration (<i>Hijra</i>)—whence +<span class="sidenote">The Emigrants.</span> +their name, <i>Muhájirún</i>—to Medína in +the year 622. Inasmuch as they had lost everything +except the hope of victory and vengeance, he could +count upon their fanatical devotion to himself.</p> + +<p>The Helpers were those inhabitants of Medína who had +accepted Islam and pledged themselves to protect Muḥammad +<span class="sidenote"> The Helpers.</span> +in case of attack. Together with the Emigrants +they constituted a formidable and ever-increasing +body of true believers, the first champions of the Church +militant.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Many citizens of Medína, however, were not so well disposed +towards Muḥammad, and neither acknowledged him as a Prophet +<span class="sidenote"> The Hypocrites.</span> +nor would submit to him as their Ruler; but since +they durst not come forward against him openly on +account of the multitude of his enthusiastic adherents, they met him +with a passive resistance which more than once thwarted his plans, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_172" id="Page_172" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>172</a></span> + +their influence was so great that he, on his part, did not venture to +take decisive measures against them, and sometimes even found it +necessary to give way."<a name="FNanchor_334" id="FNanchor_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">334</a></p></div> + +<p>These are the Hypocrites whom Muḥammad describes in +the following verses of the Koran:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i6"> +THE SÚRA OF THE HEIFER (II).</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +(7) And there are those among men who say, 'We believe in God +and in the Last Day'; but they do not believe.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(8) They would deceive God and those who do believe; but they +deceive only themselves and they do not perceive.</span> +<span class="i0"> +(9) In their hearts is a sickness, and God has made them still more +sick, and for them is grievous woe because they lied.<a name="FNanchor_335" id="FNanchor_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">335</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Their leader, ‘Abdulláh b. Ubayy, an able man but of weak +character, was no match for Muḥammad, whom he and his +partisans only irritated, without ever becoming really +dangerous.</p> + +<p>The Jews, on the other hand, gave the Prophet serious +trouble. At first he cherished high hopes that they would +<span class="sidenote"> The Jews.</span> +accept the new Revelation which he brought to +them, and which he maintained to be the original +Word of God as it was formerly revealed to Abraham and +Moses; but when the Jews, perceiving the absurdity of this +idea, plied him with all sorts of questions and made merry +over his ignorance, Muḥammad, keenly alive to the damaging +effect of the criticism to which he had exposed himself, turned +upon his tormentors, and roundly accused them of having +falsified and corrupted their Holy Books. Henceforth he +pursued them with a deadly hatred against which their +political disunion rendered them helpless. A few sought +refuge in Islam; the rest were either slaughtered or driven +into exile.</p> + +<p>It is impossible to detail here the successive steps by which + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_173" id="Page_173" href="#"><span><i>MUḤAMMAD AS LEGISLATOR</i></span>173</a></span> + +Muḥammad in the course of a few years overcame all +opposition and established the supremacy of Islam from +one end of Arabia to the other. I shall notice the outstanding +events very briefly in order to make room for +matters which are more nearly connected with the subject +of this History.</p> + +<p class="tb">Muḥammad's first care was to reconcile the desperate +factions within the city and to introduce law and order +<span class="sidenote"> Beginnings of +the Moslem +State.</span> +among the heterogeneous elements which have +been described. "He drew up in writing a +charter between the Emigrants and the Helpers, +in which charter he embodied a covenant with the Jews, +confirming them in the exercise of their religion and in the +possession of their properties, imposing upon them certain +obligations, and granting to them certain rights."<a name="FNanchor_336" id="FNanchor_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">336</a> This +remarkable document is extant in Ibn Hishám's <i>Biography of +Muḥammad</i>, pp. 341-344. Its contents have been analysed +in masterly fashion by Wellhausen,<a name="FNanchor_337" id="FNanchor_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> who observes with justice +that it was no solemn covenant, accepted and duly ratified by +representatives of the parties concerned, but merely a decree +of Muḥammad based upon conditions already existing which +had developed since his arrival in Medína. At the same time +no one can study it without being impressed by the political +genius of its author. Ostensibly a cautious and tactful reform, +it was in reality a revolution. Muḥammad durst not strike +openly at the independence of the tribes, but he destroyed it, +in effect, by shifting the centre of power from the tribe to the +community; and although the community included Jews and +pagans as well as Moslems, he fully recognised, what his +opponents failed to foresee, that the Moslems were the active, +and must soon be the predominant, partners in the newly +founded State.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_174" id="Page_174" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>174</a></span> + +All was now ripe for the inevitable struggle with the +Quraysh, and God revealed to His Apostle several verses of +the Koran in which the Faithful are commanded to wage a +Holy War against them: "<i>Permission is given to those who +fight because they have been wronged,—and verily God to help +them has the might,—who have been driven forth from their +homes undeservedly, only for that they said, 'Our Lord is +God'</i>" (xxii, 40-41). "<i>Kill them wherever ye find them, +and drive them out from whence they drive you out</i>" (ii, 187). +"<i>Fight them that there be no sedition and that the religion +may be God's</i>" (ii, 189). In January, 624 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, the Moslems, +some three hundred strong, won a glorious victory at Badr +over a greatly superior force which had marched <span class="sidenote">Battle of Badr, +January, 624 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></span> +out from Mecca to relieve a rich caravan that +Muḥammad threatened to cut off. The Quraysh +fought bravely, but were borne down by the irresistible onset +of men who had learned discipline in the mosque and looked +upon death as a sure passport to Paradise. Of the Moslems +only fourteen fell; the Quraysh lost forty-nine killed and +about the same number of prisoners. But the importance of +Muḥammad's success cannot be measured by the material +damage which he inflicted. Considering the momentous issues +involved, we must allow that Badr, like Marathon, is one of +the greatest and most memorable battles in all history. Here, +at last, was the miracle which the Prophet's enemies demanded +of him: "<i>Ye have had a sign in the two parties who met; +one party fighting in the way of God, the other misbelieving; +these saw twice the same number as themselves to the eyesight, +for God aids with His help those whom He pleases. +Verily in that is a lesson for those who have perception</i>" +(Kor. iii, 11). And again, "<i>Ye slew them not, but God slew +them</i>" (Kor. viii, 17). The victory of Badr turned all eyes +upon Muḥammad. However little the Arabs cared for his +religion, they could not but respect the man who had humbled +the lords of Mecca. He was now a power in the land— + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_175" id="Page_175" href="#"><span><i>TRIUMPH OF THE PROPHET</i></span>175</a></span> + +"Muḥammad, King of the Ḥijáz."<a name="FNanchor_338" id="FNanchor_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">338</a> In Medína his cause +flourished mightily. The zealots were confirmed in their +faith, the waverers convinced, the disaffected overawed. He +sustained a serious, though temporary, check in the following +year at Uḥud, where a Moslem army was routed <span class="sidenote">Battle of Uḥud, +625 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></span> +by the Quraysh under Abú Sufyán, but the +victors were satisfied with having taken vengeance +for Badr and made no attempt to follow up their advantage; +while Muḥammad, never resting on his laurels, never losing +sight of the goal, proceeded with remorseless calculation to +crush his adversaries one after the other, until in January, +630 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, the Meccans themselves, seeing the futility of +further resistance, opened their gates to the <span class="sidenote">Submission of +Mecca, 630 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></span> +Prophet and acknowledged the omnipotence of +Allah. The submission of the Holy City left +Muḥammad without a rival in Arabia. His work was almost +done. Deputations from the Bedouin tribes poured into +Medína, offering allegiance to the conqueror of the Quraysh, +and reluctantly subscribing to a religion in which they saw +nothing so agreeable as the prospect of plundering its enemies.</p> + +<p>Muḥammad died, after a brief illness, on the 8th of June, +632 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> He was succeeded as head of the Moslem community +<span class="sidenote">Death of +Muḥammad, +632 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></span> +by his old friend and ever-loyal supporter, +Abú Bakr, who thus became the first <i>Khalífa</i>, or +Caliph. It only remains to take up our survey of +the Koran, which we have carried down to the close of the +Meccan period, and to indicate the character and contents of +the Revelation during the subsequent decade.</p> + +<p class="tb">The Medína Súras faithfully reflect the marvellous change +in Muḥammad's fortunes, which began with his flight from +Mecca. He was now recognised as the Prophet and Apostle +of God, but this recognition made him an earthly potentate +and turned his religious activity into secular channels. One + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_176" id="Page_176" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>176</a></span> + +who united in himself the parts of prince, legislator, politician, +diplomatist, and general may be excused if he sometimes neglected +the Divine injunction to arise and preach, <span class="sidenote"> The Medína +Súras.</span> +or at any rate interpreted it in a sense very different +from that which he formerly attached to it. +The Revelations of this time deal, to a large extent, with +matters of legal, social, and political interest; they promulgate +religious ordinances—<i>e.g.</i>, fasting, alms-giving, and pilgrimage—expound +the laws of marriage and divorce, and comment upon +the news of the day; often they serve as bulletins or manifestoes +in which Muḥammad justifies what he has done, urges +the Moslems to fight and rebukes the laggards, moralises on a +victory or defeat, proclaims a truce, and says, in short, whatever +the occasion seems to require. Instead of the Meccan idolaters, +his opponents in Medína—the Jews and Hypocrites—have +become the great rocks of offence; the Jews especially are +denounced in long passages as a stiff-necked generation who +never hearkened to their own prophets of old. However +valuable historically, the Medína Súras do not attract the +literary reader. In their flat and tedious style they resemble +those of the later Meccan period. Now and again the ashes +burst into flame, though such moments of splendour are +increasingly rare, as in the famous 'Throne-verse' (<i>Áyatu +’l-Kursí</i>):—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"God, there is no god but He, the living, the self-subsistent. +Slumber takes Him not, nor sleep. His is what is in the heavens +<span class="sidenote"> The 'Throne-verse.'</span> +and what is in the earth. Who is it that intercedes +with Him save by His permission? He knows what +is before them and what behind them, and they comprehend +not aught of His knowledge but of what He pleases. His +throne extends over the heavens and the earth, and it tires Him not +to guard them both, for He is high and grand."<a name="FNanchor_339" id="FNanchor_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">339</a></p></div> + +<p>The Islam which Muḥammad brought with him to Medína +was almost entirely derived by oral tradition from Christianity + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_177" id="Page_177" href="#"><span><i>THE MEDÍNA SÚRAS</i></span>177</a></span> + +and Judaism, and just for this reason it made little impression +on the heathen Arabs, whose religious ideas were generally +of the most primitive kind. Notwithstanding its foreign +character and the absence of anything which appealed to +Arabian national sentiment, it spread rapidly in Medína, +where, as we have seen, the soil was already prepared for it; +but one may well doubt whether it could have extended its +sway over the peninsula unless the course of events had determined +Muḥammad to associate the strange doctrines of Islam +with the ancient heathen sanctuary at Mecca, the Ka‘ba, +which was held in universal veneration by the Arabs and +formed the centre of a worship that raised no difficulties in +their minds. Before he had lived many months <span class="sidenote"> The nationalisation +of Islam.</span> +in Medína the Prophet realised that his hope of +converting the Jews was doomed to disappointment. +Accordingly he instructed his followers that they +should no longer turn their faces in prayer towards the +Temple at Jerusalem, as they had been accustomed to do +since the Flight, but towards the Ka‘ba; while, a year or two +later, he incorporated in Islam the superstitious ceremonies of +the pilgrimage, which were represented as having been originally +prescribed to Abraham, the legendary founder of the +Ka‘ba, whose religion he professed to restore.</p> + +<p>These concessions, however, were far from sufficient to +reconcile the free-living and freethinking people of the +desert to a religion which restrained their pleasures, forced +them to pay taxes and perform prayers, and stamped with the +name of barbarism all the virtues they held most dear. The +teaching of Islam ran directly counter to the ideals and +traditions of heathendom, and, as Goldziher has remarked, +its originality lies not in its doctrines, which are Jewish and +Christian, but in the fact that it was Muḥammad who first +maintained these doctrines with persistent energy against the +Arabian view of life.<a name="FNanchor_340" id="FNanchor_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">340</a> While we must refer the reader to Dr. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_178" id="Page_178" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>178</a></span> + +Goldziher's illuminating pages for a full discussion of the conflict +between the new Religion (<i>Dín</i>) and the old Virtue +(<i>Muruwwa</i>), it will not be amiss to summarise the +chief points at which they clashed with each <span class="sidenote"> Antagonism of +Islamic and +Arabian ideals.</span> +other.<a name="FNanchor_341" id="FNanchor_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">341</a> In the first place, the fundamental idea of +Islam was foreign and unintelligible to the Bedouins. "It +was not the destruction of their idols that they opposed so +much as the spirit of devotion which it was sought to implant +in them: the determination of their whole lives by the +thought of God and of His pre-ordaining and retributive +omnipotence, the prayers and fasts, the renouncement of +coveted pleasures, and the sacrifice of money and property +which was demanded of them in God's name." In spite of +the saying, <i>Lá dína illá bi ’l-muruwwati</i> ("There is no +religion without virtue"), the Bedouin who accepted Islam +had to unlearn the greater part of his unwritten moral code. +As a pious Moslem he must return good for evil, forgive his +enemy, and find balm for his wounded feelings in the assurance +of being admitted to Paradise (Kor. iii, 128). Again, the +social organisation of the heathen Arabs was based on the +tribe, whereas that of Islam rested on the equality and +fraternity of all believers. The religious bond cancelled all +distinctions of rank and pedigree; it did away, theoretically, +with clannish feuds, contests for honour, pride of race—things +that lay at the very root of Arabian chivalry. "<i>Lo</i>," cried +Muḥammad, "<i>the noblest of you in the sight of God is he who +most doth fear Him</i>" (Kor. xlix, 13). Against such doctrine +the conservative and material instincts of the desert people +rose in revolt; and although they became Moslems <i>en masse</i>, +the majority of them neither believed in Islam nor knew what +it meant. Often their motives were frankly utilitarian: they +expected that Islam would bring them luck; and so long as +they were sound in body, and their mares had fine foals, and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_179" id="Page_179" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS AND ISLAM</i></span>179</a></span> + +their wives bore well-formed sons, and their wealth and herds +multiplied, they said, "We have been blessed ever since we +adopted this religion," and were content; but if things +went ill they blamed Islam and turned their backs on it.<a name="FNanchor_342" id="FNanchor_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">342</a> +That these men were capable of religious zeal is amply +proved by the triumphs which they won a short time afterwards +over the disciplined armies of two mighty empires; but +what chiefly inspired them, apart from love of booty, was +the conviction, born of success, that Allah was fighting on +their side.</p> + +<p class="tb">We have sketched, however barely and imperfectly, the +progress of Islam from Muḥammad's first appearance as a +preacher to the day of his death. In these twenty years the +seeds were sown of almost every development which occurs +in the political and intellectual history of the Arabs during the +ages to come. More than any man that has ever lived, +Muḥammad shaped the destinies of his people; and though +they left him far behind as they moved along the path of civilisation, +they still looked back to him for guidance and authority +at each step. This is not the place to attempt an estimate +of his character, which has been so diversely judged. Personally, +I feel convinced that he was neither a shameless +impostor nor a neurotic degenerate nor a socialistic reformer, +but in the beginning, at all events, a sincere religious enthusiast, +as truly inspired as any prophet of the Old Testament.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"We find in him," writes De Goeje, "that sober understanding +which distinguished his fellow-tribesmen: dignity, tact, and equilibrium; +<span class="sidenote"> Character of +Muḥammad.</span> +qualities which are seldom found in people +of morbid constitution: self-control in no small +degree. Circumstances changed him from a Prophet +to a Legislator and a Ruler, but for himself he sought nothing beyond +the acknowledgment that he was Allah's Apostle, since this acknowledgment + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_180" id="Page_180" href="#"><span><i>THE PROPHET AND THE KORAN</i></span>180</a></span> + +includes the whole of Islam. He was excitable, like +every true Arab, and in the spiritual struggle which preceded his +call this quality was stimulated to an extent that alarmed even himself; +but that does not make him a visionary. He defends himself, +by the most solemn asseveration, against the charge that what +he had seen was an illusion of the senses. Why should not we +believe him?"<a name="FNanchor_343" id="FNanchor_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">343</a></p></div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER V</h4> + +<h5>THE ORTHODOX CALIPHATE AND THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</h5> + +<p>The Caliphate—<i>i.e.</i>, the period of the Caliphs or Successors of +Muḥammad—extends over six centuries and a quarter (632-1258 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), and falls into three clearly-marked divisions of +very unequal length and diverse character.</p> + +<p>The first division begins with the election of Abú Bakr, the +first Caliph, in 632, and comes to an end with the assassination +<span class="sidenote">The Orthodox +Caliphate (632-661 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +of ‘Alí, the Prophet's son-in-law and fourth +successor, in 661. These four Caliphs are known +as the Orthodox (<i>al-Ráshidún</i>), because they trod +faithfully in the footsteps of the Prophet and ruled after his +example in the holy city of Medína, with the assistance of his +leading Companions, who constituted an informal Senate.</p> + +<p>The second division includes the Caliphs of the family of +Umayya, from the accession of Mu‘áwiya in 661 to the great +<span class="sidenote">The Ummayyad +Caliphate (661-750 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +battle of the Záb in 750, when Marwán II, the +last of his line, was defeated by the ‘Abbásids, +who claimed the Caliphate as next of kin to the +Prophet. According to Moslem notions the Umayyads were +kings by right, Caliphs only by courtesy. They had, as we +shall see, no spiritual title, and little enough religion of any +sort. This dynasty, which had been raised and was upheld by +the Syrian Arabs, transferred the seat of government from +Medína to Damascus.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_182" id="Page_182" href="#"><span><i>THE ORTHODOX CALIPHATE</i></span>182</a></span> + +The third division is by far the longest and most important. +Starting in 750 with the accession of Abu ’l-‘Abbás al-Saffáh, +<span class="sidenote">The ‘Abbásid +Caliphate (750-1258 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +it presents an unbroken series of thirty-seven +Caliphs of the same House, and culminates, after +the lapse of half a millennium, in the sack of +Baghdád, their magnificent capital, by the Mongol Húlágú +(January, 1258). The ‘Abbásids were no less despotic than +the Umayyads, but in a more enlightened fashion; for, while +the latter had been purely Arab in feeling, the ‘Abbásids +owed their throne to the Persian nationalists, and were +imbued with Persian ideas, which introduced a new and +fruitful element into Moslem civilisation.</p> + +<p>From our special point of view the Orthodox and Umayyad +Caliphates, which form the subject of the present chapter, are +somewhat barren. The simple life of the pagan Arabs found +full expression in their poetry. The many-sided life of the +Moslems under ‘Abbásid rule may be studied in a copious +literature which exhibits all the characteristics of the age; but +of contemporary documents illustrating the intellectual +history of the early Islamic period comparatively <span class="sidenote"> Early Islamic +literature.</span> +little has been preserved, and that little, +being for the most part anti-Islamic in tendency, gives only +meagre information concerning what excites interest beyond +anything else—the religious movement, the rise of theology, +and the origin of those great parties and sects which emerge, +at various stages of development, in later literature.</p> + +<p>Since the Moslem Church and State are essentially one, +it is impossible to treat of politics apart from religion, nor can +<span class="sidenote"> Unity of Church +and State.</span> +religious phenomena be understood without continual +reference to political events. The following +brief sketch of the Orthodox Caliphate will +show how completely this unity was realised, and what far-reaching +consequences it had.</p> + +<p>That Muḥammad left no son was perhaps of less moment +than his neglect or refusal to nominate a successor. The + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_183" id="Page_183" href="#"><span><i>ABÚ BAKR</i></span>183</a></span> + +Arabs were unfamiliar with the hereditary descent of kingly +power, while the idea had not yet dawned of a Divine right +resident in the Prophet's family. It was thoroughly in accord +with Arabian practice that the Moslem community should +elect its own leader, just as in heathen days the tribe chose its +own chief. The likeliest men—all three belonged to Quraysh—were +Abú Bakr, whose daughter ‘Á’isha +had been Muḥammad's +favourite wife, ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb, and ‘Alí, Abú +Ṭálib's son and Fáṭima's husband, who was thus connected +with the Prophet by blood as well as by marriage. Abú Bakr +was the eldest, he was supported by ‘Umar, and <span class="sidenote">Abú Bakr +elected Caliph +(June, 632 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +on him the choice ultimately fell, though not +without an ominous ebullition of party strife. A +man of simple tastes and unassuming demeanour, he had earned +the name <i>al-Ṣiddíq</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, the True, by his unquestioning faith +in the Prophet; naturally gentle and merciful, he stood firm +when the cause of Islam was at stake, and crushed with iron +hand the revolt which on the news of Muḥammad's death +spread like wildfire through Arabia. False prophets arose, and +the Bedouins rallied round them, eager to throw off the burden +of tithes and prayers. In the centre of the peninsula, +the Banú Ḥanífa were led to battle by <span class="sidenote"> Musaylima the +Liar.</span> +Musaylima, who imitated the early style of the +Koran with ludicrous effect, if we may judge from the sayings +ascribed to him, <i>e.g.</i>, "The elephant, what is the elephant, and +who shall tell you what is the elephant? He has a poor tail, +and a long trunk: and is a trifling part of the creations of thy +God." Moslem tradition calls him the Liar (<i>al-Kadhdháb</i>), and +represents him as an obscene miracle-monger, which can hardly +be the whole truth. It is possible that he got some of his +doctrines from Christianity, as Professor Margoliouth has suggested,<a name="FNanchor_344" id="FNanchor_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">344</a> +but we know too little about them to arrive at any +conclusion. After a desperate struggle Musaylima was defeated + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_184" id="Page_184" href="#"><span><i>THE ORTHODOX CALIPHATE</i></span>184</a></span> + +and slain by 'the Sword of Allah,' Khálid b. Walíd. The +Moslem arms were everywhere victorious. Arabia bowed +in sullen submission.</p> + +<p>Although Muir and other biographers of Muḥammad have +argued that Islam was originally designed for the Arabs alone, +<span class="sidenote"> Islam a world-religion.</span> +and made no claim to universal acceptance, their +assertion is contradicted by the unequivocal testimony +of the Koran itself. In one of the oldest +Revelations (lxviii, 51-52), we read: "<i>It wanteth little but that +the unbelievers dash thee to the ground with their looks</i> (of anger) +<i>when they hear the Warning</i> (<i>i.e.</i>, the Koran); <i>and they say, +'He is assuredly mad': but it</i> (the Koran) <i>is no other than a</i> +<span class="smcap">Warning unto all creatures</span>" (<i>dhikr<sup>un</sup> li ’l-‘álamín</i>).<a name="FNanchor_345" id="FNanchor_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">345</a> The +time had now come when this splendid dream was to be, in +large measure, fulfilled. The great wars of <span class="sidenote">Conquest of +Persia and Syria +(633-643 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +conquest were inspired by the Prophet's missionary +zeal and justified by his example. Pious +duty coincided with reasons of state. "It was certainly good +policy to turn the recently subdued tribes of the wilderness +towards an external aim in which they might at once satisfy +their lust for booty on a grand scale, maintain their warlike +feeling, and strengthen themselves in their attachment to the +new faith."<a name="FNanchor_346" id="FNanchor_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">346</a> The story of their achievements cannot be set +down here. Suffice it to say that within twelve years after +the Prophet's death the Persian Empire had been reduced to a +tributary province, and Syria, together with Egypt, torn away +from Byzantine rule. It must not be supposed that the followers +of Zoroaster and Christ in these countries <span class="sidenote"> Moslem toleration.</span> +were forcibly converted to Islam. Thousands +embraced it of free will, impelled by various +motives which we have no space to enumerate; those who +clung to the religion in which they had been brought up + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_185" id="Page_185" href="#"><span><i>MOSLEM CONQUESTS</i></span>185</a></span> + +secured protection and toleration by payment of a capitation-tax +(<i>jizya</i>).<a name="FNanchor_347" id="FNanchor_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">347</a></p> + +<p>The tide of foreign conquest, which had scarce begun to +flow before the death of Abú Bakr, swept with amazing +<span class="sidenote">The Caliph +‘Umar (634-644 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +rapidity over Syria and Persia in the Caliphate of +‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb (634-644), and continued to +advance, though with diminished fury, under the +Prophet's third successor, ‘Uthmán. We may dwell for a little +on the noble figure of ‘Umar, who was regarded by good +Moslems in after times as an embodiment of all the virtues +which a Caliph ought to possess. Probably his character has +been idealised, but in any case the anecdotes related of him +give an admirable picture of the man and his age. Here are +a few, taken almost at random from the pages of Ṭabarí.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>One said: "I saw ‘Umar coming to the Festival. He walked +with bare feet, using both hands (for he was ambidextrous) to draw +round him a red embroidered cloth. He towered above the people, +as though he were on horseback."<a name="FNanchor_348" id="FNanchor_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">348</a> A client of (the Caliph) +‘Uthmán b. ‘Affán relates that he mounted behind his patron and +they rode together to the enclosure for the beasts which were +delivered in payment of the poor-tax. It was an <span class="sidenote"> His simple +manners.</span> +exceedingly hot day and the simoom was blowing +fiercely. They saw a man clad only in a loin-cloth +and a short cloak (<i>ridá</i>), in which he had wrapped his head, +driving the camels into the enclosure. ‘Uthmán said to his +companion, "Who is this, think you?" When they came up +to him, behold, it was ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb. "By God," said +‘Uthmán, "this is <i>the strong, the trusty</i>."<a name="FNanchor_349" id="FNanchor_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">349</a>—‘Umar used to go +round the markets and recite the Koran and judge between +disputants wherever he found them.—When Ka‘bu ’l-Aḥbár, a +well-known Rabbin of Medína, asked how he could obtain access +to the Commander of the Faithful,<a name="FNanchor_350" id="FNanchor_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">350</a> he received this answer: "There + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_186" id="Page_186" href="#"><span><i>THE ORTHODOX CALIPHATE</i></span>186</a></span> + +is no door nor curtain to be passed; he performs the rites of prayer, +then he takes his seat, and any one that wishes may speak to him."<a name="FNanchor_351" id="FNanchor_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">351</a> +‘Umar said in one of his public orations, "By Him who sent +Muḥammad with the truth, were a single camel to die <span class="sidenote"> His sense of +personal +responsibility.</span> +of neglect on the bank of the Euphrates, I should fear +lest God should call the family of al-Khaṭṭáb" (meaning +himself) "to account therefor."<a name="FNanchor_352" id="FNanchor_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">352</a>—"If I live," he is reported to have +said on another occasion, "please God, I will assuredly spend a +whole year in travelling among my subjects, for I know they have +wants which are cut short ere they reach my ears: the governors +do not bring the wants of the people before me, while the +people themselves do not attain to me. So I will journey +to Syria and remain there two months, then to Mesopotamia and +remain there two months, then to Egypt and remain there two +months, then to Baḥrayn and remain there two months, then to +Kúfa and remain there two months, then to Baṣra and remain there +two months; and by God, it will be a year well spent!"<a name="FNanchor_353" id="FNanchor_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">353</a>—One +night he came to the house of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán b. ‘Awf and knocked +at the door, which was opened by ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán's wife. "Do +not enter," said she, "until I go back and sit in my place;" so he +waited. Then she bade him come in, and on his asking, "Have +you anything in the house?" she fetched him some food. Meanwhile +‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán was standing by, engaged in prayer. "Be +quick, man!" cried ‘Umar. ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán immediately pronounced +the final salaam, and turning to the Caliph said: "O Commander +of the Faithful, what has brought you here at this hour?" +‘Umar replied: "A party of travellers who alighted in the neighbourhood +of the market: I was afraid that the thieves <span class="sidenote"> The Caliph as a +policeman.</span> +of Medína might fall upon them. Let us go and keep +watch." So he set off with ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán, and +when they reached the market-place they seated themselves on +some high ground and began to converse. Presently they descried, +far away, the light of a lamp. "Have not I forbidden lamps after +bedtime?"<a name="FNanchor_354" id="FNanchor_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">354</a> exclaimed the Caliph. They went to the spot and +found a company drinking wine. "Begone," said ‘Umar to ‘Abdu +’l-Raḥmán; "I know him." Next morning he sent for the culprit +and said, addressing him by name, "Last night you were drinking +wine with your friends." "O Commander of the Faithful, how did + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_187" id="Page_187" href="#"><span><i>‘UMAR IBNU ’L-KHAṬṬÁB</i></span>187</a></span> + +you ascertain that?" "I saw it with my own eyes." "Has not God +forbidden you to play the spy?" ‘Umar made no answer and +pardoned his offence.<a name="FNanchor_355" id="FNanchor_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">355</a>—When ‘Umar ascended the pulpit for the +purpose of warning the people that they must not do something, he +gathered his family and said to them: "I have forbidden <span class="sidenote">Instructions to +his governors.</span> +the people to do so-and-so. Now, the people +look at you as birds look at flesh, and I swear +by God that if I find any one of you doing this thing, I will +double the penalty against him."<a name="FNanchor_356" id="FNanchor_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">356</a>—Whenever he appointed a +governor he used to draw up in writing a certificate of investiture, +which he caused to be witnessed by some of the <span class="sidenote"> His strictness +towards his own +family.</span> +Emigrants or Helpers. It contained the following +instructions: That he must not ride on horseback, nor +eat white bread, nor wear fine clothes, nor set up a door between +himself and those who had aught to ask of him.<a name="FNanchor_357" id="FNanchor_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">357</a>—It was ‘Umar's +custom to go forth with his governors, on their appointment, to bid +them farewell. "I have not appointed you," he would say, "over +the people of Muḥammad (God bless him and grant him peace!) +that you may drag them by their hair and scourge their skins, but +in order that you may lead them in prayer and judge between them +with right and divide (the public money) amongst them with equity. +I have not made you lords of their skin and hair. Do not flog the +Arabs lest you humiliate them, and do not keep them long on foreign +service lest you tempt them to sedition, and do not neglect them +lest you render them desperate. Confine yourselves to the Koran, +write few Traditions of Muḥammad (God bless him and grant him +peace!), and I am your ally." He used to permit retaliation against +his governors. On receiving a complaint about any one of them he +confronted him with the accuser, and punished him if his guilt were +proved.<a name="FNanchor_358" id="FNanchor_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">358</a></p></div> + +<p>It was ‘Umar who first made a Register (<i>Díwán</i>) of the +<span class="sidenote">The Register of +‘Umar.</span> +Arabs in Islam and entered them therein according +to their tribes and assigned to them their +stipends. The following account of its institution is extracted +from the charming history entitled <i>al-Fakhrí</i>:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In the fifteenth year of the Hijra (636 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) ‘Umar, who was then +Caliph, seeing that the conquests proceeded without interruption + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_188" id="Page_188" href="#"><span><i>THE ORTHODOX CALIPHATE</i></span>188</a></span> + +and that the treasures of the Persian monarchs had been taken as +spoil, and that load after load was being accumulated of gold and +silver and precious jewels and splendid raiment, resolved to enrich +the Moslems by distributing all this wealth amongst them; but he +did not know how he should manage it. Now there was a Persian +satrap (<i>marzubán</i>) at Medína who, when he saw ‘Umar's bewilderment, +said to him, "O Commander of the Faithful, the Persian kings +have a thing they call a <i>Díwán</i>, in which is kept the whole of their +revenues and expenditures without exception; and therein those +who receive stipends are arranged in classes, so that no confusion +occurs." ‘Umar's attention was aroused. He bade the satrap +describe it, and on comprehending its nature, he drew up the +registers and assigned the stipends, appointing a specified allowance +for every Moslem; and he allotted fixed sums to the wives of +the Apostle (on whom be God's blessing and peace!) and to his +concubines and next-of-kin, until he exhausted the money in hand. +He did not lay up a store in the treasury. Some one came to him +and said: "O Commander of the Faithful, you should have left +something to provide for contingencies." ‘Umar rebuked him, saying, +"The devil has put these words into your mouth. May God +preserve me from their mischief! for it were a temptation to my +successors. Come what may, I will provide naught except obedience +to God and His Apostle. That is our provision, whereby we have +gained that which we have gained." Then, in respect of the +stipends, he deemed it right that precedence should be according +to priority of conversion to Islam and of service rendered to the +Apostle on his fields of battle.<a name="FNanchor_359" id="FNanchor_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">359</a></p> + +<p>Affinity to Muḥammad was also considered. "By God," +exclaimed ‘Umar, "we have not won superiority in this world, +<span class="sidenote"> The aristocracy +of Islam.</span> +nor do we hope for recompense for our works from +God hereafter, save through Muḥammad (God bless +him and grant him peace!). He is our title to +nobility, his tribe are the noblest of the Arabs, and after them +those are the nobler that are nearer to him in blood. Truly, +the Arabs are ennobled by God's Apostle. Peradventure some +of them have many ancestors in common with him, and we +ourselves are only removed by a few forbears from his line of +descent, in which we accompany him back to Adam. Notwithstanding +<span class="sidenote"> "'Tis only noble +to be good."</span> +this, if the foreigners bring good works and +we bring none, by God, they are nearer to Muḥammad +on the day of Resurrection than we. Therefore let no +man regard affinity, but let him work for that which is in God's + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_189" id="Page_189" href="#"><span><i>‘UMAR IBNU ’L-KHAṬṬÁB</i></span>189</a></span> + +hands to bestow. He that is retarded by his works will not be sped +by his lineage."<a name="FNanchor_360" id="FNanchor_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">360</a></p></div> + +<p>It may be said of ‘Umar, not less appropriately than of +Cromwell, that he</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i1"> +"cast the kingdoms old</span><span class="i0"> +Into another mould;"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>and he too justified the poet's maxim—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"The same arts that did gain</span><span class="i0"> +A power, must it maintain."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>Under the system which he organised Arabia, purged of +infidels, became a vast recruiting-ground for the standing +armies of Islam: the Arabs in the conquered territories formed +an exclusive military class, living in great camps and supported +by revenues derived from the non-Muḥammadan population. +Out of such camps arose two cities destined to make their +<span class="sidenote">Foundation of +Baṣra and Kúfa +(638 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +mark in literary history—Baṣra (Bassora) on the +delta of the Tigris and Euphrates, and Kúfa, +which was founded about the same time on the +western branch of the latter stream, not far from Ḥíra.</p> + +<p>‘Umar was murdered by a Persian slave named Fírúz while +leading the prayers in the Great Mosque. With <span class="sidenote">Death of ‘Umar +(644 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +his death the military theocracy and the palmy +days of the Patriarchal Caliphate draw to a close. The broad +lines of his character appear in the anecdotes translated above, +though many details might be added to complete the picture. +Simple and frugal; doing his duty without fear or favour; +energetic even to harshness, yet capable of tenderness towards +the weak; a severe judge of others and especially of himself, +he was a born ruler and every inch a man. Looking back on + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_190" id="Page_190" href="#"><span><i>THE ORTHODOX CALIPHATE</i></span>190</a></span> + +the turmoils which followed his death one is inclined to agree +with the opinion of a saintly doctor who said, five centuries +afterwards, that "the good fortune of Islam was shrouded in +the grave-clothes of ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭáb."<a name="FNanchor_361" id="FNanchor_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">361</a></p> + +<p>When the Meccan aristocrats accepted Islam, they only +yielded to the inevitable. They were now to have an opportunity +<span class="sidenote">‘Uthmán elected +Caliph (644 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +of revenging themselves. ‘Uthmán b. +‘Affán, who succeeded ‘Umar as Caliph, belonged +to a distinguished Meccan family, the Umayyads or +descendants of Umayya, which had always taken a leading part +in the opposition to Muḥammad, though ‘Uthmán himself was +among the Prophet's first disciples. He was a pious, well-meaning +old man—an easy tool in the hands of his ambitious +kinsfolk. They soon climbed into all the most lucrative and +important offices and lived on the fat of the land, while too +often their ungodly behaviour gave point to the question whether +these converts of the eleventh hour were not still heathens at +heart. Other causes contributed to excite a general <span class="sidenote"> General disaffection.</span> +discontent. The rapid growth of luxury and +immorality in the Holy Cities as well as in the +new settlements was an eyesore to devout Moslems. The +true Islamic aristocracy, the Companions of the Prophet, headed +by ‘Alí, Ṭalḥa, and Zubayr, strove to undermine the rival +nobility which threatened them with destruction. The +factious soldiery were ripe for revolt against Umayyad arrogance +<span class="sidenote">‘Uthmán murdered +(656 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +and greed. Rebellion broke out, and finally the +aged Caliph, after enduring a siege of several +weeks, was murdered in his own house. This event marks an +epoch in the history of the Arabs. The ensuing civil wars +rent the unity of Islam from top to bottom, and the wound +has never healed.</p> + +<p class="tb">‘Alí, the Prophet's cousin and son-in-law, who had hitherto + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_191" id="Page_191" href="#"><span><i>‘UTHMÁN AND ‘ALÍ</i></span>191</a></span> + +remained in the background, was now made Caliph. Although +<span class="sidenote">‘Alí elected +Caliph (656 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +the suspicion that he was in league with the +murderers may be put aside, he showed culpable +weakness in leaving ‘Uthmán to his fate +without an effort to save him. But ‘Alí had +almost every virtue except those of the ruler: energy, +decision, and foresight. He was a gallant warrior, a wise +counsellor, a true friend, and a generous foe. <span class="sidenote">Character of +‘Alí.</span> +He excelled in poetry and in eloquence; his +verses and sayings are famous throughout the +Muḥammadan East, though few of them can be considered +authentic. A fine spirit worthy to be compared with +Montrose and Bayard, he had no talent for the stern +realities of statecraft, and was overmatched by unscrupulous +rivals who knew that "war is a game of deceit." Thus +his career was in one sense a failure: his authority as +Caliph was never admitted, while he lived, by the whole +community. On the other hand, he has exerted, down to +the present day, a posthumous influence only <span class="sidenote"> His apotheosis.</span> +second to that of Muḥammad himself. Within +a century of his death he came to be regarded as the +Prophet's successor <i>jure divino</i>; as a blessed martyr, sinless +and infallible; and by some even as an incarnation of God. +The ‘Alí of Shí‘ite legend is not an historical figure glorified: +rather does he symbolise, in purely mythical fashion, +the religious aspirations and political aims of a large section +of the Moslem world.</p> + +<p class="tb">To return to our narrative. No sooner was ‘Alí proclaimed +Caliph by the victorious rebels than Mu‘áwiya b. +<span class="sidenote">‘Alí against +Mu‘áwiya.</span> +Abí Sufyán, the governor of Syria, raised the +cry of vengeance for ‘Uthmán and refused to +take the oath of allegiance. As head of the +Umayyad family, Mu‘áwiya might justly demand that the +murderers of his kinsman should be punished, but the contest + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_192" id="Page_192" href="#"><span><i>THE ORTHODOX CALIPHATE</i></span>192</a></span> + +between him and ‘Alí was virtually for the Caliphate. +A great battle was fought at Ṣiffín, a village on the +Euphrates. ‘Alí had well-nigh gained the day <span class="sidenote">Battle of Ṣiffín +(657 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +when Mu‘áwiya bethought him of a stratagem. +He ordered his troops to fix Korans on the +points of their lances and to shout, "Here is the Book of +God: let it decide between us!" The miserable trick +succeeded. In ‘Alí's army there were many pious fanatics +to whom the proposed arbitration by the Koran appealed +with irresistible force. They now sprang forward +clamorously, threatening to betray their leader unless he +would submit his cause to the Book. Vainly did ‘Alí +remonstrate with the mutineers, and warn them of the +trap into which they were driving him, and this too at +the moment when victory was within their grasp. He <span class="sidenote"> Arbitration.</span> +had no choice but to yield and name as his +umpire a man of doubtful loyalty, Abú Músá +al-Ash‘arí, one of the oldest surviving Companions of the +Prophet. Mu‘áwiya on his part named ‘Amr b. al-‘Áṣ, +whose cunning had prompted the decisive manœuvre. +When the umpires came forth to give judgment, Abú +Músá rose and in accordance with what had been arranged +at the preliminary conference pronounced that both ‘Alí +and Mu‘áwiya should be deposed and that the <span class="sidenote"> The award.</span> +people should elect a proper Caliph in their +stead. "Lo," said he, laying down his sword, "even thus +do I depose ‘Alí b. Abí Ṭálib." Then ‘Amr advanced and +spoke as follows: "O people! ye have heard the judgment +of my colleague. He has called you to witness that he +deposes ‘Alí. Now I call you to witness that I confirm +Mu‘áwiya, even as I make fast this sword of mine," and +suiting the action to the word, he returned it to its sheath. +It is characteristic of Arabian notions of morality that this +impudent fraud was hailed by Mu‘áwiya's adherents as a +diplomatic triumph which gave him a colourable pretext + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_193" id="Page_193" href="#"><span><i>CIVIL WAR</i></span>193</a></span> + +for assuming the title of Caliph. Both sides prepared to +renew the struggle, but in the meanwhile ‘Alí found his +hands full nearer home. A numerous party among his +troops, including the same zealots who had forced arbitration +upon him, now cast him off because he had accepted <span class="sidenote">The Khárijites +revolt against +‘Alí.</span> +it, fell out from the ranks, and raised the +standard of revolt. These 'Outgoers,' or +Khárijites, as they were called, maintained +their theocratic principles with desperate courage, and +though often defeated took the field again and again. +‘Alí's plans for recovering Syria were finally abandoned +<span class="sidenote">Alí assassinated +(661 <span class="smcap"> a.d.</span>).</span> +in 660, when he concluded peace with +Mu‘áwiya, and shortly afterwards he was struck +down in the Mosque at Kúfa, which he had +made his capital, by Ibn Muljam, a Khárijite conspirator.</p> + +<p>With ‘Alí's fall our sketch of the Orthodox Caliphate +may fitly end. It was necessary to give some account of +these years so vital in the history of Islam, even at the +risk of wearying the reader, who will perhaps wish that +less space were devoted to political affairs.</p> + +<p class="tb">The Umayyads came into power, but, except in Syria and +Egypt, they ruled solely by the sword. As descendants and +representatives of the pagan aristocracy, which <span class="sidenote"> The Umayyad +dynasty.</span> +strove with all its might to defeat Muḥammad, +they were usurpers in the eyes of the Moslem +community which they claimed to lead as his successors.<a name="FNanchor_362" id="FNanchor_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">362</a> +We shall see, a little further on, how this opposition expressed +itself in two great parties: the Shí‘ites or followers +of ‘Alí, and the radical sect of the Khárijites, who have +been mentioned above; and how it was gradually reinforced +by the non-Arabian Moslems until it overwhelmed + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_194" id="Page_194" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>194</a></span> + +the Umayyad Government and set up the ‘Abbásids in their +place. In estimating the character of the Umayyads one +must bear in mind that the epitaph on the fallen <span class="sidenote"> Moslem tradition +hostile to +the Umayyads.</span> +dynasty was composed by their enemies, and can +no more be considered historically truthful than +the lurid picture which Tacitus has drawn of the Emperor +Tiberius. Because they kept the revolutionary forces in +check with ruthless severity, the Umayyads pass for bloodthirsty +tyrants; whereas the best of them at any rate were +strong and singularly capable rulers, bad Moslems and good +men of the world, seldom cruel, plain livers if not high +thinkers; who upon the whole stand as much above the +‘Abbásids in morality as below them in culture and intellect. +Mu‘áwiya's clemency was proverbial, though he too +could be stern on occasion. When members of the house +of ‘Alí came to visit him at Damascus, which was now +the capital of the Muḥammadan Empire, he gave them +honourable lodging and entertainment and was anxious to +do what they asked; but they (relates the historian <span class="sidenote">Mu‘áwiya's +clemency.</span> +approvingly) used to address him in the +rudest terms and affront him in the vilest +manner: sometimes he would answer them with a jest, and +another time he would feign not to hear, and he always +dismissed them with splendid presents and ample donations.<a name="FNanchor_363" id="FNanchor_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">363</a> +"I do not employ my sword," he said, "when my whip +suffices me, nor my whip when my tongue suffices me; and +were there but a single hair (of friendship) between me and +my subjects, I would not let it be snapped."<a name="FNanchor_364" id="FNanchor_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">364</a> After the +business of the day he sought relaxation in books. <span class="sidenote"> His hours of +study.</span> +"He consecrated a third part of every night to +the history of the Arabs and their famous battles; +the history of foreign peoples, their kings, and their government; +the biographies of monarchs, including their wars + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_195" id="Page_195" href="#"><span><i>MU‘ÁWIYA</i></span>195</a></span> + +and stratagems and methods of rule; and other matters +connected with Ancient History."<a name="FNanchor_365" id="FNanchor_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">365</a></p> + +<p>Mu‘áwiya's chief henchman was Ziyád, the son of Sumayya +(Sumayya being the name of his mother), or, as he is generally +<span class="sidenote"> Ziyád ibn +Abíhi.</span> +called, Ziyád ibn Abíhi, <i>i.e.</i>, 'Ziyád his father's +son,' for none knew who was his sire, though +rumour pointed to Abú Sufyán; in which case +Ziyád would have been Mu‘áwiya's half-brother. Mu‘áwiya, +instead of disavowing the scandalous imputation, acknowledged +him as such, and made him governor of Baṣra, where he ruled +the Eastern provinces with a rod of iron.</p> + +<p>Mu‘áwiya was a crafty diplomatist—he has been well compared +to Richelieu—whose profound knowledge of human +nature enabled him to gain over men of moderate opinions in +all the parties opposed to him. Events were soon to prove the +hollowness of this outward reconciliation. Yazíd, who succeeded +his father, was the son of Maysún, a <span class="sidenote">Yazíd +(680-683 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Bedouin woman whom Mu‘áwiya married before he +rose to be Caliph. The luxury of Damascus had +no charm for her wild spirit, and she gave utterance to her +feeling of homesickness in melancholy verse:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"A tent with rustling breezes cool</span><span class="i0"> +Delights me more than palace high,</span><span class="i0"> +And more the cloak of simple wool</span><span class="i0"> +Than robes in which I learned to sigh.</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +The crust I ate beside my tent</span><span class="i0"> +Was more than this fine bread to me;</span><span class="i0"> +The wind's voice where the hill-path went</span><span class="i0"> +Was more than tambourine can be.</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +And more than purr of friendly cat</span><span class="i0"> +I love the watch-dog's bark to hear;</span><span class="i0"> +And more than any lubbard fat</span><span class="i0"> +I love a Bedouin cavalier."<a name="FNanchor_366" id="FNanchor_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">366</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_196" id="Page_196" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>196</a></span> + +Mu‘áwiya, annoyed by the contemptuous allusion to himself, +took the dame at her word. She returned to her own +family, and Yazíd grew up as a Bedouin, with the instincts +and tastes which belong to the Bedouins—love of pleasure, +hatred of piety, and reckless disregard for the laws of religion. +The beginning of his reign was marked by an event of +which even now few Moslems can speak without a thrill +of horror and dismay. The facts are briefly these: In the +autumn of the year 680 Ḥusayn, the son of ‘Alí, claiming +to be the rightful Caliph in virtue of his descent from the +Prophet, quitted Mecca with his whole family and a number +of devoted friends, and set out for Kúfa, where he expected +the population, which was almost entirely Shí‘ite, to rally +to his cause. It was a foolhardy adventure. <span class="sidenote"> Ḥusayn +marches on +Kúfa.</span> +The poet Farazdaq, who knew the fickle temper +of his fellow-townsmen, told Ḥusayn that +although their hearts were with him, their swords would be +with the Umayyads; but his warning was given in vain. +Meanwhile ‘Ubaydulláh b. Ziyád, the governor of Kúfa, +having overawed the insurgents in the city and beheaded +their leader, Muslim b. ‘Aqíl, who was a cousin of Ḥusayn, +sent a force of cavalry with orders to bring the arch-rebel +to a stand. Retreat was still open to him. But his followers +cried out that the blood of Muslim must be avenged, and +Ḥusayn could not hesitate. Turning northward along the +Euphrates, he encamped at Karbalá with his little band, +which, including the women and children, amounted to +some two hundred souls. In this hopeless situation he +offered terms which might have been accepted if Shamir b. +Dhi ’l-Jawshan, a name for ever infamous and accursed, had +not persuaded ‘Ubaydulláh to insist on unconditional surrender. +The demand was refused, and Ḥusayn drew up +his comrades—a handful of men and boys—for battle +against the host which surrounded them. All the harrowing +details invented by grief and passion can scarcely + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_197" id="Page_197" href="#"><span><i>BATTLE OF KARBALA</i></span>197</a></span> +<span class="sidenote">Massacre of +Ḥusayn and his +followers at +Karbalá (10th +Muḥarram, +61 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 10th +October, 680 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +heighten the tragedy of the closing scene. It would appear +that the Umayyad officers themselves shrank from the +odium of a general massacre, and hoped to +take the Prophet's grandson alive. Shamir, +however, had no such scruples. Chafing at +delay, he urged his soldiers to the assault. The +unequal struggle was soon over. Ḥusayn fell, +pierced by an arrow, and his brave followers +were cut down beside him to the last man.</p> + +<p>Muḥammadan tradition, which with rare exceptions is +uniformly hostile to the Umayyad dynasty, regards Ḥusayn +<span class="sidenote"> Differing views +of Muḥammadan +and European +writers.</span> +as a martyr and Yazíd as his murderer; while +modern historians, for the most part, agree with +Sir W. Muir, who points out that Ḥusayn, +"having yielded himself to a treasonable, though +impotent design upon the throne, was committing an +offence that endangered society and demanded swift suppression." +This was naturally the view of the party in power, +and the reader must form his own conclusion as to how +far it justifies the action which they took. For Moslems +the question is decided by the relation of the Umayyads to +Islam. Violators of its laws and spurners of its <span class="sidenote"> The Umayyads +judged +by Islam.</span> +ideals, they could never be anything but tyrants; +and being tyrants, they had no right to slay +believers who rose in arms against their usurped authority. +The so-called verdict of history, when we come to examine +it, is seen to be the verdict of religion, the judgment of +theocratic Islam on Arabian Imperialism. On this ground +the Umayyads are justly condemned, but it is well to remember +that in Moslem eyes the distinction between <span class="sidenote"> Character of +Yazíd.</span> +Church and State does not exist. Yazíd was a +bad Churchman: therefore he was a wicked +tyrant; the one thing involves the other. +From our unprejudiced standpoint, he was an amiable +prince who inherited his mother's poetic talent, and infinitely + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_198" id="Page_198" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>198</a></span> + +preferred wine, music, and sport to the drudgery +of public affairs. The Syrian Arabs, who recognised the +Umayyads as legitimate, thought highly of him: "Jucundissimus," +says a Christian writer, "et cunctis nationibus +regni ejus subditis vir gratissime habitus, qui nullam unquam, +ut omnibus moris est, sibi regalis fastigii causa gloriam +appetivit, sed communis cum omnibus civiliter vixit."<a name="FNanchor_367" id="FNanchor_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">367</a> He +deplored the fate of the women and children of Ḥusayn's +family, treated them with every mark of respect, and sent +them to Medína, where their account of the tragedy added +fresh fuel to the hatred and indignation with which its +authors were generally regarded.</p> + +<p>The Umayyads had indeed ample cause to rue the day +of Karbalá. It gave the Shí‘ite faction a rallying-cry—"Vengeance +for Ḥusayn!"—which was taken up on all +sides, and especially by the Persian <i>Mawálí</i>, or Clients, who +longed for deliverance from the Arab yoke. Their amalgamation +with the Shí‘a—a few years later they flocked in +thousands to the standard of Mukhtár—was an event of +the utmost historical importance, which will be discussed +when we come to speak of the Shí‘ites in particular.</p> + +<p class="tb">The slaughter of Ḥusayn does not complete the tale of +Yazíd's enormities. Medína, the Prophet's city, having +<span class="sidenote">Medína and +Mecca +desecrated +(682-3 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +expelled its Umayyad governor, was sacked by +a Syrian army, while Mecca itself, where +‘Abdulláh b. Zubayr had set up as rival Caliph, +was besieged, and the Ka‘ba laid in ruins. These +outrages, shocking to Moslem sentiment, kindled a flame of +rebellion. Ḥusayn was avenged by Mukhtár, <span class="sidenote">Rebellion of +Mukhtár +(685-6 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +who seized Kúfa and executed some three hundred +of the guilty citizens, including the miscreant +Shamir. His troops defeated and slew ‘Ubaydulláh b. +Ziyád, but he himself was slain, not long afterwards, by + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_199" id="Page_199" href="#"><span><i>YAZÍD</i></span>199</a></span> + +Mus‘ab, the brother of Ibn Zubayr, and seven thousand of +his followers were massacred in cold blood. On Yazíd's +death (683) the Umayyad Empire threatened to fall to +pieces. As a contemporary poet sang—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Now loathed of all men is the Fury blind</span><span class="i0"> +Which blazeth as a fire blown by the wind.</span><span class="i0"> +They are split in sects: each province hath its own</span><span class="i0"> +Commander of the Faithful, each its throne."<a name="FNanchor_368" id="FNanchor_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">368</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Fierce dissensions broke out among the Syrian Arabs, the +backbone of the dynasty. The great tribal groups of Kalb and +<span class="sidenote"> Civil war +renewed.</span> +Qays, whose coalition had hitherto maintained +the Umayyads in power, fought on opposite sides +at Marj Ráhiṭ (684), the former for Marwán and +the latter for Ibn Zubayr. Marwán's victory secured the +allegiance of Syria, but henceforth Qays and Kalb were +always at daggers drawn.<a name="FNanchor_369" id="FNanchor_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">369</a> This was essentially a feud between +the Northern and the Southern Arabs—a feud which rapidly +extended and developed into a permanent racial enmity. +They carried it with them to the farthest ends <span class="sidenote"> Rivalry of +Northern and +Southern Arabs.</span> +of the world, so that, for example, after the +conquest of Spain precautions had to be taken +against civil war by providing that Northerners and Southerners +should not settle in the same districts. The literary history of +this antagonism has been sketched by Dr. Goldziher with his +wonted erudition and acumen.<a name="FNanchor_370" id="FNanchor_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">370</a> Satire was, of course, the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_200" id="Page_200" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>200</a></span> + +principal weapon of both sides. Here is a fragment by a +Northern poet which belongs to the Umayyad period:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Negroes are better, when they name their sires,</span><span class="i0"> +Than Qaḥṭán's sons,<a name="FNanchor_371" id="FNanchor_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">371</a> the uncircumcisèd cowards:</span><span class="i0"> +A folk whom thou mayst see, at war's outflame,</span><span class="i0"> +More abject than a shoe to tread in baseness;</span><span class="i0"> +Their women free to every lecher's lust,</span><span class="i0"> +Their clients spoil for cavaliers and footmen."<a name="FNanchor_372" id="FNanchor_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">372</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Thus the Arab nation was again torn asunder by the old +tribal pretensions which Muḥammad sought to abolish. That +they ultimately proved fatal to the Umayyads is no matter for +surprise; the sorely pressed dynasty was already tottering, its +enemies were at its gates. By good fortune it produced at +this crisis an exceptionally able and vigorous ruler, ‘Abdu +’l-Malik b. Marwán, who not only saved his house from +destruction, but re-established its supremacy and inaugurated +a more brilliant epoch than any that had gone before.</p> + +<p>‘Abdu ’l-Malik succeeded his father in 685, but required +seven years of hard fighting to make good his claim to the +<span class="sidenote">‘Abdu ’l-Malik +and his +successors.</span> +Caliphate. When his most formidable rival, Ibn +Zubayr, had fallen in battle (692), the eastern +provinces were still overrun by rebels, who offered +a desperate resistance to the governor of ‘Iráq, the iron-handed +Ḥajjáj. But enough of bloodshed. Peace also had +her victories during the troubled reign of ‘Abdu ’l-Malik and +the calmer sway of his successors. Four of the next five +Caliphs were his own sons—Walíd (705-715), Sulaymán +(715-717), Yazíd II (720-724), and Hishám (724-743); +the fifth, ‘Umar II, was the son of his brother, ‘Abdu ’l-‘Azíz. +For the greater part of this time the Moslem lands enjoyed a +well-earned interval of repose and prosperity, which mitigated, +though it could not undo, the frightful devastation wrought by + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_201" id="Page_201" href="#"><span><i>‘ABDU ’L-MALIK</i></span>201</a></span> + +twenty years of almost continuous civil war. Many reforms +were introduced, some wholly political in character, while +others inspired by the same motives have, none the less, a +direct bearing on literary history. ‘Abdu ’l-Malik <span class="sidenote">Reforms of +‘Abdu ’l-Malik.</span> +organised an excellent postal service, by means of +relays of horses, for the conveyance of despatches +and travellers; he substituted for the Byzantine and Persian +coins, which had hitherto been in general use, new gold and +silver pieces, on which be caused sentences from the Koran +to be engraved; and he made Arabic, instead of Greek or +Persian, the official language of financial administration. +Steps were taken, moreover, to improve the extremely +defective Arabic script, and in this way to provide a sound +basis for the study and interpretation of the Koran as well +as for the collection of <i>ḥadíths</i> or sayings of the Prophet, +which form an indispensable supplement thereto. The Arabic +alphabet, as it was then written, consisted entirely <span class="sidenote"> The writing of +Arabic.</span> +of consonants, so that, to give an illustration from +English, <i>bnd</i> might denote <i>band</i>, <i>bend</i>, <i>bind</i>, or +<i>bond</i>; <i>crt</i> might stand for <i>cart</i>, <i>carat</i>, <i>curt</i>, and so on. To +an Arab this ambiguity mattered little; far worse confusion +arose from the circumstance that many of the consonants +themselves were exactly alike: thus, <i>e.g.</i>, it was possible to +read the same combination of three letters as <i>bnt</i>, <i>nbt</i>, <i>byt</i>, <i>tnb</i>, +<i>ntb</i>, <i>nyb</i>, and in various other ways. Considering the difficulties +of the Arabic language, which are so great that a European +aided by scientific grammars and unequivocal texts will often +find himself puzzled even when he has become tolerably +familiar with it, one may imagine that the Koran was virtually +a sealed book to all but a few among the crowds of foreigners +who accepted Islam after the early conquests. ‘Abdu’l-Malik's +viceroy in ‘Iráq, the famous Ḥajjáj, who began life as a schoolmaster, +exerted himself to promote the use of vowel-marks +(borrowed from the Syriac) and of the diacritical points placed +above or below similar consonants. This extraordinary man + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_202" id="Page_202" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>202</a></span> + +deserves more than a passing mention. A stern disciplinarian, +who could be counted upon to do his duty without any regard +to public opinion, he was chosen by ‘Abdu ’l-Malik +to besiege Mecca, which Ibn Zubayr was holding <span class="sidenote">Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf +(† 714 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +as anti-Caliph. Ḥajjáj bombarded the city, defeated +the Pretender, and sent his head to Damascus. Two years +afterwards he became governor of ‘Iráq. Entering the +Mosque at Kúfa, he mounted the pulpit and introduced +himself to the assembled townsmen in these memorable +words:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I am he who scattereth the darkness and climbeth o'er the summits.</span><span class="i0"> +When I lift the turban from my face, ye will know me.<a name="FNanchor_373" id="FNanchor_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">373</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>"O people of Kúfa! I see heads that are ripe for cutting, +and I am the man to do it; and methinks, I see blood between +the turbans and beards."<a name="FNanchor_374" id="FNanchor_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">374</a> The rest of his speech was in +keeping with the commencement. He used no idle threats, +as the malcontents soon found out. Rebellion, which had +been rampant before his arrival, was rapidly extinguished. +"He restored order in ‘Iráq and subdued its people."<a name="FNanchor_375" id="FNanchor_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">375</a> For +twenty years his despotic rule gave peace and security to +the Eastern world. Cruel he may have been, though the +tales of his bloodthirstiness are beyond doubt grossly exaggerated, +but it should be put to his credit that he established +and maintained the settled conditions which <span class="sidenote"> His service to +literature.</span> +afford leisure for the cultivation of learning. +Under his protection the Koran and Traditions were diligently +studied both in Kúfa and Baṣra, where many Companions of +the Prophet had made their home: hence arose in Baṣra the +science of Grammar, with which, as we shall see in a subsequent +page, the name of that city is peculiarly associated. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_203" id="Page_203" href="#"><span><i>ḤAJJÁJ IBN YÚSUF</i></span>203</a></span> + +Ḥajjáj shared the literary tastes of his sovereign; he admired +the old poets and patronised the new; he was a master of +terse eloquence and plumed himself on his elegant Arabic +style. The most hated man of his time, he lives in history as +the savage oppressor and butcher of God-fearing Moslems. +He served the Umayyads well and faithfully, and when he +died in 714 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> he left behind him nothing but his Koran, his +arms, and a few hundred pieces of silver.</p> + +<p class="tb">It was a common saying at Damascus that under Walíd +people talked of fine buildings, under Sulaymán of cookery +<span class="sidenote">Walíd +(705-715 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +and the fair sex, while in the reign of ‘Umar b. +‘Abd al-‘Azíz the Koran and religion formed +favourite topics of conversation.<a name="FNanchor_376" id="FNanchor_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">376</a> Of Walíd's +passion for architecture we have a splendid monument in the +Great Mosque of Damascus (originally the Cathedral of +St. John), which is the principal sight of the city to this +day. He spoke Arabic very incorrectly, and though his +father rebuked him, observing that "in order to rule the +Arabs one must be proficient in their language," he could +never learn to express himself with propriety.<a name="FNanchor_377" id="FNanchor_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">377</a> The unbroken +peace which now prevailed within the Empire enabled Walíd +to resume the work of conquest. In the East his armies +invaded Transoxania, captured Bokhárá and Samarcand, and +pushed forward to the Chinese frontier. Another <span class="sidenote"> Moslem +conquests in the +East.</span> +force crossed the Indus and penetrated as far as +Múltán, a renowned centre of pilgrimage in the +Southern Punjaub, which fell into the hands of the Moslems +after a prolonged siege. But the most brilliant advance, and +the richest in its results, was that in the extreme West, which +decided the fate of Spain. Although the Moslems had obtained +a footing in Northern Africa some thirty years before this +time, their position was always precarious, until in 709 Músá + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_204" id="Page_204" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>204</a></span> + +b. Nuṣayr completely subjugated the Berbers, and extended not +only the dominion but also the faith of Islam to the Atlantic +Ocean. Two years later his freedman Ṭáriq <span class="sidenote">Conquest of +Spain +(711-713 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +crossed the straits and took possession of the +commanding height, called by the ancients Calpe, +but henceforth known as Jabal Ṭáriq (Gibraltar). Roderic, +the last of the West Gothic dynasty, gathered an army in +defence of his kingdom, but there were traitors in the camp, +and, though he himself fought valiantly, their defection turned +the fortunes of the day. The king fled, and it was never +ascertained what became of him. Ṭáriq, meeting with feeble +resistance, marched rapidly on Toledo, while Músá, whose +jealousy was excited by the triumphal progress of his lieutenant, +now joined in the campaign, and, storming city after +city, reached the Pyrenees. The conquest of Spain, which is +told by Moslem historians with many romantic circumstances, +marks the nearest approach that the Arabs ever made to +World-Empire. Their advance on French soil was finally +hurled back by Charles the Hammer's great victory at Tours +(732 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>Before taking leave of the Umayyads we must not forget to +mention ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Azíz, a ruler who stands out in +<span class="sidenote">‘Umar b. ‘Abd +al-‘Azíz +(717-720 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +singular contrast with his predecessors, and whose +brief reign is regarded by many Moslems as the +sole bright spot in a century of godless and bloodstained +tyranny. There had been nothing like it since the +days of his illustrious namesake and kinsman,<a name="FNanchor_378" id="FNanchor_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">378</a> ‘Umar b. +al-Khaṭṭáb, and we shall find nothing like it in the future +history of the Caliphate. Plato desired that every king should +be a philosopher: according to Muḥammadan theory every +Caliph ought to be a saint. ‘Umar satisfied these aspirations. +When he came to the throne the following dialogue is said to +have occurred between him and one of his favourites, Sálim +al-Suddí:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_205" id="Page_205" href="#"><span><i>‘UMAR B. ‘ABD AL‘AZÍZ</i></span>205</a></span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>‘Umar: "Are you glad on account of my accession, or sorry?"<br /> + +Sálim: "I am glad for the people's sake, but sorry for yours."<br /> + +‘Umar: "I fear that I have brought perdition upon my soul."<br /> + +Sálim: "If you are afraid, very good. I only fear that you may +cease to be afraid."<br /> + +‘Umar: "Give me a word of counsel."<br /> + +Sálim: "Our father Adam was driven forth from Paradise because +of one sin."<a name="FNanchor_379" id="FNanchor_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">379</a></p></div> + +<p>Poets and orators found no favour at his court, which was +thronged by divines and men of ascetic life.<a name="FNanchor_380" id="FNanchor_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">380</a> He warned his +governors that they must either deal justly or go. He would +not allow political considerations to interfere with his ideal of +righteousness, but, as Wellhausen points out, he had practical +ends in view: his piety made him anxious for the common +weal no less than for his own salvation. Whether he +administered the State successfully is a matter of dispute. +It has been generally supposed that his financial reforms +were Utopian in character and disastrous to the Exchequer.<a name="FNanchor_381" id="FNanchor_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">381</a> +However this may be, he showed wisdom in seeking to bridge +the menacing chasm between Islam and the Imperial house. +Thus, <i>e.g.</i>, he did away with the custom which had long +prevailed of cursing ‘Alí from the pulpit at Friday prayers. +The policy of conciliation was tried too late, and for too short +a space, to be effective; but it was not entirely fruitless. +When, on the overthrow of the Umayyad dynasty, the tombs +of the hated 'tyrants' were defiled and their bodies disinterred, +‘Umar's grave alone was respected, and Mas‘údí + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_206" id="Page_206" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>206</a></span> + +(† 956 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) tells us that in his time it was visited by +crowds of pilgrims.</p> + +<p>The remaining Umayyads do not call for particular notice. +Hishám ranks as a statesman with Mu‘áwiya and ‘Abdu +<span class="sidenote"> Hishám and +Walíd II.</span> +’l-Malik: the great ‘Abbásid Caliph, Manṣúr, is +said to have admired and imitated his methods +of government.<a name="FNanchor_382" id="FNanchor_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">382</a> Walíd II was an incorrigible +libertine, whose songs celebrating the forbidden delights of +wine have much merit. The eminent poet and freethinker, +Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí, quotes these verses by him<a name="FNanchor_383" id="FNanchor_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">383</a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i505">"The Imám Walíd am I! In all my glory</span> + +<span class="sidenote">Verses by Walíd II (743-4 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> + +<span class="i8">Of trailing robes I listen to soft lays.</span> +<span class="i8">When proudly I sweep on towards her chamber,</span> +<span class="i8">I care not who inveighs.</span> +<span class="i6"> </span> +<span class="i6">There's no true joy but lending ear to music,</span> +<span class="i6">Or wine that leaves one sunk in stupor dense.</span> +<span class="i6">Houris in Paradise I do not look for:</span> +<span class="i6">Does any man of sense?"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>Let us now turn from the monarchs to their subjects.</p> + +<p>In the first place we shall speak of the political and religious +parties, whose opposition to the Umayyad House gradually +<span class="sidenote"> Political and +religious movements +of the +period.</span> +undermined its influence and in the end brought +about its fall. Some account will be given of the +ideas for which these parties fought and of the +causes of their discontent with the existing +<i>régime</i>. Secondly, a few words must be said of the theological +and more purely religious sects—the Mu‘tazilites, Murjites, and +Ṣúfís; and, lastly, of the extant literature, which is almost +exclusively poetical, and its leading representatives.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_207" id="Page_207" href="#"><span><i>OPPOSITION PARTIES</i></span>207</a></span> + +The opposition to the Umayyads was at first mainly a +question of politics. Mu‘áwiya's accession announced the +<span class="sidenote">The Arabs of +‘Iráq.</span> +triumph of Syria over ‘Iráq, and Damascus, +instead of Kúfa, became the capital of the +Empire. As Wellhausen observes, "the most +powerful risings against the Umayyads proceeded from +‘Iráq, not from any special party, but from the whole mass +of the Arabs settled there, who were united in resenting the +loss of their independence (<i>Selbstherrlichkeit</i>) and in hating +those into whose hands it had passed."<a name="FNanchor_384" id="FNanchor_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">384</a> At the same time +these feelings took a religious colour and identified themselves +with the cause of Islam. The new government fell +lamentably short of the theocratic standard by which it was +judged. Therefore it was evil, and (according to the +Moslem's conception of duty) every right-thinking man +must work for its destruction.</p> + +<p>Among the myriads striving for this consummation, and so +far making common cause with each other, we can distinguish +<span class="sidenote"> Parties opposed +to the Umayyad +government.</span> +four principal classes.</p> + +<p>(1) The religious Moslems, or Pietists, in +general, who formed a wing of the Orthodox +Party.<a name="FNanchor_385" id="FNanchor_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">385</a></p> + +<p>(2) The Khárijites, who may be described as the Puritans +and extreme Radicals of theocracy.</p> + +<p>(3) The Shí‘ites, or partisans of ‘Alí and his House.</p> + +<p>(4) The Non-Arabian Moslems, who were called <i>Mawálí</i> +(Clients).</p> + +<p>It is clear that the Pietists—including divines learned in the +law, reciters of the Koran, Companions of the Prophet and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_208" id="Page_208" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>208</a></span> + +their descendants—could not but abominate the secular authority +which they were now compelled to obey. The conviction +<span class="sidenote"> The Pietists.</span> +that Might, in the shape of the tyrant and +his minions, trampled on Right as represented by +the Koran and the <i>Sunna</i> (custom of Muḥammad) drove many +into active rebellion: five thousand are said to have perished +in the sack of Medína alone. Others again, like Ḥasan of +Baṣra, filled with profound despair, shut their eyes on the +world, and gave themselves up to asceticism, a tendency +which had important consequences, as we shall see.</p> + +<p class="tb">When ‘Alí, on the field of Ṣiffin, consented that the claims +of Mu‘áwiya and himself to the Caliphate should be decided +<span class="sidenote"> The Khárijites.</span> +by arbitration, a large section of his army accused +him of having betrayed his trust. He, the duly +elected Caliph—so they argued—should have maintained the +dignity of his high office inviolate at all costs. On the homeward +march the malcontents, some twelve thousand in number, +broke away and encamped by themselves at Ḥarúrá, a village +near Kúfa. Their cry was, "God alone can decide" (<i>lá +ḥukma illá lilláhi</i>): in these terms they protested against the +arbitration. ‘Alí endeavoured to win them back, but without +any lasting success. They elected a Caliph from among themselves, +and gathered at Nahrawán, four thousand <span class="sidenote">Battle of Nahrawán +(658 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +strong. On the appearance of ‘Alí with a vastly +superior force many of the rebels dispersed, but +the remainder—about half—preferred to die for their faith. +Nahrawán was to the Khárijites what Karbalá afterwards +became to the Shí‘ites, who from this day were regarded by +the former as their chief enemies. Frequent Khárijite risings +took place during the early Umayyad period, but <span class="sidenote"> Khárijite risings.</span> +the movement reached its zenith in the years of +confusion which followed Yazíd's death. The Azraqites, so +called after their leader, Náfi‘ b. al-Azraq, overran ‘Iráq and +Southern Persia, while another sect, the Najdites, led by + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_209" id="Page_209" href="#"><span><i>THE KHÁRIJITES</i></span>209</a></span> + +Najda b. ‘Ámir, reduced the greater part of Arabia to submission. +The insurgents held their ground for a long time +against ‘Abdu ’l-Malik, and did not cease from troubling until +the rebellion headed by Shabíb was at last stamped out by +Ḥajjáj in 697.</p> + +<p>It has been suggested that the name <i>Khárijí</i> (plural, <i>Khawárij</i>) +refers to a passage in the Koran (iv, 101) where mention is made +<span class="sidenote"> Meaning of +'Khárijite.'</span> +of "those who go forth (<i>yakhruj</i>) from their homes +as emigrants (<i>muhájir<sup>an</sup></i>) to God and His Messenger"; +so that 'Khárijite' means 'one who +leaves his home among the unbelievers for God's sake,' and +corresponds to the term <i>Muhájir</i>, which was applied to the +Meccan converts who accompanied the Prophet in his migration +to Medína.<a name="FNanchor_386" id="FNanchor_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">386</a> Another name by which they are often designated +is likewise Koranic in origin, viz., <i>Shurát</i> (plural of +<i>Shár<sup>in</sup></i>): literally 'Sellers'—that is to say, those who sell +their lives and goods in return for Paradise.<a name="FNanchor_387" id="FNanchor_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">387</a> The Khárijites +were mostly drawn from the Bedouin soldiery who settled in +Baṣra and Kúfa after the Persian wars. Civil life wrought +little change in their unruly temper. Far from <span class="sidenote"> Their political +theories.</span> +acknowledging the peculiar sanctity of a +Qurayshite, they desired a chief of their own +blood whom they might obey, in Bedouin fashion, as long +as he did not abuse or exceed the powers conferred upon +him.<a name="FNanchor_388" id="FNanchor_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">388</a> The mainspring of the movement, however, was +pietistic, and can be traced, as Wellhausen has shown, to +the Koran-readers who made it a matter of conscience +that ‘Alí should avow his contrition for the fatal error +which their own temporary and deeply regretted infatuation +had forced him to commit. They cast off ‘Alí for the same + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_210" id="Page_210" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>210</a></span> + +reason which led them to strike at ‘Uthman: in both cases +they were maintaining the cause of God against an unjust +Caliph.<a name="FNanchor_389" id="FNanchor_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">389</a> It is important to remember these facts in view of +the cardinal Khárijite doctrines (1) that every free Arab was +eligible as Caliph,<a name="FNanchor_390" id="FNanchor_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">390</a> and (2) that an evil-doing Caliph must be +deposed and, if necessary, put to death. Mustawrid b. ‘Ullifa, +the Khárijite 'Commander of the Faithful,' wrote to Simák +b. ‘Ubayd, the governor of Ctesiphon, as follows: "We call +you to the Book of God Almighty and Glorious, and to the +<i>Sunna</i> (custom) of the Prophet—on whom be peace!—and to +the administration of Abú Bakr and ‘Umar—may God be +well pleased with them!—and to renounce ‘Uthmán and +‘Alí because they corrupted the true religion and abandoned +the authority of the Book."<a name="FNanchor_391" id="FNanchor_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">391</a> From this it appears that the +Khárijite programme was simply the old Islam of equality and +fraternity, which had never been fully realised and was now +irretrievably ruined. Theoretically, all devout Moslems shared +in the desire for its restoration and condemned the existing +Government no less cordially than did the Khárijites. What +distinguished the latter party was the remorseless severity with +which they carried their principles into action. To them it +was absolutely vital that the Imám, or head of the community, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_211" id="Page_211" href="#"><span><i>THE KHÁRIJITES</i></span>211</a></span> + +should rule in the name and according to the will +of God: those who followed any other sealed their doom in +the next world: eternal salvation hung upon the choice of +a successor to the Prophet. Moslems who refused to execrate +‘Uthmán and ‘Alí were the worst of infidels; it was the duty +of every true believer to take part in the Holy War against +such, and to kill them, together with their wives and children. +These atrocities recoiled upon the insurgents, who soon found +themselves in danger of extermination. Milder counsels began +to prevail. Thus the Ibáḍites (followers of ‘Abdulláh b. Ibáḍ) +held it lawful to live amongst the Moslems and mix with +them on terms of mutual tolerance. But compromise was +in truth incompatible with the <i>raison d'être</i> of the Khárijites, +namely, to establish the kingdom of God upon the earth. +This meant virtual anarchy: "their unbending logic shattered +every constitution which it set up." As ‘Alí remarked, "they +say, 'No government' (<i>lá imára</i>), but there must be a government, +good or bad."<a name="FNanchor_392" id="FNanchor_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">392</a> Nevertheless, it was a noble ideal for +which they fought in pure devotion, having, unlike the other +political parties, no worldly interests to serve.</p> + +<p>The same fierce spirit of fanaticism moulded their religious +views, which were gloomy and austere, as befitted the chosen +<span class="sidenote"> Their religion.</span> +few in an ungodly world. Shahrastání, speaking +of the original twelve thousand who rebelled +against ‘Alí, describes them as 'people of fasting and +prayer' (<i>ahlu ṣiyám<sup>in</sup> wa-ṣalát<sup>in</sup></i>).<a name="FNanchor_393" id="FNanchor_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">393</a> The Koran ruled their +lives and possessed their imaginations, so that the history +of the early Church, the persecutions, martyrdoms, and +triumphs of the Faith became a veritable drama which was +being enacted by themselves. The fear of hell kindled in +them an inquisitorial zeal for righteousness. They scrupulously +examined their own belief as well as that of their +neighbours, and woe to him that was found wanting! A + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_212" id="Page_212" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>212</a></span> + +single false step involved excommunication from the pale of +Islam, and though the slip might be condoned on proof of +sincere repentance, any Moslem who had once committed a +mortal sin (<i>kabíra</i>) was held, by the stricter Khárijites at +least, to be inevitably damned with the infidels in everlasting +fire.</p> + +<p class="tb">Much might be written, if space allowed, concerning the +wars of the Khárijites, their most famous chiefs, the points on +which they quarrelled, and the sects into which they split. +Here we can only attempt to illustrate the general character of +the movement. We have touched on its political and religious +aspects, and shall now conclude with some reference to its +literary side. The Khárijites did not produce a Milton or +a Bunyan, but as Arabs of Bedouin stock they had a natural +gift of song, from which they could not be <span class="sidenote"> Khárijite +poetry.</span> +weaned; although, according to the strict letter +of the Koran, poetry is a devilish invention +improper for the pious Moslem to meddle with. But these +are poems of a different order from the pagan odes, and +breathe a stern religious enthusiasm that would have +gladdened the Prophet's heart. Take, for example, the following +verses, which were made by a Khárijite in prison:—<a name="FNanchor_394" id="FNanchor_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">394</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"'Tis time, O ye Sellers, for one who hath sold himself</span> +<span class="i0"> +To God, that he should arise and saddle amain.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Fools! in the land of miscreants will ye abide,</span> +<span class="i0"> +To be hunted down, every man of you, and to be slain?</span> +<span class="i0"> +O would that I were among you, armèd in mail,</span> +<span class="i0"> +On the back of my stout-ribbed galloping war-horse again!</span> +<span class="i0"> +And would that I were among you, fighting your foes,</span> +<span class="i0"> +That me, first of all, they might give death's beaker to drain!</span> +<span class="i0"> +It grieves me sore that ye are startled and chased</span> +<span class="i0"> +Like beasts, while I cannot draw on the wretches profane</span> +<span class="i0"> +My sword, nor see them scattered by noble knights</span> +<span class="i0"> +Who never yield an inch of the ground they gain,</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_213" id="Page_213" href="#"><span><i>THE KHÁRIJITES</i></span>213</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +But where the struggle is hottest, with keen blades hew</span> +<span class="i0"> +Their strenuous way and deem 'twere base to refrain.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Ay, it grieves me sore that ye are oppressed and wronged,</span> +<span class="i0"> +While I must drag in anguish a captive's chain."</span> + +</div> +</div> +<p>Qaṭarí b. al-Fujá’a, the intrepid Khárijite leader who routed +army after army sent against him by Ḥajjáj, sang almost as +<span class="sidenote">Qaṭarí b. +al-Fujá’a.</span> +well as he fought. The verses rendered below +are included in the <i>Ḥamása</i><a name="FNanchor_395" id="FNanchor_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">395</a> and cited by Ibn +Khallikán, who declares that they would make +a brave man of the greatest coward in the world. "I +know of nothing on the subject to be compared with them; +they could only have proceeded from a spirit that scorned +disgrace and from a truly Arabian sentiment of valour."<a name="FNanchor_396" id="FNanchor_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">396</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I say to my soul dismayed—</span><span class="i0"> +'Courage! Thou canst not achieve,</span><span class="i0"> +With praying, an hour of life</span><span class="i0"> +Beyond the appointed term.</span><span class="i0"> +Then courage on death's dark field,</span><span class="i0"> +Courage! Impossible 'tis</span><span class="i0"> +To live for ever and aye.</span><span class="i0"> +Life is no hero's robe</span><span class="i0"> +Of honour: the dastard vile</span><span class="i0"> +Also doffs it at last.'"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>The murder of ‘Uthmán broke the Moslem community, +which had hitherto been undivided, into two <i>shí‘as</i>, or parties—one +<span class="sidenote">The Shí‘ites.</span> +for ‘Alí and the other for Mu‘áwiya. When +the latter became Caliph he was no longer a party +leader, but head of the State, and his <i>shí‘a</i> ceased to exist. +Henceforth 'the Shí‘a' <i>par excellence</i> was the party of ‘Alí, +which regarded the House of the Prophet as the legitimate +heirs to the succession. Not content, however, with upholding + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_214" id="Page_214" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>214</a></span> + +‘Alí, as the worthiest of the Prophet's Companions and the +duly elected Caliph, against his rival, Mu‘áwiya, the bolder +spirits took up an idea, which emerged about <span class="sidenote"> The theory of +Divine Right.</span> +this time, that the Caliphate belonged to ‘Alí +and his descendants by Divine right. Such is +the distinctive doctrine of the Shí‘ites to the present day. It +is generally thought to have originated in Persia, where the +Sásánian kings used to assume the title of 'god' (Pahlaví +<i>bagh</i>) and were looked upon as successive incarnations of the +Divine majesty.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Although the Shí‘ites," says Dozy, "often found themselves +under the direction of Arab leaders, who utilised them in order +<span class="sidenote"> Dozy's account +of its origin.</span> +to gain some personal end, they were nevertheless a +Persian sect at bottom; and it is precisely here that +the difference most clearly showed itself between the +Arab race, which loves liberty, and the Persian race, accustomed +to slavish submission. For the Persians, the principle of electing +the Prophet's successor was something unheard of and incomprehensible. +The only principle which they recognised was that of +inheritance, and since Muḥammad left no sons, they thought that +his son-in-law ‘Alí should have succeeded him, and that the +sovereignty was hereditary in his family. Consequently, all the +Caliphs except ‘Alí—<i>i.e.</i>, Abú Bakr, ‘Umar, and ‘Uthmán, as well +as the Umayyads—were in their eyes usurpers to whom no +obedience was due. The hatred which they felt for the Government +and for Arab rule confirmed them in this opinion; at the +same time they cast covetous looks on the wealth of their masters. +Habituated, moreover, to see in their kings the descendants of the +inferior divinities, they transferred this idolatrous veneration to ‘Alí +and his posterity. Absolute obedience to the Imám of ‘Alí's House +was in their eyes the most important duty; if that were fulfilled all +the rest might be interpreted allegorically and violated without +scruple. For them the Imám was everything; he was God made +man. A servile submission accompanied by immorality was the +basis of their system."<a name="FNanchor_397" id="FNanchor_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">397</a></p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_215" id="Page_215" href="#"><span><i>THE SHÍ‘ITES</i></span>215</a></span> + +Now, the Shí‘ite theory of Divine Right certainly harmonised +with Persian ideas, but was it also of Persian <span class="sidenote">The Saba’ites.</span> +origin? On the contrary, it seems first to have +arisen among an obscure Arabian sect, the +Saba’ites, whose founder, ‘Abdulláh b. Sabá (properly, Saba’), +was a native of Ṣan‘á in Yemen, and is said to have been a +Jew.<a name="FNanchor_398" id="FNanchor_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">398</a> In ‘Uthmán's time he turned Moslem and became, +apparently, a travelling missionary. "He went from place to +place," says the historian, "seeking to lead the Moslems into +error."<a name="FNanchor_399" id="FNanchor_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">399</a> We hear of him in the Ḥijáz, then in Baṣra and Kúfa, +then in Syria. Finally he settled in Egypt, where he preached +the doctrine of palingenesis (<i>raj‘a</i>). "It is strange indeed," he +exclaimed, "that any one should believe in the <span class="sidenote"> Doctrine of +Ibn Sabá.</span> +return of Jesus (as Messias), and deny the return +of Muḥammad, which God has announced +(Kor. xxviii, 85).<a name="FNanchor_400" id="FNanchor_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">400</a> Furthermore, there are a thousand +Prophets, every one of whom has an executor (<i>waṣí</i>), and +the executor of Muḥammad is ‘Alí.<a name="FNanchor_401" id="FNanchor_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">401</a> Muḥammad is the last +of the Prophets, and ‘Alí is the last of the executors." Ibn +Sabá, therefore, regarded Abú Bakr, ‘Umar, and ‘Uthmán as +usurpers. He set on foot a widespread conspiracy in favour +of ‘Alí, and carried on a secret correspondence with the +disaffected in various provinces of the Empire.<a name="FNanchor_402" id="FNanchor_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">402</a> According + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_216" id="Page_216" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>216</a></span> + +to Shahrastání, he was banished by ‘Alí for saying, "Thou +art thou" (<i>anta anta</i>), <i>i.e.</i>, "Thou art God."<a name="FNanchor_403" id="FNanchor_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">403</a> This refers +to the doctrine taught by Ibn Sabá and the extreme Shí‘ites +(<i>Ghulát</i>) who derive from him, that the Divine Spirit which +dwells in every prophet and passes successively from one to +another was transfused, at Muḥammad's death, into ‘Alí, and +from ‘Alí into his descendants who succeeded him in the +Imámate. The Saba’ites also held that the Imám might suffer +a temporary occultation (<i>ghayba</i>), but that one day he would +return and fill the earth with justice. They believed the +millennium to be near at hand, so that the number of Imáms +was at first limited to four. Thus the poet Kuthayyir +(† 723 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) says:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Four complete are the Imáms</span><span class="i0"> +of Quraysh, the lords of Right:</span><span class="i0"> +‘Alí and his three good sons,</span><span class="i0"> +each of them a shining light.</span><span class="i0"> +One was faithful and devout;</span><span class="i0"> +Karbalá hid one from sight;</span><span class="i0"> +One, until with waving flags</span><span class="i0"> +his horsemen he shall lead to fight,</span><span class="i0"> +Dwells on Mount Raḍwá, concealed:</span><span class="i0"> +honey he drinks and water bright."<a name="FNanchor_404" id="FNanchor_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">404</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The Messianic idea is not peculiar to the Shí‘ites, but was +brought into Islam at an early period by Jewish and Christian +converts, and soon established itself as a part of Muḥammadan +belief. Traditions ascribed to the Prophet began to circulate, +declaring that the approach of the Last Judgment would be +heralded by a time of tumult and confusion, by the return of +Jesus, who would slay the Antichrist (<i>al-Dajjál</i>), <span class="sidenote"> The Mahdí +or Messiah.</span> +and finally by the coming of the Mahdí, <i>i.e.</i>, +'the God-guided one,' who would fill the earth +with justice even as it was then filled with violence and +iniquity. This expectation of a Deliverer descended from the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_217" id="Page_217" href="#"><span><i>THE SHÍ‘ITES</i></span>217</a></span> + +Prophet runs through the whole history of the Shí‘a. As +we have seen, their supreme religious chiefs were the Imáms of +‘Alí's House, each of whom transmitted his authority to his +successor. In the course of time disputes arose as to the +succession. One sect acknowledged only seven legitimate +Imáms, while another carried the number to twelve. The +last Imám of the 'Seveners' (<i>al-Sab‘iyya</i>), who are commonly +called Ismá‘ílís, was Muḥammad b. Ismá‘íl, and of the +'Twelvers' (<i>al-Ithná-‘ashariyya</i>) Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan.<a name="FNanchor_405" id="FNanchor_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">405</a> +Both those personages vanished mysteriously about 770 and +870 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, and their respective followers, refusing to believe +that they were dead, asserted that their Imám had withdrawn +himself for a season from mortal sight, but that he would +surely return at last as the promised Mahdí. It would take a +long while to enumerate all the pretenders and fanatics who +have claimed this title.<a name="FNanchor_406" id="FNanchor_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">406</a> Two of them founded the Fáṭimid +and Almohade dynasties, which we shall mention elsewhere, +but they generally died on the gibbet or the battle-field. The +ideal which they, so to speak, incarnated did not perish with +them. Mahdiism, the faith in a divinely appointed revolution +which will sweep away the powers of evil and usher in a +Golden Age of justice and truth such as the world has never +known, is a present and inspiring fact which deserves to be well +weighed by those who doubt the possibility of an Islamic +Reformation.</p> + +<p>The Shí‘a began as a political faction, but it could not +remain so for any length of time, because in Islam politics +always tend to take religious ground, just as the successful +religious reformer invariably becomes a ruler. The Saba’ites +furnished the Shí‘ite movement with a theological basis; and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_218" id="Page_218" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>218</a></span> + +the massacre of Ḥusayn, followed by Mukhtár's rebellion, +supplied the indispensable element of enthusiasm. Within a +few years after the death of Ḥusayn his grave at <span class="sidenote">Shí‘ite +gatherings at +Karbalá.</span> +Karbalá was already a place of pilgrimage for the +Shí‘ites. When the 'Penitents' (<i>al-Tawwábún</i>) +revolted in 684 they repaired thither and lifted their voices +simultaneously in a loud wail, and wept, and prayed God that +He would forgive them for having deserted the Prophet's +grandson in his hour of need. "O God!" exclaimed their +chief, "have mercy on Ḥusayn, the Martyr and the son of a +Martyr, the Mahdí and the son of a Mahdí, the Ṣiddíq and +the son of a Ṣiddíq!<a name="FNanchor_407" id="FNanchor_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">407</a> O God! we bear witness that we follow +their religion and their path, and that we are the foes of their +slayers and the friends of those who love them."<a name="FNanchor_408" id="FNanchor_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">408</a> Here is the +germ of the <i>ta‘ziyas</i>, or Passion Plays, which are acted every +year on the 10th of Muḥarram, wherever Shí‘ites are to be +found.</p> + +<p>But the Moses of the Shí‘a, the man who showed them the +way to victory although he did not lead them to it, is undoubtedly +<span class="sidenote"> Mukhtár.</span> +Mukhtár. He came forward in the +name of ‘Alí's son, Muḥammad, generally known +as Ibnu ’l-Ḥanafiyya after his mother. Thus he gained the +support of the Arabian Shí‘ites, properly so called, who were +devoted to ‘Alí and his House, and laid no stress upon the +circumstance of descent from the Prophet, whereas the +Persian adherents of the Shí‘a made it a vital matter, and held +accordingly that only the sons of ‘Alí by his wife Fáṭima were +fully qualified Imáms. Raising the cry of vengeance for +Ḥusayn, Mukhtár carried this party also along with him. In +686 he found himself master of Kúfa. Neither the result of +his triumph nor the rapid overthrow of his power concerns us + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_219" id="Page_219" href="#"><span><i>THE SHI‘ITES</i></span>219</a></span> + +here, but something must be said about the aims and character +of the movement which he headed.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"More than half the population of Kúfa was composed of <i>Mawálí</i> +(Clients), who monopolised handicraft, trade, and commerce. They +<span class="sidenote">The <i>Mawálí</i> +of Kúfa.</span> +were mostly Persians in race and language; they +had come to Kúfa as prisoners of war and had there +passed over to Islam: then they were manumitted by +their owners and received as clients into the Arab tribes, so that +they now occupied an ambiguous position (<i>Zwitterstellung</i>), being +no longer slaves, but still very dependent on their patrons; needing +their protection, bound to their service, and forming their retinue in +peace and war. In these <i>Mawálí</i>, who were entitled by virtue of +Islam to more than the 'dominant Arabism' allowed them, the hope +now dawned of freeing themselves from clientship and of rising to +full and direct participation in the Moslem state."<a name="FNanchor_409" id="FNanchor_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">409</a></p></div> + +<p class="tb">Mukhtár, though himself an Arab of noble family, trusted +the <i>Mawálí</i> and treated them as equals, a proceeding which +<span class="sidenote">Mukhtár and +the <i>Mawálí</i>.</span> +was bitterly resented by the privileged class. +"You have taken away our clients who are the +booty which God bestowed upon us together with +this country. We emancipated them, hoping to receive the +Divine recompense and reward, but you would not rest until +you made them sharers in our booty."<a name="FNanchor_410" id="FNanchor_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">410</a> Mukhtár was only +giving the <i>Mawálí</i> their due—they were Moslems and had +the right, as such, to a share in the revenues. To the haughty +Arabs, however, it appeared a monstrous thing that the +despised foreigners should be placed on the same level with +themselves. Thus Mukhtár was thrown into the arms of the +<i>Mawálí</i>, and the movement now became not so <span class="sidenote">Persian influence +on the Shí‘a.</span> +much anti-Umayyad as anti-Arabian. Here is +the turning-point in the history of the Shí‘a. Its +ranks were swelled by thousands of Persians imbued with +the extreme doctrines of the Saba’ites which have been + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_220" id="Page_220" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>220</a></span> + +sketched above, and animated by the intense hatred of a downtrodden +people towards their conquerors and oppressors. +Consequently the Shí‘a assumed a religious and enthusiastic +character, and struck out a new path which led it farther and +farther from the orthodox creed. The doctrine of 'Interpretation' +(<i>Ta’wíl</i>) opened the door to all sorts of extravagant +ideas. One of the principal Shí‘ite sects, the Háshimiyya, held +that "there is an esoteric side to everything external, a spirit +to every form, a hidden meaning (<i>ta’wíl</i>) to every revelation, +and to every similitude in this world a corresponding reality in +the other world; that ‘Alí united in his own person the +knowledge of all mysteries and communicated it to his son +Muḥammad Ibnu ’l-Ḥanafiyya, who passed it on to his son +Abú Háshim; and that the possessor of this universal knowledge +is the true Imám."<a name="FNanchor_411" id="FNanchor_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">411</a> So, without ceasing to be Moslems +in name, the Shí‘ites transmuted Islam into whatever shape +they pleased by virtue of a mystical interpretation based on the +infallible authority of the House of Muḥammad, and out of the +ruins of a political party there gradually arose a great religious +organisation in which men of the most diverse opinions could +work together for deliverance from the Umayyad yoke. The +first step towards this development was made by Mukhtár, a +versatile genius who seems to have combined the parts of +political adventurer, social reformer, prophet, and charlatan. +He was crushed and his Persian allies were decimated, but the +seed which he had sown bore an abundant harvest when, sixty +years later, Abú Muslim unfurled the black standard of the +‘Abbásids in Khurásán.</p> + +<p class="tb">Concerning the origin of the oldest theological sects in +Islam, the Murjites and the Mu‘tazilites, we possess too little +contemporary evidence to make a positive statement. It is +probable that the latter at any rate arose, as Von Kremer +has suggested, under the influence of Greek theologians, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_221" id="Page_221" href="#"><span><i>THE MURJITES</i></span>221</a></span> + +especially John of Damascus and his pupil, Theodore Abucara +(Abú Qurra), the Bishop of Ḥarrán.<a name="FNanchor_412" id="FNanchor_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">412</a> Christians were freely +admitted to the Umayyad court. The Christian <span class="sidenote"> The oldest +theological sects.</span> +al-Akhṭal was poet-laureate, while many of his +co-religionists held high offices in the Government. +Moslems and Christians exchanged ideas in friendly discussion +or controversially. Armed with the hair-splitting weapons of +Byzantine theology, which they soon learned to use only too +well, the Arabs proceeded to try their edge on the dogmas of +Islam.</p> + +<p>The leading article of the Murjite creed was this, that no +one who professed to believe in the One God could be +<span class="sidenote"> The Murjites.</span> +declared an infidel, whatever sins he might +commit, until God Himself had given judgment +against him.<a name="FNanchor_413" id="FNanchor_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">413</a> The Murjites were so called because they +deferred (<i>arja’a</i> = to defer) their decision in such cases and +left the sinner's fate in suspense, so long as it was doubtful.<a name="FNanchor_414" id="FNanchor_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">414</a> +This principle they applied in different ways. For example, +they refused to condemn ‘Alí and ‘Uthmán outright, as the +Khárijites did. "Both ‘Alí and ‘Uthmán," they said, "were +servants of God, and by God alone must they be judged; it is +not for us to pronounce either of them an infidel, notwithstanding +that they rent the Moslem people asunder."<a name="FNanchor_415" id="FNanchor_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">415</a> On +the other hand, the Murjites equally rejected the pretensions + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_222" id="Page_222" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>222</a></span> + +made by the Shí‘ites on behalf of ‘Alí and by the Umayyads +on behalf of Mu‘áwiya. For the most part they maintained +a neutral attitude towards the Umayyad Government: they +were passive resisters, content, as Wellhausen puts it, "to +stand up for the impersonal Law." Sometimes, however, they +turned the principle of toleration against their rulers. Thus +Ḥárith b. Surayj and other Arabian Murjites joined the +oppressed <i>Mawálí</i> of Khurásán to whom the Government +denied those rights which they had acquired by conversion.<a name="FNanchor_416" id="FNanchor_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">416</a> +According to the Murjite view, these Persians, +having professed Islam, should no longer be treated as tax-paying +infidels. The Murjites brought the same tolerant +spirit into religion. They set faith above works, emphasised +the love and goodness of God, and held that no Moslem would +be damned everlastingly. Some, like Jahm b. Ṣafwán, went so +far as to declare that faith (<i>ímán</i>) was merely an inward conviction: +a man might openly profess Christianity or Judaism +or any form of unbelief without ceasing to be a good Moslem, +provided only that he acknowledged Allah with his heart.<a name="FNanchor_417" id="FNanchor_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">417</a> +The moderate school found their most illustrious representative +in Abú Ḥanífa († 767 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), and through this great divine—whose +followers to-day are counted by millions—their liberal +doctrines were diffused and perpetuated.</p> + +<p>During the Umayyad period Baṣra was the intellectual +capital of Islam, and in that city we find the first traces of a +<span class="sidenote">The Mu‘tazilites.</span> +sect which maintained the principle that thought +must be free in the search for truth. The origin +of the Mu‘tazilites (<i>al-Mu‘tazila</i>), as they are generally called, +takes us back to the famous divine and ascetic, Ḥasan of +Baṣra (†728 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). One day he was asked to give his opinion +on a point regarding which the Murjites and the Khárijites +held opposite views, namely, whether those who had committed + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_223" id="Page_223" href="#"><span><i>THE MU‘TAZILITES</i></span>223</a></span> + +a great sin should be deemed believers or unbelievers. While +Ḥasan was considering the question, one of his pupils, Wáṣil b. +‘Aṭá (according to another tradition, ‘Amr b. ‘Ubayd) replied +that such persons were neither believers nor unbelievers, but +should be ranked in an intermediate state. He then turned +aside and began to explain the grounds of his assertion to a +group which gathered about him in a different part of the +mosque. Ḥasan said: "Wáṣil has separated himself from us" +(<i>i‘tazala ‘anná</i>); and on this account the followers of Wáṣil +were named 'Mu‘tazilites,' <i>i.e.</i>, Schismatics. Although the +story may not be literally true, it is probably safe to assume +that the new sect originated in Baṣra among the pupils of +Ḥasan,<a name="FNanchor_418" id="FNanchor_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">418</a> who was the life and soul of the religious movement +of the first century <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> The Mu‘tazilite heresy, in its +earliest form, is connected with the doctrine of Predestination. +On this subject the Koran speaks with two voices. Muḥammad +was anything but a logically exact and consistent thinker. +He was guided by the impulse of the moment, and neither he +nor his hearers perceived, as later Moslems did, that the language +of the Koran is often contradictory. Thus in the +present instance texts which imply the moral responsibility of +man for his actions—<i>e.g.</i>, "<i>Every soul is in pledge</i> (with +God) <i>for what it hath wrought</i>"<a name="FNanchor_419" id="FNanchor_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">419</a>; "<i>Whoso does good +benefits himself, and whoso does evil does it against himself</i>"<a name="FNanchor_420" id="FNanchor_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">420</a>—stand +side by side with others which declare that God leads men +aright or astray, as He pleases; that the hearts of the wicked +are sealed and their ears made deaf to the truth; and that +they are certainly doomed to perdition. This fatalistic view +prevailed in the first century of Islam, and the dogma of Predestination +was almost universally accepted. Ibn Qutayba, +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_224" id="Page_224" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>224</a></span> +however, mentions the names of twenty-seven persons who held +the opinion that men's actions are free.<a name="FNanchor_421" id="FNanchor_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">421</a> Two among them, +Ma‘bad al-Juhaní and Abú Marwán Ghaylán, who were put to +death by ‘Abdu ’l-Malik and his son Hishám, do not appear to +have been condemned as heretics, but rather as enemies of the +Umayyad Government.<a name="FNanchor_422" id="FNanchor_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">422</a> The real founder of the Mu‘tazilites +was Wáṣil b. ‘Aṭá († 748 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>),<a name="FNanchor_423" id="FNanchor_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">423</a> who added a second cardinal +doctrine to that of free-will. He denied the existence of the +Divine attributes—Power, Wisdom, Life, &c.—on the ground +that such qualities, if conceived as eternal, would destroy the +Unity of God. Hence the Mu‘tazilites called themselves +'the partisans of Unity and Justice' (<i>Ahlu’l-tawḥíd wa-’l-‘adl</i>): +of Unity for the reason which has been explained, and of +Justice, because they held that God was not the author of evil +and that He would not punish His creatures except for actions +within their control. The further development of these +Rationalistic ideas belongs to the ‘Abbásid period and will be +discussed in a subsequent chapter.</p> + +<p class="tb">The founder of Islam had too much human nature and +common sense to demand of his countrymen such mortifying +<span class="sidenote"> Growth of +asceticism.</span> +austerities as were practised by the Jewish Essenes +and the Christian monks. His religion was not +without ascetic features, <i>e.g.</i>, the Fast of Ramaḍán, +the prohibition of wine, and the ordinance of the pilgrimage, +but these can scarcely be called unreasonable. On the other +hand Muḥammad condemned celibacy not only by his personal + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_225" id="Page_225" href="#"><span><i>THE ASCETIC MOVEMENT</i></span>225</a></span> + +example but also by precept. "There is no monkery in +Islam," he is reported to have said, and there was in fact +nothing of the kind for more than a century after his death. +During this time, however, asceticism made great strides. It +was the inevitable outcome of the Muḥammadan conception +of Allah, in which the attributes of mercy and love are overshadowed +by those of majesty, awe, and vengeance. The +terrors of Judgment Day so powerfully described in the Koran +were realised with an intensity of conviction which it is +difficult for us to imagine. As Goldziher has observed, an +exaggerated consciousness of sin and the dread of Divine punishment +gave the first impulse to Moslem asceticism. Thus we +read that Tamím al-Dárí, one of the Prophet's Companions, +who was formerly a Christian, passed the whole night until +daybreak, repeating a single verse of the Koran (xlv, 20)—"<i>Do +those who work evil think that We shall make them even +as those who believe and do good, so that their life and death +shall be equal? Ill do they judge!</i>"<a name="FNanchor_424" id="FNanchor_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">424</a> Abu ’l-Dardá, another +of the Companions, used to say: "If ye knew what ye shall +see after death, ye would not eat food nor drink water from +appetite, and I wish that I were a tree which is lopped and +then devoured."<a name="FNanchor_425" id="FNanchor_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">425</a> There were many who shared these views, +and their determination to renounce the world and to live +solely for God was strengthened by their disgust with a +tyrannical and impious Government, and by the almost uninterrupted +spectacle of bloodshed, rapine, and civil war. Ḥasan <span class="sidenote"> Ḥasan of Baṣra.</span> +of Baṣra († 728)—we have already met him in +connection with the Mu‘tazilites—is an outstanding +figure in this early ascetic movement, which +proceeded on orthodox lines.<a name="FNanchor_426" id="FNanchor_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">426</a> Fear of God seized on him +so mightily that, in the words of his biographer, "it seemed + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_226" id="Page_226" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>226</a></span> + +as though Hell-fire had been created for him alone."<a name="FNanchor_427" id="FNanchor_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">427</a> All who +looked on his face thought that he must have been recently +overtaken by some great calamity.<a name="FNanchor_428" id="FNanchor_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">428</a> One day a friend saw him +weeping and asked him the cause. "I weep," he replied, +"for fear that I have done something unwittingly and +unintentionally, or committed some fault, or spoken some +word which is unpleasing to God: then He may have said, +'Begone, for now thou hast no more honour in My court, +and henceforth I will not receive anything from thee.'"<a name="FNanchor_429" id="FNanchor_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">429</a> +Al-Mubarrad relates that two monks, coming from Syria, +entered Baṣra and looked at Ḥasan, whereupon one said to the +other, "Let us turn aside to visit this man, whose way of life +appears like that of the Messiah." So they went, and they +found him supporting his chin on the palm of his hand, while +he was saying—"How I marvel at those who have been +ordered to lay in a stock of provisions and have been +summoned to set out on a journey, and yet the foremost of +them stays for the hindermost! Would that I knew what +they are waiting for!"<a name="FNanchor_430" id="FNanchor_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">430</a> The following utterances are +characteristic:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"God hath made fasting a hippodrome (place or time of training) +for His servants, that they may race towards obedience to Him.<a name="FNanchor_431" id="FNanchor_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">431</a> +Some come in first and win the prize, while others are left behind +and return disappointed; and by my life, if the lid were removed, +the well-doer would be diverted by his well-doing, and the evildoer +by his evil-doing, from wearing new garments or from anointing +his hair."<a name="FNanchor_432" id="FNanchor_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">432</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_227" id="Page_227" href="#"><span><i>ḤASAN OF BAṢRA</i></span>227</a></span></p> + +<p>"You meet one of them with white skin and delicate complexion, +speeding along the path of vanity: he shaketh his hips and clappeth +his sides and saith, 'Here am I, recognise me!' Yes, we recognise +thee, and thou art hateful to God and hateful to good men."<a name="FNanchor_433" id="FNanchor_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">433</a></p> + +<p>"The bounties of God are too numerous to be acknowledged +unless with His help, and the sins of Man are too numerous for him +to escape therefrom unless God pardon them."<a name="FNanchor_434" id="FNanchor_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">434</a></p> + +<p>"The wonder is not how the lost were lost, but how the saved +were saved."<a name="FNanchor_435" id="FNanchor_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">435</a></p> + +<p>"Cleanse ye these hearts (by meditation and remembrance of +God), for they are quick to rust; and restrain ye these souls, for +they desire eagerly, and if ye restrain them not, they will drag you +to an evil end."<a name="FNanchor_436" id="FNanchor_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">436</a></p></div> + +<p>The Ṣúfís, concerning whom we shall say a few words +presently, claim Ḥasan as one of themselves, and with justice +<span class="sidenote"> Ḥasan of Baṣra +not a genuine +Ṣúfí.</span> +in so far as he attached importance to spiritual +righteousness, and was not satisfied with merely +external acts of devotion. "A grain of genuine +piety," he declared, "is better than a thousandfold weight of +fasting and prayer."<a name="FNanchor_437" id="FNanchor_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">437</a> But although some of his sayings which +are recorded in the later biographies lend colour to the fiction +that he was a full-blown Ṣúfí, there can be no doubt that his +mysticism—if it deserves that name—was of the most moderate +type, entirely lacking the glow and exaltation which we find +in the saintly woman, Rábi‘a al-‘Adawiyya, with whom legend +associates him.<a name="FNanchor_438" id="FNanchor_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">438</a></p> + +<p class="tb">The origin of the name 'Ṣúfí' is explained by the Ṣúfís +themselves in many different ways, but of the derivations + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_228" id="Page_228" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>228</a></span> + +which have been proposed only three possess any claim to consideration, +viz., those which connect it with σοφός (wise) or +with <i>ṣafá</i> (purity) or with <i>ṣúf</i> (wool).<a name="FNanchor_439" id="FNanchor_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">439</a> The +first two are inadmissible on linguistic grounds, <span class="sidenote"> The derivation +of 'Ṣúfí.'</span> +into which we need not enter, though it may be +remarked that the derivation from <i>ṣafá</i> is consecrated by the +authority of the Ṣúfí Saints, and is generally accepted in the +East.<a name="FNanchor_440" id="FNanchor_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">440</a> The reason for this preference appears in such definitions +as "The Ṣúfí is he who keeps his heart pure (<i>ṣáfí</i>) with +God,"<a name="FNanchor_441" id="FNanchor_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">441</a> "Ṣúfiism is 'the being chosen for purity' (<i>iṣṭifá</i>): +whoever is thus chosen and made pure from all except God +is the true Ṣúfí."<a name="FNanchor_442" id="FNanchor_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">442</a> Understood in this sense, the word had a +lofty significance which commended it to the elect. Nevertheless +it can be tracked to a quite humble source. Woollen +garments were frequently worn by men of ascetic life in the +early times of Islam in order (as Ibn Khaldún says) that they +might distinguish themselves from those who affected a more +luxurious fashion of dress. Hence the name 'Ṣúfí,' which +denotes in the first instance an ascetic clad in wool (<i>ṣúf</i>), just +as the Capuchins owed their designation to the hood (<i>cappuccio</i>) +which they wore. According to Qushayrí, the term came +into common use before the end of the second century of the +Hijra ( = 815 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). By this time, however, the ascetic movement +in Islam had to some extent assumed a new character, +and the meaning of 'Ṣúfí,' if the word already existed, must +have undergone a corresponding change. It seems to me not +unlikely that the epithet in question marks the point of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_229" id="Page_229" href="#"><span><i>EARLY ṢÚFIISM</i></span>229</a></span> + +departure from orthodox asceticism and that, as Jámí states, +it was first applied to Abú Háshim of Kúfa (<i>ob.</i> before 800<span class="smcap"> a.d.</span>), +who founded a monastery (<i>khánaqáh</i>) for Ṣúfís at <span class="sidenote"> The beginnings +of Ṣúfiism.</span> +Ramla in Palestine. Be that as it may, the distinction +between asceticism (<i>zuhd</i>) and Ṣúfiism—a +distinction which answers, broadly speaking, to the <i>via purgativa</i> +and the <i>via illuminativa</i> of Western mediæval mysticism—begins +to show itself before the close of the Umayyad period, and +rapidly develops in the early ‘Abbásid age under the influence of +foreign ideas and, in particular, of Greek philosophy. Leaving +this later development to be discussed in a subsequent chapter, +we shall now briefly consider the origin of Ṣúfiism properly so +called and the first manifestation of the peculiar tendencies on +which it is based.</p> + +<p class="tb">As regards its origin, we cannot do better than quote the +observations with which Ibn Khaldún († 1406 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) introduces +the chapter on Ṣúfiism in the Prolegomena to his great +historical work:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"This is one of the religious sciences which were born in Islam. +The way of the Ṣúfís was regarded by the ancient Moslems and +<span class="sidenote"> Ibn Khaldún's +account of the +origin of Ṣúfiism.</span> +their illustrious men—the Companions of the Prophet +(<i>al-Ṣaḥába</i>), the Successors (<i>al-Tábi‘ún</i>), and the +generation which came after them—as the way of +Truth and Salvation. To be assiduous in piety, to give up all else +for God's sake, to turn away from worldly gauds and vanities, to +renounce pleasure, wealth, and power, which are the general +objects of human ambition, to abandon society and to lead in +seclusion a life devoted solely to the service of God—these were the +fundamental principles of Ṣúfiism which prevailed among the +Companions and the Moslems of old time. When, however, in +the second generation and afterwards worldly tastes became widely +spread, and men no longer shrank from such contamination, those +who made piety their aim were distinguished by the title of <i>Ṣúfís</i> +or <i>Mutaṣawwifa</i> (aspirants to Ṣúfiism).<a name="FNanchor_443" id="FNanchor_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">443</a></p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_230" id="Page_230" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>230</a></span></p> + +<p>From this it is clear that Ṣúfiism, if not originally identical +with the ascetic revolt of which, as we have seen, Ḥasan of +<span class="sidenote"> The earliest form +of Ṣúfiism.</span> +Baṣra was the most conspicuous representative, +at any rate arose out of that movement. It was +not a speculative system, like the Mu‘tazilite +heresy, but a practical religion and rule of life. "We derived +Ṣúfiism," said Junayd, "from fasting and taking leave of the +world and breaking familiar ties and renouncing what men +deem good; not from disputation" (<i>qíl wa-qál</i>).<a name="FNanchor_444" id="FNanchor_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">444</a> The oldest +Ṣúfís were ascetics and hermits, but they were also something +more. They brought out the spiritual and mystical element in +Islam, or brought it in, if they did not find it there already.</p> + +<p>"Ṣúfiism," says Suhrawardí,<a name="FNanchor_445" id="FNanchor_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">445</a> "is neither 'poverty' (<i>faqr</i>) +nor asceticism (<i>zuhd</i>), but a term which comprehends the ideas +<span class="sidenote"> The difference +between +asceticism +and Ṣúfiism.</span> +of both, together with something besides. Without +these superadded qualities a man is not a Ṣúfí, +though he may be an ascetic (<i>záhid</i>) or a fakír +(<i>faqír</i>). It is said that, notwithstanding the excellence +of 'poverty,' the end thereof is only the beginning +of Ṣúfiism." A little further on he explains the difference +thus:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The fakír holds fast to his 'poverty' and is profoundly convinced +of its superior merit. He prefers it to riches because he +longs for the Divine recompense of which his faith assures him ... +and whenever he contemplates the everlasting reward, he abstains +from the fleeting joys of this world and embraces poverty and +indigence and fears that if he should cease to be 'poor' he will lose +both the merit and the prize. Now this is absolutely unsound +according to the doctrine of the Ṣúfís, because he hopes for recompense +and renounces the world on that account, whereas the Ṣúfí does +not renounce it for the sake of promised rewards but, on the contrary, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_231" id="Page_231" href="#"><span><i>EARLY ṢÚFIISM</i></span>231</a></span> + +for the sake of present 'states,' for he is the 'son of his time.'...<a name="FNanchor_446" id="FNanchor_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">446</a> +The theory that 'poverty' is the foundation of Ṣúfiism signifies that +the diverse stages of Ṣúfiism are reached by the road of 'poverty'; +it does not imply that the Ṣúfí is essentially a fakír."</p></div> + +<p>The keynote of Ṣúfiism is disinterested, selfless devotion, +in a word, Love. Though not wholly strange, this idea +was very far from being familiar to pious Muḥammadans, +who were more deeply impressed by the power and vengeance +of God than by His goodness and mercy. The +Koran generally represents Allah as a stern, unapproachable +despot, requiring utter submission to His arbitrary will, +but infinitely unconcerned with human feelings and aspirations. +Such a Being could not satisfy the religious instinct, +and the whole history of Ṣúfiism is a protest against the +unnatural divorce between God and Man which this conception +involves. Accordingly, I do not think that we need look +beyond Islam for the origin of the Ṣúfí doctrines, although it +would be a mistake not to recognise the part which Christian +influence must have had in shaping their early development. +The speculative character with which they gradually became +imbued, and which in the course of time completely transformed +them, was more or less latent during the Umayyad period +and for nearly a century after the accession of the House of +‘Abbás. The early Ṣúfís are still on orthodox ground: their +relation to Islam is not unlike that of the <span class="sidenote"> The early Ṣúfís.</span> +mediæval Spanish mystics to the Roman Catholic +Church. They attach extraordinary value to certain points +in Muḥammad's teaching and emphasise them so as to leave +the others almost a dead letter. They do not indulge in +profound dialectic, but confine themselves to matters bearing +on practical theology. Self-abandonment, rigorous self-mortification, +fervid piety, and quietism carried to the verge of apathy +form the main features of their creed.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_232" id="Page_232" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>232</a></span> + +A full and vivid picture of early Ṣúfiism might be drawn +from the numerous biographies in Arabic and Persian, which +<span class="sidenote"> Ibráhím b. +Adham.</span> +supply abundant details concerning the manner +of life of these Muḥammadan Saints, and faithfully +record their austerities, visions, miracles, +and sayings. Here we have only space to add a few lines +about the most important members of the group—Ibráhím +b. Adham, Abú ‘Alí Shaqíq, Fuḍayl b. ‘Iyáḍ, and Rábi‘a—all +of whom died between the middle and end of the second +century after the Hijra (767-815 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Ibráhím belonged +to the royal family of Balkh. Forty scimitars of gold and +forty maces of gold were borne in front of him and behind. +One day, while hunting, he heard a voice which cried, +"Awake! wert thou created for this?" He exchanged +his splendid robes for the humble garb and felt cap of a +shepherd, bade farewell to his kingdom, and lived for nine +years in a cave near Naysábúr.<a name="FNanchor_447" id="FNanchor_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">447</a> His customary prayer +was, "O God, uplift me from the shame of disobedience +to the glory of submission unto Thee!"</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"O God!" he said, "Thou knowest that the Eight Paradises are +little beside the honour which Thou hast done unto me, and beside +Thy love, and beside Thy giving me intimacy with the praise of Thy +name, and beside the peace of mind which Thou hast given me +when I meditate on Thy majesty." And again: "You will not +attain to righteousness until you traverse six passes (<i>‘aqabát</i>): the +first is that you shut the door of pleasure and open the door of +hardship; the second, that you shut the door of eminence and open +the door of abasement; the third, that you shut the door of ease and +open the door of affliction; the fourth, that you shut the door of +sleep and open the door of wakefulness; the fifth, that you shut the +door of riches and open the door of poverty; and the sixth, that +you shut the door of expectation and open the door of making yourself +ready for death."</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_233" id="Page_233" href="#"><span><i>THE OLDEST ṢÚFÍS</i></span>233</a></span> + +Shaqíq, also of Balkh, laid particular stress on the duty +of leaving one's self entirely in God's hands (<i>tawakkul</i>), a +<span class="sidenote"> Shaqíq +of Balkh.</span> +term which is practically synonymous with +passivity; <i>e.g.</i>, the <i>mutawakkil</i> must make no +effort to obtain even the barest livelihood, he +must not ask for anything, nor engage in any trade: his +business is with God alone. One of Shaqíq's sayings was, +"Nine-tenths of devotion consist in flight from mankind, +the remaining tenth in silence." Similarly, <span class="sidenote">Fuḍayl b. ‘Iyáḍ.</span> +Fuḍayl b. ‘Iyáḍ, a converted captain of banditti, +declared that "to abstain for men's sake from doing anything +is hypocrisy, while to do anything for men's sake +is idolatry." It may be noticed as an argument against +the Indian origin of Ṣúfiism that although the three +Ṣúfís who have been mentioned were natives of Khurásán +or Transoxania, and therefore presumably in touch with +Buddhistic ideas, no trace can be found in their sayings of +the doctrine of dying to self (<i>faná</i>), which plays a great part +in subsequent Ṣúfiism, and which Von Kremer and others +have identified with <i>Nirvána</i>. We now come to a more +interesting personality, in whom the ascetic and quietistic +type of Ṣúfiism is transfigured by emotion and begins clearly +to reveal the direction of its next advance. Every one +knows that women have borne a distinguished part in the +annals of European mysticism: St. Teresa, Madame Guyon, +Catharine of Siena, and Juliana of Norwich, to mention +but a few names at random. And notwithstanding +the intellectual death to which the majority of Moslem +women are condemned by their Prophet's ordinance, the +Ṣúfís, like the Roman Catholics, can boast a goodly number +of female saints. The oldest of these, and by <span class="sidenote">Rábi‘a +al-‘Adawiyya.</span> +far the most renowned, is Rábi‘a, who belonged +to the tribe of ‘Adí, whence she is generally +called Rábi‘a al-‘Adawiyya. She was a native of Baṣra +and died at Jerusalem, probably towards the end of the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_234" id="Page_234" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>234</a></span> + +second century of Islam: her tomb was an object of +pilgrimage in the Middle Ages, as we learn from Ibn +Khallikán († 1282 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Although the sayings and verses +attributed to her by Ṣúfí writers may be of doubtful +authenticity, there is every reason to suppose that they +fairly represent the actual character of her devotion, which +resembled that of all feminine mystics in being inspired by +tender and ardent feeling. She was asked: "Do you love +God Almighty?" "Yes." "Do you hate the Devil?" +"My love of God," she replied, "leaves me no leisure to +hate the Devil. I saw the Prophet in a dream. He said, +'O Rábi‘a, do you love me?' I said, 'O Apostle of God, +who does not love thee?—but love of God hath so absorbed +me that neither love nor hate of any other thing remains +in my heart.'" Rábi‘a is said to have spoken the following +verses:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Two ways I love Thee: selfishly,</span><span class="i0"> +And next, as worthy is of Thee.</span><span class="i0"> +'Tis selfish love that I do naught</span><span class="i0"> +Save think on Thee with every thought;</span><span class="i0"> +'Tis purest love when Thou dost raise</span><span class="i0"> +The veil to my adoring gaze.</span><span class="i0"> +Not mine the praise in that or this,</span><span class="i0"> +Thine is the praise in both, I wis."<a name="FNanchor_448" id="FNanchor_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">448</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Whether genuine or not, these lines, with their mixture +of devotion and speculation—the author distinguishes the +illuminative from the contemplative life and manifestly +regards the latter as the more excellent way—serve to +mark the end of the ascetic school of Ṣúfiism and the rise of +a new theosophy which, under the same name and still +professing to be in full accord with the Koran and the +<i>Sunna</i>, was founded to some extent upon ideas of extraneous +origin—ideas irreconcilable with any revealed religion, and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_235" id="Page_235" href="#"><span><i>MUḤAMMADAN POETRY</i></span>235</a></span> + +directly opposed to the severe and majestic simplicity of the +Muḥammadan articles of faith.</p> + +<p class="tb">The opening century of Islam was not favourable to literature. +At first conquest, expansion, and organisation, then +<span class="sidenote"> Umayyad +literature.</span> +civil strife absorbed the nation's energies; then, +under the Umayyads, the old pagan spirit +asserted itself once more. Consequently the +literature of this period consists almost exclusively of poetry, +which bears few marks of Islamic influence. I need scarcely +refer to the view which long prevailed in Europe that +Muḥammad corrupted the taste of his countrymen by setting +up the Koran as an incomparable model of poetic style, +and by condemning the admired productions of the heathen +bards and the art of poetry itself; nor remind my readers +that in the first place the Koran is not poetical in form (so +that it could not serve as a model of this <span class="sidenote"> The decline of +Arabian poetry +not due to +Muḥammad.</span> +kind), and secondly, according to Muḥammadan +belief, is the actual Word of God, therefore <i>sui +generis</i> and beyond imitation. Again, the poets +whom the Prophet condemned were his most dangerous +opponents: he hated them not as poets but as propagators +and defenders of false ideals, and because they ridiculed his +teaching, while on the contrary he honoured and rewarded +those who employed their talents in the right way. If the +nomad minstrels and cavaliers who lived, as they sang, the +free life of the desert were never equalled by the brilliant +laureates of imperial Damascus and Baghdád, the causes of +the decline cannot be traced to Muḥammad's personal attitude, +but are due to various circumstances for which he is +only responsible in so far as he founded a religious and +political system that revolutionised Arabian society. The +poets of the period with which we are now dealing follow +slavishly in the footsteps of the ancients, as though Islam +had never been. Instead of celebrating the splendid victories + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_236" id="Page_236" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>236</a></span> + +and heroic deeds of Moslem warriors, the bard living in a +great city still weeps over the relics of his beloved's encampment +in the wilderness, still rides away through <span class="sidenote"> The Umayyad +poets.</span> +the sandy waste on the peerless camel, whose +fine points he particularly describes; and if he +should happen to be addressing the Caliph, it is ten to +one that he will credit that august personage with all the +virtues of a Bedouin Shaykh. "Fortunately the imitation +of the antique <i>qaṣída</i>, at any rate with the greatest Umayyad +poets, is to some extent only accessory to another form +of art that excites our historical interest in a high degree: +namely, the occasional poems (very numerous in almost +all these writers), which are suggested by the mood of +the moment and can shed a vivid light on contemporary +history."<a name="FNanchor_449" id="FNanchor_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">449</a></p> + +<p class="tb">The conquests made by the successors of the Prophet +brought enormous wealth into Mecca and Medína, and +<span class="sidenote"> Music and song +in the +Holy Cities.</span> +when the Umayyad aristocracy gained the +upper hand in ‘Uthmán's Caliphate, these towns +developed a voluptuous and dissolute life which +broke through every restriction that Islam had imposed. +The increase of luxury produced a corresponding refinement +of the poetic art. Although music was not unknown +to the pagan Arabs, it had hitherto been cultivated chiefly +by foreigners, especially Greek and Persian singing-girls. +But in the first century after the Hijra we hear of several +Arab singers,<a name="FNanchor_450" id="FNanchor_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">450</a> natives of Mecca and Medína, who set favourite +passages to music: henceforth the words and the melody +are inseparably united, as we learn from the <i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i> +or 'Book of Songs,' where hundreds of examples are to be +found. Amidst the gay throng of pleasure-seekers women +naturally played a prominent part, and love, which had + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_237" id="Page_237" href="#"><span><i>‘UMAR IBN ABÍ RABÍ‘A</i></span>237</a></span> + +hitherto formed in most cases merely the conventional prelude +to an ode, now began to be sung for its own sake. +In this Peninsular school, as it may be named in contrast +with the bold and masculine strain of the great Provincial +poets whom we are about to mention, the palm unquestionably +belongs to ‘Umar b. Abí Rabí‘a († 719 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), <span class="sidenote">‘Umar b. Abí +Rabí‘a.</span> +the son of a rich Meccan merchant. He passed +the best part of his life in the pursuit of noble +dames, who alone inspired him to sing. His poetry was so +seductive that it was regarded by devout Moslems as "the +greatest crime ever committed against God," and so charming +withal that ‘Abdulláh b. ‘Abbás, the Prophet's cousin and +a famous authority on the Koran and the Traditions, could +not refrain from getting by heart some erotic verses which +‘Umar recited to him.<a name="FNanchor_451" id="FNanchor_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">451</a> The Arabs said, with truth, that +the tribe of Quraysh had won distinction in every field +save poetry, but we must allow that ‘Umar b. Abí Rabí‘a +is a clear exception to this rule. His diction, like that of +Catullus, has all the unaffected ease of refined conversation. +Here are a few lines:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Blame me no more, O comrades! but to-day</span><span class="i0"> +Quietly with me beside the howdahs stay.</span><span class="i0"> +Blame not my love for Zaynab, for to her</span><span class="i0"> +And hers my heart is pledged a prisoner.</span><span class="i0"> +Ah, can I ever think of how we met</span><span class="i0"> +Once at al-Khayf, and feel no fond regret?</span><span class="i0"> +My song of other women was but jest:</span><span class="i0"> +She reigns alone, eclipsing all the rest.</span><span class="i0"> +Hers is my love sincere, 'tis she the flame</span><span class="i0"> +Of passion kindles—so, a truce to blame!"<a name="FNanchor_452" id="FNanchor_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">452</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>We have no space to dwell on the minor poets of the same +school, al-‘Arjí (a kinsman of the Umayyads), al-Aḥwaṣ, and +many others. It has been pointed out by Dr. C. Brockelmann + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_238" id="Page_238" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>238</a></span> + +that the love-poetry of this epoch is largely of popular origin; +<i>e.g.</i>, the songs attributed to Jamíl, in which Buthayna is +addressed, and to Majnún—the hero of countless <span class="sidenote"> Love-ballads.</span> +Persian and Turkish romances which celebrate +his love for Laylá—are true folk-songs such as occur in the +<i>Arabian Nights</i>, and may be heard in the streets of Beyrout +or on the banks of the Tigris at the present day. Many +of them are extremely beautiful. I take the following +verses from a poem which is said to have been composed +by Jamíl:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Oh, might it flower anew, that youthful prime,</span><span class="i0"> +And restore to us, Buthayna, the bygone time!</span><span class="i0"> +And might we again be blest as we wont to be,</span><span class="i0"> +When thy folk were nigh and grudged what thou gavest me!</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +Shall I ever meet Buthayna alone again,</span><span class="i0"> +Each of us full of love as a cloud of rain?</span><span class="i0"> +Fast in her net was I when a lad, and till</span><span class="i0"> +This day my love is growing and waxing still.</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +I have spent my lifetime, waiting for her to speak,</span><span class="i0"> +And the bloom of youth is faded from off my cheek;</span><span class="i0"> +But I will not suffer that she my suit deny,</span><span class="i0"> +My love remains undying, though all things die!"<a name="FNanchor_453" id="FNanchor_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">453</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The names of al-Akhṭal, al-Farazdaq, and Jarír stand out +pre-eminently in the list of Umayyad poets. They were men +<span class="sidenote"> Poetry in the +provinces.</span> +of a very different stamp from the languishing +Minnesingers and carpet-knights who, like Jamíl, +refused to battle except on the field of love. It is +noteworthy that all three were born and bred in Mesopotamia. +The motherland was exhausted; her ambitious and enterprising +youth poured into the provinces, which now become +the main centres of intellectual activity.</p> + +<p>Farazdaq and Jarír are intimately connected by a peculiar +rivalry—"<i>Arcades ambo</i>—<i>id est</i>, blackguards both." For many +years they engaged in a public scolding-match (<i>muháját</i>), and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_239" id="Page_239" href="#"><span><i>THE NAQÁ’IḌ</i></span>239</a></span> + +as neither had any scruples on the score of decency, the foulest +abuse was bandied to and fro between them—abuse, however, +which is redeemed from vulgarity by its literary excellence, +and by the marvellous skill which the satirists display in +manipulating all the vituperative resources of the Arabic +language. Soon these 'Flytings' (<i>Naqá’iḍ</i>) <span class="sidenote">The <i>Naqá’iḍ</i> of +Jarír and +Farazdaq.</span> +were recited everywhere, and each poet had +thousands of enthusiastic partisans who maintained +that he was superior to his rival.<a name="FNanchor_454" id="FNanchor_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">454</a> One day +Muhallab b. Abí Sufra, the governor of Khurásán, who +was marching against the Azáriqa, a sect of the Khárijites, +heard a great clamour and tumult in the camp. On +inquiring its cause, he found that the soldiers had been +fiercely disputing as to the comparative merits of Jarír and +Farazdaq, and desired to submit the question to his decision. +"Would you expose me," said Muhallab, "to be torn in +pieces by these two dogs? I will not decide between them, +but I will point out to you those who care not a whit for +either of them. Go to the Azáriqa! They are Arabs <span class="sidenote"> General interest +in poetry.</span> +who understand poetry and judge it aright." +Next day, when the armies faced each other, +an Azraqite named ‘Abída b. Hilál stepped +forth from the ranks and offered single combat. One of +Muhallab's men accepted the challenge, but before fighting +he begged his adversary to inform him which was the +better poet—Farazdaq or Jarír? "God confound you!" +cried ‘Abída, "do you ask me about poetry instead of +studying the Koran and the Sacred Law?" Then he +quoted a verse by Jarír and gave judgment in his favour.<a name="FNanchor_455" id="FNanchor_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">455</a> +This incident affords a striking proof that the taste for +poetry, far from being confined to literary circles, was +diffused throughout the whole nation, and was cultivated +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_240" id="Page_240" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>240</a></span> +even amidst the fatigues and dangers of war. Parallel +instances occur in the history of the Athenians, the most +gifted people of the West, and possibly elsewhere, but imagine +British soldiers discussing questions of that kind over the +camp-fires!</p> + +<p>Akhṭal joined in the fray. His sympathies were with +Farazdaq, and the <i>naqá’iḍ</i> which he and Jarír composed +against each other have come down to us. All these poets, +like their Post-islamic brethren generally, were professional +encomiasts, greedy, venal, and ready to revile any one who +would not purchase their praise. Some further account of +them may be interesting to the reader, especially as the +anecdotes related by their biographers throw many curious +sidelights on the manners of the time.</p> + +<p>The oldest of the trio, Akhṭal (Ghiyáth b. Ghawth) of +Taghlib, was a Christian, like most of his tribe—they had +<span class="sidenote"> Akhṭal.</span> +long been settled in Mesopotamia—and remained +in that faith to the end of his life, though the +Caliph ‘Abdu ’l-Malik is said to have offered him a pension +and 10,000 dirhems in cash if he would turn Moslem. His +religion, however, was less a matter of principle than of +convenience, and to him the supreme virtue of Christianity +lay in the licence which it gave him to drink wine as often +as he pleased. The stories told of him suggest grovelling +devoutness combined with very easy morals, a phenomenon +familiar to the student of mediæval Catholicism. It is +related by one who was touring in Syria that he found +Akhṭal confined in a church at Damascus, and pleaded his +cause with the priest. The latter stopped beside Akhṭal and +raising the staff on which he leaned—for he was an aged man—exclaimed: +"O enemy of God, will you again defame +people and satirise them and caluminate chaste women?" +while the poet humbled himself and promised never to repeat +the offence. When asked how it was that he, who was +honoured by the Caliph and feared by all, behaved so + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_241" id="Page_241" href="#"><span><i>AKHṬAL</i></span>241</a></span> + +submissively to this priest, he answered, "It is religion, it +is religion."<a name="FNanchor_456" id="FNanchor_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">456</a> On another occasion, seeing the Bishop pass, +he cried to his wife who was then pregnant, "Run after +him and touch his robe." The poor woman only succeeded +in touching the tail of the Bishop's ass, but Akhṭal consoled +her with the remark, "He and the tail of his ass, there's +no difference!"<a name="FNanchor_457" id="FNanchor_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">457</a> It is characteristic of the anti-Islamic +spirit which appears so strongly in the Umayyads that their +chosen laureate and champion should have been a Christian +who was in truth a lineal descendant of the pagan bards. +Pious Moslems might well be scandalised when he burst +unannounced into the Caliph's presence, sumptuously attired +in silk and wearing a cross of gold which was suspended +from his neck by a golden chain, while drops of +wine trickled from his beard,<a name="FNanchor_458" id="FNanchor_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">458</a> but their protests went +unheeded at the court of Damascus, where nobody cared +whether the author of a fine verse was a Moslem or a +Christian, and where a poet was doubly welcome whose +religion enabled him to serve his masters without any +regard to Muḥammadan sentiment; so that, for example, +when Yazíd I wished to take revenge on the people of +Medína because one of their poets had addressed amatory +verses to his sister, he turned to Akhṭal, who branded the +<i>Anṣár</i>, the men who had brought about the triumph of +Islam, in the famous lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Quraysh have borne away all the honour and glory,</span><span class="i0"> +And baseness alone is beneath the turbans of the Anṣár."<a name="FNanchor_459" id="FNanchor_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">459</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>We must remember that the poets were leaders of public +opinion; their utterances took the place of political pamphlets +or of party oratory for or against the Government of the day. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_242" id="Page_242" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>242</a></span> + +On hearing Akhṭal's ode in praise of the Umayyad dynasty,<a name="FNanchor_460" id="FNanchor_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">460</a> +‘Abdu ’l-Malik ordered one of his clients to conduct the +author through the streets of Damascus and to cry out, +"Here is the poet of the Commander of the Faithful! Here +is the best poet of the Arabs!"<a name="FNanchor_461" id="FNanchor_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">461</a> No wonder that he was +a favourite at court and such an eminent personage that +the great tribe of Bakr used to invite him to act as arbitrator +whenever any controversy arose among them.<a name="FNanchor_462" id="FNanchor_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">462</a> Despite the +luxury in which he lived, his wild Bedouin nature pined +for freedom, and he frequently left the capital to visit his +home in the desert, where he not only married and divorced +several wives, but also threw himself with ardour into the +feuds of his clan. We have already noticed the part which +he played in the literary duel between Jarír and Farazdaq. +From his deathbed he sent a final injunction to Farazdaq +not to spare their common enemy.</p> + +<p>Akhṭal is commended by Arabian critics for the number and +excellence of his long poems, as well as for the purity, polish, +and correctness of his style. Abú ‘Ubayda put him first among +the poets of Islam, while the celebrated collector of Pre-islamic +poetry, Abú ‘Amr b. al-‘Alá, declared that if Akhṭal +had lived a single day in the Pagan Age he would not have +preferred any one to him. His supremacy in panegyric was +acknowledged by Farazdaq, and he himself claims to have +surpassed all competitors in three styles, viz., panegyric, +satire, and erotic poetry; but there is more justification for +the boast that his satires might be recited <i>virginibus</i>—he +does not add <i>puerisque</i>—without causing a blush.<a name="FNanchor_463" id="FNanchor_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">463</a></p> + +<p class="tb">Hammám b. Ghálib, generally known as Farazdaq, belonged +to the tribe of Tamím, and was born at Baṣra towards the end +of ‘Umar's Caliphate, His grandfather, Ṣa‘ṣa‘a, won renown + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_243" id="Page_243" href="#"><span><i>FARAZDAQ</i></span>243</a></span> + +in Pre-islamic times by ransoming the lives of female infants +whom their parents had condemned to die (on account of <span class="sidenote"> Farazdaq.</span> +which he received the title, <i>Muḥyi ’l-Maw’údát</i>, +'He who brings the buried girls to life'), and +his father was likewise imbued with the old Bedouin traditions +of liberality and honour, which were rapidly growing obsolete +among the demoralised populace of ‘Iráq. Farazdaq was a +<i>mauvais sujet</i> of the type represented by François Villon, +reckless, dissolute, and thoroughly unprincipled: apart from +his gift of vituperation, we find nothing in him to admire +save his respect for his father's memory and his constant +devotion to the House of ‘Alí, a devotion which he scorned +to conceal; so that he was cast into prison by the Caliph +Hishám for reciting in his presence a glowing panegyric on +‘Alí's grandson, Zaynu ’l-‘Ábidín. The tragic fate of Ḥusayn +at Karbalá affected him deeply, and he called on his compatriots +to acquit themselves like men—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"If ye avenge not him, the son of the best of you,</span><span class="i0"> +Then fling, fling the sword away and naught but the spindle ply."<a name="FNanchor_464" id="FNanchor_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">464</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>While still a young man, he was expelled from his native +city in consequence of the lampoons which he directed against +a noble family of Baṣra, the Banú Nahshal. Thereupon he +fled to Medína, where he plunged into gallantry and dissipation +until a shameless description of one of his intrigues +again drew upon him the sentence of banishment. His +poems contain many references to his cousin Nawár, whom, +by means of a discreditable trick, he forced to marry him +when she was on the point of giving her hand to another. +The pair were ever quarrelling, and at last Farazdaq consented +to an irrevocable divorce, which was witnessed by +Ḥasan of Baṣra, the famous theologian. No sooner was + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_244" id="Page_244" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>244</a></span> + +the act complete than Farazdaq began to wish it undone, +and he spoke the following verses:—<a name="FNanchor_465" id="FNanchor_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">465</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I feel repentance like al-Kusa‘í,<a name="FNanchor_466" id="FNanchor_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">466</a></span><span class="i0"> +Now that Nawár has been divorced by me.</span><span class="i0"> +She was my Paradise which I have lost,</span><span class="i0"> +Like Adam when the Lord's command he crossed.</span><span class="i0"> +I am one who wilfully puts out his eyes,</span><span class="i0"> +Then dark to him the shining day doth rise!"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>'The repentance of Farazdaq,' signifying bitter regret or +disappointment, passed into a proverb. He died a few +months before Jarír in 728 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, a year also made notable +by the deaths of two illustrious divines, Ḥasan of Baṣra and +Ibn Sírín.</p> + +<p class="tb">Jarír b. ‘Atiyya belonged to Kulayb, a branch of the same +tribe, Tamím, which produced Farazdaq. He was the court-poet +<span class="sidenote"> Jarír.</span> +of Ḥajjáj, the dreaded governor of ‘Iráq, and +eulogised his patron in such extravagant terms as +to arouse the jealousy of the Caliph ‘Abdu ’l-Malik, who +consequently received him, on his appearance at Damascus, +with marked coldness and hauteur. But when, after several +repulses, he at length obtained permission to recite a poem +which he had composed in honour of the prince, and came +to the verse—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Are not ye the best of those who on camel ride,</span><span class="i0"> +More open-handed than all in the world beside?"—</span> +</div></div> + +<p>the Caliph sat up erect on his throne and exclaimed: "Let + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_245" id="Page_245" href="#"><span><i>JARÍR</i></span>245</a></span> + +us be praised like this or in silence!"<a name="FNanchor_467" id="FNanchor_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">467</a> Jarír's fame as a +satirist stood so high that to be worsted by him was reckoned +a greater distinction than to vanquish any one else. The +blind poet, Bashshár b. Burd († 783 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), said: "I satirised +Jarír, but he considered me too young for him to notice. +Had he answered me, I should have been the finest poet +in the world."<a name="FNanchor_468" id="FNanchor_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">468</a> The following anecdote shows that +vituperation launched by a master like Jarír was a deadly +and far-reaching weapon which degraded its victim in the +eyes of his contemporaries, however he might deserve their +esteem, and covered his family and tribe with lasting +disgrace.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>There was a poet of repute, well known by the name of Rá‘i ’l-ibil +(Camel-herd), who loudly published his opinion that Farazdaq was +superior to Jarír, although the latter had lauded his tribe, the Banú +Numayr, whereas Farazdaq had made verses against them. One +day Jarír met him and expostulated with him but got no reply. +Rá‘í was riding a mule and was accompanied by his son, Jandal, +who said to his father: "Why do you halt before this dog of the +Banú Kulayb, as though you had anything to hope or fear from +him?" At the same time he gave the mule a lash with his whip. +The animal started violently and kicked Jarír, who was standing by, +so that his cap fell to the ground. Rá‘í took no heed and went on +his way. Jarír picked up the cap, brushed it, and replaced it on his +head. Then he exclaimed in verse:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"<i>O Jandal! what will say Numayr of you</i></span><span class="i0"> +<i>When my dishonouring shaft has pierced thy sire?</i>"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>He returned home full of indignation, and after the evening prayer, +having called for a jar of date-wine and a lamp, he set about his +work. An old woman in the house heard him muttering, and +mounted the stairs to see what ailed him. She found him crawling +naked on his bed, by reason of that which was within him; so she +ran down, crying "He is mad," and described what she had seen to +the people of the house. "Get thee gone," they said, "we know + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_246" id="Page_246" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>246</a></span> + +what he is at." By daybreak Jarír had composed a satire of eighty +verses against the Banú Numayr. When he finished the poem, he +shouted triumphantly, "<i>Allah Akbar!</i>" and rode away to the place +where he expected to find Rá‘í ’l-ibil and Farazdaq and their friends. +He did not salute Rá‘í but immediately began to recite. While he +was speaking Farazdaq and Rá‘í bowed their heads, and the rest of +the company sat listening in silent mortification. When Jarír uttered +the final words—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"<i>Cast down thine eyes for shame! for thou art of</i></span><span class="i0"> +<i>Numayr—no peer of Ka‘b nor yet Kiláb</i>"—</span> +</div></div> + +<p>Rá‘í rose and hastened to his lodging as fast as his mule could carry +him. "Saddle! Saddle!" he cried to his comrades; "you cannot +stay here longer, Jarír has disgraced you all." They left Baṣra without +delay to rejoin their tribe, who bitterly reproached Rá‘í for the +ignominy which he had brought upon Numayr; and hundreds of +years afterwards his name was still a byword among his people.<a name="FNanchor_469" id="FNanchor_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">469</a></p></div> + +<p>Next, but next at a long interval, to the three great poets of +this epoch comes Dhu ’l-Rumma (Ghaylán b. ‘Uqba), who +<span class="sidenote">Dhu ’l-Rumma.</span> +imitated the odes of the desert Arabs with tiresome +and monotonous fidelity. The philologists +of the following age delighted in his antique and difficult +style, and praised him far above his merits. It was said +that poetry began with Imru’u ’l-Qays and ended with +Dhu ’l-Rumma; which is true in the sense that he is the +last important representative of the pure Bedouin school.</p> + +<p class="tb">Concerning the prose writers of the period we can make +only a few general observations, inasmuch as their works +<span class="sidenote">Prose writers of +the Umayyad +period.</span> +have almost entirely perished.<a name="FNanchor_470" id="FNanchor_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">470</a> In this branch +of literature the same secular, non-Muḥammadan +spirit prevailed which has been mentioned as +characteristic of the poets who flourished under the Umayyad +dynasty, and of the dynasty itself. Historical studies + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_247" id="Page_247" href="#"><span><i>PROSE WRITERS</i></span>247</a></span> + +were encouraged and promoted by the court of Damascus. +We have referred elsewhere to ‘Abíd b. Sharya, a native of +Yemen, whose business it was to dress up the old legends +and purvey them in a readable form to the public. Another +Yemenite of Persian descent, Wahb b. Munabbih, is responsible +for a great deal of the fabulous lore belonging to the +domain of <i>Awá’il</i> (Origins) which Moslem chroniclers +commonly prefix to their historical works. There seems to +have been an eager demand for narratives of the Early +Wars of Islam (<i>maghází</i>). It is related that the Caliph +‘Abdu ’l-Malik, seeing one of these books in the hands of +his son, ordered it to be burnt, and enjoined him to study +the Koran instead. This anecdote shows on the part of +‘Abdu ’l-Malik a pious feeling with which he is seldom +credited,<a name="FNanchor_471" id="FNanchor_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">471</a> but it shows also that histories of a legendary +and popular character preceded those which were based, +like the <i>Maghází</i> of Músá b. ‘Uqba († 758 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and Ibn +Isḥáq's <i>Biography of the Prophet</i>, upon religious tradition. +No work of the former class has been preserved. The +strong theological influence which asserted itself in the +second century of the Hijra was unfavourable to the development +of an Arabian prose literature on national lines. In +the meantime, however, learned doctors of divinity began +to collect and write down the <i>Ḥadíths</i>. We have a solitary +relic of this sort in the <i>Kitábu ’l-Zuhd</i> (Book of Asceticism) +by Asad b. Músá († 749 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). The most renowned +traditionist of the Umayyad age is Muḥammad b. Muslim +b. Shiháb al-Zuhrí († 742 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), who distinguished himself by +accepting judicial office under the tyrants; an act of complaisance +to which his more stiff-necked and conscientious +brethren declined to stoop.</p> + +<p class="tb">It was the lust of conquest even more than missionary zeal +that caused the Arabs to invade Syria and Persia and to settle + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_248" id="Page_248" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>248</a></span> + +on foreign soil, where they lived as soldiers at the expense of +the native population whom they inevitably regarded as +an inferior race. If the latter thought to win <span class="sidenote"> The non-Arabian +Moslems.</span> +respect by embracing the religion of their conquerors, +they found themselves sadly mistaken. +The new converts were attached as clients (<i>Mawálí</i>, sing. +<i>Mawlá</i>) to an Arab tribe: they could not become Moslems +on any other footing. Far from obtaining the equal rights +which they coveted, and which, according to the principles +of Islam, they should have enjoyed, the <i>Mawálí</i> were treated +by their aristocratic patrons with contempt, and had to submit +to every kind of social degradation, while instead of being +exempted from the capitation-tax paid by non-Moslems, +they still remained liable to the ever-increasing exactions of +Government officials. And these 'Clients,' be it remembered, +were not ignorant serfs, but men whose culture was +acknowledged by the Arabs themselves—men who formed +the backbone of the influential learned class and ardently +prosecuted those studies, Divinity and Jurisprudence, which +were then held in highest esteem. Here was a situation +full of danger. Against Shí‘ites and Khárijites the Umayyads +might claim with some show of reason to represent the cause +of law and order, if not of Islam; against the bitter cry of the +oppressed <i>Mawálí</i> they had no argument save the sword.</p> + +<p class="tb">We have referred above to the universal belief of Moslems +in a Messiah and to the extraordinary influence of that belief +on their religious and political history. No <span class="sidenote"> Presages of the +Revolution.</span> +wonder that in this unhappy epoch thousands +of people, utterly disgusted with life as they +found it, should have indulged in visions of 'a good time +coming,' which was expected to coincide with the end of +the first century of the Hijra. Mysterious predictions, dark +sayings attributed to Muḥammad himself, prophecies of war +and deliverance floated to and fro. Men pored over apocryphal + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_249" id="Page_249" href="#"><span><i>THE MAWÁLÍ OR 'CLIENTS'</i></span>249</a></span> + +books, and asked whether the days of confusion and +slaughter (<i>al-harj</i>), which, it is known, shall herald the +appearance of the Mahdí, had not actually begun.</p> + +<p>The final struggle was short and decisive. When it closed, +the Umayyads and with them the dominion of the Arabs +had passed away. Alike in politics and literature, the Persian +race asserted its supremacy. We shall now relate the story +of this Revolution as briefly as possible, leaving the results +to be considered in a new chapter.</p> + +<p>While the Shí‘ite missionaries (<i>du‘át</i>, sing. <i>dá‘í</i>) were +actively engaged in canvassing for their party, which, as we +<span class="sidenote">The ‘Abbásids.</span> +have seen, recognised in ‘Alí and his descendants +the only legitimate successors to Muḥammad, +another branch of the Prophet's family—the ‘Abbásids—had +entered the field with the secret intention of turning the +labours of the ‘Alids to their own advantage. From their +ancestor, ‘Abbás, the Prophet's uncle, they inherited those +qualities of caution, duplicity, and worldly wisdom which +ensure success in political intrigue. ‘Abdulláh, the son of +‘Abbás, devoted his talents to theology and interpretation +of the Koran. He "passes for one of the strongest pillars +of religious tradition; but, in the eyes of unprejudiced +European research, he is only a crafty liar." His descendants +"lived in deep retirement in Ḥumayma, a little place +to the south of the Dead Sea, seemingly far withdrawn +from the world, but which, on account of its proximity to +the route by which Syrian pilgrims went to Mecca, afforded +opportunities for communication with the remotest lands +of Islam. From this centre they carried on <span class="sidenote">‘Abbásid +propaganda in +Khurásán.</span> +the propaganda in their own behalf with the +utmost skill. They had genius enough to see +that the best soil for their efforts was the distant Khurásán—that +is, the extensive north-eastern provinces of the old +Persian Empire."<a name="FNanchor_472" id="FNanchor_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">472</a> These countries were inhabited by a + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_250" id="Page_250" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>250</a></span> + +brave and high-spirited people who in consequence of their +intolerable sufferings under the Umayyad tyranny, the +devastation of their homes and the almost servile condition +to which they had been reduced, were eager to join in any +desperate enterprise that gave them hope of relief. Moreover, +the Arabs in Khurásán were already to a large extent +Persianised: they had Persian wives, wore trousers, drank +wine, and kept the festivals of Nawrúz and Mihrgán; +while the Persian language was generally understood and +even spoken among them.<a name="FNanchor_473" id="FNanchor_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">473</a> Many interesting details as to +the methods of the ‘Abbásid emissaries will be found in +Van Vloten's admirable work.<a name="FNanchor_474" id="FNanchor_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">474</a> Starting from Kúfa, the +residence of the Grand Master who directed the whole +agitation, they went to and fro in the guise of merchants +or pilgrims, cunningly adapting their doctrine to the intelligence +of those whom they sought to enlist. Like the +Shí‘ites, they canvassed for 'the House of the Prophet,' an +ambiguous expression which might equally well be applied +to the descendants of ‘Alí or of ‘Abbás, as is shown by the +following table:—</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><img src="images/288image.png" width="500" height="164" alt= +"descendants of ‘Alí or of ‘Abbás" title="" /></div> + +<p>It was, of course, absolutely essential to the ‘Abbásids that +they should be able to count on the support of the powerful +Shí‘ite organisation, which, ever since the abortive <span class="sidenote">The Shí‘ites +join hands with +the ‘Abbásids.</span> +rebellion headed by Mukhtár (see p. <a href="#Page_218">218</a> <i>supra</i>) +had drawn vast numbers of Persian <i>Mawálí</i> +into its ranks. Now, of the two main parties of the Shí‘a, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_251" id="Page_251" href="#"><span><i>THE ‘ABBÁSID PROPAGANDA</i></span>251</a></span> + +viz., the Háshimites or followers of Muḥammad Ibnu +’l-Ḥanafiyya, and the Imámites, who pinned their faith to +the descendants of the Prophet through his daughter Fáṭima, +the former had virtually identified themselves with the +‘Abbásids, inasmuch as the Imám Abú Háshim, who died +in 716 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, bequeathed his hereditary rights to Muḥammad +b. ‘Alí, the head of the House of ‘Abbás. It only remained +to hoodwink the Imámites. Accordingly the ‘Abbásid +emissaries were instructed to carry on their propaganda in +the name of Háshim, the common ancestor of ‘Abbás and +‘Alí. By means of this ruse they obtained a free hand in +Khurásán, and made such progress that the governor of that +province, Naṣr b. Sayyár, wrote to the Umayyad Caliph, +Marwán, asking for reinforcements, and informing him that +two hundred thousand men had sworn allegiance to Abú +Muslim, the principal ‘Abbásid agent. At the foot of his +letter he added these lines:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I see the coal's red glow beneath the embers,</span><span class="i2"> +And 'tis about to blaze!</span><span class="i0"> +The rubbing of two sticks enkindles fire,</span><span class="i2"> +And out of words come frays.</span><span class="i0"> +'Oh! is Umayya's House awake or sleeping?'</span><span class="i2"> +I cry in sore amaze."<a name="FNanchor_475" id="FNanchor_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">475</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>We have other verses by this gallant and loyal officer in +which he implores the Arab troops stationed in Khurásán, who +were paralysed by tribal dissensions, to turn their swords +against "a mixed rabble without religion or nobility":—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"'Death to the Arabs'—that is all their creed."<a name="FNanchor_476" id="FNanchor_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">476</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>These warnings, however, were of no avail, and on +June 9th, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 747, Abú Muslim displayed the black banner + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_252" id="Page_252" href="#"><span><i>THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY</i></span>252</a></span> + +of the ‘Abbásids at Siqadanj, near Merv, which city he +occupied a few months later. The triumphant advance +of the armies of the Revolution towards <span class="sidenote"> Declaration of +war.</span> +Damascus recalls the celebrated campaign of +Cæsar, when after crossing the Rubicon he +marched on Rome. Nor is Abú Muslim, though a freedman +of obscure parentage—he was certainly no Arab—unworthy +to be compared with the great patrician. "He +united," says Nöldeke, "with an agitator's adroitness and +perfect unscrupulosity in the choice of means the energy +and clear outlook of a general and statesman, <span class="sidenote"> Abú Muslim.</span> +and even of a monarch."<a name="FNanchor_477" id="FNanchor_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">477</a> Grim, ruthless, +disdaining the pleasures of ordinary men, he possessed the +faculty in which Cæsar excelled of inspiring blind obedience +and enthusiastic devotion. To complete the parallel, we may +mention here that Abú Muslim was treacherously murdered +by Manṣúr, the second Caliph of the House which he had +raised to the throne, from motives exactly resembling those +which Shakespeare has put in the mouth of Brutus—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i10"> +"So Caesar may:</span><span class="i0"> +Then, lest he may, prevent. And since the quarrel</span><span class="i0"> +Will bear no colour for the thing he is,</span><span class="i0"> +Fashion it thus: that what he is, augmented,</span><span class="i0"> +Would run to these and these extremities;</span><span class="i0"> +And therefore think him as a serpent's egg</span><span class="i0"> +Which, hatched, would as his kind grow mischievous,</span><span class="i0"> +And kill him in the shell."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>The downfall of the Umayyads was hastened by the perfidy +and selfishness of the Arabs on whom they relied: the old +feud between Muḍar and Yemen broke out afresh, and while +the Northern group remained loyal to the dynasty, those of +Yemenite stock more or less openly threw in their lot with +the Revolution. We need not attempt to trace the course + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_253" id="Page_253" href="#"><span><i>ABÚ MUSLIM</i></span>253</a></span> + +of the unequal contest. Everywhere the Arabs, disheartened +and divided, fell an easy prey to their adversaries, and all was +lost when Marwán, the last Umayyad Caliph, sustained a +crushing defeat on the River Záb in Babylonia (January, +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 750). Meanwhile Abu ’l-‘Abbás, the head of the +rival House, had already received homage as Caliph +(November, 749 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). In the inaugural address which he +delivered in the great Mosque of Kúfa, he called <span class="sidenote">Accession of +Abu ’l-‘Abbás +al-Saffáḥ.</span> +himself <i>al-Saffáḥ</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, 'the Blood-shedder,'<a name="FNanchor_478" id="FNanchor_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">478</a> and +this title has deservedly stuck to him, though +it might have been assumed with no less justice by his +brother Mansúr and other members of his family. All +Umayyads were remorselessly hunted down and massacred +in cold blood—even those who surrendered only on the +strength of the most solemn pledges that they had nothing +to fear. A small remnant made their escape, or managed +to find shelter until the storm of fury and vengeance, +which spared neither the dead nor the living,<a name="FNanchor_479" id="FNanchor_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">479</a> had blown +over. One stripling, named ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán, fled to North +Africa, and after meeting with many perilous adventures +founded a new Umayyad dynasty in Spain.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER VI</h4> + +<h5>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</h5> + +<p>The annals of the ‘Abbásid dynasty from the accession of +Saffáḥ (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 749) to the death of Musta‘ṣim, and the destruction +of Baghdád by the Mongols (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1258) make a round +sum of five centuries. I propose to sketch the history of this +long period in three chapters, of which the first will offer a +general view of the more important literary and political +developments so far as is possible in the limited space at my +command; the second will be devoted to the great poets, +scholars, historians, philosophers, and scientists who flourished +in this, the Golden Age of Muḥammadan literature; while in +the third some account will be given of the chief religious +movements and of the trend of religious thought.</p> + +<p class="tb">The empire founded by the Caliph ‘Umar and administered +by the Umayyads was essentially, as the reader will have +gathered, a military organisation for the benefit of the +paramount race. In theory, no doubt, all Moslems were +equal, but in fact the Arabs alone ruled—a privilege which +national pride conspired with personal interest to maintain. +We have seen how the Persian Moslems asserted their right +to a share in the government. The Revolution <span class="sidenote"> Political results +of the +Revolution.</span> +which enthroned the ‘Abbásids marks the beginning +of a Moslem, as opposed to an Arabian, +Empire. The new dynasty, owing its rise to the people of +Persia, and especially of Khurásán, could exist only by + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_255" id="Page_255" href="#"><span><i>‘ABBÁSID POLICY</i></span>255</a></span> + +establishing a balance of power between Persians and Arabs. +That this policy was not permanently successful will surprise +no one who considers the widely diverse characteristics of the +two races, but for the next fifty years the rivals worked +together in tolerable harmony, thanks to the genius of +Manṣúr and the conciliatory influence of the Barmecides, +by whose overthrow the alliance was virtually dissolved. In +the ensuing civil war between the sons of Hárún al-Rashíd +the Arabs fought on the side of Amín while the Persians +supported Ma’mún, and henceforth each race began to follow +an independent path. The process of separation, however, +was very gradual, and long before it was completed the +religious and intellectual life of both nationalities had +become inseparably mingled in the full stream of Moslem +civilisation.</p> + +<p class="tb">The centre of this civilisation was the province of ‘Iráq +(Babylonia), with its renowned metropolis, Baghdád, 'the +<span class="sidenote"> The choice of a +new capital.</span> +City of Peace' (<i>Madínatu ’l-Salám</i>). Only here +could the ‘Abbásids feel themselves at home. +"Damascus, peopled by the dependants of the +Omayyads, was out of the question. On the one hand it +was too far from Persia, whence the power of the ‘Abbásids +was chiefly derived; on the other hand it was dangerously +near the Greek frontier, and from here, during the troublous +reigns of the last Omayyads, hostile incursions on the part of +the Christians had begun to avenge former defeats. It was +also beginning to be evident that the conquests of Islam +would, in the future, lie to the eastward towards Central +Asia, rather than to the westward at the further expense of +the Byzantines. Damascus, on the highland of Syria, lay, so +to speak, dominating the Mediterranean and looking westward, +but the new capital that was to supplant it must face +east, be near Persia, and for the needs of commerce have water +communication with the sea. Hence everything pointed to a + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_256" id="Page_256" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>256</a></span> + +site on either the Euphrates or the Tigris, and the ‘Abbásids +were not slow to make their choice."<a name="FNanchor_480" id="FNanchor_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">480</a> After carefully +examining various sites, the Caliph Manṣúr fixed on a little +Persian village, on the west bank of the Tigris, called +Baghdád, which, being interpreted, means <span class="sidenote"> Foundation of +Baghdád.</span> +'given (or 'founded') by God'; and in +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 762 the walls of the new city began to +rise. Manṣúr laid the first brick with his own hand, and +the work was pushed forward with astonishing rapidity under +his personal direction by masons, architects, and surveyors, +whom he gathered out of different countries, so that 'the +Round City,' as he planned it, was actually finished within +the short space of four years.</p> + +<p class="tb">The same circumstances which caused the seat of empire +to be transferred to Baghdád brought about a corresponding +change in the whole system of government. Whereas the +Umayyads had been little more than heads of a turbulent +Arabian aristocracy, their successors reverted to the old type +of Oriental despotism with which the Persians had been +familiar since the days of Darius and Xerxes. Surrounded +by a strong bodyguard of troops from Khurásán, on whose +devotion they could rely, the ‘Abbásids ruled <span class="sidenote">Despotic +character of +‘Abbásid rule.</span> +with absolute authority over the lives and properties +or their subjects, even as the Sásánian +monarchs had ruled before them. Persian fashions were +imitated at the court, which was thronged with the Caliph's +relatives and freedmen (not to mention his womenfolk), besides +a vast array of uniformed and decorated officials. Chief amongst +these latter stood two personages who figure prominently in +the <i>Arabian Nights</i>—the Vizier and the Executioner. The +office of Vizier is probably of Persian origin, although in Professor +De Goeje's opinion the word itself is Arabic.<a name="FNanchor_481" id="FNanchor_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">481</a> The first + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_257" id="Page_257" href="#"><span><i>THE NEW GOVERNMENT</i></span>257</a></span> + +who bore this title in ‘Abbásid times was Abú Salama, the +minister of Saffáḥ: he was called <i>Wazíru Áli Muḥammad<sup>in</sup></i>, +'the Vizier of Muḥammad's Family.' It <span class="sidenote"> The Vizier.</span> +was the duty of the Vizier to act as intermediary +between the omnipotent sovereign and his people, +to counsel him in affairs of State, and, above all, to keep His +Majesty in good humour. He wielded enormous power, but +was exposed to every sort of intrigue, and never knew when +he might be interned in a dungeon or despatched in the +twinkling of an eye by the grim functionary presiding over +the <i>naṭ‘</i>, or circular carpet of leather, which lay beside the +throne and served as a scaffold.</p> + +<p class="tb">We can distinguish two periods in the history of the +‘Abbásid House: one of brilliant prosperity inaugurated by +<span class="sidenote">Two periods +of ‘Abbásid +history.</span> +Manṣúr and including the reigns of Mahdí, +Hárún al-Rashíd, Ma’mún, Mu‘tasim, and +Wáthiq—that is to say, nearly a hundred years +in all (754-847 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); the other, more than four times +as long, commencing with Mutawakkil (847-861 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>)—a +period of decline rapidly sinking, after a brief interval +which gave promise of better things, into irremediable +decay.<a name="FNanchor_482" id="FNanchor_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">482</a></p> + +<p class="tb"><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_258" id="Page_258" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>258</a></span></p> + +<p>Cruel and treacherous, like most of his family, Abú Ja‘far +Manṣúr was perhaps the greatest ruler whom the ‘Abbásids +<span class="sidenote">Reign of Manṣúr +(754-775 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +produced.<a name="FNanchor_483" id="FNanchor_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">483</a> He had to fight hard for his throne. +The ‘Alids, who deemed themselves the true +heirs of the Prophet in virtue of their descent +from Fáṭima, rose in rebellion against the usurper, surprised +him in an unguarded moment, and drove him to such straits +that during seven weeks he never changed his dress except for +public prayers. But once more the ‘Alids proved incapable +of grasping their opportunity. The leaders, Muḥammad, who +was known as 'The Pure Soul' (<i>al-Nafs al-zakiyya</i>), and his +brother Ibráhím, fell on the battle-field. Under Mahdí <span class="sidenote"> Outbreaks in +Persia.</span> +and Hárún members of the House of ‘Alí continued to +'come out,' but with no better success. In Eastern Persia, +where strong national feelings interwove themselves with +Pre-Muḥammadan religious ideas, those of Mazdak and +Zoroaster in particular, the ‘Abbásids encountered a formidable +opposition which proclaimed its vigour +and tenacity by the successive revolts of Sinbádh +the Magian (755-756 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), Ustádhsís (766-768), +Muqanna‘, the 'Veiled Prophet of Khurásán' (780-786), +and Bábak the Khurramite (816-838).<a name="FNanchor_484" id="FNanchor_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">484</a></p> + +<p>Manṣúr said to his son Mahdi, "O Abú ‘Abdalláh, when +you sit in company, always have divines to converse with you; +<span class="sidenote"> Manṣúr's advice +to Mahdí.</span> +for Muḥammad b. Shiháb al-Zuhrí said, 'The +word <i>ḥadíth</i> (Apostolic Tradition) is masculine: +only virile men love it, and only effeminate men +dislike it'; and he spoke the truth."<a name="FNanchor_485" id="FNanchor_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">485</a></p> + +<p>On one occasion a poet came to Mahdí, who was then +heir-apparent, at Rayy, and recited a panegyric in his honour. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_259" id="Page_259" href="#"><span><i>MANṢÚR</i></span>259</a></span> + +The prince gave him 20,000 dirhems. Thereupon the +postmaster of Rayy informed Manṣúr, who wrote to his son +<span class="sidenote"> Manṣúr and +the poet.</span> +reproaching him for such extravagance. "What +you should have done," he said, "was to let him +wait a year at your door, and after that time +bestow on him 4,000 dirhems." He then caused the poet +to be arrested and brought into his presence. "You went +to a heedless youth and cajoled him?" "Yes, God save +the Commander of the Faithful, I went to a heedless, +generous youth and cajoled him, and he suffered himself to +be cajoled." "Recite your eulogy of him." The poet +obeyed, not forgetting to conclude his verses with a compliment +to Manṣúr. "Bravo!" cried the Caliph, "but they +are not worth 20,000 dirhems. Where is the money?" On +its being produced he made him a gift of 4,000 dirhems and +confiscated the remainder.<a name="FNanchor_486" id="FNanchor_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">486</a></p> + +<p>Notwithstanding irreconcilable parties—‘Alids, Persian +extremists, and (we may add) Khárijites—the policy of +<span class="sidenote"> The Barmecides.</span> +<i>rapprochement</i> was on the whole extraordinarily +effective. In carrying it out the Caliphs received +powerful assistance from a noble and ancient Persian +family, the celebrated Barmakites or Barmecides. According +to Mas‘údí,<a name="FNanchor_487" id="FNanchor_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">487</a> Barmak was originally a title borne by the High +Priest (<i>sádin</i>) of the great Magian fire-temple at Balkh. +Khálid, the son of one of these dignitaries—whence he and +his descendants were called Barmakites (<i>Barámika</i>)—held the +most important offices of state under Saffáḥ and Manṣúr. +Yaḥyá, the son of Khálid, was entrusted with the education +of Hárún al-Rashíd, and on the accession of the young +prince he was appointed Grand Vizier. "My <span class="sidenote"> Yaḥyá b. Khálid.</span> +dear father!" said the Caliph, "it is through +the blessings and the good fortune which attend you, and +through your excellent management, that I am seated on the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_260" id="Page_260" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>260</a></span> +throne;<a name="FNanchor_488" id="FNanchor_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">488</a> so I commit to you the direction of affairs." He then +handed to him his signet-ring. Yaḥyá was distinguished (says +the biographer) for wisdom, nobleness of mind, and elegance of +language.<a name="FNanchor_489" id="FNanchor_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">489</a> Although he took a truly Persian delight in philosophical +discussion, for which purpose freethinking scholars +and eminent heretics used often to meet in his house, he was +careful to observe the outward forms of piety. It may be said +of the ‘Abbásids generally that, whatever they might do or +think in private, they wore the official badge of Islam ostentatiously +on their sleeves. The following verses which Yaḥyá +addressed to his son Faḍl are very characteristic:—<a name="FNanchor_490" id="FNanchor_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">490</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Seek glory while 'tis day, no effort spare,</span><span class="i0"> +And patiently the loved one's absence bear;</span><span class="i0"> +But when the shades of night advancing slow</span><span class="i0"> +O'er every vice a veil of darkness throw,</span><span class="i0"> +Beguile the hours with all thy heart's delight:</span><span class="i0"> +The day of prudent men begins at night.</span><span class="i0"> +Many there be, esteemed of life austere,</span><span class="i0"> +Who nightly enter on a strange career.</span><span class="i0"> +Night o'er them keeps her sable curtain drawn,</span><span class="i0"> +And merrily they pass from eve to dawn.</span><span class="i0"> +Who but a fool his pleasures would expose</span><span class="i0"> +To spying rivals and censorious foes?"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>For seventeen years Yaḥyá and his two sons, Faḍl and +Ja‘far, remained deep in Hárún's confidence and virtual rulers +<span class="sidenote">Fall of the +Barmecides +(803 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +of the State until, from motives which have been +variously explained, the Caliph resolved to rid +himself of the whole family. The story is too +well known to need repetition.<a name="FNanchor_491" id="FNanchor_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">491</a> Ja‘far alone was put to +death: we may conclude, therefore, that he had specially +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_261" id="Page_261" href="#"><span><i>HÁRÚN AND THE BARMECIDES</i></span>261</a></span> +excited the Caliph's anger; and those who ascribe the +catastrophe to his romantic love-affair with Hárún's sister, +‘Abbása, are probably in the right.<a name="FNanchor_492" id="FNanchor_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">492</a> Hárún himself seems +to have recognised, when it was too late, how much he +owed to these great Persian barons whose tactful administration, +unbounded generosity, and munificent patronage of +literature have shed immortal lustre on his reign. Afterwards, +if any persons spoke ill of the Barmecides in his presence, he +would say (quoting the verse of Ḥuṭay’a):—<a name="FNanchor_493" id="FNanchor_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">493</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"O slanderers, be your sire of sire bereft!<a name="FNanchor_494" id="FNanchor_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">494</a></span><span class="i0"> +Give o'er, or fill the gap which they have left."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>Hárún's orthodoxy, his liberality, his victories over the +Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus, and last but not least the +literary brilliance of his reign have raised him in popular +estimation far above all the other Caliphs: he is the Charlemagne +of the East, while the entrancing pages of the <i>Thousand +and One Nights</i> have made his name a household word in every +country of Europe. Students of Moslem history will soon +discover that "the good Haroun Alraschid" was <span class="sidenote">Hárún al-Rashíd +(786-809 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +in fact a perfidious and irascible tyrant, whose +fitful amiability and real taste for music and +letters hardly entitle him to be described either as a great +monarch or a good man. We must grant, however, that he +thoroughly understood the noble art of patronage. The +poets Abú Nuwás, Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya, Di‘bil, Muslim b. Walíd, +and ‘Abbás b. Aḥnaf; the musician Ibráhím of Mosul and +his son Isḥáq; the philologists Abú ‘Ubayda, Aṣma‘í, and +Kisá’í; the preacher Ibnu ’l-Sammák; and the historian +Wáqidí—these are but a few names in the galaxy of talent +which he gathered around him at Baghdád.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_262" id="Page_262" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>262</a></span></p> + +<p>The fall of the Barmecides revived the spirit of racial +antagonism which they had done their best to lay, and an +<span class="sidenote">Amín and +Ma’mún +(809-833 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +open rupture was rendered inevitable by the +short-sighted policy of Hárún with regard to +the succession. He had two grown-up sons, +Amín, by his wife and cousin Zubayda, and Ma’mún, whose +mother was a Persian slave. It was arranged that the +Caliphate should pass to Amín and after him to his brother, +but that the Empire should be divided between them. Amín +was to receive ‘Iráq and Syria, Ma’mún the eastern provinces, +where the people would gladly welcome a ruler of +their own blood. The struggle for supremacy which began +almost immediately on the death of Hárún was in the main +one of Persians against Arabs, and by Ma’mún's triumph the +Barmecides were amply avenged.</p> + +<p>The new Caliph was anything but orthodox. He favoured +the Shí‘ite party to such an extent that he even nominated +the ‘Alid, ‘Alí b. Músá b. Ja‘far al-Riḍá, as heir-apparent—a +step which alienated the members of <span class="sidenote"> Ma’mún's +heresies.</span> +his own family and led to his being temporarily +deposed. He also adopted the opinions of the Mu‘tazilite sect +and established an Inquisition to enforce them. Hence the +Sunnite historian, Abu ’l-Maḥásin, enumerates three principal +heresies of which Ma’mún was guilty: (1) His wearing of the +Green (<i>labsu ’l-Khuḍra</i>)<a name="FNanchor_495" id="FNanchor_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">495</a> and courting the ‘Alids and repulsing +the ‘Abbásids; (2) his affirming that the Koran was created +(<i>al-qawl bi-Khalqi ’l-Qur’án</i>); and (3) his legalisation of the +<i>mut‘a</i>, a loose form of marriage prevailing amongst the +Shí‘ites.<a name="FNanchor_496" id="FNanchor_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">496</a> We shall see in due course how keenly and with +what fruitful results Ma’mún interested himself in literature +and science. Nevertheless, it cannot escape our attention +that in this splendid reign there appear ominous signs of political +decay. In 822 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Ṭáhir, one of Ma’mún's generals, who + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_263" id="Page_263" href="#"><span><i>MA’MÚN</i></span>263</a></span> + +had been appointed governor of Khurásán, omitted the +customary mention of the Caliph's name from the Friday +sermon (<i>khuṭba</i>), thus founding the Ṭahirid <span class="sidenote"> Rise of +independent +dynasties.</span> +dynasty, which, though professing allegiance to +the Caliphs, was practically independent. Ṭáhir +was only the first of a long series of ambitious governors and +bold adventurers who profited by the weakening authority of +the Caliphs to carve out kingdoms for themselves. Moreover, +the Moslems of ‘Iráq had lost their old warlike spirit: they +were fine scholars and merchants, but poor soldiers. So it +came about that Ma’mún's successor, the Caliph Mu‘taṣim +(833-842 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), took the fatal step of surrounding +himself with a Prætorian Guard chiefly<span class="sidenote"> Turkish +mercenaries +introduced.</span> +composed of Turkish recruits from Transoxania. +At the same time he removed his court from Baghdád sixty +miles further up the Tigris to Sámarrá, which suddenly grew +into a superb city of palaces and barracks—an Oriental Versailles.<a name="FNanchor_497" id="FNanchor_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">497</a> +Here we may close our brief review of the first and +flourishing period of the ‘Abbásid Caliphate. During the +next four centuries the Caliphs come and go faster than +ever, but for the most part their authority is precarious, if +not purely nominal. Meanwhile, in the provinces of the +Empire petty dynasties arise, only to eke out <span class="sidenote"> Decline of the +Caliphate.</span> +an obscure and troubled existence, or powerful +states are formed, which carry on the traditions +of Muḥammadan culture, it may be through many generations, +and in some measure restore the blessings of peace and +settled government to an age surfeited with anarchy and +bloodshed. Of these provincial empires we have now principally +to speak, confining our view, for the most part, to the +political outlines, and reserving the literary and religious +aspects of the period for fuller consideration elsewhere.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_264" id="Page_264" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>264</a></span> + +The reigns of Mutawakkil (847-861 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and his immediate +successors exhibit all the well-known features of Prætorian rule. +<span class="sidenote">The Second +‘Abbásid Period +(847-1258 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Enormous sums were lavished on the Turkish +soldiery, who elected and deposed the Caliph just +as they pleased, and enforced their insatiable +demands by mutiny and assassination. For a short time +(869-907 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) matters improved under the able and energetic +Muhtadí and the four Caliphs who followed him; but the +Turks soon regained the upper hand. From this date every +vestige of real power is centred in the Generalissimo (<i>Amíru +’l-Umará</i>) who stands at the head of the army, while the +once omnipotent Caliph must needs be satisfied with the +empty honour of having his name stamped on the coinage +and celebrated in the public prayers. The terrorism of the +Turkish bodyguard was broken by the Buwayhids, a Persian +dynasty, who ruled in Baghdád from 945 to 1055 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Then +the Seljúq supremacy began with Ṭughril Beg's entry into the +capital and lasted a full century until the death of Sanjar +(1157 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). The Mongols who captured Baghdád in +1258 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> brought the pitiable farce of the Caliphate to +an end.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The empire of the Caliphs at its widest," as Stanley Lane-Poole +observes in his excellent account of the Muḥammadan dynasties, +<span class="sidenote">Dynasties of the +early ‘Abbásid +Age.</span> +"extended from the Atlantic to the Indus, and from +the Caspian to the cataracts of the Nile. So vast a +dominion could not long be held together. The first +step towards its disintegration began in Spain, where ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán, +a member of the suppressed Umayyad family, was acknowledged +as an independent sovereign in <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 755, and the ‘Abbásid +Caliphate was renounced for ever. Thirty years later Idrís, a +great-grandson of the Caliph ‘Alí, and therefore equally at variance +with ‘Abbásids and Umayyads, founded an ‘Alid dynasty in +Morocco. The rest of the North African coast was practically lost +to the Caliphate when the Aghlabid governor established his +authority at Qayrawán in <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 800."</p></div> + +<p>Amongst the innumerable kingdoms which supplanted the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_265" id="Page_265" href="#"><span><i>DYNASTIES OF THE PERIOD</i></span>265</a></span> + +decaying Caliphate only a few of the most important can be +singled out for special notice on account of their literary or +religious interest.<a name="FNanchor_498" id="FNanchor_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">498</a> To begin with Persia: in +<span class="sidenote">Dynasties of the Second Period. 872<span class="smcap"> a.d.</span></span> +Khurásán, which was then held by the +Ṭáhirids, fell into the hands of Ya‘qúb b. Layth +the Coppersmith (<i>al-Ṣaffár</i>), founder of the Ṣaffárids, who for +thirty years stretched their sway over a great part of Persia, +until they were dispossessed by the Sámánids. +The latter dynasty had the seat of its power in +Transoxania, but during the first half of the<span class="sidenote">The Sámánids +(874-999 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +tenth century practically the whole of Persia submitted to the +authority of Ismá‘íl and his famous successors, Naṣr II and +Núḥ I. Not only did these princes warmly encourage and +foster the development, which had already begun, of a national +literature in the Persian language—it is enough to recall here +the names of Rúdagí, the blind minstrel and poet; Daqíqí, +whose fragment of a Persian Epic was afterwards incorporated +by Firdawsí in his <i>Sháhnáma</i>; and Bal‘amí, the Vizier of +Manṣúr I, who composed an abridgment of Ṭabarí's great +history, which is one of the oldest prose works in Persian that +have come down to us—but they extended the same favour to +poets and men of learning who (though, for the most part, of +Persian extraction) preferred to use the Arabic language. +Thus the celebrated Rhazes (Abú Bakr al-Rází) dedicated to +the Sámánid prince Abú Ṣáliḥ Manṣúr b. Isháq a treatise on +medicine, which he entitled <i>al-Kitáb al-Manṣúrí</i> (the Book of +Manṣúr) in honour of his patron. The great physician and +philosopher, Abú ‘Alí b. Síná (Avicenna) relates that, having +been summoned to Bukhárá by King Núḥ, the second of that +name (976-997 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), he obtained permission to visit the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_266" id="Page_266" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>266</a></span> + +royal library. "I found there," he says, "many rooms filled +with books which were arranged in cases row upon row. One +room was allotted to works on Arabic philology and poetry; +another to jurisprudence, and so forth, the books on each particular +science having a room to themselves. I inspected the +catalogue of ancient Greek authors and looked for the books +which I required: I saw in this collection books of which few +people have heard even the names, and which I myself have +never seen either before or since."<a name="FNanchor_499" id="FNanchor_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">499</a></p> + +<p>The power of the Sámánids quickly reached its zenith, and +about the middle of the tenth century they were confined to +<span class="sidenote">The Buwayhids +(932-1055 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Khurásán and Transoxania, while in Western +Persia their place was taken by the Buwayhids. +Abú Shujá‘ Buwayh, a chieftain of Daylam, the +mountainous province lying along the southern shores of the +Caspian Sea, was one of those soldiers of fortune whom we +meet with so frequently in the history of this period. His three +sons, ‘Alí, Aḥmad, and Ḥasan, embarked on the same adventurous +career with such energy and success, that in the course +of thirteen years they not only subdued the provinces of Fárs +and Khúzistán, but in 945 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> entered Baghdád at the head +of their Daylamite troops and assumed the supreme command, +receiving from the Caliph Mustakfí the honorary titles of +‘Imádu ’l-Dawla, Mu‘izzu ’l-Dawla, and Ruknu ’l-Dawla. +Among the princes of this House, who reigned over Persia and +‘Iráq during the next hundred years, the most eminent was +‘Aḍudu ’l-Dawla, of whom it is said by Ibn Khallikán that +none of the Buwayhids, notwithstanding their great power +and authority, possessed so extensive an empire and held sway +over so many kings and kingdoms as he. The chief poets +of the day, including Mutanabbí, visited his court at Shíráz +and celebrated his praises in magnificent odes. He also built +a great hospital in Baghdád, the Bímáristán al-‘Aḍudí, which + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_267" id="Page_267" href="#"><span><i>THE BUWAYHIDS</i></span>267</a></span> + +was long famous as a school of medicine. The Viziers of the +Buwayhid family contributed in a quite unusual degree to its +literary renown. Ibnu ’l-‘Amíd, the Vizier of Ruknu ’l-Dawla, +surpassed in philology and epistolary composition all his +contemporaries; hence he was called 'the second Jáḥiẓ,' and +it was a common saying that "the art of letter-writing began +with ‘Abdu ’l-Ḥamíd and ended with Ibnu ’l-‘Amíd."<a name="FNanchor_500" id="FNanchor_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">500</a> +His friend, the Ṣáḥib Ismá‘íl b. ‘Abbád, Vizier to Mu’ayyidu +’l-Dawla and Fakhru ’l-Dawla, was a distinguished savant, +whose learning was only eclipsed by the liberality of his +patronage. In the latter respect Sábúr b. Ardashír, the prime +minister of Abú Naṣr Bahá’u ’l-Dawla, vied with the illustrious +Ṣáḥib. He had so many encomiasts that Tha‘álibí devotes to +them a whole chapter of the <i>Yatíma</i>. The Academy which +he founded at Baghdád, in the Karkh quarter, and generously +endowed, was a favourite haunt of literary men, and its +members seem to have enjoyed pretty much the same privileges +as belong to the Fellows of an Oxford or Cambridge +College.<a name="FNanchor_501" id="FNanchor_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">501</a></p> + +<p>Like most of their countrymen, the Buwayhids were +Shí‘ites in religion. We read in the Annals of Abu ’l-Maḥásin +under the year 341 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 952 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In this year the Vizier al-Muhallabí arrested some persons +who held the doctrine of metempsychosis (<i>tanásukh</i>). Among +<span class="sidenote">Zeal of the +Buwayhids for +Shí‘ite principles.</span> +them were a youth who declared that the spirit of +‘Alí b. Abí Ṭálib had passed into his body, and a +woman who claimed that the spirit of Fáṭima was +dwelling in her; while another man pretended to be Gabriel. On +being flogged, they excused themselves by alleging their relationship +to the Family of the Prophet, whereupon Mu‘izzu ’l-Dawla ordered +them to be set free. This he did because of his attachment to + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_268" id="Page_268" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>268</a></span> + +Shí‘ism. It is well known," says the author in conclusion, "that the +Buwayhids were Shí‘ites and Ráfiḍites."<a name="FNanchor_502" id="FNanchor_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">502</a></p></div> + +<p>Three dynasties contemporary with the Buwayhids have +still to be mentioned: the Ghaznevids in Afghanistan, the +<span class="sidenote">The Ghaznevids +(976-1186 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Ḥamdánids in Syria, and the Fáṭimids in Egypt. +Sabuktagín, the founder of the first-named +dynasty, was a Turkish slave. His son, Maḥmúd, +who succeeded to the throne of Ghazna in 998 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, made +short work of the already tottering Sámánids, and then sweeping +far and wide over Northern India, began a series of conquests +which, before his death in 1030 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, reached from +Lahore to Samarcand and Iṣfahán. Although the Persian and +Transoxanian provinces of his huge empire were soon torn +away by the Seljúqs, Maḥmúd's invasion of India, which was +undertaken with the object of winning that country for Islam, +permanently established Muḥammadan influence, at any rate +in the Panjáb. As regards their religious views, the Turkish +Ghaznevids stand in sharp contrast with the Persian houses of +Sámán and Buwayh. It has been well said that the true +genius of the Turks lies in action, not in speculation. When +Islam came across their path, they saw that it was a simple +and practical creed such as the soldier requires; so they +accepted it without further parley. The Turks have always +remained loyal to Islam, the Islam of Abú Bakr and ‘Umar, +which is a very different thing from the Islam of Shí‘ite +Persia. Maḥmúd proved his orthodoxy by banishing the +Mu‘tazilites of Rayy and burning their books together with +the philosophical and astronomical works that fell into his +hands; but on the same occasion he carried off a hundred +camel-loads of presumably harmless literature to his capital. +That he had no deep enthusiasm for letters is shown, for + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_269" id="Page_269" href="#"><span><i>GHAZNEVIDS AND ḤAMDÁNIDS</i></span>269</a></span> + +example, by his shabby treatment of the poet Firdawsí. +Nevertheless, he ardently desired the glory and prestige +accruing to a sovereign whose court formed the rallying-point +of all that was best in the literary and scientific culture of the +day, and such was Ghazna in the eleventh century. Besides +the brilliant group of Persian poets, with Firdawsí at their +head, we may mention among the Arabic-writing authors +who flourished under this dynasty the historians al-‘Utbí and +al-Bírúní.</p> + +<p>While the Eastern Empire of Islam was passing into the +hands of Persians and Turks, we find the Arabs still holding +<span class="sidenote">The Ḥamdánids +(929-1003 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +their own in Syria and Mesopotamia down to +the end of the tenth century. These Arab and +generally nomadic dynasties were seldom of much +account. The Ḥamdánids of Aleppo alone deserve to be +noticed here, and that chiefly for the sake of the peerless +Sayfu ’l-Dawla, a worthy descendant of the tribe of Taghlib, +which in the days of heathendom produced the poet-warrior, +‘Amr b. Kulthúm. ‘Abdulláh b. Ḥamdán was appointed +governor of Mosul and its dependencies by the Caliph +Muktafí in 905 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, and in 942 his sons Ḥasan and ‘Alí +received the complimentary titles of Náṣiru ’l-Dawla (Defender +of the State) and Sayfu ’l-Dawla (Sword of the State). +Two years later Sayfu ’l-Dawla captured Aleppo and brought +the whole of Northern Syria under his dominion. During a +reign of twenty-three years he was continuously engaged in +harrying the Byzantines on the frontiers of Asia Minor, but +although he gained some glorious victories, which his laureate +Mutanabbí has immortalised, the fortune of war went in the +long run steadily against him, and his successors were unable +to preserve their little kingdom from being crushed between the +Byzantines in the north and the Fáṭtimids in the south. The +Ḥamdánids have an especial claim on our sympathy, because +they revived for a time the fast-decaying and already almost +broken spirit of Arabian nationalism. It is this spirit that +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_270" id="Page_270" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>270</a></span> +speaks with a powerful voice in Mutanabbí and declares itself, +for example, in such verses as these:—<a name="FNanchor_503" id="FNanchor_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">503</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Men from their kings alone their worth derive,</span><span class="i0"> +But Arabs ruled by aliens cannot thrive:</span><span class="i0"> +Boors without culture, without noble fame,</span><span class="i0"> +Who know not loyalty and honour's name.</span><span class="i0"> +Go where thou wilt, thou seest in every land</span><span class="i0"> +Folk driven like cattle by a servile band."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>The reputation which Sayfu ’l-Dawla's martial exploits and +his repeated triumphs over the enemies of Islam richly earned +<span class="sidenote">The circle of +Sayfu ’l-Dawla.</span> +for him in the eyes of his contemporaries was +enhanced by the conspicuous energy and munificence +with which he cultivated the arts of peace. +Considering the brevity of his reign and the relatively small +extent of his resources, we may well be astonished to contemplate +the unique assemblage of literary talent then +mustered in Aleppo. There was, first of all, Mutanabbí, in +the opinion of his countrymen the greatest of Moslem poets; +there was Sayfu ’l-Dawla's cousin, the chivalrous Abú Firás, +whose war-songs are relieved by many a touch of tender and +true feeling; there was Abu ’l-Faraj of Iṣfahán, who on +presenting to Sayfu ’l-Dawla his <i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i>, one of the +most celebrated and important works in all Arabic literature, +received one thousand pieces of gold accompanied with an +expression of regret that the prince was obliged to remunerate +him so inadequately; there was also the great philosopher, +Abú Naṣr al-Fárábí, whose modest wants were satisfied by a +daily pension of four dirhems (about two shillings) from the +public treasury. Surely this is a record not easily surpassed +even in the heyday of ‘Abbásid patronage. As for the writers +of less note whom Sayfu ’l-Dawla attracted to Aleppo, their +name is legion. Space must be found for the poets Sarí al-Raffá, +Abu ’l-‘Abbás al-Námí, and Abu ’l-Faraj al-Babbaghá +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_271" id="Page_271" href="#"><span><i>SAYFU ’L-DAWLA</i></span>271</a></span> +for the preacher (<i>khaṭíb</i>) Ibn Nubáta, who would often rouse +the enthusiasm of his audience while he urged the duty of +zealously prosecuting the Holy War against Christian Byzantium; +and for the philologist Ibn Khálawayh, whose lectures +were attended by students from all parts of the Muḥammadan +world. The literary renaissance which began at this time +in Syria was still making its influence felt when Tha‘álibí +wrote his <i>Yatíma</i>, about thirty years after the death of Sayfu +’l-Dawla, and it produced in Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí (born +973 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) an original and highly interesting personality, to +whom we shall return on another occasion.</p> + +<p class="tb">The dynasties hitherto described were political in their +origin, having generally been founded by ambitious governors +<span class="sidenote">The Fáṭimids +(909-1171 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +or vassals. These upstarts made no pretensions +to the nominal authority, which they left in +the hands of the Caliph even while they forced +him at the sword's point to recognise their political independence. +The Sámánids and Buwayhids, Shí‘ites as they +were, paid the same homage to the Caliph in Baghdád as +did the Sunnite Ghaznevids. But in the beginning of the +tenth century there arose in Africa a great Shí‘ite power, +that of the Fáṭimids, who took for themselves the title +and prerogatives of the Caliphate, which they asserted to +be theirs by right Divine. This event was only the +climax of a deep-laid and skilfully organised plot—one of +the most extraordinary in all history. It had been put in +train half a century earlier by a certain ‘Abdulláh the son +of Maymún, a Persian oculist (<i>qaddáḥ</i>) belonging to Aḥwáz. +Filled with a fierce hatred of the Arabs and with a freethinker's +contempt for Islam, ‘Abdulláh b. Maymún conceived +the idea of a vast secret society which should be all +things to all men, and which, by playing on the strongest +passions and tempting the inmost weaknesses of human +nature, should unite malcontents of every description in a + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_272" id="Page_272" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>272</a></span> + +conspiracy to overthrow the existing <i>régime</i>. Modern +readers may find a parallel for this romantic project in the +pages of Dumas, although the Aramis of <i>Twenty Years After</i> +is a simpleton beside ‘Abdulláh. He saw that the movement, +in order to succeed, must be started on a religious basis, and +he therefore identified himself with an obscure <span class="sidenote">The Ismá‘ílite +propaganda.</span> +Shí‘ite sect, the Ismá‘ílís, who were so called +because they regarded Muḥammad, son of Ismá‘íl, +son of Ja‘far al-Ṣádiq, as the Seventh Imám. Under ‘Abdulláh +the Ismá‘ílís developed their mystical and antinomian doctrines, +of which an excellent account has been given by +Professor Browne in the first volume of his <i>Literary History of +Persia</i> (p. 405 sqq.). Here we can only refer to the ingenious +and fatally insidious methods which he devised for gaining +proselytes on a gigantic scale, and with such amazing success +that from this time until the Mongol invasion—a period of +almost four centuries—the Ismá‘ílites (Fáṭimids, Carmathians, +and Assassins) either ruled or ravaged a great part of the +Muḥammadan Empire. It is unnecessary to discuss the +question whether ‘Abdulláh b. Maymún was, as Professor +Browne thinks, primarily a religious enthusiast, or whether, +according to the view commonly held, his real motives were +patriotism and personal ambition. The history of Islam +shows clearly enough that the revolutionist is nearly always +disguised as a religious leader, while, on the other hand, +every founder of a militant sect is potentially the head of a +state. ‘Abdulláh may have been a fanatic first and a politician +afterwards; more probably he was both at once from the +beginning. His plan of operations was briefly as follows:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The <i>dá‘í</i> or missionary charged with the task of gaining adherents +for the Hidden Imám (see p. <a href="#Page_216">216</a> seq.), in whose name allegiance was +demanded, would settle in some place, representing himself to be a +merchant, Ṣúfí, or the like. By renouncing worldly pleasures, +making a show of strict piety, and performing apparent miracles, it +was easy for him to pass as a saint with the common folk. As soon + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_273" id="Page_273" href="#"><span><i>THE ISMÁ‘ÍLÍS</i></span>273</a></span> + +as he was assured of his neighbours' confidence and respect, he +began to raise doubts in their minds. He would suggest difficult +problems of theology or dwell on the mysterious significance +of certain passages of the Koran. May there not be (he would ask) +in religion itself a deeper meaning than appears on the surface? +Then, having excited the curiosity of his hearers, he suddenly breaks +off. When pressed to continue his explanation, he declares that +such mysteries cannot be communicated save to those who take a +binding oath of secrecy and obedience and consent to pay a fixed +sum of money in token of their good faith. If these conditions +were accepted, the neophyte entered upon the second of the nine +degrees of initiation. He was taught that mere observance of the +laws of Islam is not pleasing to God, unless the true doctrine be +received through the Imáms who have it in keeping. These Imáms +(as he next learned) are seven in number, beginning with ‘Alí; the +seventh and last is Muḥammad, son of Ismá‘íl. On reaching the +fourth degree he definitely ceased to be a Moslem, for here he was +taught the Ismá‘ílite system of theology in which Muḥammad b. +Ismá‘íl supersedes the founder of Islam as the greatest and last of +all the Prophets. Comparatively few initiates advanced beyond +this grade to a point where every form of positive religion was +allegorised away, and only philosophy was left. "It is clear what +a tremendous weapon, or rather machine, was thus created. Each +man was given the amount of light which he could bear and which +was suited to his prejudices, and he was made to believe that the +end of the whole work would be the attaining of what he regarded +as most desirable."<a name="FNanchor_504" id="FNanchor_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">504</a> Moreover, the Imám Muḥammad b. Ismá‘íl +having disappeared long ago, the veneration which sought a visible +object was naturally transferred to his successor and representative +on earth, viz., ‘Abdulláh b. Maymún, who filled the same office in +relation to him as Aaron to Moses and ‘Alí to Muḥammad.</p></div> + +<p>About the middle of the ninth century the state of the +Moslem Empire was worse, if possible, than it had been in the +latter days of Umayyad rule. The peasantry of ‘Iráq were +impoverished by the desolation into which that flourishing +province was beginning to fall in consequence of the frequent +and prolonged civil wars. In 869 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> the negro slaves (<i>Zanj</i>) +employed in the saltpetre industry, for which Baṣra was +famous, took up arms at the call of an ‘Alid Messiah, and +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_274" id="Page_274" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>274</a></span> +during fourteen years carried fire and sword through Khúzistán +and the adjacent territory. We can imagine that all this +misery and discontent was a godsend to the Ismá‘ílites. The +old cry, "A deliverer of the Prophet's House," which served +the ‘Abbásids so well against the Umayyads, was now raised +with no less effect against the ‘Abbásids themselves.</p> + +<p>‘Abdulláh b. Maymún died in 875 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, but the agitation +went on, and rapidly gathered force. One of the leading +spirits was Ḥamdán Qarmaṭ, who gave his name to the Carmathian +branch of the Ismá‘ílís. These Carmathians (<i>Qarámiṭa</i>, +sing. <i>Qirmiṭí</i>) spread over Southern Persia and Yemen, and +in the tenth century they threatened Baghdád, repeatedly +waylaid the pilgrim-caravans, sacked Mecca and bore away +the Black Stone as a trophy; in short, established a veritable +reign of terror. We must return, however, to the main +Ismá‘ílite faction headed by the descendants of ‘Abdulláh b. +Maymún. Their emissaries discovered a promising field of +work in North Africa among the credulous and fanatical +Berbers. When all was ripe, Sa‘íd b. Ḥusayn, the grandson of +‘Abdulláh b. Maymún, left Salamya in Syria, the centre +from which the wires had hitherto been pulled, and <span class="sidenote">The Fáṭimid +dynasty founded +by the Mahdí +‘Ubaydu’lláh +(909 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +crossing over to Africa appeared as the long-expected +Mahdí under the name of ‘Ubaydu’lláh. He +gave himself out to be a great-grandson of the +Imám Muḥammad b. Ismá‘íl and therefore in the +direct line of descent from ‘Alí b. Abí Ṭálib and +Fáṭima the daughter of the Prophet. We need not stop to +discuss this highly questionable genealogy from which the +Fáṭimid dynasty derives its name. In 910 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> ‘Ubaydu’lláh +entered Raqqáda in triumph and assumed the title of Commander +of the Faithful. Tunis, where the Aghlabites had +ruled since 800 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, was the cradle of Fáṭimid power, and +here they built their capital, Mahdiyya, near the ancient +Thapsus. Gradually advancing eastward, they conquered +Egypt and Syria as far as Damascus (969-970 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). At this +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_275" id="Page_275" href="#"><span><i>THE FÁṬIMIDS AND THE SELJÚQS</i></span>275</a></span> +time the seat of government was removed to the newly-founded +city of Cairo (<i>al-Qáhira</i>), which remained for two centuries +the metropolis of the Fáṭimid Empire.<a name="FNanchor_505" id="FNanchor_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">505</a></p> + +<p>The Shí‘ite Anti-Caliphs maintained themselves in Egypt +until 1171 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, when the famous Saladin (Ṣaláḥu ’l-Dín b. +<span class="sidenote">The Ayyúbids +(1171-1250 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Ayyúb) took possession of that country and +restored the Sunnite faith. He soon added Syria +to his dominions, and "the fall of Jerusalem (in +1187) roused Europe to undertake the Third Crusade." The +Ayyúbids were strictly orthodox, as behoved the champions of +Islam against Christianity. They built and endowed many +theological colleges. The Ṣúfí pantheist, Shihábu ’l-Dín Yaḥyá +al-Suhrawardí, was executed at Aleppo by order of Saladin's +son, Malik al-Ẓáhir, in 1191 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p> + +<p class="tb">The two centuries preceding the extinction of the ‘Abbásid +Caliphate by the Mongols witnessed the rise and decline of +<span class="sidenote">The Seljúqs +(1037-1300 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +the Seljúq Turks, who "once more re-united +Muḥammadan Asia from the western frontier +of Afghanistan to the Mediterranean under one +sovereign." Seljúq b. Tuqáq was a Turcoman chief. +Entering Transoxania, he settled near Bukhárá and went +over with his whole people to Islam. His descendants, +Ṭughril Beg and Chagar Beg, invaded Khurásán, annexed +the western provinces of the Ghaznevid Empire, and finally +absorbed the remaining dominions of the Buwayhids. +Baghdád was occupied by Ṭughril Beg in 1055 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> It +has been said that the Seljúqs contributed almost nothing to +culture, but this perhaps needs some qualification. Although +Alp Arslán, who succeeded Ṭughril, and his son Malik Sháh +devoted their energies in the first place to military affairs, the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_276" id="Page_276" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>276</a></span> +latter at least was an accomplished and enlightened monarch. +"He exerted himself to spread the benefits of civilisation: he +dug numerous canals, walled a great number of cities, built +bridges, and constructed <i>ribáṭs</i> in the desert places."<a name="FNanchor_506" id="FNanchor_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">506</a> He +was deeply interested in astronomy, and scientific as well as +theological studies received his patronage. Any shortcomings +of Alp Arslán and Malik Sháh in this respect were amply +repaired by their famous minister, Ḥasan b. ‘Alí, the Niẓámu +’l-Mulk or 'Constable of the Empire,' to give him the title +which he has made his own. Like so many great Viziers, he +was a Persian, and his achievements must not detain us here, +but it may be mentioned that he founded in Baghdád and +Naysábúr the two celebrated academies which were called in +his honour al-Niẓámiyya.</p> + +<p class="tb">We have now taken a general, though perforce an extremely +curtailed and disconnected, view of the political conditions +<span class="sidenote"> Arabia +and Spain.</span> +which existed during the ‘Abbásid period in most +parts of the Muḥammadan Empire except Arabia +and Spain. The motherland of Islam had long +sunk to the level of a minor province: leaving the Holy +Cities out of consideration, one might compare its inglorious +destiny under the Caliphate to that of Macedonia in the +empire which Alexander bequeathed to his successors, the +Ptolemies and Seleucids. As regards the political history of +Spain a few words will conveniently be said in a subsequent +chapter, where the literature produced by Spanish Moslems +will demand our attention. In the meantime we shall pass on +to the characteristic literary developments of this period, which +correspond more or less closely to the historical outlines.</p> + +<p class="tb">The first thing that strikes the student of mediæval Arabic +literature is the fact that a very large proportion of the leading +writers are non-Arabs, or at best semi-Arabs, men whose fathers +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_277" id="Page_277" href="#"><span><i>FOREIGNERS WHO WROTE IN ARABIC</i></span>277</a></span> +or mothers were of foreign, and especially Persian, race. They +wrote in Arabic, because down to about 1000 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> that +language was the sole medium of literary expression in the +Muḥammadan world, a monopoly which it retained in +scientific compositions until the Mongol Invasion of the +thirteenth century. I have already referred to the question +whether such men as Bashshár b. Burd, Abú Nuwás, Ibn +Qutayba, Ṭabarí, Ghazálí, and hundreds of others should be +included in a literary history of the Arabs, and have given +reasons, which I need not repeat in this place, for considering +their admission to be not only desirable but fully justified on +logical grounds.<a name="FNanchor_507" id="FNanchor_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">507</a> The absurdity of treating them as Persians—and +there is no alternative, if they are not to be reckoned as +Arabs—appears to me self-evident.</p> + +<p>"It is strange," says Ibn Khaldún, "that most of the learned +among the Moslems who have excelled in the religious or +intellectual sciences are non-Arabs (<i>‘Ajam</i>) with rare exceptions; +and even those savants who claimed Arabian descent +spoke a foreign language, grew up in foreign lands, and +studied under foreign masters, notwithstanding that the community +to which they belonged was Arabian and the author +of its religion an Arab." The historian proceeds to explain +the cause of this singular circumstance in an interesting +passage which may be summarised as follows:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The first Moslems were entirely ignorant of art and science, all +their attention being devoted to the ordinances of the Koran, which +<span class="sidenote"> Ibn Khaldún's +explanation of +the fact that +learning was +chiefly cultivated +by the Persian +Moslems.</span> +they "carried in their breasts," and to the practice +(<i>sunna</i>) of the Prophet. At that time the Arabs knew +nothing of the way by which learning is taught, of the +art of composing books, and of the means whereby +knowledge is enregistered. Those, however, who +could repeat the Koran and relate the Traditions of +Muḥammad were called Readers (<i>qurrá</i>). This oral transmission +continued until the reign of Hárún al-Rashíd, when the need of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_278" id="Page_278" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>278</a></span> + +securing the Traditions against corruption or of preventing their +total loss caused them to be set down in writing; and in order to +distinguish the genuine Traditions from the spurious, every <i>isnád</i> +(chain of witnesses) was carefully scrutinised. Meanwhile the +purity of the Arabic tongue had gradually become impaired: hence +arose the science of grammar; and the rapid development of Law +and Divinity brought it about that other sciences, <i>e.g.</i>, logic and +dialectic, were professionally cultivated in the great cities of the +Muḥammadan Empire. The inhabitants of these cities were chiefly +Persians, freedmen and tradesmen, who had been long accustomed +to the arts of civilisation. Accordingly the most eminent of the +early grammarians, traditionists, and scholastic theologians, as +well as of those learned in the principles of Law and in the interpretation +of the Koran, were Persians by race or education, and the +saying of the Prophet was verified—"<i>If Knowledge were attached to +the ends of the sky, some amongst the Persians would have reached it.</i>" +Amidst all this intellectual activity the Arabs, who had recently +emerged from a nomadic life, found the exercise of military and +administrative command too engrossing to give them leisure for +literary avocations which have always been disdained by a ruling +caste. They left such studies to the Persians and the mixed race +(<i>al-muwalladún</i>), which sprang from intermarriage of the conquerors +with the conquered. They did not entirely look down +upon the men of learning but recognised their services—since after +all it was Islam and the sciences connected with Islam that profited +thereby.<a name="FNanchor_508" id="FNanchor_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">508</a></p></div> + +<p>Even in the Umayyad period, as we have seen, the maxim +that Knowledge is Power was strikingly illustrated by the +immense social influence which Persian divines exerted in the +Muḥammadan community.<a name="FNanchor_509" id="FNanchor_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">509</a> Nevertheless, true Arabs of the +old type regarded these <i>Mawálí</i> and their learning with +undisguised contempt. To the great majority of Arabs, who +prided themselves on their noble lineage and were content to +know nothing beyond the glorious traditions of heathendom +and the virtues practised by their sires, all literary culture +seemed petty and degrading. Their overbearing attitude + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_279" id="Page_279" href="#"><span><i>ARABS AND NON-ARABS</i></span>279</a></span> + +towards the <i>Mawálí</i>, which is admirably depicted in the first +part of Goldziher's <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, met with a +vigorous response. Non-Arabs and Moslem pietists alike +appealed to the highest authority—the Koran; and since they +required a more definite and emphatic pronouncement than +was forthcoming from that source, they put in the mouth of +the Prophet sayings like these: "He that speaks Arabic is +thereby an Arab"; "whoever of the people of Persia accepts +Islam is (as much an Arab as) one of Quraysh." This +doctrine made no impression upon the Arabian aristocracy, but +with the downfall of the Umayyads the political and social +equality of the <i>Mawálí</i> became an accomplished fact. Not +that the Arabs were at all disposed to abate their pretensions. +They bitterly resented the favour which the foreigners enjoyed +and the influence which they exercised. The national indignation +finds a voice in many poems of the early ‘Abbásid +period, <i>e.g.</i>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"See how the asses which they used to ride</span><span class="i0"> +They have unsaddled, and sleek mules bestride!</span><span class="i0"> +No longer kitchen-herbs they buy and sell,<a name="FNanchor_510" id="FNanchor_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">510</a></span><span class="i0"> +But in the palace and the court they dwell;</span><span class="i0"> +Against us Arabs full of rage and spleen,</span><span class="i0"> +Hating the Prophet and the Moslem's <i>dín</i>."<a name="FNanchor_511" id="FNanchor_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">511</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The side of the non-Arabs in this literary quarrel was +vehemently espoused by a party who called themselves the +Shu‘úbites (<i>al-Shu‘úbiyya</i>),<a name="FNanchor_512" id="FNanchor_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">512</a> while their opponents gave them + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_280" id="Page_280" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>280</a></span> + +the name of Levellers (<i>Ahlu ’l-Taswiya</i>), because they contended +for the equality of all Moslems without regard to distinctions +of race. I must refer the reader who seeks information <span class="sidenote">The Shu‘úbites.</span> +concerning the history of the movement to +Goldziher's masterly study,<a name="FNanchor_513" id="FNanchor_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">513</a> where the controversial methods +adopted by the Shu‘úbites are set forth in ample detail. He +shows how the bolder spirits among them, not satisfied with +claiming an <i>equal</i> position, argued that the Arabs were absolutely +inferior to the Persians and other peoples. The question +was hotly debated, and many eminent writers took part in the +fray. On the Shu‘úbite side Abú ‘Ubayda, Bírúní, and +Ḥamza of Iṣfahán deserve mention. Jáḥiẓ and Ibn Durayd +were the most notable defenders of their own Arabian +nationality, but the 'pro-Arabs' also included several men +of Persian origin, such as Ibn Qutayba, Baládhurí, and +Zamakhsharí. The Shu‘úbites directed their attacks principally +against the racial pride of the Arabs, who were fond of +boasting that they were the noblest of all mankind and spoke +the purest and richest language in the world. Consequently +the Persian genealogists and philologists lost no opportunity of +bringing to light scandalous and discreditable circumstances +connected with the history of the Arab tribes or of particular +families. Arabian poetry, especially the vituperative pieces +(<i>mathálib</i>), furnished abundant matter of this sort, which was +adduced by the Shu‘úbites as convincing evidence that the +claims of the Arabs to superior nobility were absurd. At the +same time the national view as to the unique and incomparable +excellence of the Arabic language received some rude criticism.</p> + +<p>So acute and irreconcilable were the racial differences +between Arabs and Persians that one is astonished to see how +thoroughly the latter became Arabicised in the course of a + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_281" id="Page_281" href="#"><span><i>THE SHU‘ÚBITES</i></span>281</a></span> + +few generations. As clients affiliated to an Arab tribe, they +assumed Arabic names and sought to disguise their foreign extraction +by fair means or foul. Many provided <span class="sidenote"> Assimilation of +Arabs and +Persians.</span> +themselves with fictitious pedigrees, on the strength +of which they passed for Arabs. Such a pretence +could have deceived nobody if it had not been supported by a +complete assimilation in language, manners, and even to some +extent in character. On the neutral ground of Muḥammadan +science animosities were laid aside, and men of both races +laboured enthusiastically for the common cause. When at +length, after a century of bloody strife and engrossing political +agitation, the great majority of Moslems found themselves +debarred from taking part in public affairs, it was only natural +that thousands of ardent and ambitious souls should throw +their pent-up energies into the pursuit of wealth or learning. +We are not concerned here with the marvellous development +of trade under the first ‘Abbásid Caliphs, of which Von +Kremer has given a full and entertaining description in his +<i>Culturgeschichte des Orients</i>. It may be recalled, however, that +many commercial terms, <i>e.g.</i>, tariff, names of fabrics (muslin, +tabby, &c.), occurring in English as well as in most European +languages are of Arabic origin and were brought to Europe +by merchants from Baghdád, Mosul, Baṣra, and other cities of +Western Asia. This material expansion was accompanied by +an outburst of intellectual activity such as the East <span class="sidenote">Enthusiasm for +learning in the +early ‘Abbásid +period.</span> +had never witnessed before. It seemed as if all +the world from the Caliph down to the humblest +citizen suddenly became students, or at least +patrons, of literature. In quest of knowledge men travelled +over three continents and returned home, like bees laden with +honey, to impart the precious stores which they had accumulated +to crowds of eager disciples, and to compile with +incredible industry those works of encyclopædic range and +erudition from which modern Science, in the widest sense of +the word, has derived far more than is generally supposed.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_282" id="Page_282" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>282</a></span> + +The Revolution which made the fortune of the ‘Abbásid +House was a triumph for Islam and the party of religious +<span class="sidenote"> Development of +the Moslem +sciences.</span> +reform. While under the worldly Umayyads the +studies of Law and Tradition met with no public +encouragement and were only kept alive by the +pious zeal of oppressed theologians, the new dynasty drew its +strength from the Muḥammadan ideas which it professed to +establish, and skilfully adapted its policy to satisfying the ever-increasing +claims of the Church. Accordingly the Moslem +sciences which arose at this time proceeded in the first instance +from the Koran and the Ḥadíth. The sacred books offered +many difficulties both to provincial Arabs and especially to +Persians and other Moslems of foreign extraction. For their +right understanding a knowledge of Arabic grammar and +philology was essential, and this involved the study of the +ancient Pre-islamic poems which supplied the most authentic +models of Arabian speech in its original purity. The study of +these poems entailed researches into genealogy and history, +which in the course of time became independent branches of +learning. Similarly the science of Tradition was systematically +developed in order to provide Moslems with practical +rules for the conduct of life in every conceivable particular, +and various schools of Law sprang into existence.</p> + +<p>Muḥammadan writers usually distinguish the sciences which +are connected with the Koran and those which the Arabs +<span class="sidenote"> Their +classification.</span> +learned from foreign peoples. In the former +class they include the Traditional or Religious +Sciences (<i>al-‘Ulúm al-Naqliyya awi ’l-Shar‘iyya</i>) +and the Linguistic Sciences (<i>‘Ulúmu ’l-Lisáni ’l-‘Arabí</i>); in +the latter the Intellectual or Philosophical Sciences (<i>al-‘Ulúm +al-‘Aqliyya awi ’l-Ḥikmiyya</i>), which are sometimes called 'The +Sciences of the Foreigners' (<i>‘Ulúmu ’l-‘Ajam</i>) or 'The Ancient +Sciences' (<i>al-‘Ulúm al-Qadíma</i>).</p> + +<p>The general scope of this division may be illustrated by the +following table:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_283" id="Page_283" href="#"><span><i>THE SCIENTIFIC MOVEMENT</i></span>283</a></span></p> + +<div class="center">I. <span class="smcap">The Native Sciences.</span></div> +<p class="indent4"> +1. Koranic Exegesis (<i>‘Ilmu ’l-Tafsír</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +2. Koranic Criticism (<i>‘Ilmu ’l-Qirá’át</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +3. The Science of Apostolic Tradition (<i>‘Ilmu ’l-Ḥadíth</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +4. Jurisprudence (<i>Fiqh</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +5. Scholastic Theology (<i>‘Ilmu ’l-Kalám</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +6. Grammar (<i>Naḥw</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +7. Lexicography (<i>Lugha</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +8. Rhetoric (<i>Bayán</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +9. Literature (<i>Adab</i>).</p> + +<div class="center">II. <span class="smcap">The Foreign Sciences.</span></div> +<p class="indent4"> +1. Philosophy (<i>Falsafa</i>).<a name="FNanchor_514" id="FNanchor_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">514</a></p> +<p class="indent4"> +2. Geometry (<i>Handasa</i>).<a name="FNanchor_515" id="FNanchor_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">515</a></p> +<p class="indent4"> +3. Astronomy (<i>‘Ilmu ’l-Nujúm</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +4. Music (<i>Músíqí</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +5. Medicine (<i>Ṭibb</i>).</p> +<p class="indent4"> +6. Magic and Alchemy (<i>al-Siḥr wa-’l-Kímiyá</i>).</p> + +<p>The religious phenomena of the Period will be discussed in +a separate chapter, and here I can only allude cursorily to their +<span class="sidenote">The early +‘Abbásid period +favourable to +free-thought.</span> +general character. We have seen that during the +whole Umayyad epoch, except in the brief reign of +‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Azíz, the professors of religion +were out of sympathy with the court, and that +many of them withdrew from all participation in public affairs. +It was otherwise when the ‘Abbásids established themselves in +power. Theology now dwelt in the shadow of the throne +and directed the policy of the Government. Honours were +showered on eminent jurists and divines, who frequently held +official posts of high importance and stood in the most confidential +and intimate relations to the Caliph; a classical example +is the friendship of the Cadi Abú Yúsuf and Hárún al-Rashíd. +The century after the Revolution gave birth to the four great +schools of Muhammadan Law, which are still called by the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_284" id="Page_284" href="#"><span><i>THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDÁD</i></span>284</a></span> +names of their founders—Málik b. Anas, Abú Ḥanífa, Sháfi‘í, +and Ahmad b. Ḥanbal. At this time the scientific and intellectual +movement had free play. The earlier Caliphs usually encouraged +speculation so long as it threatened no danger to the +existing <i>régime</i>. Under Ma’mún and his successors the +Mu‘tazilite Rationalism became the State religion, and Islam +seemed to have entered upon an era of enlightenment. Thus +the first ‘Abbásid period (750-847 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) with its new learning +and liberal theology may well be compared to the European +Renaissance; but in the words of a celebrated Persian poet—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +<i>Khil‘atí bas fákhir ámad ‘umr ‘aybash kútahíst.</i><a name="FNanchor_516" id="FNanchor_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">516</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"Life is a very splendid robe: its fault is brevity."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>The Caliph Mutawakkil (847-861 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) signalised his +accession by declaring the Mu‘tazilite doctrines to be heretical +<span class="sidenote"> The triumph of +orthodoxy.</span> +and by returning to the traditional faith. Stern +measures were taken against dissenters. Henceforth +there was little room in Islam for independent +thought. The populace regarded philosophy and natural +science as a species of infidelity. Authors of works on these +subjects ran a serious risk unless they disguised their true +opinions and brought the results of their investigations into +apparent conformity with the text of the Koran. About the +middle of the tenth century the reactionary spirit assumed a +dogmatic shape in the system of Abu ’l-Ḥasan al-Ash‘arí, the +father of Muḥammadan Scholasticism, which is essentially +opposed to intellectual freedom and has maintained its petrifying +influence almost unimpaired down to the present time.</p> + +<p class="tb">I could wish that this chapter were more worthy of the +title which I have chosen for it, but the foregoing pages will +have served their purpose if they have enabled my readers to +form some idea of the politics of the Period and of the broad +features marking the course of its literary and religious history.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER VII</h4> + +<h5>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE IN THE ‘ABBÁSID PERIOD</h5> + +<p>Pre-Islamic poetry was the natural expression of nomad life. +We might therefore have expected that the new conditions +<span class="sidenote"> The Pre-islamic +poets regarded +as classical.</span> +and ideas introduced by Islam would rapidly work a +corresponding revolution in the poetical literature +of the following century. Such, however, was +far from being the case. The Umayyad poets clung tenaciously +to the great models of the Heroic Age and even took +credit for their skilful imitation of the antique odes. The +early Muḥammadan critics, who were philologists by profession, +held fast to the principle that Poetry in Pre-islamic times had +reached a perfection which no modern bard could hope to +emulate, and which only the lost ideals of chivalry could +inspire.<a name="FNanchor_517" id="FNanchor_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">517</a> To have been born after Islam was in itself a proof +of poetical inferiority.<a name="FNanchor_518" id="FNanchor_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">518</a> Linguistic considerations, of course, +entered largely into this prejudice. The old poems were +studied as repositories of the pure classical tongue and were +estimated mainly from a grammarian's standpoint.</p> + +<p>These ideas gained wide acceptance in literary circles +and gradually biassed the popular taste to such an extent +that learned pedants could boast, like Khalíl b. Ahmad, +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_286" id="Page_286" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>286</a></span> +the inventor of Arabic prosody, that it lay in their +power to make or mar the reputation of a rising poet +as they deemed fit. Originality being condemned in +advance, those who desired the approval of this self-constituted +Academy were obliged to waste their time and talents +upon elaborate reproduction of the ancient masterpieces, and +to entertain courtiers and citizens with borrowed pictures of +Bedouin life in which neither they nor their audience took the +slightest interest. Some, it is true, recognised the absurdity of +the thing. Abú Nuwás († <i>circa</i> 810 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) often +ridicules the custom, to which reference has <span class="sidenote"> Abú Nuwás +as a critic.</span> +been made elsewhere, of apostrophising the +deserted encampment (<i>aṭlál</i> or <i>ṭulúl</i>) in the opening lines +of an ode, and pours contempt on the fashionable glorification +of antiquity. In the passage translated below he gives +a description of the desert and its people which recalls some +of Dr. Johnson's sallies at the expense of Scotland and +Scotsmen:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Let the south-wind moisten with rain the desolate scene</span><span class="i0"> +And Time efface what once was so fresh and green!</span><span class="i0"> +Make the camel-rider free of a desert space</span><span class="i0"> +Where high-bred camels trot with unwearied pace;</span><span class="i0"> +Where only mimosas and thistles flourish, and where,</span><span class="i0"> +For hunting, wolves and hyenas are nowise rare!</span><span class="i0"> +Amongst the Bedouins seek not enjoyment out:</span><span class="i0"> +What do they enjoy? They live in hunger and drought.</span><span class="i0"> +Let them drink their bowls of milk and leave them alone,</span><span class="i0"> +To whom life's finer pleasures are all unknown."<a name="FNanchor_519" id="FNanchor_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">519</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Ibn Qutayba, who died towards the end of the ninth +century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, was the first critic of importance to declare that +ancients and moderns should be judged on their merits without +regard to their age. He writes as follows in the Introduction +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_287" id="Page_287" href="#"><span><i>ANCIENT AND MODERN POETS</i></span>287</a></span> +to his 'Book of Poetry and Poets' (<i>Kitábu ’l-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará</i>):—<a name="FNanchor_520" id="FNanchor_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">520</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In citing extracts from the works of the poets I have been +guided by my own choice and have refused to admire anything +<span class="sidenote"> Ibn Qutayba on +ancient and +modern poets.</span> +merely because others thought it admirable. I have +not regarded any ancient with veneration on account +of his antiquity nor any modern with contempt on +account of his being modern, but I have taken an impartial view +of both sides, giving every one his due and amply acknowledging +his merit. Some of our scholars, as I am aware, pronounce a feeble +poem to be good, because its author was an ancient, and include +it among their chosen pieces, while they call a sterling poem bad +though its only fault is that it was composed in their own time or +that they have seen its author. God, however, did not restrict +learning and poetry and rhetoric to a particular age nor appropriate +them to a particular class, but has always distributed them in +common amongst His servants, and has caused everything old to be +new in its own day and every classic work to be an upstart on its +first appearance."</p></div> + +<p>The inevitable reaction in favour of the new poetry and of +contemporary literature in general was hastened by various +<span class="sidenote"> Revolt against +classicism.</span> +circumstances which combined to overthrow the +prevalent theory that Arabian heathendom and +the characteristic pagan virtues—honour, courage, +liberality, &c.—were alone capable of producing poetical +genius. Among the chief currents of thought tending in +this direction, which are lucidly set forth in Goldziher's +essay, pp. 148 sqq., we may note (<i>a</i>) the pietistic and theological +spirit fostered by the ‘Abbásid Government, and (<i>b</i>) the +influence of foreign, pre-eminently Persian, culture. As to +the former, it is manifest that devout Moslems would not be +at all disposed to admit the exclusive pretensions made on +behalf of the <i>Jáhiliyya</i> or to agree with those who exalted +chivalry (<i>muruwwa</i>) above religion (<i>dín</i>). Were not the +language and style of the Koran incomparably excellent? +Surely the Holy Book was a more proper subject for study +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_288" id="Page_288" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>288</a></span> +than heathen verses. But if Moslems began to call Pre-islamic +ideals in question, it was especially the Persian +ascendancy resulting from the triumph of the ‘Abbásid +House that shook the old arrogant belief of the Arabs in +the intellectual supremacy of their race. So far from glorying +in the traditions of paganism, many people thought it +grossly insulting to mention an ‘Abbásid Caliph in the same +breath with heroes of the past like Ḥátim of Ṭayyi’ and +Harim b. Sinán. The philosopher al-Kindí († about +850 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) rebuked a poet for venturing on such odious +comparisons. "Who are these Arabian vagabonds" (<i>ṣa‘álíku +’l-‘Arab</i>), he asked, "and what worth have they?"<a name="FNanchor_521" id="FNanchor_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">521</a></p> + +<p>While Ibn Qutayba was content to urge that the modern +poets should get a fair hearing, and should be judged not +<span class="sidenote"> Critics in favour +of the +modern school.</span> +chronologically or philologically, but <i>æsthetically</i>, +some of the greatest literary critics who +came after him do not conceal their opinion +that the new poetry is superior to the old. Tha‘álibí +(† 1038 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) asserts that in tenderness and elegance the +Pre-islamic bards are surpassed by their successors, and that +both alike have been eclipsed by his contemporaries. Ibn +Rashíq († <i>circa</i> 1070 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), whose <i>‘Umda</i> on the Art of +Poetry is described by Ibn Khaldún as an epoch-making +work, thought that the superiority of the moderns would +be acknowledged if they discarded the obsolete conventions +of the Ode. European readers cannot but sympathise with +him when he bids the poets draw inspiration from nature and +truth instead of relating imaginary journeys on a camel which +they never owned, through deserts which they never saw, to a +patron residing in the same city as themselves. This seems +to us a very reasonable and necessary protest, but it must be +remembered that the Bedouin <i>qaṣída</i> was not easily adaptable +to the conditions of urban life, and needed complete remoulding +rather than modification in detail.<a name="FNanchor_522" id="FNanchor_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">522</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_289" id="Page_289" href="#"><span><i>THE CLASSICS OUT OF FAVOUR</i></span>289</a></span></p> + +<p>"In the fifth century," says Goldziher—<i>i.e.</i>, from about +1000 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>—"the dogma of the unattainable perfection of +<span class="sidenote"> Popularity of the +modern poets.</span> +the heathen poets may be regarded as utterly +demolished." Henceforth popular taste ran +strongly in the other direction, as is shown by +the immense preponderance of modern pieces in the anthologies—a +favourite and characteristic branch of Arabic +literature—which were compiled during the ‘Abbásid period +and afterwards, and by frequent complaints of the neglect +into which the ancient poetry had fallen. But although, for +Moslems generally, Imru’u ’l-Qays and his fellows came to +be more or less what Chaucer is to the average Englishman, +the views first enunciated by Ibn Qutayba met with bitter +opposition from the learned class, many of whom clung +obstinately to the old philological principles of criticism, +and even declined to recognise the writings of Mutanabbí +and Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí as poetry, on the ground that +those authors did not observe the classical 'types' (<i>asálíb</i>).<a name="FNanchor_523" id="FNanchor_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">523</a> +The result of such pedantry may be seen at the present day +in thousands of <i>qaṣídas</i>, abounding in archaisms and allusions +to forgotten far-off things of merely antiquarian interest, +but possessing no more claim to consideration here than the +Greek and Latin verses of British scholars in a literary history +of the Victorian Age.</p> + +<p class="tb">Passing now to the characteristics of the new poetry which +followed the accession of the ‘Abbásids, we have to bear in +<span class="sidenote"> Characteristics +of the +new poetry.</span> +mind that from first to last (with very few exceptions) +it flourished under the patronage of the +court. There was no organised book trade, no +wealthy publishers, so that poets were usually dependent for +their livelihood on the capricious bounty of the Caliphs and +his favourites whom they belauded. Huge sums were paid +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_290" id="Page_290" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>290</a></span> +for a successful panegyric, and the bards vied with each +other in flattery of the most extravagant description. Even +in writers of real genius this prostitution of their art gave rise +to a great deal of the false glitter and empty bombast which +are often erroneously attributed to Oriental poetry as a whole.<a name="FNanchor_524" id="FNanchor_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">524</a> +These qualities, however, are absolutely foreign to Arabian +poetry of the best period. The old Bedouins who praised a +man only for that which was in him, and drew their images +directly from nature, stand at the opposite pole to Tha‘álibí's +contemporaries. Under the Umayyads, as we have seen, little +change took place. It is not until after the enthronement of +the ‘Abbásids, when Persians filled the chief offices at court, +and when a goodly number of poets and eminent men of +learning had Persian blood in their veins, that an unmistakably +new note makes itself heard. One might be +tempted to surmise that the high-flown, bombastic, and +ornate style of which Mutanabbí is the most illustrious +exponent, and which is so marked a feature in later +Muḥammadan poetry, was first introduced by the Persians and +Perso-Arabs who gathered round the Caliph in Baghdád and +celebrated the triumph of their own race in the person of a +noble Barmecide; but this would scarcely be true. The +style in question is not specially Persian; the earliest Arabic-writing +poets of Íránian descent, like Bashshár b. Burd and +Abú Nuwás, are (so far as I can see) without a trace of it. +What the Persians brought into Arabian poetry was not a +grandiose style, but a lively and graceful fancy, elegance of +diction, depth and tenderness of feeling, and a rich store +of ideas.</p> + +<p>The process of transformation was aided by other causes +besides the influx of Persian and Hellenistic culture: for +example, by the growing importance of Islam in public life +and the diffusion of a strong religious spirit among the community +at large—a spirit which attained its most perfect +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_291" id="Page_291" href="#"><span><i>THE NEW POETRY</i></span>291</a></span> +expression in the reflective and didactic poetry of Abu +’l-‘Atáhiya. Every change of many-coloured life is depicted +in the brilliant pages of these modern poets, where the reader +may find, according to his mood, the maddest gaiety and the +shamefullest frivolity; strains of lofty meditation mingled +with a world-weary pessimism; delicate sentiment, unforced +pathos, and glowing rhetoric; but seldom the manly self-reliance, +the wild, invigorating freedom and inimitable +freshness of Bedouin song.</p> + +<p class="tb">It is of course impossible to do justice even to the principal +‘Abbásid poets within the limits of this chapter, but the following +<span class="sidenote">Five typical +poets of the +‘Abbásid period.</span> +five may be taken as fairly representative: +Muṭí‘ b. Iyás, Abú Nuwás, Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya, +Mutanabbí, and Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí. The +first three were in close touch with the court of Baghdád, +while Mutanabbí and Abu ’l-‘Alá flourished under the +Ḥamdánid dynasty which ruled in Aleppo.</p> + +<p class="tb">Muṭí‘ b. Iyás only deserves notice here as the earliest poet +of the New School. His father was a native of Palestine, but +<span class="sidenote">Muṭí‘ b. Iyás.</span> +he himself was born and educated at Kúfa. He +began his career under the Umayyads, and was +devoted to the Caliph Walíd b. Yazíd, who found in him a +fellow after his own heart, "accomplished, dissolute, an agreeable +companion and excellent wit, reckless in his effrontery +and suspected in his religion."<a name="FNanchor_525" id="FNanchor_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">525</a> When the ‘Abbásids came +into power Muṭí‘ attached himself to the Caliph Manṣúr. +Many stories are told of the debauched life which he led +in the company of <i>zindíqs</i>, or freethinkers, a class of men +whose opinions we shall sketch in another chapter. His +songs of love and wine are distinguished by their lightness +and elegance. The best known is that in which he laments +his separation from the daughter of a <i>Dihqán</i> (Persian landed +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_292" id="Page_292" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>292</a></span> +proprietor), and invokes the two palm-trees of Ḥulwán, a +town situated on the borders of the Jibál province between +Hamadhán and Baghdád. From this poem arose the +proverb, "Faster friends than the two palm-trees of +Ḥulwán."<a name="FNanchor_526" id="FNanchor_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">526</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +THE YEOMAN'S DAUGHTER.</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +"O ye two palms, palms of Ḥulwán,</span><span class="i0"> +Help me weep Time's bitter dole!</span><span class="i0"> +Know that Time for ever parteth</span><span class="i0"> +Life from every living soul.</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +Had ye tasted parting's anguish,</span><span class="i0"> +Ye would weep as I, forlorn.</span><span class="i0"> +Help me! Soon must ye asunder</span><span class="i0"> +By the same hard fate be torn.</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +Many are the friends and loved ones</span><span class="i0"> +Whom I lost in days of yore.</span><span class="i0"> +Fare thee well, O yeoman's daughter!—</span><span class="i0"> +Never grief like this I bore.</span><span class="i0"> +Her, alas, mine eyes behold not,</span><span class="i0"> +And on me she looks no more!"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>By Europeans who know him only through the <i>Thousand +and One Nights</i> Abú Nuwás is remembered as the boon-companion +<span class="sidenote">Abú Nuwás +(† <i>circa</i> 810 a.d.).</span> +and court jester of "the good Haroun +Alraschid," and as the hero of countless droll +adventures and facetious anecdotes—an Oriental +Howleglass or Joe Miller. It is often forgotten that he was +a great poet who, in the opinion of those most competent to +judge, takes rank above all his contemporaries and successors, +including even Mutanabbí, and is not surpassed in poetical +genius by any ancient bard.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_293" id="Page_293" href="#"><span><i>ABU NUWÁS</i></span>293</a></span></p> + +<p>Ḥasan b. Háni’ gained the familiar title of Abú Nuwás +(Father of the lock of hair) from two locks which hung +down on his shoulders. He was born of humble parents, +about the middle of the eighth century, in Aḥwáz, the +capital of Khúzistán. That he was not a pure Arab the +name of his mother, Jallabán, clearly indicates, while the following +verse affords sufficient proof that he was not ashamed +of his Persian blood:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Who are Tamím and Qays and all their kin?</span><span class="i0"> +The Arabs in God's sight are nobody."<a name="FNanchor_527" id="FNanchor_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">527</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>He received his education at Baṣra, of which city he calls +himself a native,<a name="FNanchor_528" id="FNanchor_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">528</a> and at Kúfa, where he studied poetry and +philology under the learned Khalaf al-Aḥmar. After passing +a 'Wanderjahr' among the Arabs of the desert, as was the +custom of scholars at that time, he made his way to Baghdád +and soon eclipsed every competitor at the court of Hárún the +Orthodox. A man of the most abandoned character, which +he took no pains to conceal, Abú Nuwás, by his flagrant +immorality, drunkenness, and blasphemy, excited the Caliph's +anger to such a pitch that he often threatened the culprit with +death, and actually imprisoned him on several occasions; but +these fits of severity were brief. The poet survived both +Hárún and his son, Amín, who succeeded him in the +Caliphate. Age brought repentance—"the Devil was sick, +the Devil a monk would be." He addressed the following +lines from prison to Faḍl b. al-Rabí‘, whom Hárún appointed +Grand Vizier after the fall of the Barmecides:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Faḍl, who hast taught and trained me up to goodness</span><span class="i0"> +(And goodness is but habit), thee I praise.</span><span class="i0"> +Now hath vice fled and virtue me revisits,</span><span class="i0"> +And I have turned to chaste and pious ways.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_294" id="Page_294" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>294</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +To see me, thou would'st think the saintly Baṣrite,</span><span class="i0"> +Ḥasan, or else Qatáda, met thy gaze,<a name="FNanchor_529" id="FNanchor_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">529</a></span><span class="i0"> +So do I deck humility with leanness,</span><span class="i0"> +While yellow, locust-like, my cheek o'erlays.</span><span class="i0"> +Beads on my arm; and on my breast the Scripture,</span><span class="i0"> +Where hung a chain of gold in other days."<a name="FNanchor_530" id="FNanchor_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">530</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The Díwán of Abú Nuwás contains poems in many different +styles—<i>e.g.</i>, panegyric (<i>madíḥ</i>), satire (<i>hijá</i>), songs of +the chase (<i>ṭardiyyát</i>), elegies (<i>maráthí</i>), and religious poems +(<i>zuhdiyyát</i>); but love and wine were the two motives by +which his genius was most brilliantly inspired. His wine-songs +(<i>khamriyyát</i>) are generally acknowledged to be incomparable. +Here is one of the shortest:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Thou scolder of the grape and me,</span><span class="i0"> +I ne'er shall win thy smile!</span><span class="i0"> +Because against thee I rebel,</span><span class="i0"> +'Tis churlish to revile.</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +Ah, breathe no more the name of wine</span><span class="i0"> +Until thou cease to blame,</span><span class="i0"> +For fear that thy foul tongue should smirch</span><span class="i0"> +Its fair and lovely name!</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +Come, pour it out, ye gentle boys,</span><span class="i0"> +A vintage ten years old,</span><span class="i0"> +That seems as though 'twere in the cup</span><span class="i0"> +A lake of liquid gold.</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +And when the water mingles there,</span><span class="i0"> +To fancy's eye are set</span><span class="i0"> +Pearls over shining pearls close strung</span><span class="i0"> +As in a carcanet."<a name="FNanchor_531" id="FNanchor_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">531</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_295" id="Page_295" href="#"><span><i>ABÚ NUWÁS</i></span>295</a></span></p> + +<p>Another poem begins—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Ho! a cup, and fill it up, and tell me it is wine,</span><span class="i0"> +For I will never drink in shade if I can drink in shine!</span><span class="i0"> +Curst and poor is every hour that sober I must go,</span><span class="i0"> +But rich am I whene'er well drunk I stagger to and fro.</span><span class="i0"> +Speak, for shame, the loved one's name, let vain disguise alone:</span><span class="i0"> +No good there is in pleasures o'er which a veil is thrown."<a name="FNanchor_532" id="FNanchor_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">532</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Abú Nuwás practised what he preached, and hypocrisy at +any rate cannot be laid to his charge. The moral and +religious sentiments which appear in some of his poems are +not mere cant, but should rather be regarded as the utterance +of sincere though transient emotion. Usually he felt and +avowed that pleasure was the supreme business of his life, +and that religious scruples could not be permitted to stand +in the way. He even urges others not to shrink from any +excess, inasmuch as the Divine mercy is greater than all the +sins of which a man is capable:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"Accumulate as many sins thou canst:</span><span class="i0"> +The Lord is ready to relax His ire.</span><span class="i0"> +When the day comes, forgiveness thou wilt find</span><span class="i0"> +Before a mighty King and gracious Sire,</span><span class="i0"> +And gnaw thy fingers, all that joy regretting</span><span class="i0"> +Which thou didst leave thro' terror of Hell-fire!"<a name="FNanchor_533" id="FNanchor_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">533</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>We must now bid farewell to Abú Nuwás and the +licentious poets (<i>al-shu‘ará al-mujján</i>) who reflect so admirably +the ideas and manners prevailing in court circles and +in the upper classes of society which were chiefly influenced +by the court. The scenes of luxurious dissipation and refined +debauchery which they describe show us, indeed, that Persian +culture was not an unalloyed blessing to the Arabs any more + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_296" id="Page_296" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>296</a></span> + +than were the arts of Greece to the Romans; but this is only +the darker side of the picture. The works of a contemporary +poet furnish evidence of the indignation which the +libertinism fashionable in high places called forth among +the mass of Moslems who had not lost faith in morality and +religion.</p> + +<p class="tb">Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya, unlike his great rival, came of Arab stock. +He was bred in Kúfa, and gained his livelihood as a young +<span class="sidenote">Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya +(748-828 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +man by selling earthenware. His poetical talent, +however, promised so well that he set out to +present himself before the Caliph Mahdí, who +richly rewarded him; and Hárún al-Rashíd afterwards bestowed +on him a yearly pension of 50,000 dirhems (about +£2,000), in addition to numerous extraordinary gifts. At +Baghdád he fell in love with ‘Utba, a slave-girl belonging to +Mahdí, but she did not return his passion or take any notice of +the poems in which he celebrated her charms and bewailed the +sufferings that she made him endure. Despair of winning her +affection caused him, it is said, to assume the woollen garb of +Muḥammadan ascetics,<a name="FNanchor_534" id="FNanchor_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">534</a> and henceforth, instead of writing vain +and amatorious verses, he devoted his powers exclusively to +those joyless meditations on mortality which have struck a deep +chord in the hearts of his countrymen. Like Abu ’l-‘Alá +al-Ma‘arrí and others who neglected the positive precepts of +Islam in favour of a moral philosophy based on experience and +reflection, Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya was accused of being a freethinker +(<i>zindíq</i>).<a name="FNanchor_535" id="FNanchor_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">535</a> It was alleged that in his poems he often spoke of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_297" id="Page_297" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-‘ATÁHIYA</i></span>297</a></span> + +death but never of the Resurrection and the Judgment—a +calumny which is refuted by many passages in his Díwán. +According to the literary historian al-Ṣúlí († 946 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), Abu +’l-‘Atáhiya believed in One God who formed the universe out of +two opposite elements which He created from nothing; and +held, further, that everything would be reduced to these same +elements before the final destruction of all phenomena. Knowledge, +he thought, was acquired naturally (<i>i.e.</i>, without Divine +Revelation) by means of reflection, deduction, and research.<a name="FNanchor_536" id="FNanchor_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">536</a> +He believed in the threatened retribution (<i>al-wa‘íd</i>) and in the +command to abstain from commerce with the world (<i>taḥrímu +’l-makásib</i>).<a name="FNanchor_537" id="FNanchor_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">537</a> He professed the opinions of the Butrites,<a name="FNanchor_538" id="FNanchor_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">538</a> a +subdivision of the Zaydites, as that sect of the Shí‘a was named +which followed Zayd b. Alí b. Ḥusayn b. ‘Alí b. Abí Ṭálib. +He spoke evil of none, and did not approve of revolt against the +Government. He held the doctrine of predestination (<i>jabr</i>).<a name="FNanchor_539" id="FNanchor_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">539</a></p> + +<p>Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya may have secretly cherished the Manichæan +views ascribed to him in this passage, but his poems contain +little or nothing that could offend the most orthodox Moslem. +The following verse, in which Goldziher finds an allusion to +Buddha,<a name="FNanchor_540" id="FNanchor_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">540</a> is capable of a different interpretation. It rather + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_298" id="Page_298" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>298</a></span> + +seems to me to exalt the man of ascetic life, without particular +reference to any individual, above all others:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"If thou would'st see the noblest of mankind,</span><span class="i0"> +Behold a monarch in a beggar's garb."<a name="FNanchor_541" id="FNanchor_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">541</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>But while the poet avoids positive heresy, it is none the less +true that much of his Díwán is not strictly religious in the +Muḥammadan sense and may fairly be called 'philosophical.' +This was enough to convict him of infidelity and atheism in +the eyes of devout theologians who looked askance on moral +teaching, however pure, that was not cast in the dogmatic +mould. The pretended cause of his imprisonment by Hárún +al-Rashíd—namely, that he refused to make any more love-songs—is +probably, as Goldziher has suggested, a popular version +of the fact that he persisted in writing religious poems which +were supposed to have a dangerous bias in the direction of +free-thought.</p> + +<p>His poetry breathes a spirit of profound melancholy and hopeless +pessimism. Death and what comes after death, the frailty +and misery of man, the vanity of worldly pleasures and the duty +of renouncing them—these are the subjects on which he +dwells with monotonous reiteration, exhorting his readers to live +the ascetic life and fear God and lay up a store of good +works against the Day of Reckoning. The simplicity, ease, +and naturalness of his style are justly admired. Religious + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_299" id="Page_299" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-‘ATÁHIYA</i></span>299</a></span> + +poetry, as he himself confesses, was not read at court or by +scholars who demanded rare and obscure expressions, but only +by pious folk, traditionists and divines, and especially by the +vulgar, "who like best what they can understand."<a name="FNanchor_542" id="FNanchor_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">542</a> +Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya wrote for 'the man in the street.' Discarding +conventional themes tricked out with threadbare artifices, he +appealed to common feelings and matters of universal experience. +He showed for the first and perhaps for the last +time in the history of classical Arabic literature that it was +possible to use perfectly plain and ordinary language without +ceasing to be a poet.</p> + +<p>Although, as has been said, the bulk of Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya's +poetry is philosophical in character, there remains much +specifically Islamic doctrine, in particular as regards the +Resurrection and the Future Life. This combination may +be illustrated by the following ode, which is considered one +of the best that have been written on the subject of religion, +or, more accurately, of asceticism (<i>zuhd</i>):—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Get sons for death, build houses for decay!</span><span class="i0"> +All, all, ye wend annihilation's way.</span><span class="i0"> +For whom build we, who must ourselves return</span><span class="i0"> +Into our native element of clay?</span><span class="i0"> +O Death, nor violence nor flattery thou</span><span class="i0"> +Dost use, but when thou com'st, escape none may.</span><span class="i0"> +Methinks, thou art ready to surprise mine age,</span><span class="i0"> +As age surprised and made my youth his prey.</span><span class="i0"> +What ails me, World, that every place perforce</span><span class="i0"> +I lodge thee in, it galleth me to stay?</span><span class="i0"> +And, O Time, how do I behold thee run</span><span class="i0"> +To spoil me? Thine own gift thou tak'st away!</span><span class="i0"> +O Time! inconstant, mutable art thou,</span><span class="i0"> +And o'er the realm of ruin is thy sway.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_300" id="Page_300" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>300</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +What ails me that no glad result it brings</span><span class="i0"> +Whene'er, O World, to milk thee I essay?</span><span class="i0"> +And when I court thee, why dost thou raise up</span><span class="i0"> +On all sides only trouble and dismay?</span><span class="i0"> +Men seek thee every wise, but thou art like</span><span class="i0"> +A dream; the shadow of a cloud; the day</span><span class="i0"> +Which hath but now departed, nevermore</span><span class="i0"> +To dawn again; a glittering vapour gay.</span><span class="i0"> +This people thou hast paid in full: their feet</span><span class="i0"> +Are on the stirrup—let them not delay!</span><span class="i0"> +But those that do good works and labour well</span><span class="i0"> +Hereafter shall receive the promised pay.</span><span class="i0"> +As if no punishment I had to fear,</span><span class="i0"> +A load of sin upon my neck I lay;</span><span class="i0"> +And while the world I love, from Truth, alas,</span><span class="i0"> +Still my besotted senses go astray.</span><span class="i0"> +I shall be asked of all my business here:</span><span class="i0"> +What can I plead then? What can I gainsay?</span><span class="i0"> +What argument allege, when I am called</span><span class="i0"> +To render an account on Reckoning-Day?</span><span class="i0"> +Dooms twain in that dread hour shall be revealed,</span><span class="i0"> +When I the scroll of these mine acts survey:</span><span class="i0"> +Either to dwell in everlasting bliss,</span><span class="i0"> +Or suffer torments of the damned for aye!"<a name="FNanchor_543" id="FNanchor_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">543</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>I will now add a few verses culled from the Díwán which +bring the poet's pessimistic view of life into clearer outline, +and also some examples of those moral precepts and sententious +criticisms which crowd his pages and have contributed in no +small degree to his popularity.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"The world is like a viper soft to touch that venom spits."<a name="FNanchor_544" id="FNanchor_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">544</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Men sit like revellers o'er their cups and drink,</span><span class="i0"> +From the world's hand, the circling wine of death."<a name="FNanchor_545" id="FNanchor_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">545</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Call no man living blest for aught you see</span><span class="i0"> +But that for which you blessed call the dead."<a name="FNanchor_546" id="FNanchor_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">546</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_301" id="Page_301" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-‘ATÁHIYA</i></span>301</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i3"> +FALSE FRIENDS.</span><span class="is"> + </span><span class="i0"> +"'Tis not the Age that moves my scorn,</span><span class="i0"> +But those who in the Age are born.</span><span class="i0"> +I cannot count the friends that broke</span><span class="i0"> +Their faith, tho' honied words they spoke;</span><span class="i0"> +In whom no aid I found, and made</span><span class="i0"> +The Devil welcome to their aid.</span><span class="i0"> +May I—so best we shall agree—</span><span class="i0"> +Ne'er look on them nor they on me!"<a name="FNanchor_547" id="FNanchor_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">547</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"If men should see a prophet begging, they would turn and scout him.</span><span class="i0"> +Thy friend is ever thine as long as thou canst do without him;</span><span class="i0"> +But he will spew thee forth, if in thy need thou come about him."<a name="FNanchor_548" id="FNanchor_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">548</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i2">THE WICKED WORLD.</span><span class="is"> + </span><span class="i0"> +"'Tis only on the culprit sin recoils,</span><span class="i0"> +The ignorant fool against himself is armed.</span><span class="i0"> +Humanity are sunk in wickedness;</span><span class="i0"> +The best is he that leaveth us unharmed."<a name="FNanchor_549" id="FNanchor_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">549</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"'Twas my despair of Man that gave me hope</span><span class="i0"> +God's grace would find me soon, I know not how."<a name="FNanchor_550" id="FNanchor_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">550</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">LIFE AND DEATH.</span><span class="is"> + </span><span class="i0"> +"Man's life is his fair name, and not his length of years;</span><span class="i0"> +Man's death is his ill-fame, and not the day that nears.</span><span class="i0"> +Then life to thy fair name by deeds of goodness give:</span><span class="i0"> +So in this world two lives, O mortal, thou shalt live."<a name="FNanchor_551" id="FNanchor_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">551</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i1">MAXIMS AND RULES OF LIFE.</span><span class="is"> + </span><span class="i0"> +"Mere falsehood by its face is recognised,</span><span class="i0"> +But Truth by parables and admonitions."<a name="FNanchor_552" id="FNanchor_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">552</a></span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_302" id="Page_302" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>302</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +"I keep the bond of love inviolate</span><span class="i0"> +Towards all humankind, for I betray</span><span class="i0"> +Myself, if I am false to any man."<a name="FNanchor_553" id="FNanchor_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">553</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Far from the safe path, hop'st thou to be saved?</span><span class="i0"> +Ships make no speedy voyage on dry land."<a name="FNanchor_554" id="FNanchor_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">554</a></span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +"Strip off the world from thee and naked live,</span><span class="i0"> +For naked thou didst fall into the world."<a name="FNanchor_555" id="FNanchor_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">555</a></span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +"Man guards his own and grasps his neighbours' pelf,</span><span class="i0"> +And he is angered when they him prevent;</span><span class="i0"> +But he that makes the earth his couch will sleep</span><span class="i0"> +No worse, if lacking silk he have content."<a name="FNanchor_556" id="FNanchor_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">556</a></span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +"Men vaunt their noble blood, but I behold</span><span class="i0"> +No lineage that can vie with righteous deeds."<a name="FNanchor_557" id="FNanchor_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">557</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"If knowledge lies in long experience,</span><span class="i0"> +Less than what I have borne suffices me."<a name="FNanchor_558" id="FNanchor_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">558</a></span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +"Faith is the medicine of every grief,</span><span class="i0"> +Doubt only raises up a host of cares."<a name="FNanchor_559" id="FNanchor_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">559</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Blame me or no, 'tis my predestined state:</span><span class="i0"> +If I have erred, infallible is Fate."<a name="FNanchor_560" id="FNanchor_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">560</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya found little favour with his contemporaries, +who seem to have regarded him as a miserly hypocrite. He +died, an aged man, in the Caliphate of Ma’mún.<a name="FNanchor_561" id="FNanchor_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">561</a> Von + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_303" id="Page_303" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-‘ATÁHIYA</i></span>303</a></span> + +Kremer thinks that he had a truer genius for poetry than +Abú Nuwás, an opinion in which I am unable to concur. +Both, however, as he points out, are distinctive types of their +time. If Abú Nuwás presents an appalling picture of a corrupt +and frivolous society devoted to pleasure, we learn from Abu +’l-‘Atáhiya something of the religious feelings and beliefs which +pervaded the middle and lower classes, and which led them to +take a more earnest and elevated view of life.</p> + +<p class="tb">With the rapid decline and disintegration of the ‘Abbásid +Empire which set in towards the middle of the ninth century, +numerous petty dynasties arose, and the hitherto unrivalled +splendour of Baghdád was challenged by more than one provincial +court. These independent or semi-independent princes +were sometimes zealous patrons of learning—it is well known, +for example, that a national Persian literature first came into +being under the auspices of the Sámánids in Khurásán and the +Buwayhids in ‘Iráq—but as a rule the anxious task of maintaining, +or the ambition of extending, their power left them +small leisure to cultivate letters, even if they wished to do so. +None combined the arts of war and peace more brilliantly +than the Ḥamdánid Sayfu ’l-Dawla, who in 944 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> made +himself master of Aleppo, and founded an independent kingdom +in Northern Syria.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The Ḥamdánids," says Tha‘álibí, "were kings and princes, +comely of countenance and eloquent of tongue, endowed with +<span class="sidenote">Tha‘álibí's +eulogy of +Sayfu ’l-Dawla.</span> +open-handedness and gravity of mind. Sayfu ’l-Dawla +is famed as the chief amongst them all and the centre-pearl +of their necklace. He was—may God be pleased +with him and grant his desires and make Paradise his +abode!—the brightest star of his age and the pillar of Islam: by +him the frontiers were guarded and the State well governed. His +attacks on the rebellious Arabs checked their fury and blunted +their teeth and tamed their stubbornness and secured his subjects +against their barbarity. His campaigns exacted vengeance from +the Emperor of the Greeks, decisively broke their hostile onset, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_304" id="Page_304" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATUE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>304</a></span> + +and had an excellent effect on Islam. His court was the goal of +ambassadors, the dayspring of liberality, the horizon-point of hope, +the end of journeys, a place where savants assembled and poets +competed for the palm. It is said that after the Caliphs no prince +gathered around him so many masters of poetry and men illustrious +in literature as he did; and to a monarch's hall, as to a market, +people bring only what is in demand. He was an accomplished +scholar, a poet himself and a lover of fine poetry; keenly susceptible +to words of praise."<a name="FNanchor_562" id="FNanchor_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">562</a></p></div> + +<p>Sayfu ’l-Dawla's cousin, Abú Firás al-Ḥamdání, was a +gallant soldier and a poet of some mark, who if space permitted +would receive fuller notice here.<a name="FNanchor_563" id="FNanchor_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">563</a> He, however, +though superior to the common herd of court poets, is +overshadowed by one who with all his faults—and they are +not inconsiderable—made an extraordinary impression upon +his contemporaries, and by the commanding influence of his +reputation decided what should henceforth be the standard of +poetical taste in the Muḥammadan world.</p> + +<p>Abu ’l-Ṭayyib Ahmad b. Ḥusayn, known to fame as +al-Mutanabbí, was born and bred at Kúfa, where his father +<span class="sidenote">Mutanabbí +(915-965 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +is said to have been a water-carrier. Following +the admirable custom by which young men of +promise were sent abroad to complete their +education, he studied at Damascus and visited other towns +in Syria, but also passed much of his time among the +Bedouins, to whom he owed the singular knowledge +and mastery of Arabic displayed in his poems. Here he +came forward as a prophet (from which circumstance he +was afterwards entitled al-Mutanabbí, <i>i.e.</i>, 'the pretender to +prophecy'), and induced a great multitude to believe in him; +but ere long he was captured by Lu’lu’, the governor of Ḥims +(Emessa), and thrown into prison. After his release he + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_305" id="Page_305" href="#"><span><i>MUTANABBÍ</i></span>305</a></span> + +wandered to and fro chanting the praises of all and sundry, +until fortune guided him to the court of Sayfu ’l-Dawla at +Aleppo. For nine years (948-957 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) he stood high in +the favour of that cultured prince, whose virtues he celebrated +in a series of splendid eulogies, and with whom he lived as an +intimate friend and comrade in arms. The liberality of Sayfu +’l-Dawla and the ingenious impudence of the poet are well +brought out by the following anecdote:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Mutanabbí on one occasion handed to his patron the copy of an +ode which he had recently composed in his honour, and retired, +leaving Sayfu ’l-Dawla to peruse it at leisure. The prince began to +read, and came to these lines—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +<i>Aqil anil aqṭi‘ iḥmil ‘alli salli a‘id</i></span><span class="i0"> +<i>zid hashshi bashshi tafaḍḍal adni surra ṣili.</i><a name="FNanchor_564" id="FNanchor_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">564</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"<i>Pardon, bestow, endow, mount, raise, console, restore,</i></span><span class="i0"> +<i>Add, laugh, rejoice, bring nigh, show favour, gladden, give!</i>"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>Far from being displeased by the poet's arrogance, Sayfu ’l-Dawla +was so charmed with his artful collocation of fourteen imperatives +in a single verse that he granted every request. Under <i>pardon</i> he +wrote 'we pardon thee'; under <i>bestow</i>, 'let him receive such and +such a sum of money'; under <i>endow</i>, 'we endow thee with an +estate,' which he named (it was beside the gate of Aleppo); under +<i>mount</i>, 'let such and such a horse be led to him'; under <i>raise</i>, 'we +do so'; under <i>console</i>, 'we do so, be at ease'; under <i>restore</i>, 'we +restore thee to thy former place in our esteem'; under <i>add</i>, 'let him +have such and such in addition'; under <i>bring nigh</i>, 'we admit thee +to our intimacy'; under <i>show favour</i>, 'we have done so'; under +<i>gladden</i>, 'we have made thee glad'<a name="FNanchor_565" id="FNanchor_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">565</a>; under <i>give</i>, 'this we have +already done.' Mutanabbí's rivals envied his good fortune, and +one of them said to Sayfu ’l-Dawla—"Sire, you have done all that +he asked, but when he uttered the words <i>laugh</i>, <i>rejoice</i>, why did not +you answer, 'Ha, ha, ha'?" Sayfu ’l-Dawla laughed, and said, "You +too, shall have your wish," and ordered him a donation.</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_306" id="Page_306" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>306</a></span> + +Mutanabbí was sincerely attached to his generous master, +and this feeling inspired a purer and loftier strain than we +find in the fulsome panegyrics which he afterwards addressed +to the negro Káfúr. He seems to have been occasionally in +disgrace, but Sayfu ’l-Dawla could deny nothing to a poet +who paid him such magnificent compliments. Nor was he +deterred by any false modesty from praising himself: he was +fully conscious of his power and, like Arabian bards in +general, he bragged about it. Although the verbal legerdemain +which is so conspicuous in his poetry cannot be +reproduced in another language, the lines translated below +may be taken as a favourable and sufficiently characteristic +specimen of his style.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"How glows mine heart for him whose heart to me is cold,</span><span class="i0"> +Who liketh ill my case and me in fault doth hold!</span><span class="i0"> +Why should I hide a love that hath worn thin my frame?</span><span class="i0"> +To Sayfu ’l-Dawla all the world avows the same.</span><span class="i0"> +Tho' love of his high star unites us, would that we</span><span class="i0"> +According to our love might so divide the fee!</span><span class="i0"> +Him have I visited when sword in sheath was laid,</span><span class="i0"> +And I have seen him when in blood swam every blade:</span><span class="i0"> +Him, both in peace and war the best of all mankind,</span><span class="i0"> +Whose crown of excellence was still his noble mind.</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +Do foes by flight escape thine onset, thou dost gain</span><span class="i0"> +A chequered victory, half of pleasure, half of pain.</span><span class="i0"> +So puissant is the fear thou strik'st them with, it stands</span><span class="i0"> +Instead of thee, and works more than thy warriors' hands.</span><span class="i0"> +Unfought the field is thine: thou need'st not further strain</span><span class="i0"> +To chase them from their holes in mountain or in plain.</span><span class="i0"> +What! 'fore thy fierce attack whene'er an army reels,</span><span class="i0"> +Must thy ambitious soul press hot upon their heels?</span><span class="i0"> +Thy task it is to rout them on the battle-ground;</span><span class="i0"> +No shame to thee if they in flight have safety found.</span><span class="i0"> +Or thinkest thou perchance that victory is sweet</span><span class="i0"> +Only when scimitars and necks each other greet?</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +O justest of the just save in thy deeds to me!</span><span class="i0"> +<i>Thou</i> art accused and thou, O Sire, must judge the plea.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_307" id="Page_307" href="#"><span><i>MUTANABBÍ</i></span>307</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +Look, I implore thee, well! Let not thine eye cajoled</span><span class="i0"> +See fat in empty froth, in all that glisters gold!<a name="FNanchor_566" id="FNanchor_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">566</a></span><span class="i0"> +What use and profit reaps a mortal of his sight,</span><span class="i0"> +If darkness unto him be indistinct from light?</span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i0"> +My deep poetic art the blind have eyes to see,</span><span class="i0"> +My verses ring in ears as deaf as deaf can be.</span><span class="i0"> +They wander far abroad while I am unaware,</span><span class="i0"> +But men collect them watchfully with toil and care.</span><span class="i0"> +Oft hath my laughing mien prolonged the insulter's sport,</span><span class="i0"> +Until with claw and mouth I cut his rudeness short.</span><span class="i0"> +Ah, when the lion bares his teeth, suspect his guile,</span><span class="i0"> +Nor fancy that the lion shows to you a smile.</span><span class="i0"> +I have slain the man that sought my heart's blood many a time,</span><span class="i0"> +Riding a noble mare whose back none else may climb,</span><span class="i0"> +Whose hind and fore-legs seem in galloping as one;</span><span class="i0"> +Nor hand nor foot requireth she to urge her on.</span><span class="i0"> +And O the days when I have swung my fine-edged glaive</span><span class="i0"> +Amidst a sea of death where wave was dashed on wave!</span><span class="i0"> +The desert knows me well, the night, the mounted men,</span><span class="i0"> +The battle and the sword, the paper and the pen!"<a name="FNanchor_567" id="FNanchor_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">567</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Finally an estrangement arose between Mutanabbí and +Sayfu ’l-Dawla, in consequence of which he fled to Egypt +and attached himself to the Ikhshídite Káfúr. Disappointed +in his new patron, a negro who had formerly been a slave, the +poet set off for Baghdád, and afterwards visited the court of +the Buwayhid ‘Aḍudu ’l-Dawla at Shíráz. While travelling +through Babylonia he was attacked and slain by brigands in +965 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p> + +<p>The popularity of Mutanabbí is shown by the numerous +commentaries<a name="FNanchor_568" id="FNanchor_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">568</a> and critical treatises on his <i>Díwán</i>. By his +countrymen he is generally regarded as one of the greatest of +Arabian poets, while not a few would maintain that he ranks + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_308" id="Page_308" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>308</a></span> + +absolutely first. Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí, himself an illustrious +poet and man of letters, confessed that he had sometimes +wished to alter a word here and there in Mutanabbí's verses, +but had never been able to think of any improvement. "As +to his poetry," says Ibn Khallikán, "it is perfection." +European scholars, with the exception of Von Hammer,<a name="FNanchor_569" id="FNanchor_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">569</a> +have been far from sharing this enthusiasm, as may be seen by +referring to what has been said on the subject by Reiske,<a name="FNanchor_570" id="FNanchor_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">570</a> De +Sacy,<a name="FNanchor_571" id="FNanchor_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">571</a> Bohlen,<a name="FNanchor_572" id="FNanchor_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">572</a> Brockelmann,<a name="FNanchor_573" id="FNanchor_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">573</a> and others. No doubt, according +to our canons of taste, Mutanabbí stands immeasurably +below the famous Pre-islamic bards, and in a later age must +yield the palm to Abú Nuwás and Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya. Lovers +of poetry, as the term is understood in Europe, cannot derive +much æsthetic pleasure from his writings, but, on the contrary, +will be disgusted by the beauties hardly less than by the faults +which Arabian critics attribute to him. Admitting, however, +that only a born Oriental is able to appreciate Mutanabbí at +his full worth, let us try to realise the Oriental point of view +and put aside, as far as possible, our preconceptions of what +constitutes good poetry and good taste. Fortunately we +possess abundant materials for such an attempt in the invaluable +work of Tha‘álibí, which has been already mentioned.<a name="FNanchor_574" id="FNanchor_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">574</a> +Tha‘álibí (961-1038 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) was nearly contemporary with +Mutanabbí. He began to write his <i>Yatíma</i> about thirty +years after the poet's death, and while he bears witness to + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_309" id="Page_309" href="#"><span><i>MUTANABBÍ</i></span>309</a></span> + +the unrivalled popularity of the <i>Díwán</i> amongst all classes +of society, he observes that it was sharply criticised as well as +rapturously admired. Tha‘álibí himself claims to hold the +balance even. "Now," he says, "I will mention the faults +and blemishes which critics have found in the poetry of +Mutanabbí; for is there any one whose qualities give entire +satisfaction?—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +<i>Kafa ’l-mar’a faḍl<sup>an</sup> an tu‘adda ma‘áyibuh.</i></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +'Tis the height of merit in a man that his faults can be numbered.</span> +</div></div> + +<p>Then I will proceed to speak of his beauties and to set forth +in due order the original and incomparable characteristics of +his style.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +The radiant stars with beauty strike our eyes</span><span class="i0"> +Because midst gloom opaque we see them rise."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>It was deemed of capital importance that the opening +couplet (<i>maṭla‘</i>) of a poem should be perfect in form and +meaning, and that it should not contain anything likely +to offend. Tha‘álibí brings forward many instances in which +Mutanabbí has violated this rule by using words of bad omen, +such as 'sickness' or 'death,' or technical terms of music +and arithmetic which only perplex and irritate the hearer +instead of winning his sympathy at the outset. He complains +also that Mutanabbí's finest thoughts and images are too often +followed by low and trivial ones: "he strings pearls and +bricks together" (<i>jama‘a bayna ’l-durrati wa-’l-ájurrati</i>). +"While he moulds the most splendid ornament, and threads +the loveliest necklace, and weaves the most exquisite stuff of +mingled hues, and paces superbly in a garden of roses, +suddenly he will throw in a verse or two verses disfigured +by far-fetched metaphors, or by obscure language and confused +thought, or by extravagant affectation and excessive + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_310" id="Page_310" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>310</a></span> + +profundity, or by unbounded and absurd exaggeration, or +by vulgar and commonplace diction, or by pedantry and +grotesqueness resulting from the use of unfamiliar words." +We need not follow Tha‘álibí in his illustration of these +and other weaknesses with which he justly reproaches +Mutanabbí, since we shall be able to form a better idea +of the prevailing taste from those points which he singles +out for special praise.</p> + +<p>In the first place he calls attention to the poet's skill in +handling the customary erotic prelude (<i>nasíb</i>), and particularly +to his brilliant descriptions of Bedouin women, which were +celebrated all over the East. As an example of this kind he +quotes the following piece, which "is chanted in the salons on +account of the extreme beauty of its diction, the choiceness of +its sentiment, and the perfection of its art":—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Shame hitherto was wont my tears to stay,</span><span class="i0"> +But now by shame they will no more be stayed,</span><span class="i0"> +So that each bone seems through its skin to sob,</span><span class="i0"> +And every vein to swell the sad cascade.</span><span class="i0"> +She uncovered: pallor veiled her at farewell:</span><span class="i0"> +No veil 'twas, yet her cheeks it cast in shade.</span><span class="i0"> +So seemed they, while tears trickled over them,</span><span class="i0"> +Gold with a double row of pearls inlaid.</span><span class="i0"> +She loosed three sable tresses of her hair,</span><span class="i0"> +And thus of night four nights at once she made;</span><span class="i0"> +But when she lifted to the moon in heaven</span><span class="i0"> +Her face, two moons together I surveyed."<a name="FNanchor_575" id="FNanchor_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">575</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The critic then enumerates various beautiful and original +features of Mutanabbí's style, <i>e.g.</i>—</p> + +<p>1. His consecutive arrangement of similes in brief symmetrical +clauses, thus:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"She shone forth like a moon, and swayed like a moringa-bough,</span><span class="i0"> +And shed fragrance like ambergris, and gazed like a gazelle."</span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_311" id="Page_311" href="#"><span><i>MUTANABBÍ</i></span>311</a></span> + +2. The novelty of his comparisons and images, as when he +indicates the rapidity with which he returned to his patron and +the shortness of his absence in these lines:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I was merely an arrow in the air,</span><span class="i0"> +Which falls back, finding no refuge there."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>3. The <i>laus duplex</i> or 'two-sided panegyric' (<i>al-madḥ +al-muwajjah</i>), which may be compared to a garment having +two surfaces of different colours but of equal beauty, as in +the following verse addressed to Sayfu ’l-Dawla:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Were all the lives thou hast ta'en possessed by thee,</span><span class="i0"> +Immortal thou and blest the world would be!"</span> +</div></div> + +<p>Here Sayfu ’l-Dawla is doubly eulogised by the mention of +his triumphs over his enemies as well as of the joy which all +his friends felt in the continuance of his life and fortune.</p> + +<p>4. His manner of extolling his royal patron as though he +were speaking to a friend and comrade, whereby he raises +himself from the position of an ordinary encomiast to the same +level with kings.</p> + +<p>5. His division of ideas into parallel sentences:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"We were in gladness, the Greeks in fear,</span><span class="i0"> +The land in bustle, the sea in confusion."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>From this summary of Tha‘álibí's criticism the reader will +easily perceive that the chief merits of poetry were then considered +to lie in elegant expression, subtle combination of +words, fanciful imagery, witty conceits, and a striking use of +rhetorical figures. Such, indeed, are the views which prevail +to this day throughout the whole Muḥammadan world, and it +is unreasonable to denounce them as false simply because they +do not square with ours. Who shall decide when nations +disagree? If Englishmen rightly claim to be the best judges +of Shakespeare, and Italians of Dante, the almost unanimous +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_312" id="Page_312" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>312</a></span> +verdict of Mutanabbí's countrymen is surely not less authoritative—a +verdict which places him at the head of all the poets +born or made in Islam. And although the peculiar excellences +indicated by Tha‘álibí do not appeal to us, there are few poets +that leave so distinct an impression of greatness. One might +call Mutanabbí the Victor Hugo of the East, for he has the +grand style whether he soars to sublimity or sinks to fustian. +In the masculine vigour of his verse, in the sweep and +splendour of his rhetoric, in the luxuriance and reckless +audacity of his imagination we recognise qualities which +inspired the oft-quoted lines of the elegist:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Him did his mighty soul supply</span><span class="i0"> +With regal pomp and majesty.</span><span class="i0"> +A Prophet by his <i>diction</i> known;</span><span class="i0"> +But in the <i>ideas</i>, all must own,</span><span class="i0"> +His miracles were clearly shown."<a name="FNanchor_576" id="FNanchor_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">576</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>One feature of Mutanabbí's poetry that is praised by +Tha‘álibí should not be left unnoticed, namely, his fondness +for sententious moralising on topics connected with human +life; wherefore Reiske has compared him to Euripides. He +is allowed to be a master of that proverbial philosophy in +which Orientals delight and which is characteristic of the +modern school beginning with Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya, though some +of the ancients had already cultivated it with success (cf. +the verses of Zuhayr, p. 118 <i>supra</i>). The following examples +are among those cited by Bohlen (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 86 sqq.):—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"When an old man cries 'Ugh!' he is not tired</span><span class="i0"> +Of life, but only tired of feebleness."<a name="FNanchor_577" id="FNanchor_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">577</a></span><span class="i0"> + </span><span class="i05"> +"He that hath been familiar with the world</span><span class="i0"> +A long while, in his eye 'tis turned about</span><span class="i0"> +Until he sees how false what looked so fair."<a name="FNanchor_578" id="FNanchor_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">578</a></span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_313" id="Page_313" href="#"><span><i>MUTANABBÍ</i></span>313</a></span> +<span class="i0"> +"The sage's mind still makes him miserable</span><span class="i0"> +In his most happy fortune, but poor fools</span><span class="i0"> +Find happiness even in their misery."<a name="FNanchor_579" id="FNanchor_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">579</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The sceptical and pessimistic tendencies of an age of social +decay and political anarchy are unmistakably revealed in the +<span class="sidenote">Abu ’l-‘Alá +al-Ma‘arrí (973-1057 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +writings of the poet, philosopher, and man of +letters, Abu ‘l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí, who was born +in 973 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> at Ma‘arratu ’l-Nu‘mán, a Syrian +town situated about twenty miles south of Aleppo on the +caravan road to Damascus. While yet a child he had an +attack of small-pox, resulting in partial and eventually in +complete blindness, but this calamity, fatal as it might seem +to literary ambition, was repaired if not entirely made good +by his stupendous powers of memory. After being educated +at home under the eye of his father, a man of some culture +and a meritorious poet, he proceeded to Aleppo, which was +still a flourishing centre of the humanities, though it could no +longer boast such a brilliant array of poets and scholars as +were attracted thither in the palmy days of Sayfu ’l-Dawla. +Probably Abu ’l-‘Alá did not enter upon the career of a +professional encomiast, to which he seems at first to have +inclined: he declares in the preface to his <i>Saqṭu ’l-Zand</i> that +he never eulogised any one with the hope of gaining a reward, +but only for the sake of practising his skill. On the termination +of his 'Wanderjahre' he returned in 993 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> to +Ma‘arra, where he spent the next fifteen years of his life, +with no income beyond a small pension of thirty dínárs (which +he shared with a servant), lecturing on Arabic poetry, antiquities, +and philology, the subjects to which his youthful studies +had been chiefly devoted. During this period his reputation +was steadily increasing, and at last, to adapt what Boswell +wrote of Dr. Johnson on a similar occasion, "he thought of +trying his fortune in Baghdád, the great field of genius and +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_314" id="Page_314" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>314</a></span> +exertion, where talents of every kind had the fullest scope +and the highest encouragement." Professor Margoliouth in +the Introduction to his edition of Abu ’l-‘Alá's <span class="sidenote"> His visit to +Baghdád.</span> +correspondence supplies many interesting particulars +of the literary society at Baghdád in which the +poet moved. "As in ancient Rome, so in the great Muḥammadan +cities public recitation was the mode whereby men of +letters made their talents known to their contemporaries. +From very early times it had been customary to employ the +mosques for this purpose; and in Abu ’l-‘Alá's time poems +were recited in the mosque of al-Manṣúr in Baghdád. Better +accommodation was, however, provided by the Mæcenates +who took a pride in collecting savants and <i>littérateurs</i> in their +houses."<a name="FNanchor_580" id="FNanchor_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">580</a> Such a Mæcenas was the Sharíf al-Raḍí, himself +a celebrated poet, who founded the Academy called by his +name in imitation, probably, of that founded some years +before by Abú Nasr Sábúr b. Ardashír, Vizier to the Buwayhid +prince, Bahá’u ’l-Dawla. Here Abu ’l-‘Alá met a number of +distinguished writers and scholars who welcomed him as one +of themselves. The capital of Islam, thronged with travellers +and merchants from all parts of the East, harbouring followers +of every creed and sect—Christians and Jews, Buddhists and +Zoroastrians, Ṣábians and Ṣúfís, Materialists and Rationalists—must +have seemed to the provincial almost like a new world. +It is certain that Abu ’l-‘Alá, a curious observer who set no +bounds to his thirst for knowledge, would make the best use +of such an opportunity. The religious and philosophical ideas +with which he was now first thrown into contact gradually +took root and ripened. His stay in Baghdád, though it lasted +only a year and a half (1009-1010 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), decided the whole +bent of his mind for the future.</p> + +<p>Whether his return to Ma‘arra was hastened, as he says, by +want of means and the illness of his mother, whom he +tenderly loved, or by an indignity which he suffered at the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_315" id="Page_315" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-‘ALÁ AL-MA‘ARRÍ</i></span>315</a></span> + +hands of an influential patron,<a name="FNanchor_581" id="FNanchor_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">581</a> immediately on his arrival he +shut himself in his house, adopted a vegetarian diet and other +ascetic practices, and passed the rest of his long life in comparative +seclusion:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Methinks, I am thrice imprisoned—ask not me</span><span class="i0"> +Of news that need no telling—</span><span class="i0"> +By loss of sight, confinement to my house,</span><span class="i0"> +And this vile body for my spirit's dwelling."<a name="FNanchor_582" id="FNanchor_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">582</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>We can only conjecture the motives which brought about this +sudden change of habits and disposition. No doubt his mother's +death affected him deeply, and he may have been disappointed +by his failure to obtain a permanent footing in the capital. It +is not surprising that the blind and lonely man, looking back +on his faded youth, should have felt weary of the world and +its ways, and found in melancholy contemplation of earthly +vanities ever fresh matter for the application and development +of these philosophical ideas which, as we have seen, were +probably suggested to him by his recent experiences. While +in the collection of early poems, entitled <i>Saqṭu ’l-Zand</i> or 'The +Spark of the Fire-stick' and mainly composed before his visit +to Baghdád, he still treads the customary path of his predecessors,<a name="FNanchor_583" id="FNanchor_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">583</a> +his poems written after that time and generally +known as the <i>Luzúmiyyát</i><a name="FNanchor_584" id="FNanchor_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">584</a> arrest attention by their boldness +and originality as well as by the sombre and earnest tone which +pervades them. This, indeed, is not the view of most Oriental +critics, who dislike the poet's irreverence and fail to appreciate +the fact that he stood considerably in advance of his age; but +in Europe he has received full justice and perhaps higher +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_316" id="Page_316" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>316</a></span> +praise than he deserves. Reiske describes him as 'Arabice +callentissimum, vasti, subtilis, sublimis et audacis ingenii';<a name="FNanchor_585" id="FNanchor_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">585</a> +Von Hammer, who ranks him as a poet with Abú Tammám, +Buḥturí, and Mutanabbí, also mentions him honourably as a +philosopher;<a name="FNanchor_586" id="FNanchor_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">586</a> and finally Von Kremer, who made an exhaustive +study of the <i>Luzúmiyyát</i> and examined their contents in a masterly +essay,<a name="FNanchor_587" id="FNanchor_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">587</a> discovered in Abu ’l-‘Alá, one of the greatest moralists +of all time whose profound genius anticipated much that is +commonly attributed to the so-called modern spirit of enlightenment. +Here Von Kremer's enthusiasm may have +carried him too far; for the poet, as Professor Margoliouth +says, was unconscious of the value of his suggestions, unable +to follow them out, and unable to adhere to them consistently. +Although he builded better than he knew, the constructive +side of his philosophy was overshadowed by the negative and +destructive side, so that his pure and lofty morality leaves but a +faint impression which soon dies away in louder, continually +recurring voices of doubt and despair.</p> + +<p>Abu ’l-‘Alá is a firm monotheist, but his belief in God +amounted, as it would seem, to little beyond a conviction that +all things are governed by inexorable Fate, whose mysteries +none may fathom and from whose omnipotence there is no +escape. He denies the Resurrection of the dead, <i>e.g.</i>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"We laugh, but inept is our laughter;</span><span class="i0"> +We should weep and weep sore,</span><span class="i0"> +Who are shattered like glass, and thereafter</span><span class="i0"> +Re-moulded no more!"<a name="FNanchor_588" id="FNanchor_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">588</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_317" id="Page_317" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-‘ALÁ AL-MA‘ARRI</i></span>317</a></span></p> + +<p>Since Death is the ultimate goal of mankind, the sage will +pray to be delivered as speedily as possible from the miseries of +life and refuse to inflict upon others what, by no fault of his +own, he is doomed to suffer:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Amends are richly due from sire to son:</span><span class="i0"> +What if thy children rule o'er cities great?</span><span class="i0"> +That eminence estranges them the more</span><span class="i0"> +From thee, and causes them to wax in hate,</span><span class="i0"> +Beholding one who cast them into Life's</span><span class="i0"> +Dark labyrinth whence no wit can extricate."<a name="FNanchor_589" id="FNanchor_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">589</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>There are many passages to the same effect, showing that +Abu ’l-‘Alá regarded procreation as a sin and universal annihilation +as the best hope for humanity. He acted in accordance +with his opinions, for he never married, and he is said to +have desired that the following verse should be inscribed on +his grave:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"This wrong was by my father done</span><span class="i0"> +To me, but ne'er by me to one."<a name="FNanchor_590" id="FNanchor_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">590</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Hating the present life and weary of its burdens, yet seeing +no happier prospect than that of return to non-existence, Abu +’l-‘Alá can scarcely have disguised from himself what he might +shrink openly to avow—that he was at heart, not indeed an +atheist, but wholly incredulous of any Divine revelation. +Religion, as he conceives it, is a product of the human mind, +in which men believe through force of habit and education, +never stopping to consider whether it is true.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Sometimes you may find a man skilful in his trade, perfect in +sagacity and in the use of arguments, but when he comes to +religion he is found obstinate, so does he follow the old groove. +Piety is implanted in human nature; it is deemed a sure refuge. + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_318" id="Page_318" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>318</a></span> + +To the growing child that which falls from his elders' lips is a +lesson that abides with him all his life. Monks in their cloisters and +devotees in the mosques accept their creed just as a story is handed +down from him who tells it, without distinguishing between a true +interpreter and a false. If one of these had found his kin among +the Magians, he would have declared himself a Magian, or among +the Ṣábians, he would have become nearly or quite like <i>them</i>."<a name="FNanchor_591" id="FNanchor_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">591</a></p></div> + +<p>Religion, then, is "a fable invented by the ancients," +worthless except to those unscrupulous persons who prey upon +human folly and superstition. Islam is neither better nor +worse than any other creed:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Ḥanífs are stumbling,<a name="FNanchor_592" id="FNanchor_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">592</a> Christians all astray,</span><span class="i0"> +Jews wildered, Magians far on error's way.</span><span class="i0"> +We mortals are composed of two great schools—</span><span class="i0"> +Enlightened knaves or else religious fools."<a name="FNanchor_593" id="FNanchor_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">593</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Not only does the poet emphatically reject the proud claim +of Islam to possess a monopoly of truth, but he attacks most +of its dogmas in detail. As to the Koran, Abu ’l-‘Alá could +not altogether refrain from doubting if it was really the Word +of God, but he thought so well of the style that he accepted +the challenge flung down by Muḥammad and produced a rival +work (<i>al-Fuṣúl wa-’l-Gháyát</i>), which appears to have been a +somewhat frivolous parody of the sacred volume, though in the +author's judgment its inferiority was simply due to the fact +that it was not yet polished by the tongues of four centuries of +readers. Another work which must have sorely offended +orthodox Muḥammadans is the <i>Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán</i> (Epistle of +Forgiveness).<a name="FNanchor_594" id="FNanchor_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">594</a> Here the Paradise of the Faithful becomes + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_319" id="Page_319" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-‘ALÁ AL-MA‘ARRÍ</i></span>319</a></span> + +a glorified salon tenanted by various heathen poets who have +been forgiven—hence the title—and received among the Blest. +This idea is carried out with much ingenuity and in a spirit +of audacious burlesque that reminds us of Lucian. The poets +are presented in a series of imaginary conversations with a +certain Shaykh ‘Alí b. Manṣúr, to whom the work is addressed, +reciting and explaining their verses, quarrelling with one +another, and generally behaving as literary Bohemians. The +second part contains a number of anecdotes relating to the +<i>zindíqs</i> or freethinkers of Islam interspersed with quotations +from their poetry and reflections on the nature of their belief, +which Abu ’l-‘Alá condemns while expressing a pious hope +that they are not so black as they paint themselves. At this +time it may have suited him—he was over sixty—to assume +the attitude of charitable orthodoxy. Like so many wise men +of the East, he practised dissimulation as a fine art—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I lift my voice to utter lies absurd,</span><span class="i0"> +But when I speak the truth, my hushed tones scarce are heard."<a name="FNanchor_595" id="FNanchor_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">595</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>In the <i>Luzúmiyyát</i>, however, he often unmasks. Thus he +describes as idolatrous relics the two Pillars of the Ka‘ba and +the Black Stone, venerated by every Moslem, and calls the +Pilgrimage itself 'a heathen's journey' (<i>riḥlatu jáhiliyy<sup>in</sup></i>). +The following sentiments do him honour, but they would +have been rank heresy at Mecca:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Praise God and pray,</span><span class="i0"> +Walk seventy times, not seven, the Temple round—</span><span class="i0"> +And impious remain!</span><span class="i0"> +Devout is he alone who, when he may</span><span class="i0"> +Feast his desires, is found</span><span class="i0"> +With courage to abstain."<a name="FNanchor_596" id="FNanchor_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">596</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_320" id="Page_320" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>320</a></span></p> + +<p>It is needless to give further instances of the poet's contempt +for the Muḥammadan articles of faith. Considering that he +assailed persons as well as principles, and lashed with bitter +invective the powerful class of the <i>‘Ulamá</i>, the clerical and +legal representatives of Islam, we may wonder that the accusation +of heresy brought against him was never pushed home +and had no serious consequences. The question was warmly +argued on both sides, and though Abu ’l-‘Alá was pronounced +by the majority to be a freethinker and materialist, he did not +lack defenders who quoted chapter and verse to prove that he +was nothing of the kind. It must be remembered that his +works contain no philosophical system; that his opinions have +to be gathered from the ideas which he scatters incoherently, +and for the most part in guarded language, through a long +succession of rhymes; and that this task, already arduous +enough, is complicated by the not infrequent occurrence of +sentiments which are blamelessly orthodox and entirely contradictory +to the rest. A brilliant writer, familiar with +Eastern ways of thinking, has observed that in general the +conscience of an Asiatic is composed of the following ingredients: +(1) an almost bare religious designation; (2) a +more or less lively belief in certain doctrines of the creed +which he professes; (3) a resolute opposition to many of its +doctrines, even if they should be the most essential; (4) a +fund of ideas relating to completely alien theories, which +occupies more or less room; (5) a constant tendency to get +rid of these ideas and theories and to replace the old by new.<a name="FNanchor_597" id="FNanchor_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">597</a> +Such phenomena will account for a great deal of logical inconsistency, +but we should beware of invoking them too confidently +in this case. Abu ’l-‘Alá with his keen intellect and +unfanatical temperament was not the man to let himself be +mystified. Still lamer is the explanation offered by some +Muḥammadan critics, that his thoughts were decided by the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_321" id="Page_321" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-‘ALÁ AL-MA‘ARRÍ</i></span>321</a></span> + +necessities of the difficult metre in which he wrote. It is +conceivable that he may sometimes have doubted his own +doubts and given Islam the benefit, but Von Kremer's conclusion +is probably near the truth, namely, that where the +poet speaks as a good Moslem, his phrases if they are not +purely conventional are introduced of set purpose to foil his +pious antagonists or to throw them off the scent. Although +he was not without religion in the larger sense of the word, +unprejudiced students of the later poems must recognise that +from the orthodox standpoint he was justly branded as an +infidel. The following translations will serve to illustrate the +negative side of his philosophy:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"Falsehood hath so corrupted all the world</span><span class="i0"> +That wrangling sects each other's gospel chide;</span><span class="i0"> +But were not hate Man's natural element,</span><span class="i0"> +Churches and mosques had risen side by side."<a name="FNanchor_598" id="FNanchor_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">598</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"What is Religion? A maid kept close that no eye may view her;</span><span class="i0"> +The price of her wedding-gifts and dowry baffles the wooer.</span><span class="i0"> +Of all the goodly doctrine that I from the pulpit heard</span><span class="i0"> +My heart has never accepted so much as a single word !"<a name="FNanchor_599" id="FNanchor_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">599</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"The pillars of this earth are four,</span><span class="i0"> +Which lend to human life a base;</span><span class="i0"> +God shaped two vessels, Time and Space,</span><span class="i0"> +The world and all its folk to store.</span><span class="is"> + </span><span class="i0"> +That which Time holds, in ignorance</span><span class="i0"> +It holds—why vent on it our spite?</span><span class="i0"> +Man is no cave-bound eremite,</span><span class="i0"> +But still an eager spy on Chance.</span><span class="is"> + </span><span class="i0"> +He trembles to be laid asleep,</span><span class="i0"> +Tho' worn and old and weary grown.</span><span class="i0"> +We laugh and weep by Fate alone,</span><span class="i0"> +Time moves us not to laugh or weep;</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_322" id="Page_322" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>322</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +Yet we accuse it innocent,</span><span class="i0"> +Which, could it speak, might us accuse,</span><span class="i0"> +Our best and worst, at will to choose,</span><span class="i0"> +United in a sinful bent.<a name="FNanchor_600" id="FNanchor_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">600</a></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"'The stars' conjunction comes, divinely sent,</span><span class="i0"> +And lo, the veil o'er every creed is rent.</span><span class="i0"> +No realm is founded that escapes decay,</span><span class="i0"> +The firmest structure soon dissolves away.'<a name="FNanchor_601" id="FNanchor_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">601</a></span><span class="i0"> +With sadness deep a thoughtful mind must scan</span><span class="i0"> +Religion made to serve the pelf of Man.</span><span class="i0"> +Fear thine own children: sparks at random flung</span><span class="i0"> +Consume the very tinder whence they sprung.</span><span class="i0"> +Evil are all men; I distinguish not</span><span class="i0"> +That part or this: the race entire I blot.</span><span class="i0"> +Trust none, however near akin, tho' he</span><span class="i0"> +A perfect sense of honour show to thee,</span><span class="i0"> +Thy self is the worst foe to be withstood:</span><span class="i0"> +Be on thy guard in hours of solitude.</span><span class="ia"> + * * * + * *<sup> </sup></span> +<span class="i0"> +Desire a venerable shaykh to cite</span><span class="i0"> +Reason for his doctrine, he is gravelled quite.</span><span class="i0"> +What! shall I ripen ere a leaf is seen?</span><span class="i0"> +The tree bears only when 'tis clad in green.'<a name="FNanchor_602" id="FNanchor_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">602</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"How have I provoked your enmity?</span><span class="i0"> +Christ or Muḥammad, 'tis one to me.</span><span class="i0"> +No rays of dawn our path illume,</span><span class="i0"> +We are sunk together in ceaseless gloom.</span><span class="i0"> +Can blind perceptions lead aright,</span><span class="i0"> +Or blear eyes ever have clear sight?</span><span class="i0"> +Well may a body racked with pain</span><span class="i0"> +Envy mouldering bones in vain;</span><span class="i0"> +Yet comes a day when the weary sword</span><span class="i0"> +Reposes, to its sheath restored.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_323" id="Page_323" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-‘ALÁ AL-MA‘ARRÍ</i></span>323</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +Ah, who to me a frame will give</span><span class="i0"> +As clod or stone insensitive?—</span><span class="i0"> +For when spirit is joined to flesh, the pair</span><span class="i0"> +Anguish of mortal sickness share.</span><span class="i0"> +O Wind, be still, if wind thy name,</span><span class="i0"> +O Flame, die out, if thou art flame!"<a name="FNanchor_603" id="FNanchor_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">603</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Pessimist and sceptic as he was, Abu ’l-‘Alá denies more +than he affirms, but although he rejected the dogmas of +positive religion, he did not fall into utter unbelief; for he +found within himself a moral law to which he could not +refuse obedience.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Take Reason for thy guide and do what she</span><span class="i0"> +Approves, the best of counsellors in sooth.</span><span class="i0"> +Accept no law the Pentateuch lays down:</span><span class="i0"> +Not there is what thou seekest—the plain truth."<a name="FNanchor_604" id="FNanchor_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">604</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>He insists repeatedly that virtue is its own reward.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"Oh, purge the good thou dost from hope of recompense</span><span class="i0"> +Or profit, as if thou wert one that sells his wares."<a name="FNanchor_605" id="FNanchor_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">605</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>His creed is that of a philosopher and ascetic. Slay no +living creature, he says; better spare a flea than give alms. +Yet he prefers active piety, active humanity, to fasting and +prayer. "The gist of his moral teaching is to inculcate as +the highest and holiest duty a conscientious fulfilment of +one's obligations with equal warmth and affection towards +all living beings."<a name="FNanchor_606" id="FNanchor_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">606</a></p> + +<p>Abu ’l-‘Alá died in 1057 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, at the age of eighty-four. +About ten years before this time, the Persian poet and +traveller, Náṣir-i Khusraw, passed through Ma‘arra on his +way to Egypt. He describes Abu ’l-‘Alá as the chief +man in the town, very rich, revered by the inhabitants, +and surrounded by more than two hundred students who +came from all parts to attend his lectures on literature and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_324" id="Page_324" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>324</a></span> + +poetry.<a name="FNanchor_607" id="FNanchor_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">607</a> We may set this trustworthy notice against the +doleful account which Abu ’l-‘Alá gives of himself in his +letters and other works. If not among the greatest Muḥammadan +poets, he is undoubtedly one of the most original +and attractive. After Mutanabbí, even after Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya, +he must appear strangely modern to the European reader. +It is astonishing to reflect that a spirit so unconventional, so +free from dogmatic prejudice, so rational in spite of his +pessimism and deeply religious notwithstanding his attacks +on revealed religion, should have ended his life in a Syrian +country-town some years before the battle of Senlac. Although +he did not meddle with politics and held aloof from +every sect, he could truly say of himself, "I am the son of +my time" (<i>ghadawtu ’bna waqtí</i>).<a name="FNanchor_608" id="FNanchor_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">608</a> His poems leave no +aspect of the age untouched, and present a vivid picture +of degeneracy and corruption, in which tyrannous rulers, +venal judges, hypocritical and unscrupulous theologians, +swindling astrologers, roving swarms of dervishes and godless +Carmathians occupy a prominent place.<a name="FNanchor_609" id="FNanchor_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">609</a></p> + +<p class="tb">Although the reader may think that too much space has +been already devoted to poetry, I will venture by way of +concluding the subject to mention very briefly a few well-known +names which cannot be altogether omitted from a +work of this kind.</p> + +<p>Abú Tammám (Ḥabíb b. Aws) and Buḥturí, both of whom +<span class="sidenote"> Abú Tammám +and Buḥturí.</span> +flourished in the ninth century, were distinguished court poets +of the same type as Mutanabbí, but their reputation +rests more securely on the anthologies which +they compiled under the title of <i>Ḥamása</i> (see +p. 129 seq.).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_325" id="Page_325" href="#"><span><i>IBNU ’L-MU‘TAZZ AND IBNU ’L-FÁRIḌ</i></span>325</a></span> + +Abu ’l-‘Abbás ‘Abdulláh, the son of the Caliph al-Mu‘tazz, +was a versatile poet and man of letters, who showed his +<span class="sidenote">Ibnu ’l-Mu‘tazz +(861-908 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +originality by the works which he produced in +two novel styles of composition. It has often +been remarked that the Arabs have no great +epos like the Iliad or the Persian <i>Sháhnáma</i>, but only prose +narratives which, though sometimes epical in tone, are better +described as historical romances. Ibnu ’l-Mu‘tazz could not +supply the deficiency. He wrote, however, in praise of his +cousin, the Caliph Mu‘taḍid, a metrical epic in miniature, +commencing with a graphic delineation of the wretched state +to which the Empire had been reduced by the rapacity and +tyranny of the Turkish mercenaries. He composed also, +besides an anthology of Bacchanalian pieces, the first important +work on Poetics (<i>Kitábu ’l-Badí‘</i>). A sad destiny was +in store for this accomplished prince. On the death of the +Caliph Muktarí he was called to the throne, but a few hours +after his accession he was overpowered by the partisans of +Muqtadir, who strangled him as soon as they discovered his +hiding-place. Picturing the scene, one thinks almost inevitably +of Nero's dying words, <i>Qualis artifex pereo!</i></p> + +<p class="tb">The mystical poetry of the Arabs is far inferior, as a whole, +to that of the Persians. Fervour and passion it has in the +<span class="sidenote">‘Umar Ibnu +’l-Fáriḍ +(1181-1235 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +highest degree, but it lacks range and substance, +not to speak of imaginative and speculative +power. ‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ, though he is +undoubtedly the poet of Arabian mysticism, cannot sustain a +comparison with his great Persian contemporary, Jalálu’l-Dín +Rúmí († 1273 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); he surpasses him only in the intense +glow and exquisite beauty of his diction. It will be convenient +to reserve a further account of Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ for the +next chapter, where we shall discuss the development of +Ṣúfiism during this period.</p> + +<p>Finally two writers claim attention who owe their reputation +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_326" id="Page_326" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>326</a></span> +to single poems—a by no means rare phenomenon in +the history of Arabic literature. One of these universally +celebrated odes is the <i>Lámiyyatu ’l-‘Ajam</i> (the ode rhyming +in <i>l</i> of the non-Arabs) composed in the year 1111 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> by +Ṭughrá’í; the other is the <i>Burda</i> (Mantle Ode) of Búṣírí, +which I take the liberty of mentioning in this chapter, +although its author died some forty years after the Mongol +Invasion.</p> + +<p>Ḥasan b. ‘Alí al-Ṭughrá’í was of Persian descent and a +native of Iṣfahán.<a name="FNanchor_610" id="FNanchor_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">610</a> +<span class="sidenote">Ṭughrá’í +(† <i>circa</i> 1120 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +He held the offices of <i>kátib</i> (secretary) +and <i>munshí</i> or <i>ṭughrá’í</i> (chancellor) under the +great Seljúq Sultans, Maliksháh and Muḥammad, +and afterwards became Vizier to the +Seljúqid prince Ghiyáthu ’l-Dín Mas‘úd<a name="FNanchor_611" id="FNanchor_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">611</a> in Mosul. He +derived the title by which he is generally known from the +royal signature (<i>ṭughrá</i>) which it was his duty to indite on +all State papers over the initial <i>Bismilláh</i>. The <i>Lámiyyatu +’l-‘Ajam</i> is so called with reference to Shanfará's renowned +poem, the <i>Lámiyyatu ’l-‘Arab</i> (see p. <a href="#Page_79">79</a> seq.), which rhymes +in the same letter; otherwise the two odes have only this +in common,<a name="FNanchor_612" id="FNanchor_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">612</a> that whereas Shanfará depicts the hardships of +an outlaw's life in the desert, Ṭughrá’í, writing in Baghdád, +laments the evil times on which he has fallen, and complains +that younger rivals, base and servile men, are preferred to +him, while he is left friendless and neglected in his old age.</p> + +<p>The <i>Qaṣídatu ’l-Burda</i> (Mantle Ode) of al-Búṣírí<a name="FNanchor_613" id="FNanchor_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">613</a> is a + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_327" id="Page_327" href="#"><span><i>ṬUGHRÁ’Í AND BÚṢÍRÍ</i></span>327</a></span> + +hymn in praise of the Prophet. Its author was born in +<span class="sidenote">Búṣírí († <i>circa</i> +1296 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Egypt in 1212 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> We know scarcely anything concerning +his life, which, as he himself declares, +was passed in writing poetry and in paying court +to the great<a name="FNanchor_614" id="FNanchor_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">614</a>; but his biographers tell us that +he supported himself by copying manuscripts, and that he +was a disciple of the eminent Ṣúfí, Abu ’l-‘Abbás Aḥmad +al-Marsí. It is said that he composed the <i>Burda</i> while +suffering from a stroke which paralysed one half of his +body. After praying God to heal him, he began to recite +the poem. Presently he fell asleep and dreamed that he +saw the Prophet, who touched his palsied side and threw his +mantle (<i>burda</i>) over him.<a name="FNanchor_615" id="FNanchor_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">615</a> "Then," said al-Búṣírí, "I awoke +and found myself able to rise." However this may be, the +Mantle Ode is held in extraordinary veneration by Muḥammadans. +Its verses are often learned by heart and inscribed +in golden letters on the walls of public buildings; and not +only is the whole poem regarded as a charm against evil, +but some peculiar magical power is supposed to reside in +each verse separately. Although its poetical merit is no more +than respectable, the <i>Burda</i> may be read with pleasure on +account of its smooth and elegant style, and with interest as +setting forth in brief compass the mediæval legend of the +Prophet—a legend full of prodigies and miracles in which +the historical figure of Muḥammad is glorified almost beyond +recognition.</p> + +<p class="tb">Rhymed prose (<i>saj‘</i>) long retained the religious associations +which it possessed in Pre-islamic times and which were +consecrated, for all Moslems, by its use in the Koran. +About the middle of the ninth century it began to appear + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_328" id="Page_328" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>328</a></span> + +in the public sermons (<i>khuṭab</i>, sing. <i>khuṭba</i>) of the Caliphs +and their viceroys, and it was still further developed by professional +<span class="sidenote"> Rhymed prose.</span> +preachers, like Ibn Nubáta († 984 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +and by official secretaries, like Ibráhím b. Hilál +al-Ṣábí († 994 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Henceforth rhyme becomes a distinctive +and almost indispensable feature of rhetorical prose.</p> + +<p>The credit of inventing, or at any rate of making popular, a +new and remarkable form of composition in this style belongs +<span class="sidenote">Badí‘u ’l-Zamán +al-Hamadhání +(† 1007 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +to al-Hamadhání († 1007 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), on whom posterity +conferred the title <i>Badí‘u ’l-Zamán</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, +'the Wonder of the Age.' Born in Hamadhán +(Ecbatana), he left his native town as a young man and +travelled through the greater part of Persia, living by his +wits and astonishing all whom he met by his talent for +improvisation. His <i>Maqámát</i> may be called a romance or +literary Bohemianism. In the <i>maqáma</i> we find some approach +to the dramatic style, which has never been cultivated +by the Semites.<a name="FNanchor_616" id="FNanchor_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">616</a> Hamadhání imagined as his hero a +witty, unscrupulous vagabond journeying from place to place +and supporting himself by the presents which his impromptu +displays of rhetoric, poetry, and learning seldom failed to +draw from an admiring audience. The second character is +the <i>ráwí</i> or narrator, "who should be continually meeting +with the other, should relate his adventures, and repeat his +excellent compositions."<a name="FNanchor_617" id="FNanchor_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">617</a> The <i>Maqámát</i> of Hamadhání + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_329" id="Page_329" href="#"><span><i>BADÍ‘U ’L-ZAMÁN AL-HAMADHÁNÍ</i></span>329</a></span> + +became the model for this kind of writing, and the types +which he created survive unaltered in the more elaborate +work of his successors. Each <i>maqáma</i> forms an independent +whole, so that the complete series may be regarded as a +novel consisting of detached episodes in the hero's life, a +medley of prose and verse in which the story is nothing, +the style everything.</p> + +<p>Less original than Badí‘u ’l-Zamán, but far beyond him in +variety of learning and copiousness of language, Abú +<span class="sidenote">Ḥarírí +(1054-1122 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Muḥammad al-Qásim al-Ḥarírí of Baṣra produced +in his <i>Maqámát</i> a masterpiece which for +eight centuries "has been esteemed as, next to +the Koran, the chief treasure of the Arabic tongue." In the +Preface to his work he says that the composition of <i>maqámát</i> +was suggested to him by "one whose suggestion is a command +and whom it is a pleasure to obey." This was the distinguished +Persian statesman, Anúshirwán b. Khálid,<a name="FNanchor_618" id="FNanchor_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">618</a> who +afterwards served as Vizier under the Caliph Mustarshid +Billáh (1118-1135 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and Sultán Mas‘úd, the Seljúq +(1133-1152 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); but at the time when he made Ḥarírí's +acquaintance he was living in retirement at Baṣra and devoting +himself to literary studies. Ḥarírí begged to be excused +on the score that his abilities were unequal to the task, "for +the lame steed cannot run like the strong courser."<a name="FNanchor_619" id="FNanchor_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">619</a> Finally, +however, he yielded to the request of Anúshirwán, and, to +quote his own words—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I composed, in spite of hindrances that I suffered</span><span class="i0"> +From dullness of capacity and dimness of intellect,</span><span class="i0"> +And dryness of imagination and distressing anxieties,</span><span class="i0"> +Fifty Maqámát, which contain serious language and lightsome,</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_330" id="Page_330" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>330</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +And combine refinement with dignity of style,</span><span class="i0"> +And brilliancies with jewels of eloquence,</span><span class="i0"> +And beauties of literature with its rarities,</span><span class="i0"> +Beside verses of the Koran wherewith I adorned them,</span><span class="i0"> +And choice metaphors, and Arab proverbs that I interspersed,</span><span class="i0"> +And literary elegancies and grammatical riddles,</span><span class="i0"> +And decisions based on the (double) meaning of words,</span><span class="i0"> +And original discourses and highly-wrought orations,</span><span class="i0"> +And affecting exhortations as well as entertaining jests:</span><span class="i0"> +The whole of which I have indited as by the tongue of Abú Zayd of Sarúj,</span><span class="i0"> +The part of narrator being assigned to Harith son of Hammám of Baṣra."<a name="FNanchor_620" id="FNanchor_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">620</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Ḥarírí then proceeds to argue that his <i>Maqámát</i> are not +mere frivolous stories such as strict Moslems are bound to +reprobate in accordance with a well-known passage of the +Koran referring to Naḍr b. Ḥárith, who mortally offended +the Prophet by amusing the Quraysh with the old Persian +legends of Rustam and Isfandiyár (Koran, xxxi, 5-6): +"<i>There is one that buyeth idle tales that he may seduce men +from the way of God, without knowledge, and make it a laughing-stock: +these shall suffer a shameful punishment. And when Our +signs are read to him, he turneth his back in disdain as though he +heard them not, as though there were in his ears a deafness: +give him joy of a grievous punishment!</i>" Ḥarírí insists that +the <i>Assemblies</i> have a moral purpose. The ignorant and +malicious, he says, will probably condemn his work, but +intelligent readers will perceive, if they lay prejudice aside, +that it is as useful and instructive as the fables of beasts, &c.,<a name="FNanchor_621" id="FNanchor_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">621</a> +to which no one has ever objected. That his fears of hostile +criticism were not altogether groundless is shown by the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_331" id="Page_331" href="#"><span><i>ḤARÍRÍ</i></span>331</a></span> + +following remarks of the author of the popular history +entitled <i>al-Fakhrí</i> († <i>circa</i> 1300 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). This writer, after +claiming that his own book is more useful than the <i>Ḥamása</i> +of Abú Tammám, continues:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"And, again, it is more profitable than the <i>Maqámát</i> on which +men have set their hearts, and which they eagerly commit to +<span class="sidenote"><i>Maqámát</i> +criticised as +immoral.</span> +memory; because the reader derives no benefit from +<i>Maqámát</i> except familiarity with elegant composition +and knowledge of the rules of verse and prose. Undoubtedly +they contain maxims and ingenious devices and experiences; +but all this has a debasing effect on the mind, for it is +founded on begging and sponging and disgraceful scheming to +acquire a few paltry pence. Therefore, if they do good in one +direction, they do harm in another; and this point has been +noticed by some critics of the <i>Maqámát</i> of Ḥarírí and Badí‘u +’l-Zamán."<a name="FNanchor_622" id="FNanchor_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">622</a></p></div> + +<p>Before pronouncing on the justice of this censure, we must +consider for a moment the character of Abú Zayd, the hero +<span class="sidenote"> The character of +Abú Zayd.</span> +of Ḥarírí's work, whose adventures are related by +a certain Ḥárith b. Hammám, under which name +the author is supposed to signify himself. According +to the general tradition, Ḥarírí was one day seated with a +number of savants in the mosque of the Banú Ḥarám at Baṣra, +when an old man entered, footsore and travel-stained. On +being asked who he was and whence he came, he answered +that his name of honour was Abú Zayd and that he came +from Sarúj.<a name="FNanchor_623" id="FNanchor_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">623</a> He described in eloquent and moving terms +how his native town had been plundered by the Greeks, +who made his daughter a captive and drove him forth to +exile and poverty. Ḥarírí was so struck with his wonderful +powers of improvisation that on the same evening he began to +compose the <i>Maqáma of the Banú Ḥarám</i>,<a name="FNanchor_624" id="FNanchor_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">624</a> where Abú Zayd + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_332" id="Page_332" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>332</a></span> + +is introduced in his invariable character: "a crafty old man, +full of genius and learning, unscrupulous of the artifices which +he uses to effect his purpose, reckless in spending in forbidden +indulgences the money he has obtained by his wit or deceit, +but with veins of true feeling in him, and ever yielding to +unfeigned emotion when he remembers his devastated home +and his captive child."<a name="FNanchor_625" id="FNanchor_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">625</a> If an immoral tendency has been +attributed to the <i>Assemblies</i> of Ḥarírí it is because the author +does not conceal his admiration for this unprincipled and +thoroughly disreputable scamp. Abú Zayd, indeed, is made +so fascinating that we can easily pardon his knaveries for the +sake of the pearls of wit and wisdom which he scatters in +splendid profusion—excellent discourses, edifying sermons, +and plaintive lamentations mingled with rollicking ditties +and ribald jests. Modern readers are not likely to agree +with the historian quoted above, but although they may +deem his criticism illiberal, they can hardly deny that it has +some justification.</p> + +<p>Ḥarírí's rhymed prose might be freely imitated in English, +but the difficulty of rendering it in rhyme with tolerable +fidelity has caused me to abandon the attempt to produce +a version of one of the <i>Assemblies</i> in the original form.<a name="FNanchor_626" id="FNanchor_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">626</a> I +will translate instead three poems which are put into the +mouth of Abú Zayd. The first is a tender elegiac strain +recalling far-off days of youth and happiness in his native +land:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Ghassán is my noble kindred, Sarúj is my land of birth,</span><span class="i0"> +Where I dwelt in a lofty mansion of sunlike glory and worth,</span><span class="i0"> +A Paradise for its sweetness and beauty and pleasant mirth!</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_333" id="Page_333" href="#"><span><i>ḤARÍRÍ</i></span>333</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +And oh, the life that I led there abounding in all delight!</span><span class="i0"> +I trailed my robe on its meadows, while Time flew a careless flight,</span><span class="i0"> +Elate in the flower of manhood, no pleasure veiled from my sight.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +Now, if woe could kill, I had died of the troubles that haunt me here,</span><span class="i0"> +Or could past joy ever be ransomed, my heart's blood had not been dear,</span><span class="i0"> +Since death is better than living a brute's life year after year,</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +Subdued to scorn as a lion whom base hyenas torment.</span><span class="i0"> +But Luck is to blame, else no one had failed of his due ascent:</span><span class="i0"> +If she were straight, the conditions of men would never be bent."<a name="FNanchor_627" id="FNanchor_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">627</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The scene of the eleventh <i>Assembly</i> is laid in Sáwa, a +city lying midway between Hamadhán (Ecbatana) and +Rayy (Rhages). "Ḥárith, in a fit of religious zeal, betakes +himself to the public burial ground, for the purpose of contemplation. +He finds a funeral in progress, and when it is +over an old man, with his face muffled in a cloak, takes his +stand on a hillock, and pours forth a discourse on the certainty +of death and judgment.... He then rises into poetry and +declaims a piece which is one of the noblest productions of +Arabic literature. In lofty morality, in religious fervour, in +beauty of language, in power and grace of metre, this +magnificent hymn is unsurpassed."<a name="FNanchor_628" id="FNanchor_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">628</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Pretending sense in vain, how long, O light of brain, wilt thou heap sin and bane, and compass error's span?</span> +<span class="i0"> +Thy conscious guilt avow! The white hairs on thy brow admonish thee, and thou hast ears unstopt, O man!</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_334" id="Page_334" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>334</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +Death's call dost thou not hear? Rings not his voice full clear? Of parting hast no fear, to make thee sad and wise?</span> +<span class="i0"> +How long sunk in a sea of sloth and vanity wilt thou play heedlessly, as though Death spared his prize?</span> +<span class="i0"> +Till when, far wandering from virtue, wilt thou cling to evil ways that bring together vice in brief?</span> +<span class="i0"> +For thy Lord's anger shame thou hast none, but let maim o'ertake thy cherished aim, then feel'st thou burning grief.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Thou hail'st with eager joy the coin of yellow die, but if a bier pass by, feigned is thy sorry face;</span> +<span class="i0"> +Perverse and callous wight! thou scornest counsel right to follow the false light of treachery and disgrace.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Thy pleasure thou dost crave, to sordid gain a slave, forgetting the dark grave and what remains of dole;</span> +<span class="i0"> +Were thy true weal descried, thy lust would not misguide nor thou be terrified by words that should console.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Not tears, blood shall thine eyes pour at the great Assize, when thou hast no allies, no kinsman thee to save;</span> +<span class="i0"> +Straiter thy tomb shall be than needle's cavity: deep, deep thy plunge I see as diver's 'neath the wave.</span> +<span class="i0"> +There shall thy limbs be laid, a feast for worms arrayed, till utterly decayed are wood and bones withal,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Nor may thy soul repel that ordeal horrible, when o'er the Bridge of Hell she must escape or fall.</span><span class="i0"> +Astray shall leaders go, and mighty men be low, and sages shall cry, 'Woe like this was never yet.'</span><span class="i0"> +Then haste, my thoughtless friend, what thou hast marred to mend, for life draws near its end, and still thou art in the net.</span><span class="i0"> +Trust not in fortune, nay, though she be soft and gay; for she will spit one day her venom, if thou dote;</span><span class="i0"> +Abate thy haughty pride! lo, Death is at thy side, fastening, whate'er betide, his fingers on thy throat.</span><span class="i0"> +When prosperous, refrain from arrogant disdain, nor give thy tongue the rein: a modest tongue is best.</span><span class="i0"> +Comfort the child of bale and listen to his tale: repair thine actions frail, and be for ever blest.</span><span class="i0"> +Feather the nest once more of those whose little store has vanished: ne'er deplore the loss nor miser be;</span><span class="i0"> +With meanness bravely cope, and teach thine hand to ope, and spurn the misanthrope, and make thy bounty free.</span><span class="i0"> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_335" id="Page_335" href="#"><span><i>ḤARÍRÍ</i></span>335</a></span></span><span class="i0"> + +Lay up provision fair and leave what brings thee care: for sea the ship prepare and dread the rising storm.</span><span class="i0"> +This, friend, is what I preach expressed in lucid speech. Good luck to all and each who with my creed conform!"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>In the next <i>Maqáma</i>—that of Damascus—we find Abú +Zayd, gaily attired, amidst casks and vats of wine, carousing +and listening to the music of lutes and singing—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I ride and I ride through the waste far and wide, and I fling away pride to be gay as the swallow;</span><span class="i0"> +Stem the torrent's fierce speed, tame the mettlesome steed, that wherever I lead Youth and Pleasure may follow.</span><span class="i0"> +I bid gravity pack, and I strip bare my back lest liquor I lack when the goblet is lifted:</span><span class="i0"> +Did I never incline to the quaffing of wine, I had ne'er been with fine wit and eloquence gifted.</span><span class="i0"> +Is it wonderful, pray, that an old man should stay in a well-stored seray by a cask overflowing?</span><span class="i0"> +Wine strengthens the knees, physics every disease, and from sorrow it frees, the oblivion-bestowing!</span><span class="i0"> +Oh, the purest of joys is to live sans disguise unconstrained by the ties of a grave reputation,</span><span class="i0"> +And the sweetest of love that the lover can prove is when fear and hope move him to utter his passion.</span><span class="i0"> +Thy love then proclaim, quench the smouldering flame, for 'twill spark out thy shame and betray thee to laughter:</span><span class="i0"> +Heal the wounds of thine heart and assuage thou the smart by the cups that impart a delight men seek after;</span><span class="i0"> +While to hand thee the bowl damsels wait who cajole and enravish the soul with eyes tenderly glancing,</span><span class="i0"> +And singers whose throats pour such high-mounting notes, when the melody floats, iron rocks would be dancing!</span><span class="i0"> +Obey not the fool who forbids thee to pull beauty's rose when in full bloom thou'rt free to possess it;</span><span class="i0"> +Pursue thine end still, tho' it seem past thy skill; let them say what they will, take thy pleasure and bless it!</span><span class="i0"> +Get thee gone from thy sire, if he thwart thy desire; spread thy nets nor enquire what the nets are receiving;</span><span class="i0"> +But be true to a friend, shun the miser and spend, ways of charity wend, be unwearied in giving.</span><span class="i0"> +He that knocks enters straight at the Merciful's gate, so repent or e'er Fate call thee forth from the living!"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_336" id="Page_336" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>336</a></span> + +The reader may judge from these extracts whether the +<i>Assemblies</i> of Ḥarírí are so deficient in matter as some critics +have imagined. But, of course, the celebrity of the work is +mainly due to its consummate literary form—a point on +which the Arabs have always bestowed singular attention. +Ḥarírí himself was a subtle grammarian, living in Baṣra, the +home of philological science;<a name="FNanchor_629" id="FNanchor_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">629</a> and though he wrote to please +rather than to instruct, he seems to have resolved that his +work should illustrate every beauty and nicety of which the +Arabic language is capable. We Europeans can see as little +merit or taste in the verbal conceits—equivoques, paronomasias, +assonances, alliterations, &c.—with which his pages are +thickly studded, as in <i>tours de force</i> of composition which may +be read either forwards or backwards, or which consist entirely +of pointed or of unpointed letters; but our impatience of such +things should not blind us to the fact that they are intimately +connected with the genius and traditions of the Arabic tongue,<a name="FNanchor_630" id="FNanchor_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">630</a> +and therefore stand on a very different footing from those +euphuistic extravagances which appear, for example, in +English literature of the Elizabethan age. By Ḥarírí's +countrymen the <i>Maqámát</i> are prized as an almost unique +monument of their language, antiquities, and culture. One +of the author's contemporaries, the famous Zamakhsharí, has +expressed the general verdict in pithy verse—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I swear by God and His marvels,</span><span class="i0"> +By the pilgrims' rite and their shrine:</span><span class="i0"> +Ḥarírí's <i>Assemblies</i> are worthy</span><span class="i0"> +To be written in gold each line."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_337" id="Page_337" href="#"><span><i>THE CANONICAL BOOKS</i></span>337</a></span> + +Concerning some of the specifically religious sciences, such +as Dogmatic Theology and Mysticism, we shall have more to say +<span class="sidenote"> The religious +literature of the +period.</span> +in the following chapter, while as to the science +of Apostolic Tradition (<i>Ḥadíth</i>) we must refer the +reader to what has been already said. All that +can be attempted here is to take a passing notice of the most +eminent writers and the most celebrated works of this epoch in +the field of religion.</p> + +<p>The place of honour belongs to the Imám Málik b. Anas +of Medína, whose <i>Muwaṭṭa’</i> is the first great <i>corpus</i> of +<span class="sidenote">Málik b. Anas +(713-795 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Muḥammadan Law. He was a partisan of the +‘Alids, and was flogged by command of the +Caliph Manṣúr in consequence of his declaration +that he did not consider the oath of allegiance to the ‘Abbásid +dynasty to have any binding effect.</p> + +<p>The two principal authorities for Apostolic Tradition are +Bukhárí († 870 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and Muslim († 875 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), authors of the +collections entitled <i>Ṣaḥíḥ</i>. Compilations of a <span class="sidenote"> Bukhárí and +Muslim.</span> +narrower range, embracing only those traditions +which bear on the <i>Sunna</i> or custom of the Prophet, +are the <i>Sunan</i> of Abú Dáwúd al-Sijistání († 889 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +the <i>Jámi‘</i> of Abú ‘Isá Muḥammad al-Tirmidhí +(† 892 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), the <i>Sunan</i> of al-Nasá’í († 915 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +and the <i>Sunan</i> of Ibn Mája († 896 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). These, together +with the <i>Ṣaḥíḥs</i> of Bukhárí and Muslim, form the Six Canonical +Books (<i>al-kutub al-sitta</i>), which are held in the highest +veneration. Amongst the innumerable works of a similar +kind produced in this period it will suffice to mention the +<i>Maṣábíḥu ’l-Sunna</i> by al-Baghawí († <i>circa</i> 1120 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). A +later adaptation called <i>Mishkátu ’l-Maṣábíḥ</i> has been often +printed, and is still extremely popular.</p> + +<p>Omitting the great manuals of Moslem Jurisprudence, +which are without literary interest in the larger sense, we +may pause for a moment at the name of al-Máwardí, a +Sháfi‘ite lawyer, who wrote a well-known treatise on politics—the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_338" id="Page_338" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>338</a></span> + +<i>Kitábu ’l-Aḥkám al-Sulṭániyya</i>, or 'Book of the Principles +of Government.' His standpoint is purely theoretical. +Thus he lays down that the Caliph should be <span class="sidenote">Máwardí +† 1058 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +elected by the body of learned, pious, and orthodox +divines, and that the people must leave the administration +of the State to the Caliph absolutely, as being its +representative. Máwardí lived at Baghdád during the period +of Buwayhid ascendancy, a period described by Sir W. Muir +in the following words: "The pages of our annalists are now +almost entirely occupied with the political events of the day, +in the guidance of which the Caliphs had seldom any concern, +and which therefore need no mention here."<a name="FNanchor_631" id="FNanchor_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">631</a> Under the +‘Abbásid dynasty the mystical doctrines of the Ṣúfís were +systematised and expounded. Some of the most important +Arabic works of reference on Ṣúfiism are the <i>Qútu ’l-Qulúb</i>, or +'Food of Hearts,' by Abú Ṭálib al-Makkí <span class="sidenote"> Arabic authorities +on Ṣúfiism.</span> +(† 996 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); the <i>Kitábu ’l-Ta‘arruf li-Madhhabi +ahli ’l-Taṣawwuf</i>, or 'Book of Enquiry as to the +Religion of the Súfís,' by Muḥammad b. Isḥáq al-Kalábádhí +(† <i>circa</i> 1000 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); the <i>Ṭabaqátu ’l-Ṣúfiyya</i>, or 'Classes of the +Ṣúfís,' by Abú ‘Abd al-Raḥmán al-Sulamí († 1021 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); the +<i>Ḥilyatu ’l-Awliyá</i>, or 'Adornment of the Saints,' by Abú +Nu‘aym al-Iṣfahání († 1038 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); the <i>Risálatu ’l-Qushayriyya</i>, +or 'Qushayrite Tract,' by Abu ’l-Qásim al-Qushayrí of +Naysábúr († 1074 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); the <i>Iḥyá’u ‘Ulúm al-Dín</i>, or 'Revivification +of the Religious Sciences,' by Ghazálí († 1111 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); +and the <i>‘Awárifu ’l-Ma‘árif</i>, or 'Bounties of Knowledge,' by +Shihábu ’l-Dín Abú Ḥafṣ ‘Umar al-Suhrawardí († 1234 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>)—a +list which might easily be extended. In Dogmatic <span class="sidenote">Ghazálí +(† 1111 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Theology there is none to compare with +Abú Ḥámid al-Ghazálí, surnamed 'the Proof +of Islam' (<i>Ḥujjatu ’l-Islám</i>). He is a figure +of such towering importance that some detailed account of +his life and opinions must be inserted in a book like this, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_339" id="Page_339" href="#"><span><i>GHAZÁLÍ</i></span>339</a></span> + +which professes to illustrate the history of Muḥammadan +thought. Here, however, we shall only give an outline of his +biography in order to pave the way for discussion of his intellectual +achievements and his far-reaching influence.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In this year (505 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 1111 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) died the Imám, who was the +Ornament of the Faith and the Proof of Islam, Abú Ḥámid +<span class="sidenote">Life of Ghazálí +according to the +<i>Shadharátu +’l-Dhahab</i>.</span> +Muḥammad ... of Ṭús, the Sháfi‘ite. His death +took place on the 14th of the Latter Jumádá at Ṭábarán, +a village near Ṭús. He was then fifty-five +years of age. Ghazzálí is equivalent to Ghazzál, like +‘Aṭṭárí (for ‘Aṭṭár) and Khabbází (for Khabbáz), in the dialect of the +people of Khurásán<a name="FNanchor_632" id="FNanchor_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">632</a>: so it is stated by the author of the <i>‘Ibar</i>.<a name="FNanchor_633" id="FNanchor_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">633</a> +Al-Isnawí says in his <i>Ṭabaqát</i><a name="FNanchor_634" id="FNanchor_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">634</a>:—Ghazzálí is an Imám by whose +name breasts are dilated and souls are revived, and in whose literary +productions the ink-horn exults and the paper quivers with joy; and +at the hearing thereof voices are hushed and heads are bowed. He +was born at Ṭús in the year 450 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 1058-1059 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> His father +used to spin wool (<i>yaghzilu ’l-ṣúf</i>) and sell it in his shop. On his deathbed +he committed his two sons, Ghazzálí himself and his brother +Aḥmad, to the care of a pious Ṣúfí, who taught them writing and +educated them until the money left him by their father was all spent. +'Then,' says Ghazzálí, 'we went to the college to learn divinity +(<i>fiqh</i>) so that we might gain our livelihood.' After studying there +for some time he journeyed to Abú Naṣr al-Ismá‘ílí in Jurján, then +to the Imámu ’l-Ḥaramayn<a name="FNanchor_635" id="FNanchor_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">635</a> at Naysábúr, under whom he studied +with such assiduity that he became the best scholastic of his +contemporaries (<i>ṣára anẓara ahli zamánihi</i>), and he lectured <i>ex</i> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_340" id="Page_340" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>340</a></span> + +<i>cathedrâ</i> in his master's lifetime, and wrote books.... And on the +death of his master he set out for the Camp<a name="FNanchor_636" id="FNanchor_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">636</a> and presented himself +to the Niẓámu ’l-Mulk, whose assembly was the alighting-place of +the learned and the destination of the leading divines and savants; +and there, as was due to his high merit, he enjoyed the society of the +principal doctors, and disputed with his opponents and rebutted +them in spite of their eminence. So the Niẓámu ’l-Mulk inclined to +him and showed him great honour, and his name flew through the +world. Then, in the year '84 (1091 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) he was called to a professorship +in the Niẓámiyya College at Baghdád, where a splendid +reception awaited him. His words reached far and wide, and his +influence soon exceeded that of the Emírs and Viziers. But at last +his lofty spirit recoiled from worldly vanities. He gave himself up +to devotion and dervishhood, and set out, in the year '88 (1095 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +for the Ḥijáz.<a name="FNanchor_637" id="FNanchor_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">637</a> On his return from the Pilgrimage he journeyed to +Damascus and made his abode there for ten years in the minaret of +the Congregational Mosque, and composed several works, of which +the <i>Iḥyá</i> is said to be one. Then, after visiting Jerusalem and +Alexandria, he returned to his home at Ṭús, intent on writing and +worship and constant recitation of the Koran and dissemination of +knowledge and avoidance of intercourse with men. The Vizier +Fakhru ’l-Mulk,<a name="FNanchor_638" id="FNanchor_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">638</a> son of the Niẓámu ’l-Mulk, came to see him, and +urged him by every means in his power to accept a professorship in +the Niẓámiyya College at Naysábúr.<a name="FNanchor_639" id="FNanchor_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">639</a> Ghazzálí consented, but after +teaching for a time, resigned the appointment and returned to end +his days in his native town."</p></div> + +<p>Besides his <i>magnum opus</i>, the already-mentioned <i>Iḥyá</i>, in +which he expounds theology and the ethics of religion from +<span class="sidenote">His principal +works.</span> +the standpoint of the moderate Ṣúfí school, +Ghazálí wrote a great number of important +works, such as the <i>Munqidh mina ’l-Ḍalál</i>, or +'Deliverer from Error,' a sort of 'Apologia pro Vitâ Suâ'; the +<i>Kímiyá’u ’l-Sa‘ádat</i>, or 'Alchemy of Happiness,' which was + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_341" id="Page_341" href="#"><span><i>SHAHRASTÁNÍ</i></span>341</a></span> + +originally written in Persian; and the <i>Taháfutu ’l-Falásifa</i>, or +'Collapse of the Philosophers,' a polemical treatise designed to +refute and destroy the doctrines of Moslem philosophy. This +work called forth a rejoinder from the celebrated Ibn Rushd +(Averroes), who died at Morocco in 1198-1199 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p> + +<p>Here we may notice two valuable works on the history of +religion, both of which are generally known as <i>Kitábu ’l-Milal +wa-’l-Niḥal</i>,<a name="FNanchor_640" id="FNanchor_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">640</a> that is to say, 'The Book of Religions +and Sects,' by Ibn Ḥazm of Cordova († 1064 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) +and Abu ’l-Fatḥ al-Shahrastání († 1153 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). <span class="sidenote"> Shahrastání's +'Book of Religions +and Sects.'</span> +Ibn Ḥazm we shall meet with again in the chapter which +deals specially with the history and literature of the Spanish +Moslems. Shahrastání, as he is named after his birthplace, +belonged to the opposite extremity of the Muḥammadan +Empire, being a native of Khurásán, the huge Eastern +province bounded by the Oxus. Cureton, who edited the +Arabic text of the <i>Kitábu ’l-Milal wa-’l-Niḥal</i> (London, 1842-1846), +gives the following outline of its contents:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>After five introductory chapters, the author proceeds to arrange +his book into two great divisions; the one comprising the Religious, +the other the Philosophical Sects. The former of these contains an +account of the various Sects of the followers of Muḥammad, and +likewise of those to whom a true revelation had been made (the +<i>Ahlu ’l-Kitáb</i>, or 'People of the Scripture'), that is, Jews and +Christians; and of those who had a doubtful or pretended revelation +(<i>man lahú shubhatu ’l-Kitáb</i>), such as the Magi and the Manichæans. +The second division comprises an account of the philosophical +opinions of the Sabæans (Ṣábians), which are mainly set forth in a +very interesting dialogue between a Sabæan and an orthodox +Muḥammadan; of the tenets of various Greek Philosophers and +some of the Fathers of the Christian Church; and also of the +Muḥammadan doctors, more particularly of the system of Ibn Síná +or Avicenna, which the author explains at considerable length. +The work terminates with an account of the tenets of the Arabs +before the commencement of Islamism, and of the religion of the +people of India.</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_342" id="Page_342" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>342</a></span> + +The science of grammar took its rise in the cities of Baṣra +and Kúfa, which were founded not long after Muḥammad's +death, and which remained the chief centres of Arabian life +<span class="sidenote"> Grammar and +philology.</span> +and thought outside the peninsula until they +were eclipsed by the great ‘Abbásid capital. In +both towns the population consisted of Bedouin +Arabs, belonging to different tribes and speaking many +different dialects, while there were also thousands of artisans +and clients who spoke Persian as their mother-tongue, so that +the classical idiom was peculiarly exposed to corrupting +influences. If the pride and delight of the Arabs in their +noble language led them to regard the maintenance of its +purity as a national duty, they were equally bound by their +religious convictions to take decisive measures for ensuring the +correct pronunciation and interpretation of that "miracle of +Divine eloquence," the Arabic Koran. To this latter motive +the invention of grammar is traditionally ascribed. The +inventor is related to have been Abu ’l-Aswad al-Du’ilí, who +died at Baṣra during the Umayyad period. "Abu <span class="sidenote"> The invention +of Arabic +grammar.</span> +’l-Aswad, having been asked where he had +acquired the science of grammar, answered that +he had learned the rudiments of it from ‘Alí b. Abí Ṭálib. It +is said that he never made known any of the principles which +he had received from ‘Alí till Ziyád<a name="FNanchor_641" id="FNanchor_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">641</a> sent to him the order to +compose something which might serve as a guide to the +public and enable them to understand the Book of God. He +at first asked to be excused, but on hearing a man recite the +following passage out of the Koran, <i>anna ’lláha barí<sup>un</sup> mina +´l-mushrikína wa-rasúluhu</i>,<a name="FNanchor_642" id="FNanchor_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">642</a> which last word the reader pronounced +<i>rasúlihi</i>, he exclaimed, 'I never thought that things +would have come to this.' He then returned to Ziyád and +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_343" id="Page_343" href="#"><span><i>THE ARAB GRAMMARIANS</i></span>343</a></span> +said, 'I will do what you ordered.'"<a name="FNanchor_643" id="FNanchor_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">643</a> The Baṣra school of +grammarians which Abu ’l-Aswad is said to have founded is +older than the rival school of Kúfa and surpassed it +in fame. Its most prominent representatives were <span class="sidenote"> The philogists +of Baṣra.</span> +Abú ‘Amr b. al-‘Alá († 770 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a diligent +and profound student of the Koran, who on one occasion +burned all his collections of old poetry, &c., and abandoned +himself to devotion; Khalíl b. Aḥmad, inventor of the Arabic +system of metres and author of the first Arabic lexicon (the +<i>Kitábu ’l-‘Ayn</i>), which, however, he did not live to complete; +the Persian Síbawayhi, whose Grammar, entitled 'The Book +of Síbawayhi,' is universally celebrated; the great Humanists +al-Aṣma‘í and Abú ‘Ubayda who flourished under Hárún +al-Rashid; al-Mubarrad, about a century later, whose best-known +work, the <i>Kámil</i>, has been edited by Professor William +Wright; his contemporary al-Sukkarí, a renowned collector +and critic of old Arabian poetry; and Ibn Durayd († 934 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +a distinguished philologist, genealogist, and poet, who received +a pension from the Caliph Muqtadir in recognition of +his services on behalf of science, and whose principal works, +in addition to the famous ode known as the <i>Maqṣúra</i>, are a +voluminous lexicon (<i>al-Jamhara fi ’l-Lugha</i>) and a treatise on +the genealogies of the Arab tribes (<i>Kitábu ’l-Ishtiqáq</i>).</p> + +<p>Against these names the school of Kúfa can set al-Kisá’í, +a Persian savant who was entrusted by Hárún al-Rashíd +<span class="sidenote"> The philogists +of Kúfa.</span> +with the education of his sons Amín and +Ma’mún; al-Farrá († 822 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a pupil and +compatriot of al-Kisá’í; al-Mufaḍḍal al-Ḍabbí, +a favourite of the Caliph Mahdí, for whom he compiled an +excellent anthology of Pre-islamic poems (<i>al-Mufaḍḍaliyyát</i>), +which has already been noticed<a name="FNanchor_644" id="FNanchor_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">644</a>; Ibnu ’l-Sikkít, whose outspoken +partiality for the House of ‘Alí b. Abí Ṭálib caused +him to be brutally trampled to death by the Turkish + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_344" id="Page_344" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>344</a></span> + +guards of the tyrant Mutawakkil (858 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); and Tha‘lab, +head of the Kúfa school in his time († 904 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), of whose +rivalry with al-Mubarrad many stories are told. A contemporary, +Abú Bakr b. Abi ’l-Azhar, said in one of his +poems:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Turn to Mubarrad or to Tha‘lab, thou</span><span class="i0"> +That seek'st with learning to improve thy mind!</span><span class="i0"> +Be not a fool, like mangy camel shunned:</span><span class="i0"> +All human knowledge thou with them wilt find.</span><span class="i0"> +The science of the whole world, East and West,</span><span class="i0"> +In these two single doctors is combined."<a name="FNanchor_645" id="FNanchor_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">645</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Reference has been made in a former chapter to some of +the earliest Humanists, <i>e.g.</i>, Ḥammád al-Ráwiya († 776 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) +and his slightly younger contemporary, Khalaf al-Aḥmar, to +their inestimable labours in rescuing the old poetry from +oblivion, and to the unscrupulous methods which they sometimes +employed.<a name="FNanchor_646" id="FNanchor_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">646</a> Among their successors, who flourished in +the Golden Age of Islam, under the first ‘Abbásids, the place +of honour belongs to Abú ‘Ubayda († about 825 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and +al-Asma‘í († about 830<span class="smcap"> a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>Abú ‘Ubayda Ma‘mar b. al-Muthanná was of Jewish-Persian +race, and maintained in his writings the cause of the +<span class="sidenote">Abú ‘Ubayda.</span> +Shu‘úbites against the Arab national party, for +which reason he is erroneously described as a +Khárijite.<a name="FNanchor_647" id="FNanchor_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">647</a> The rare expressions of the Arabic language, the +history of the Arabs and their conflicts were his predominant +study—"neither in heathen nor Muḥammadan times," he +once boasted, "have two horses met in battle but that I +possess information about them and their riders"<a name="FNanchor_648" id="FNanchor_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">648</a>; yet, with +all his learning, he was not always able to recite a verse without +mangling it; even in reading the Koran, with the book + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_345" id="Page_345" href="#"><span><i>ABÚ UBAYDA AND AṢMA‘Í</i></span>345</a></span> + +before his eyes, he made mistakes.<a name="FNanchor_649" id="FNanchor_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">649</a> Our knowledge of +Arabian antiquity is drawn, to a large extent, from the +traditions collected by him which are preserved in the <i>Kitábu +’l-Aghání</i> and elsewhere. He left nearly two hundred works, +of which a long but incomplete catalogue occurs in the <i>Fihrist</i> +(pp. 53-54). Abú ‘Ubayda was summoned by the Caliph <span class="sidenote">Aṣma‘í.</span> +Hárún al-Rashíd to Baghdád, where he became acquainted +with Aṣma‘í. There was a standing feud between +them, due in part to difference of character<a name="FNanchor_650" id="FNanchor_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">650</a> +and in part to personal jealousies. ‘Abdu ’l-Malik b. Qurayb +al-Aṣma‘í was, like his rival, a native of Baṣra. Although he +may have been excelled by others of his contemporaries in certain +branches of learning, none exhibited in such fine perfection +the varied literary culture which at that time was so highly +prized and so richly rewarded. Whereas Abú ‘Ubayda was +dreaded for his sharp tongue and sarcastic humour, Aṣma‘í +had all the accomplishments and graces of a courtier. Abú +Nuwás, the first great poet of the ‘Abbásid period, said that +Aṣma‘í was a nightingale to charm those who heard him +with his melodies. In court circles, where the talk often +turned on philological matters, he was a favourite guest, and +the Caliph would send for him to decide any abstruse question +connected with literature which no one present was able to +answer. Of his numerous writings on linguistic and antiquarian +themes several have come down to us, <i>e.g.</i>, 'The Book +of Camels' (<i>Kitábu ’l-Ibil</i>), 'The Book of Horses' (<i>Kitábu +’l-Khayl</i>), and 'The Book of the Making of Man' (<i>Kitábu +Khalqi ’l-Insán</i>), a treatise which shows that the Arabs of the +desert had acquired a considerable knowledge of human +anatomy. His work as editor, commentator, and critic of +Arabian poetry forms (it has been said) the basis of nearly all +that has since been written on the subject.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_346" id="Page_346" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>346</a></span> + +Belles-lettres (<i>Adab</i>) and literary history are represented by +a whole series of valuable works. Only a few of the most +<span class="sidenote">Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘ +(† <i>circa</i> 760 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +important can be mentioned here, and that in a +very summary manner. The Persian Rúzbih, +better known as ‘Abdulláh Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘, who +was put to death by order of the Caliph Manṣúr, made several +translations from the Pehleví or Middle-Persian literature into +Arabic. We possess a specimen of his powers in the famous +<i>Book of Kalíla and Dimna</i>, which is ultimately derived from +the Sanscrit <i>Fables of Bidpai</i>. The Arabic version is one of +the oldest prose works in that language, and is justly regarded +as a model of elegant style, though it has not the pungent +brevity which marks true Arabian eloquence. Ibn <span class="sidenote">Ibn Qutayba +(† 899 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Qutayba, whose family came from Merv, held for +a time the office of Cadi at Dínawar, and lived at +Baghdád in the latter half of the ninth century. We have more +than once cited his 'Book of General Knowledge' (<i>Kitábu +’l-Ma‘árif</i>)<a name="FNanchor_651" id="FNanchor_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">651</a> and his 'Book of Poetry and Poets,' (<i>Kitábu +’l-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará</i>), and may add here the <i>Adabu ’l-Kátib</i>, or +'Accomplishments of the Secretary,'<a name="FNanchor_652" id="FNanchor_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">652</a> a manual of stylistic, +dealing with orthography, orthoepy, lexicography, and the +like; and the <i>‘Uyúnu ’l-Akhbár</i>, or 'Choice Histories,'<a name="FNanchor_653" id="FNanchor_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">653</a> a work +in ten chapters, each of which is devoted to a special theme +such as Government, War, Nobility, Friendship, Women, &c. +‘Amr b. Baḥr al-Jáḥiẓ of Baṣra was a celebrated <span class="sidenote">Jáḥiẓ +(† 869 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +freethinker, and gave his name to a sect of the +Mu‘tazilites (<i>al-Jáḥiẓiyya</i>).<a name="FNanchor_654" id="FNanchor_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">654</a> He composed +numerous books of an anecdotal and entertaining character. +Ibn Khallikán singles out as his finest and most instructive +works the <i>Kitábu ’l-Ḥayawán</i> ('Book of Animals'), and the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_347" id="Page_347" href="#"><span><i>BELLES-LETTRES</i></span>347</a></span> +<i>Kitábu ’l-Bayán wa-’l-Tabyín</i> ('Book of Eloquence and +Exposition'), which is a popular treatise on rhetoric. It so +happens—and the fact is not altogether fortuitous—that +extremely valuable contributions to the literary history of the +Arabs were made by two writers connected with the <span class="sidenote">Ibn ‘Abdi Rabbihi +(† 940 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Umayyad House. Ibn ‘Abdi Rabbihi of Cordova, +who was descended from an enfranchised slave of +the Spanish Umayyad Caliph, Hishám b. ‘Abd +al-Raḥmán (788-796 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), has left us a miscellaneous +anthology entitled <i>al-‘Iqd al-Faríd</i>, or 'The Unique Necklace,' +which is divided into twenty-five books, each bearing +the name of a different gem, and "contains something on +every subject." Though Abu ’l-Faraj ‘Alí, the <span class="sidenote">Abu ’l-Faraj al-Iṣfahání +(† 967 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +author of the <i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i>, was born at +Iṣfahán, he was an Arab of the Arabs, being a +member of the tribe Quraysh and a lineal descendant of +Marwán, the last Umayyad Caliph. Coming to Baghdád, +he bent all his energies to the study of Arabian antiquity, +and towards the end of his life found a generous patron in +al-Muhallabí, the Vizier of the Buwayhid sovereign, Mu‘izzu +’l-Dawla. His minor works are cast in the shade by his +great 'Book of Songs.' This may be described as a history of +all the Arabian poetry that had been set to music down to +the author's time. It is based on a collection of one hundred +melodies which was made for the Caliph Hárún al-Rashíd, +but to these Abu ’l-Faraj has added many others chosen by +himself. After giving the words and the airs attached to +them, he relates the lives of the poets and musicians by whom +they were composed, and takes occasion to introduce a vast +quantity of historical traditions and anecdotes, including much +ancient and modern verse. It is said that the Ṣáḥib Ibn +‘Abbád,<a name="FNanchor_655" id="FNanchor_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">655</a> when travelling, used to take thirty camel-loads of +books about with him, but on receiving the <i>Aghání</i> he contented +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_348" id="Page_348" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>348</a></span> +himself with this one book and dispensed with all the +rest.<a name="FNanchor_656" id="FNanchor_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">656</a> The chief man of letters of the next generation was +Abú Mansúr al-Tha‘álibí (the Furrier) of Naysábúr. <span class="sidenote">Tha‘álibí +(† 1037 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Notwithstanding that most of his works +are unscientific compilations, designed to amuse +the public rather than to impart solid instruction, his famous +anthology of recent and contemporary poets—the <i>Yatímatu +’l-Dahr</i>, or 'Solitaire of the Time'—supplies indubitable +proof of his fine scholarship and critical taste. Successive +continuations of the <i>Yatíma</i> were written by al-Bákharzí +(† 1075 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) in the <i>Dumyatu ’l-Qaṣr</i>, or 'Statue of the +Palace'; by Abu ’l-Ma‘álí al-Ḥaẓírí († 1172 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) in the +<i>Zínatu ’l-Dahr</i>, or 'Ornament of the Time'; and by the +favourite of Saladin, ‘Imádu ’l-Dín al-Kátib al-Iṣfahání +(† 1201 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), in the <i>Kharídatu ’l-Qaṣr</i>, or 'Virgin Pearl of the +Palace.' From the tenth century onward the study of philology +proper began to decline, while on the other hand those sciences +which formerly grouped themselves round philology now +became independent, were cultivated with brilliant success, +and in a short time reached their zenith.</p> + +<p class="tb">The elements of History are found (1) in Pre-islamic traditions +and (2) in the <i>Ḥadíth</i> of the Prophet, but the idea of +<span class="sidenote">History.</span> +historical composition on a grand scale was probably +suggested to the Arabs by Persian models +such as the Pehleví <i>Khudáy-náma</i>, or 'Book of Kings,' which +Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘ turned into Arabic in the eighth century +of our era under the title of <i>Siyaru Mulúki ’l-‘Ajam</i>, that is, +'The History of the Kings of Persia.'</p> + +<p>Under the first head Hishám Ibnu ’l-Kalbí († 819 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) +and his father Muḥammad deserve particular mention as painstaking +and trustworthy recorders.</p> + +<p>Historical traditions relating to the Prophet were put in + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_349" id="Page_349" href="#"><span><i>BIOGRAPHERS AND HISTORIANS</i></span>349</a></span> + +writing at an early date (see p. <a href="#Page_247">247</a>). The first biography of +Muḥammad (<i>Síratu Rasúli ’lláh</i>), compiled by Ibn Isḥáq, +<span class="sidenote"> Histories of the +Prophet and his +Companions.</span> +who died in the reign of Manṣúr (768 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +has come down to us only in the recension +made by Ibn Hishám († 834 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). This work +as well as those of al-Wáqidí († 823 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and Ibn Sa‘d +(† 845 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) have been already noticed.</p> + +<p>Other celebrated historians of the ‘Abbásid period are the +following.</p> + +<p class="tb">Aḥmad b. Yaḥyá al-Baládhurí († 892 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a Persian, wrote +an account of the early Muḥammadan conquests (<i>Kitábu +<span class="sidenote"> Baládhurí.</span> +Futúḥi ´l-Buldán</i>), which has been edited by +De Goeje, and an immense chronicle based on +genealogical principles, 'The Book of the Lineages of the +Nobles' (<i>Kitábu Ansábi ’l-Ashráf</i>), of which two volumes are +extant.<a name="FNanchor_657" id="FNanchor_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">657</a></p> + +<p>Abú Ḥánífa Aḥmad al-Dínawarí († 895 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) was also of +Íránian descent. His 'Book of Long Histories' (<i>Kitábu +<span class="sidenote"> Dínawarí.</span> +’l-Akhbár al-Ṭiwál</i>) deals largely with the +national legend of Persia, and is written throughout +from the Persian point of view.</p> + +<p>Ibn Wáḍiḥ al-Ya‘qúbí, a contemporary of Dínawarí, produced +an excellent compendium of universal history, which +<span class="sidenote">Ya‘qúbí.</span> +is specially valuable because its author, being a +follower of the House of ‘Alí, has preserved the +ancient and unfalsified Shí‘ite tradition. His work has been +edited in two volumes by Professor Houtsma (Leyden, 1883).</p> + +<p class="tb">The Annals of Ṭabarí, edited by De Goeje and other +European scholars (Leyden, 1879-1898), and the Golden +Meadows<a name="FNanchor_658" id="FNanchor_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">658</a> (<i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>) of Mas‘údí, which Pavet de +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_350" id="Page_350" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>350</a></span> +Courteille and Barbier de Meynard published with a French +translation (Paris, 1861-1877), have been frequently cited in +the foregoing pages; and since these two authors are not only +the greatest historians of the Muḥammadan East but also +(excepting, possibly, Ibn Khaldún) the most eminent of all +who devoted themselves to this branch of Arabic literature, +we must endeavour to make the reader more closely acquainted +with them.</p> + +<p>Abú Ja‘far Muḥammad b. Jarír was born in 838-839 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> at +Ámul in Ṭabaristán, the mountainous province lying along +<span class="sidenote">Ṭabarí (838-923 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +the south coast of the Caspian Sea; whence the +name, Ṭabarí, by which he is usually known.<a name="FNanchor_659" id="FNanchor_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">659</a> +At this time ‘Iráq was still the principal focus of +Muḥammadan culture, so that a poet could say:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"I see a man in whom the secretarial dignity is manifest,</span><span class="i0"> +One who displays the brilliant culture of ‘Iráq."<a name="FNanchor_660" id="FNanchor_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">660</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Thither the young Ṭabarí came to complete his education. +He travelled by way of Rayy to Baghdád, visited other +neighbouring towns, and extended his tour to Syria and +Egypt. Although his father sent him a yearly allowance, it did +not always arrive punctually, and he himself relates that on one +occasion he procured bread by selling the sleeves of his shirt. +Fortunately, at Baghdád he was introduced to ‘Ubaydulláh b. +Yaḥyá, the Vizier of Mutawakkil, who engaged him as tutor for +his son. How long he held this post is uncertain, but he was only +twenty-three years of age when his patron went out of office. +Fifteen years later we find him, penniless once more, in Cairo +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_351" id="Page_351" href="#"><span><i>ṬABARÍ</i></span>351</a></span> +(876-877 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). He soon, however, returned to Baghdád, +where he passed the remainder of his life in teaching and +writing. Modest, unselfish, and simple in his habits, he diffused +his encyclopædic knowledge with an almost superhuman +industry. During forty years, it is said, he wrote forty leaves +every day. His great works are the <i>Ta’ríkhu ´l-Rusul wa-’l-Mulúk</i>, +or 'Annals of the Apostles and the Kings,' and his +<i>Tafsír</i>, or 'Commentary on the Koran.' Both, even in their +present shape, are books of enormous extent, yet it seems +likely that both were originally composed on a far larger +scale and were abbreviated by the author for general use. His +pupils, we are told, flatly refused to read the first editions with +him, whereupon he exclaimed: "Enthusiasm for learning is +dead!" The History of Ṭabarí, from the Creation to the +year 302 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 915 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, is distinguished by "completeness of +detail, accuracy, and the truly stupendous learning of its author +that is revealed throughout, and that makes the Annals a vast +storehouse of valuable information for the historian as well as +for the student of Islam."<a name="FNanchor_661" id="FNanchor_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">661</a> It is arranged chronologically, +the events being tabulated under the year (of the Muḥammadan +era) in which they occurred. Moreover, it has a very peculiar +form. "Each important fact is related, if possible, by an +eye-witness or contemporary, whose account came down +through a series of narrators to the author. If he has obtained +more than one account of a fact, with more or less important +modifications, through several series of narrators, he communicates +them all to the reader <i>in extenso</i>. Thus we are +enabled to consider the facts from more than one point of +view, and to acquire a vivid and clear notion of them."<a name="FNanchor_662" id="FNanchor_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">662</a> +According to modern ideas, Ṭabarí's compilation is not so +much a history as a priceless collection of original documents +placed side by side without any attempt to construct a critical +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_352" id="Page_352" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>352</a></span> +and continuous narrative. At first sight one can hardly see the +wood for the trees, but on closer study the essential features +gradually emerge and stand out in bold relief from amidst the +multitude of insignificant circumstances which lend freshness +and life to the whole. Ṭabarí suffered the common fate of +standard historians. His work was abridged and popularised, +the <i>isnáds</i> or chains of authorities were suppressed, and the +various parallel accounts were combined by subsequent writers +into a single version.<a name="FNanchor_663" id="FNanchor_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">663</a> Of the Annals, as it left the author's +hands, no entire copy exists anywhere, but many odd volumes +are preserved in different parts of the world. The Leyden +edition is based on these scattered MSS., which luckily comprise +the whole work with the exception of a few not very +serious lacunæ.</p> + +<p>‘Alí b. Ḥusayn, a native of Baghdád, was called Mas‘údí +after one of the Prophet's Companions, ‘Abdulláh b. Mas‘úd, +<span class="sidenote">Mas‘údí +(† 956 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +to whom he traced his descent. Although we +possess only a small remnant of his voluminous +writings, no better proof can be desired of the +vast and various erudition which he gathered not from books +alone, but likewise from long travel in almost every part of +Asia. Among other places, he visited Armenia, India, Ceylon, +Zanzibar, and Madagascar, and he appears to have sailed in +Chinese waters as well as in the Caspian Sea. "My journey," +he says, "resembles that of the sun, and to me the poet's verse +is applicable:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"'We turn our steps toward each different clime,</span><span class="i0"> +Now to the Farthest East, then West once more;</span><span class="i0"> +Even as the sun, which stays not his advance</span><span class="i0"> +O'er tracts remote that no man durst explore.'"<a name="FNanchor_664" id="FNanchor_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">664</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_353" id="Page_353" href="#"><span><i>MAS‘ÚDÍ</i></span>353</a></span> + +He spent the latter years of his life chiefly in Syria and Egypt—for +he had no settled abode—compiling the great historical +works,<a name="FNanchor_665" id="FNanchor_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">665</a> of which the <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i> is an epitome. As +regards the motives which urged him to write, Mas‘údí +declares that he wished to follow the example of scholars and +sages and to leave behind him a praiseworthy memorial and +imperishable monument. He claims to have taken a wider +view than his predecessors. "One who has never quitted his +hearth and home, but is content with the knowledge which +he can acquire concerning the history of his own part of the +world, is not on the same level as one who spends his life in +travel and passes his days in restless wanderings, and draws +forth all manner of curious and precious information from its +hidden mine."<a name="FNanchor_666" id="FNanchor_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">666</a></p> + +<p>Mas‘údí has been named the 'the Herodotus of the Arabs,' +and the comparison is not unjust.<a name="FNanchor_667" id="FNanchor_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">667</a> +<span class="sidenote">The <i>Murúju +’l-Dhahab</i>.</span> +His work, although it +lacks the artistic unity which distinguishes that of +the Greek historian, shows the same eager +spirit of enquiry, the same open-mindedness and +disposition to record without prejudice all the marvellous things +that he had heard or seen, the same ripe experience and large +outlook on the present as on the past. It is professedly a +universal history beginning with the Creation and ending at +the Caliphate of Muṭí‘, in 947 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, but no description can +cover the immense range of topics which are discussed and +the innumerable digressions with which the author delights +or irritates his readers, as the case may be.<a name="FNanchor_668" id="FNanchor_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">668</a> Thus, to pick + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_354" id="Page_354" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>354</a></span> + +a few examples at random, we find a dissertation on tides +(vol. i, p. 244); an account of the <i>tinnín</i> or sea-serpent (<i>ibid.</i>, +p. 267); of pearl-fishing in the Persian Gulf (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 328); +and of the rhinoceros (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 385). Mas‘údí was a keen +student and critic of religious beliefs, on which subject he +wrote several books.<a name="FNanchor_669" id="FNanchor_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">669</a> The <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i> supplies many +valuable details regarding the Muḥammadan sects, and also +regarding the Zoroastrians and Ṣábians. There is a particularly +interesting report of a meeting which took place between +Aḥmad b. Ṭúlún, the governor of Egypt (868-877 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +and an aged Copt, who, after giving his views as to the source +of the Nile and the construction of the Pyramids, defended his +faith (Christianity) on the ground of its manifest errors and contradictions, +arguing that its acceptance, in spite of these, by +so many peoples and kings was decisive evidence of its truth.<a name="FNanchor_670" id="FNanchor_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">670</a> +Mas‘údí's account of the Caliphs is chiefly remarkable for +the characteristic anecdotes in which it abounds. Instead +of putting together a methodical narrative he has thrown off +a brilliant but unequal sketch of public affairs and private +manners, of social life and literary history. Only considerations +of space have prevented me from enriching this volume with +not a few pages which are as lively and picturesque as any in +Suetonius. His last work, the <i>Kitábu ’l-Tanbíh wa-’l-Ishráf</i> +('Book of Admonition and Recension'),<a name="FNanchor_671" id="FNanchor_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">671</a> was intended to take +a general survey of the field which had been more fully +traversed in his previous compositions, and also to supplement +them when it seemed necessary.</p> + +<p class="tb">We must pass over the minor historians and biographers +of this period—for example, ‘Utbí († 1036 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), whose +<span class="sidenote"> Minor +historians.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_355" id="Page_355" href="#"><span><i>OTHER HISTORICAL WRITERS</i></span>355</a></span> + +<i>Kitáb al-Yamíní</i> celebrates the glorious reign of Sultan +Mahmúd of Ghazna; Khaṭíb of Baghdád († 1071 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +who composed a history of the eminent men of +that city; ‘Imádu ’l-Dín of Iṣfahán († 1201 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), the biographer of Saladin; Ibnu ’l-Qiftí +(† 1248 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), born at Qifṭ (Coptos) in Upper Egypt, whose +lives of the philosophers and scientists have only come down +to us in a compendium entitled <i>Ta’ríkhu ’l-Ḥukamá</i>; Ibnu +’l-Jawzí († 1200 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a prolific writer in almost every branch +of literature, and his grandson, Yúsuf († 1257 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>)—generally +called Sibṭ Ibn al-Jawzí—author of the <i>Mir’átu ’l-Zamán</i>, or +'Mirror of the Time'; Ibn Abí Uṣaybi‘a († 1270 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +whose history of physicians, the <i>‘Uyúnu ’l-Anbá</i>, has been +edited by A. Müller (1884); and the Christian, Jirjis (George) +al-Makín († 1273 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), compiler of a universal chronicle—named +the <i>Majmú‘ al-Mubárak</i>—of which the second part, +from Muḥammad to the end of the ‘Abbásid dynasty, was +rendered into Latin by Erpenius in 1625.</p> + +<p class="tb">A special notice, brief though it must be, is due to ‘Izzu +’l-Dín Ibnu ’l-Athír († 1234 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). +<span class="sidenote">Ibnu ’l-Athír +(† 1234 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +He was brought up at +Mosul in Mesopotamia, and after finishing his +studies in Baghdád, Jerusalem, and Syria, he +returned home and devoted himself to reading +and literary composition. Ibn Khallikán, who knew him +personally, speaks of him in the highest terms both as a man +and as a scholar. "His great work, the <i>Kámil</i>,<a name="FNanchor_672" id="FNanchor_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">672</a> embracing +the history of the world from the earliest period to the year +628 of the Hijra (1230-1231 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), merits its reputation as +one of the best productions of the kind."<a name="FNanchor_673" id="FNanchor_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">673</a> Down to the +year 302 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> the author has merely abridged the Annals +of Ṭabarí with occasional additions from other sources. In +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_356" id="Page_356" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>356</a></span> +the first volume he gives a long account of the Pre-islamic +battles (<i>Ayyámu ’l-‘Arab</i>) which is not found in the present +text of Ṭabarí; but De Goeje, as I learn from Professor +Bevan, thinks that this section was included in Ṭabarí's +original draft and was subsequently struck out. Ibnu ’l-Athír +was deeply versed in the science of Tradition, and his <i>Usdu +’l-Ghába</i> ('Lions of the Jungle') contains biographies of 7,500 +Companions of the Prophet.</p> + +<p class="tb">An immense quantity of information concerning the various +countries and peoples of the ‘Abbásid Empire has been preserved +<span class="sidenote">Geographers.</span> +for us by the Moslem geographers, who +in many cases describe what they actually witnessed +and experienced in the course of their travels, +although they often help themselves liberally and without +acknowledgment from the works of their predecessors. +The following list, which does not pretend to be exhaustive, +may find a place here.<a name="FNanchor_674" id="FNanchor_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">674</a></p> + +<p class="tb">1. The Persian Ibn Khurdádbih (first half of ninth century) +was postmaster in the province of Jibál, the Media of +<span class="sidenote"> Ibn Khurdádbih.</span> +the ancients. His <i>Kitábu ’l-Masálik wa-’l-Mamálik</i> +('Book of the Roads and Countries'), an official +guide-book, is the oldest geographical work in Arabic that +has come down to us.</p> + +<p>2. Abú Isḥáq al-Fárisí a native of Persepolis (Iṣṭakhr)—on +this account he is known as Iṣṭakhrí—wrote a book called +<span class="sidenote"> Iṣṭakhrí and +Ibn Ḥawqal.</span> +<i>Masáliku ’l-Mamálik</i> ('Routes of the Provinces'), +which was afterwards revised and enlarged by +Ibn Ḥawqal. Both works belong to the second +half of the tenth century and contain "a careful description +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_357" id="Page_357" href="#"><span><i>THE MOSLEM GEOGRAPHERS</i></span>357</a></span> +of each province in turn of the Muslim Empire, with the +chief cities and notable places."</p> + +<p>3. Al-Muqaddasí (or al-Maqdisí), <i>i.e.</i>, 'the native of the +Holy City', was born at Jerusalem in 946 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> In his +delightful book entitled <i>Aḥsanu ’l-Taqásím fí <span class="sidenote"> Muqaddasí.</span> +ma‘rifati ’l-Aqálím</i> he has gathered up the fruits +of twenty years' travelling through the dominions of the +Caliphate.</p> + +<p>4. Omitting the Spanish Arabs, Bakrí, Idrísí, and Ibn +Jubayr, all of whom flourished in the eleventh century, +<span class="sidenote"> Yáqút.</span> +we come to the greatest of Moslem geographers, +Yáqút b. ‘Abdalláh (1179-1229 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). A Greek +by birth, he was enslaved in his childhood and sold to +a merchant of Baghdád. His master gave him a good +education and frequently sent him on trading expeditions +to the Persian Gulf and elsewhere. After being enfranchised +in consequence of a quarrel with his benefactor, he supported +himself by copying and selling manuscripts. In 1219-1220 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> +he encountered the Tartars, who had invaded Khwárizm, and +"fled as naked as when he shall be raised from the dust of +the grave on the day of the resurrection." Further details of +his adventurous life are recorded in the interesting notice +by Ibn Khallikán.<a name="FNanchor_675" id="FNanchor_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">675</a> His great Geographical Dictionary +(<i>Mu‘jamu ’l-Buldán</i>) has been edited in six volumes by +Wüstenfeld (Leipzig, 1866), and is described by Mr. Le +Strange as "a storehouse of geographical information, the +value of which it would be impossible to over-estimate." We +possess a useful epitome of it, made about a century later, viz., +the <i>Maráṣidu ’l-Iṭṭilá‘</i>. Among the few other extant works +of Yáqút, attention maybe called to the <i>Mushtarik</i>—a lexicon +of places bearing the same name—and the <i>Mu‘jamu ’l-Udabá</i>, +or 'Dictionary of Littérateurs,' which has been edited by Professor +Margoliouth for the Trustees of the Gibb Memorial +Fund.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_358" id="Page_358" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>358</a></span> + +As regards the philosophical and exact sciences the Moslems +naturally derived their ideas and material from Greek culture, +<span class="sidenote"> The foreign +sciences.</span> +which had established itself in Egypt, Syria, and +Western Asia since the time of Alexander's +conquests. When the Syrian school of Edessa +was broken up by ecclesiastical dissensions towards the end +of the fifth century of our era, the expelled savants took refuge +in Persia at the Sásánian court, and Khusraw Anúshirwán, or +Núshírwán (531-578 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>)—the same monarch who welcomed +the Neo-platonist philosophers banished from Athens by Justinian—founded +an Academy at Jundé-shápúr in Khúzistán, +where Greek medicine and philosophy continued to be taught +down to ‘Abbásid days. Another centre of Hellenism was the +city of Ḥarrán in Mesopotamia. Its inhabitants, Syrian heathens +who generally appear in Muḥammadan history under the name +of 'Ṣabians,' spoke Arabic with facility and contributed in +no small degree to the diffusion of Greek wisdom. The work +of translation was done almost entirely by Syrians. In the +monasteries of Syria and Mesopotamia the <span class="sidenote"> Translations +from the +Greek.</span> +writings of Aristotle, Galen, Ptolemy, and other +ancient masters were rendered with slavish fidelity, +and these Syriac versions were afterwards retranslated +into Arabic. A beginning was made under the Umayyads, +who cared little for Islam but were by no means indifferent +to the claims of literature, art, and science. An +Umayyad prince, Khálid b. Yazíd, procured the translation +of Greek and Coptic works on alchemy, and himself wrote +three treatises on that subject. The accession of the ‘Abbásids +gave a great impulse to such studies, which found an enlightened +patron in the Caliph Manṣúr. Works on logic and +medicine were translated from the Pehleví by Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘ +(† about 760 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and others. It is, however, the splendid +reign of Ma’mún (813-833 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) that marks the full vigour +of this Oriental Renaissance. Ma’mún was no ordinary man. +Like a true Persian, he threw himself heart and soul into +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_359" id="Page_359" href="#"><span><i>TRANSLATIONS OF SCIENTIFIC WORKS</i></span>359</a></span> +theological speculations and used the authority of the Caliphate +to enforce a liberal standard of orthodoxy. His interest in +science was no less ardent. According to a story told in the +<i>Fihrist</i>,<a name="FNanchor_676" id="FNanchor_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">676</a> he dreamed that he saw the venerable figure of +Aristotle seated on a throne, and in consequence <span class="sidenote">Ma’mún's +encouragement +of the New Learning.</span> +of this vision he sent a deputation to the Roman +Emperor (Leo the Armenian) to obtain scientific +books for translation into Arabic. The Caliph's +example was followed by private individuals. Three brothers, +Muḥammad, Aḥmad, and Ḥasan, known collectively as the +Banú Músá, "drew translators from distant countries by the +offer of ample rewards<a name="FNanchor_677" id="FNanchor_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">677</a> and thus made evident the marvels +of science. Geometry, engineering, the movements of the +heavenly bodies, music, and astronomy were the principal +subjects to which they turned their attention; but these were +only a small number of their acquirements."<a name="FNanchor_678" id="FNanchor_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">678</a> Ma’mún installed +them, with Yaḥyá b. Abí Manṣúr and other scientists, +in the House of Wisdom (<i>Baytu ’l-Ḥikma</i>) at Baghdád, an +institution which comprised a well-stocked library and an +astronomical observatory. Among the celebrated translators +of the ninth century, who were themselves conspicuous workers +in the new field, we can only mention the Christians Qusṭá b. +Lúqá and Ḥunayn b. Isḥáq, and the Ṣábian Thábit b. Qurra. +It does not fall within the scope of this volume to consider +in detail the achievements of the Moslems in science and +philosophy. That in some departments they made valuable +additions to existing knowledge must certainly be granted, +but these discoveries count for little in comparison with the +debt which we owe to the Arabs as pioneers of learning and +bringers of light to mediæval Europe.<a name="FNanchor_679" id="FNanchor_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">679</a> Meanwhile it is only +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_360" id="Page_360" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>360</a></span> +possible to enumerate a few of the most eminent philosophers +and scientific men who lived during the ‘Abbásid age. The +reader will observe that with rare exceptions they were of +foreign origin.</p> + +<p>The leading spirits in philosophy were:—</p> + +<p>1. Ya‘qúb b. Isḥáq al-Kindí, a descendant of the princely +family of Kinda (see p. <a href="#Page_42">42</a>). He was distinguished by his +<span class="sidenote"> Kindí.</span> +contemporaries with the title <i>Faylasúfu ’l-‘Arab</i>, +'The Philosopher of the Arabs.' He flourished +in the first half of the ninth century.</p> + +<p>2. Abú Naṣr al-Fárábí († 950 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), of Turkish race, a +native of Fáráb in Transoxania. The later years of his life +<span class="sidenote"> Fárábí.</span> +were passed at Aleppo under the patronage of +Sayfu ’l-Dawla. He devoted himself to the study +of Aristotle, whom Moslems agree with Dante in regarding +as "il maestro di color che sanno."</p> + +<p>3. Abú ‘Alí Ibn Síná (Avicenna), born of Persian parents +at Kharmaythan, near Bukhárá, in the year 980 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> As +<span class="sidenote"> Ibn Síná.</span> +a youth he displayed extraordinary talents, so +that "in the sixteenth year of his age physicians +of the highest eminence came to read medicine with him +and to learn those modes of treatment which he had +discovered by his practice."<a name="FNanchor_680" id="FNanchor_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">680</a> He was no quiet student, +like Fárábí, but a pleasure-loving, adventurous man of the +world who travelled from court to court, now in favour, now +in disgrace, and always writing indefatigably. His system +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_361" id="Page_361" href="#"><span><i>PHILOSOPHERS AND SCIENTISTS</i></span>361</a></span> +of philosophy, in which Aristotelian and Neo-platonic theories +are combined with Persian mysticism, was well suited to +the popular taste, and in the East it still reigns supreme. His +chief works are the <i>Shifá</i> (Remedy) on physics, metaphysics, +&c., and a great medical encyclopædia entitled the +<i>Qánún</i> (Canon). Avicenna died in 1037 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p> + +<p>4. The Spanish philosophers, Ibn Bájja (Avempace), Ibn +Ṭufayl, and Ibn Rushd (Averroes), all of whom flourished in +the twelfth century after Christ.</p> + +<p class="tb">The most illustrious name beside Avicenna in the history +of Arabian medicine is Abú Bakr al-Rází (Rhazes), a native of +<span class="sidenote">Medicine, +Astronomy, +and Mathematics.</span> +Rayy, near Teheran († 923 or 932 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Jábir +b. Ḥayyán of Tarsus († about 780 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>)—the +Geber of European writers—won equal renown +as an alchemist. Astronomy went hand in hand with astrology. +The reader may recognise al-Farghání, Abú Ma‘shar of Balkh +(† 885 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and al-Battání, a Ṣábian of Ḥarrán († 929 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +under the names of Alfraganus, Albumaser, and Albategnius, +by which they became known in the West. Abú ‘Abdalláh +al-Khwárizmí, who lived in the Caliphate of Ma’mún, was +the first of a long line of mathematicians. In this science, as +also in Medicine and Astronomy, we see the influence of +India upon Muḥammadan civilisation—an influence, however, +which, in so far as it depended on literary sources, was more +restricted and infinitely less vital than that of Greece. Only +a passing reference can be made to Abú Rayḥán al-Bírúní, a +native of Khwárizm (Khiva), whose knowledge of the <span class="sidenote">Bírúní 973-1048 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span></span> +sciences, antiquities, and customs of India was +such as no Moslem had ever equalled. His two +principal works, the <i>Áthár al-Báqiya</i>, or 'Surviving +Monuments,' and the <i>Ta’ríkhu ’l-Hind</i>, or 'History of India,' +have been edited and translated into English by Dr. Sachau.<a name="FNanchor_681" id="FNanchor_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">681</a></p> + +<p>Some conception of the amazing intellectual activity of the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_362" id="Page_362" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>362</a></span> +Moslems during the earlier part of the ‘Abbásid period, and +also of the enormous losses which Arabic literature has suffered +through the destruction of thousands of books that are +known to us by nothing beyond their titles and the names of +their authors, may be gained from the <i>Fihrist</i>, <span class="sidenote">The <i>Fihrist</i>.</span> +or 'Index' of Muḥammad b. Isḥáq b. Abí Ya‘qúb +al-Nadím al-Warráq al-Baghdádí († 995 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Regarding +the compiler we have no further information than is conveyed +in the last two epithets attached to his name: he was +a copyist of MSS., and was connected with Baghdád either +by birth or residence; add that, according to his own statement +(p. 349, l. 14 sqq.), he was at Constantinople (<i>Dáru +’l-Rúm</i>) in 988<span class="smcap"> a.d.</span>, the same year in which his work was +composed. He may possibly have been related to the famous +musician, Isḥáq b. Ibráhím al-Nadím of Mosul († 849-850 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +but this has yet to be proved. At any rate we owe to his +industry a unique conspectus of the literary history of the +Arabs to the end of the fourth century after the Flight. The +<i>Fihrist</i> (as the author explains in his brief Preface) is "an +Index of the books of all nations, Arabs and foreigners alike, +which are extant in the Arabic language and script, on every +branch of knowledge; comprising information as to their +compilers and the classes of their authors, together with the +genealogies of those persons, the dates of their birth, the length +of their lives, the times of their death, the places to which +they belonged, their merits and their faults, since the beginning +of every science that has been invented down to the +present epoch: namely, the year 377 of the Hijra." As the +contents of the <i>Fihrist</i> (which considerably exceed the above +description) have been analysed in detail by G. Flügel +(<i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 13, p. 559 sqq.) and set forth in tabular +form by Professor Browne in the first volume of his <i>Literary +History of Persia</i>,<a name="FNanchor_682" id="FNanchor_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">682</a> I need only indicate the general arrangement +and scope of the work. It is divided into ten +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_363" id="Page_363" href="#"><span><i>THE FIHRIST</i></span>363</a></span> +discourses (<i>maqálát</i>), which are subdivided into a varying +number of sections (<i>funún</i>). Ibnu ’l-Nadím discusses, in +the first place, the languages, scripts, and sacred books of +the Arabs and other peoples, the revelation of the Koran, the +order of its chapters, its collectors, redactors, and commentators. +Passing next to the sciences which, as we have seen, +arose from study of the Koran and primarily served as handmaids +to theology, he relates the origin of Grammar, and +gives an account of the different schools of grammarians with +the treatises which they wrote. The third discourse embraces +History, Belles-Lettres, Biography, and Genealogy; the fourth +treats of Poetry, ancient and modern. Scholasticism (<i>Kalám</i>) +forms the subject of the following chapter, which contains +a valuable notice of the Ismá‘ílís and their founder, ‘Abdulláh +b. Maymún, as also of the celebrated mystic, Ḥusayn b. +Manṣúr al-Ḥalláj. From these and many other names redolent +of heresy the author returns to the orthodox schools of +Law—the Málikites, Ḥanafites, Sháfi‘ites and Ẓáhirites; then +to the jurisconsults of the Shí‘a, &c. The seventh discourse +deals with Philosophy and 'the Ancient Sciences,' under which +head we find some curious speculations concerning their +origin and introduction to the lands of Islam; a list of translators +and the books which they rendered into Arabic; an +account of the Greek philosophers from Thales to Plutarch, +with the names of their works that were known to the Moslems; +and finally a literary survey of the remaining sciences, +such as Mathematics, Music, Astronomy, and Medicine. +Here, by an abrupt transition, we enter the enchanted domain +of Oriental fable—the <i>Hazár Afsán</i>, or Thousand Tales, +Kalíla and Dimna, the Book of Sindbád, and the legends of +Rustam and Isfandiyár; works on sorcery, magic, conjuring, +amulets, talismans, and the like. European savants have long +recognised the importance of the ninth discourse,<a name="FNanchor_683" id="FNanchor_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">683</a> which is +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_364" id="Page_364" href="#"><span><i>POETRY, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE</i></span>364</a></span> +devoted to the doctrines and writings of the Ṣábians and the +Dualistic sects founded by Manes, Bardesanes, Marcion, Mazdak, +and other heresiarchs. The author concludes his work +with a chapter on the Alchemists (<i>al-Kímiyá’ún</i>).</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER VIII</h4> + +<h5>ORTHODOXY, FREE-THOUGHT, AND MYSTICISM</h5> + +<p>We have already given some account of the great political +revolution which took place under the ‘Abbásid dynasty, and +we have now to consider the no less vital influence <span class="sidenote">The ‘Abbásids +and Islam.</span> +of the new era in the field of religion. It will be +remembered that the House of ‘Abbás came +forward as champions of Islam and of the oppressed and +persecuted Faithful. Their victory was a triumph for the +Muḥammadan over the National idea. "They wished, as +they said, to revive the dead Tradition of the Prophet. They +brought the experts in Sacred Law from Medína, which had +hitherto been their home, to Baghdád, and always invited +their approbation by taking care that even political questions +should be treated in legal form and decided in accordance with +the Koran and the Sunna. In reality, however, they used Islam +only to serve their own interest. They tamed the divines at +their court and induced them to sanction the most objectionable +measures. They made the pious Opposition harmless by +leading it to victory. With the downfall of the Umayyads it +had gained its end and could now rest in peace."<a name="FNanchor_684" id="FNanchor_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">684</a> There +is much truth in this view of the matter, but notwithstanding +the easy character of their religion, the ‘Abbásid Caliphs were +sincerely devoted to the cause of Islam and zealous to maintain +its principles in public life. They regarded themselves as the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_366" id="Page_366" href="#"><span><i>ORTHODOXY AND FREE-THOUGHT</i></span>366</a></span> +sovereign defenders of the Faith; added the Prophet's mantle +(<i>al-burda</i>) to those emblems of Umayyad royalty, the sceptre +and the seal; delighted in the pompous titles which their +flatterers conferred on them, <i>e.g.</i>, 'Vicegerent of God,' +'Sultan of God upon the Earth,' 'Shadow of God,' &c.; +and left no stone unturned to invest themselves with the +attributes of theocracy, and to inspire their subjects with +veneration.<a name="FNanchor_685" id="FNanchor_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">685</a> Whereas the Umayyad monarchs ignored or +crushed Muḥammadan sentiment, and seldom made any <span class="sidenote"> Influence of +theologians.</span> +attempt to conciliate the leading representatives +of Islam, the ‘Abbásids, on the other hand, not +only gathered round their throne all the most +celebrated theologians of the day, but also showed them every +possible honour, listened respectfully to their counsel, and +allowed them to exert a commanding influence on the administration +of the State.<a name="FNanchor_686" id="FNanchor_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">686</a> When Málik b. Anas was summoned +by the Caliph Hárún al-Rashíd, who wished to hear him +recite traditions, Málik replied, "People come to seek knowledge." +So Hárún went to Málik's house, and leaned against +the wall beside him. Málik said, "O Prince of the Faithful, +whoever honours God, honours knowledge." Al-Rashíd arose +and seated himself at Malik's feet and spoke to him and heard +him relate a number of traditions handed down from the +Apostle of God. Then he sent for Sufyán b. ‘Uyayna, and +Sufyán came to him and sat in his presence and recited +traditions to him. Afterwards al-Rashíd said, "O Málik, we +humbled ourselves before thy knowledge, and profited thereby, +but Sufyán's knowledge humbled itself to us, and we got no +good from it."<a name="FNanchor_687" id="FNanchor_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">687</a> Many instances might be given of the high +favour which theologians enjoyed at this time, and of the +lively interest with which religious topics were debated by the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_367" id="Page_367" href="#"><span><i>THE DIVINES AND THE GOVERNMENT</i></span>367</a></span> +Caliph and his courtiers. As the Caliphs gradually lost their +temporal sovereignty, the influence of the <i>‘Ulamá</i>—the +doctors of Divinity and Law—continued to increase, so that +ere long they formed a privileged class, occupying in Islam +a position not unlike that of the priesthood in mediæval +Christendom.</p> + +<p class="tb">It will be convenient to discuss the religious phenomena of +the ‘Abbásid period under the following heads:—</p> + +<p>I. Rationalism and Free-thought.</p> + +<p>II. The Orthodox Reaction and the rise of Scholastic +Theology.</p> + +<p>III. The Ṣúfí Mysticism.</p> + +<p class="tb">I. The first century of ‘Abbásid rule was marked, as we +have seen, by a great intellectual agitation. All sorts of new +<span class="sidenote"> Rationalism and +Free-thought.</span> +ideas were in the air. It was an age of discovery +and awakening. In a marvellously brief space +the diverse studies of Theology, Law, Medicine, +Philosophy, Mathematics, Astronomy, and Natural Science +attained their maturity, if not their highest development. +Even if some pious Moslems looked askance at the foreign +learning and its professors, an enlightened spirit generally +prevailed. People took their cue from the court, which +patronised, or at least tolerated,<a name="FNanchor_688" id="FNanchor_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">688</a> scientific research as well as +theological speculation.</p> + +<p>These circumstances enabled the Mu‘tazilites (see p. <a href="#Page_222">222</a> sqq.) +to propagate their liberal views without hindrance, and finally +<span class="sidenote">The Mu‘tazilites +and their +opponents.</span> +to carry their struggle against the orthodox party +to a successful issue. It was the same conflict +that divided Nominalists and Realists in the days +of Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and Occam. As often +happens when momentous principles are at stake, the whole + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_368" id="Page_368" href="#"><span><i>ORTHODOXY AND FREE-THOUGHT</i></span>368</a></span> + +controversy between Reason and Revelation turned on a +single question—"Is the Koran created or uncreated?" In +other terms, is it the work of God or the Word of God? +According to orthodox belief, it is uncreated and has existed +with God from all eternity, being in its present form merely +a transcript of the heavenly archetype.<a name="FNanchor_689" id="FNanchor_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">689</a> Obviously this conception +of the Koran as the direct and literal Word of +God left no room for exercise of the understanding, but +required of those who adopted it a dumb faith and a blind +fatalism. There were many to whom the sacrifice did not +seem too great. The Mu‘tazilites, on the contrary, asserted +their intellectual freedom. It was possible, they said, to know +God and distinguish good from evil without any Revelation at +all. They admitted that the Koran was God's work, in the +sense that it was produced by a divinely inspired Prophet, but +they flatly rejected its deification. Some went so far as to +criticise the 'inimitable' style, declaring that it could be +surpassed in beauty and eloquence by the art of man.<a name="FNanchor_690" id="FNanchor_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">690</a></p> + +<p>The Mu‘tazilite controversy became a burning question in +the reign of Ma’mún (813-833 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a Caliph whose scientific +enthusiasm and keen interest in religious matters we have +already mentioned. He did not inherit the orthodoxy of his +father, Hárún al-Rashíd; and it was believed that he +was at heart a <i>zindíq</i>. His liberal tendencies would have been +wholly admirable if they had not been marred by excessive +intolerance towards those who held opposite views to his +own. In 833 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, the year of his death, he promulgated +a decree which bound all Moslems to accept the +Mu‘tazilite doctrine as to the creation of the Koran on pain +of losing their civil rights, and at the same time he established +an inquisition (<i>miḥna</i>) in order to obtain the assent of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_369" id="Page_369" href="#"><span><i>THE MU‘TAZILITES IN POWER</i></span>369</a></span> + +the divines, judges, and doctors of law. Those who would +not take the test were flogged and threatened with the sword. +After Ma’mún's death the persecution still went on, <span class="sidenote">Rationalism +adopted and put +in force by the +Caliph Ma’mún.</span> +although it was conducted in a more moderate +fashion. Popular feeling ran strongly against the +Mu‘tazilites. The most prominent figure in the +orthodox camp was the Imám Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, who firmly +resisted the new dogma from the first. "But for him," says +the Sunnite historian, Abu ’l-Maḥásin, "the beliefs of a great +number would have been corrupted."<a name="FNanchor_691" id="FNanchor_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">691</a> Neither threats nor +entreaties could shake his resolution, and when he was +scourged by command of the Caliph Mu‘taṣim, the palace +was in danger of being wrecked by an angry mob which had +assembled outside to hear the result of the trial. The Mu‘tazilite +dogma remained officially in force until it was abandoned +<span class="sidenote"> Mutawakkil +returns to +orthodoxy.</span> +by the Caliph Wáthiq and once more declared +heretical by the cruel and bigoted Mutawakkil +(847 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). From that time to this the victorious +party have sternly suppressed every rationalistic movement in +Islam.</p> + +<p>According to Steiner, the original Mu‘tazilite heresy arose +in the bosom of Islam, independently of any foreign influence, +<span class="sidenote">The end of the +Mu‘tazilites.</span> +but, however that may be, its later development +was largely affected by Greek philosophy. We +need not attempt to follow the recondite speculations +of Abú Hudhayl al-‘Alláf († about 840<span class="smcap"> a.d.</span>) of his +contemporaries, al-Naẓẓám, Bishr b. al-Mu‘tamir, and others, +and of the philosophical schools of Baṣra and Baghdád in which +the movement died away. Vainly they sought to replace the +Muḥammadan idea of God as will by the Aristotelian conception +of God as law. Their efforts to purge the Koran of +anthropomorphism made no impression on the faithful, who +ardently hoped to see God in Paradise face to face. What +they actually achieved was little enough. Their weapons of +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_370" id="Page_370" href="#"><span><i>ORTHODOXY AND FREE-THOUGHT</i></span>370</a></span> +logic and dialectic were turned against them with triumphant +success, and scholastic theology was founded on the ruins of +Rationalism. Indirectly, however, the Mu‘tazilite principles +leavened Muḥammadan thought to a considerable extent and +cleared the way for other liberal movements, like the Fraternity +of the <i>Ikhwánu ’l-Ṣafá</i>, which endeavoured to harmonise +authority with reason, and to construct a universal system of +religious philosophy.</p> + +<p>These 'Brethren of Purity,'<a name="FNanchor_692" id="FNanchor_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">692</a> as they called themselves, compiled +a great encyclopædic work in fifty tractates (<i>Rasá’il</i>). Of +<span class="sidenote">The Ikhwánu +’l-Ṣafá.</span> +the authors, who flourished at Baṣra towards the +end of the tenth century, five are known to us +by name: viz., Abú Sulaymán Muḥammad b. +Ma‘shar al-Bayusti or al-Muqaddasí (Maqdisí), Abu ’l-Ḥasan +‘Alí b. Hárún al-Zanjání, Abú Aḥmad al-Mihrajání, al-‘Awfí, +and Zayd b. Rifá‘a. "They formed a society for the pursuit +of holiness, purity, and truth, and established amongst themselves +a doctrine whereby they hoped to win the approval of +God, maintaining that the Religious Law was defiled by +ignorance and adulterated by errors, and that there was no +means of cleansing and purifying it except philosophy, which +united the wisdom of faith and the profit of research. They +held that a perfect result would be reached if Greek philosophy +were combined with Arabian religion. Accordingly they composed +fifty tracts on every branch of philosophy, theoretical as +well as practical, added a separate index, and entitled them the +'Tracts of the Brethren of Purity' (<i>Rasá’ilu Ikhwán al-Ṣafá</i>). +The authors of this work concealed their names, but circulated +it among the booksellers and gave it to the public. They +filled their pages with devout phraseology, religious parables, +metaphorical expressions, and figurative turns of style."<a name="FNanchor_693" id="FNanchor_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">693</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_371" id="Page_371" href="#"><span><i>THE BRETHREN OF PURITY</i></span>371</a></span> +Nearly all the tracts have been translated into German by +Dieterici, who has also drawn up an epitome of the whole +encyclopædia in his <i>Philosophie der Araber im X Jahrhundert</i>. +It would take us too long to describe the system of the <i>Ikhwán</i>, +but the reader will find an excellent account of it in Stanley +Lane-Poole's <i>Studies in a Mosque</i>, 2nd ed., p. 176 sqq. The +view has recently been put forward that the Brethren of Purity +were in some way connected with the Ismá‘ílí propaganda, and +that their eclectic idealism represents the highest teaching of +the Fátimids, Carmathians, and Assassins. Strong evidence in +support of this theory is supplied by a MS. of the Bibliothèque +Nationale (No. 2309 in De Slane's Catalogue), which contains, +together with fragments of the <i>Rasá’il</i>, a hitherto unknown +tract entitled the <i>Jámi‘a</i> or 'Summary.'<a name="FNanchor_694" id="FNanchor_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">694</a> The latter purports +to be the essence and crown of the fifty <i>Rasá’il</i>, it is manifestly +Ismá‘ílite in character, and, assuming that it is genuine, we +may, I think, agree with the conclusions which its discoverer, +M. P. Casanova, has stated in the following passage:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Surtout je crois être dans le vrai en affirmant que les doctrines +philosophiques des Ismaïliens sont contenues tout entières dans les +<span class="sidenote">The doctrines of +the Brethren of +Purity identical +with the esoteric +philosophy of the +Ismá‘ílís.</span> +Epîtres des Frères de la Pureté. Et c’est ce qui explique 'la séduction extraordinaire que la doctrine +exerçait sur des hommes sérieux.'<a name="FNanchor_695" id="FNanchor_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">695</a> En y ajoutant la +croyance en l'<i>imám caché</i> (<i>al-imám al-mastúr</i>) qui doit +apparaître un jour pour établir le bonheur universel, +elle réalisait la fusion de toutes les doctrines idéalistes, +du messianisme et du platonisme. Tant que l'imám restait caché, +il s'y mêlait encore une saveur de mystère qui attachait les esprits +les plus élevés. . . . En tous cas, on peut affirmer que les Carmathes +et les Assassins ont été profondément calomniés quand ils out été +accusés par leurs adversaires d'athéisme et de débauche. Le fetwa +d'Ibn Taimiyyah, que j'ai cité plus haut, prétend que leur dernier +degré dans l'initiation (<i>al-balágh al-akbar</i>) est la négation même du +Créateur. Mais la <i>djâmi‘at</i> que nous avons découverte est, comme +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_372" id="Page_372" href="#"><span><i>ORTHODOXY AND FREE-THOUGHT</i></span>372</a></span> +tout l'indique, le dernier degré de la science des Frères de la Pureté +et des Ismaïliens; il n'y a rien de fondé dans une telle accusation. +La doctrine apparait très pure, très élevée, très simple même: je +repète que c'est une sorte de panthéisme mécaniste et esthétique qui +est absolument opposé au scepticisme et au matérialisme, car il repose +sur l'harmonie générale de toutes les parties du monde, harmonie +voulue par le Créateur parce qu'elle est la beauté même.</p> + +<p>"Ma conclusion sera que nous avons là un exemple de plus dans +l’histoire d'une doctrine très pure et très élevée en théorie, devenue, +entre les mains des fanatiques et des ambitieux, une source d'actes +monstrueux et méritant l'infamie qui est attachée a ce nom historique +d'Assassins."</p></div> + +<p>Besides the Mu‘tazilites, we hear much of another class of +heretics who are commonly grouped together under the name +of <i>Zindíqs</i>.</p> + +<p>"It is well known," says Goldziher,<a name="FNanchor_696" id="FNanchor_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">696</a> "that the earliest +persecution was directed against those individuals who managed +<span class="sidenote">The <i>Zindíqs</i>.</span> +more or less adroitly to conceal under +the veil of Islam old Persian religious ideas. +Sometimes indeed they did not consider any disguise to be +necessary, but openly set up dualism and other Persian or +Manichæan doctrines, and the practices associated therewith, +against the dogma and usage of Islam. Such persons were +called <i>Zindíqs</i>, a term which comprises different shades of +heresy and hardly admits of simple definition. Firstly, there +are the old Persian families incorporated in Islam who, following +the same path as the Shu‘úbites, have a <i>national interest</i> in the +revival of Persian religious ideas and traditions, and from this +point of view react against the <i>Arabian</i> character of the +Muḥammadan system. Then, on the other hand, there are +freethinkers, who oppose in particular the stubborn dogma +of Islam, reject <i>positive religion</i>, and acknowledge only the +moral law. Amongst the latter there is developed a monkish +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_373" id="Page_373" href="#"><span><i>THE ZINDÍQS</i></span>373</a></span> +asceticism extraneous to Islam and ultimately traceable to +Buddhistic influences."</p> + +<p>The ‘Abbásid Government, which sought to enforce an +official standard of belief, was far less favourable to religious +liberty than the Umayyads had been. Orthodox and heretic +alike fell under its ban. While Ma’mún harried pious Sunnites, +his immediate predecessors raised a hue and cry against <i>Zindíqs</i>. +The Caliph Mahdí distinguished himself by an organised persecution +of these enemies of the faith. He appointed a Grand Inquisitor +(<i>Ṣáḥibu ’l-Zanádiqa</i><a name="FNanchor_697" id="FNanchor_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">697</a> or <i>‘Arífu ’l-Zanádiqa</i>) +to discover and hunt them down. If they would <span class="sidenote">Persecution of +<i>Zindíqs</i>.</span> +not recant when called upon, they were put to +death and crucified, and their books<a name="FNanchor_698" id="FNanchor_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">698</a> were cut to pieces with +knives.<a name="FNanchor_699" id="FNanchor_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">699</a> Mahdí's example was followed by Hádí and Hárún +al-Rashíd. Some of the ‘Abbásids, however, were less severe. +Thus Khaṣíb, Manṣúr's physician, was a <i>Zindíq</i> who professed +Christianity,<a name="FNanchor_700" id="FNanchor_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">700</a> and in the reign of Ma’mún it became the mode +to affect Manichæan opinions as a mark of elegance and refinement.<a name="FNanchor_701" id="FNanchor_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">701</a></p> + +<p>The two main types of <i>zandaqa</i> which have been described +above are illustrated in the contemporary poets, Bashshár b. +<span class="sidenote"> Bashshár b. +Burd.</span> +Burd and Ṣáliḥ b. ‘Abd al-Quddús. Bashshár +was born stone-blind. The descendant of a noble +Persian family—though his father, Burd, was a +slave—he cherished strong national sentiments and did not +attempt to conceal his sympathy with the Persian clients +(<i>Mawálí</i>), whom he was accused of stirring up against their +Arab lords. He may also have had leanings towards Zoroastrianism, +but Professor Bevan has observed that there is no real +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_374" id="Page_374" href="#"><span><i>ORTHODOXY AND FREE-THOUGHT</i></span>374</a></span> +evidence for this statement,<a name="FNanchor_702" id="FNanchor_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">702</a> though Zoroastrian or Manichæan +views are probably indicated by the fact that he used to dispute +with a number of noted Moslem theologians in Baṣra, <i>e.g.</i>, with +Wáṣil b. ‘Aṭá, who started the Mu‘tazilite heresy, and ‘Amr +b. ‘Ubayd. He and Ṣáliḥ b. ‘Abd al-Quddús were put to +death by the Caliph Mahdí in the same year (783 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>This Ṣáliḥ belonged by birth or affiliation to the Arab tribe +of Azd. Of his life we know little beyond the circumstance +<span class="sidenote">Ṣáliḥ b. ‘Abd +al-Quddús.</span> +that he was for some time a street-preacher at +Baṣra, and afterwards at Damascus. It is possible +that his public doctrine was thought dangerous, +although the preachers as a class were hand in glove with the +Church and did not, like the Lollards, denounce religious +abuses.<a name="FNanchor_703" id="FNanchor_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">703</a> His extant poetry contains nothing heretical, but is +wholly moral and didactic in character. We have seen, however, +in the case of Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya, that Muḥammadan +orthodoxy was apt to connect 'the philosophic mind' with +positive unbelief; and Ṣáliḥ appears to have fallen a victim to +this prejudice. He was accused of being a dualist (<i>thanawí</i>), +<i>i.e.</i>, a Manichæan. Mahdí, it is said, conducted his examination +in person, and at first let him go free, but the poet's fate was +sealed by his confession that he was the author of the following +verses:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"The greybeard will not leave what in the bone is bred</span><span class="i0"> +Until the dark tomb covers him with earth o'erspread;</span><span class="i0"> +For, tho' deterred awhile, he soon returns again</span><span class="i0"> +To his old folly, as the sick man to his pain."<a name="FNanchor_704" id="FNanchor_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">704</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_375" id="Page_375" href="#"><span><i>THE ZINDÍQS</i></span>375</a></span></p> + +<p>Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí, himself a bold and derisive critic of +Muḥammadan dogmas, devotes an interesting section of his +<i>Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán</i> to the <i>Zindíqs</i>, and says +many hard things about them, which were no <span class="sidenote">Abu ’l-‘Alá +al-Ma‘arrí on the +<i>Zindíqs</i>.</span> +doubt intended to throw dust in the eyes of a +suspicious audience. The wide scope of the term is shown +by the fact that he includes under it the pagan chiefs of +Quraysh; the Umayyad Caliph Walíd b. Yazíd; the poets +Di‘bil, Abú Nuwás, Bashshár, and Ṣáliḥ b. ‘Abd al-Quddús; +Abú Muslim, who set up the ‘Abbásid dynasty; the Persian +rebels, Bábak and Mázyár; Afshín, who after conquering +Bábak was starved to death by the Caliph Mu‘taṣim; the +Carmathian leader al-Jannábí; Ibnu ’l-Ráwandí, whose work +entitled the <i>Dámigh</i> was designed to discredit the 'miraculous' +style of the Koran; and Ḥusayn b. Manṣúr al-Ḥalláj, the Ṣúfí +martyr. Most of these, one may admit, fall within Abu ’l-‘Alá’s +definition of the <i>Zindíqs</i>: "they acknowledge neither prophet +nor sacred book." The name <i>Zindíq</i>, which is applied by Jáḥiẓ +(† 868 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) to certain wandering monks,<a name="FNanchor_705" id="FNanchor_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">705</a> seems in the first instance +to have been used of Manes (<i>Mání</i>) and his followers, and +is no doubt derived, as Professor Bevan has suggested, from the +<i>zaddíqs</i>, who formed an elect class in the Manichæan hierarchy.<a name="FNanchor_706" id="FNanchor_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">706</a></p> + +<p>II. The official recognition of Rationalism as the State +religion came to an end on the accession of Mutawakkil +in 847 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> The new Caliph, who owed his throne to the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_376" id="Page_376" href="#"><span><i>ORTHODOXY AND FREE-THOUGHT</i></span>376</a></span> + +Turkish Prætorians, could not have devised a surer means +of making himself popular than by standing forward as the +<span class="sidenote"> The Orthodox +Reaction.</span> +avowed champion of the faith of the masses. He +persecuted impartially Jews, Christians, Mu‘tazilites, +Shí‘ites, and Ṣúfís—every one, in short, +who diverged from the narrowest Sunnite orthodoxy. The +Vizier Ibn Abí Du’ád, who had shown especial zeal in his +conduct of the Mu‘tazilite Inquisition, was disgraced, and the +bulk of his wealth was confiscated. In Baghdád the followers of +Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal went from house to house terrorising the +citizens,<a name="FNanchor_707" id="FNanchor_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">707</a> and such was their fanatical temper that when Ṭabarí, +the famous divine and historian, died in 923 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, they would not +allow his body to receive the ordinary rites of burial.<a name="FNanchor_708" id="FNanchor_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">708</a> Finally, +in the year 935 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, the Caliph Ráḍí issued an edict denouncing +them in these terms: "Ye assert that your ugly, ill-favoured +faces are in the likeness of the Lord of Creation, and that your +vile exterior resembles His, and ye speak of the hand, the fingers, +the feet, the golden shoes, and the curly hair (of God), and of +His going up to Heaven and of His coming down to Earth.... +The Commander of the Faithful swears a binding oath that +unless ye refrain from your detestable practices and perverse +tenets he will lay the sword to your necks and the fire to your +dwellings."<a name="FNanchor_709" id="FNanchor_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">709</a> Evidently the time was ripe for a system which +should reconcile the claims of tradition and reason, avoiding +the gross anthropomorphism of the extreme Ḥanbalites on the +one side and the pure rationalism of the advanced Mu‘tazilites +(who were still a power to be reckoned with) on the other. +It is a frequent experience that great intellectual or religious +movements rising slowly and invisibly, in response, as it were, +to some incommunicable want, suddenly find a distinct interpreter +with whose name they are henceforth associated for +ever. The man, in this case, was Abu ’l-Ḥasan al-Ash‘arí. +He belonged to a noble and traditionally orthodox family of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_377" id="Page_377" href="#"><span><i>ABU ’L-ḤASAN AL-ASH‘ARÍ</i></span>377</a></span> + +Yemenite origin. One of his ancestors was Abú Músá +al-Ash‘arí, who, as the reader will recollect, played a somewhat +inglorious part in the arbitration between ‘Alí and <span class="sidenote">Abu ’l-Ḥasan +al-ash‘arí.</span> +Mu‘áwiya after the battle of Ṣiffín.<a name="FNanchor_710" id="FNanchor_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">710</a> Born in 873-874 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> at Baṣra, a city renowned for its scientific +and intellectual fertility, the young Abu ’l-Ḥasan deserted the +faith of his fathers, attached himself to the freethinking school, +and until his fortieth year was the favourite pupil and intimate +friend of al-Jubbá’í († 915 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), the head of the Mu‘tazilite +party at that time. He is said to have broken with his teacher +in consequence of a dispute as to whether God always does +what is best (<i>aṣlaḥ</i>) for His creatures. The story is related as +follows by Ibn Khallikán (De Slane's translation, vol. ii, +p. 669 seq.):—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Ash‘arí proposed to Jubbá’í the case of three brothers, one of +whom was a true believer, virtuous and pious; the second an infidel, +a debauchee and a reprobate; and the third an infant: <span class="sidenote"> Story of the +three brothers.</span> +they all died, and Ash‘arí wished to know what had +become of them. To this Jubbá’í answered: "The +virtuous brother holds a high station in Paradise; the infidel +is in the depths of Hell, and the child is among those who +have obtained salvation."<a name="FNanchor_711" id="FNanchor_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">711</a> "Suppose now," said Ash‘arí, "that +the child should wish to ascend to the place occupied by his virtuous +brother, would he be allowed to do so?" "No," replied Jubbá’í, +"it would be said to him: 'Thy brother arrived at this place through +his numerous works of obedience towards God, and thou hast no +such works to set forward.'" "Suppose then," said Ash‘arí, "that the +child say: 'That is not my fault; you did not let me live long +enough, neither did you give me the means of proving my obedience.'" +"In that case," answered Jubbá’í, "the Almighty would +say: 'I knew that if I had allowed thee to live, thou wouldst have +been disobedient and incurred the severe punishment (of Hell); +I therefore acted for thy advantage.'" "Well," said Ash‘arí, "and +suppose the infidel brother were to say: 'O God of the universe! +since you knew what awaited him, you must have known what + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_378" id="Page_378" href="#"><span><i>ORTHODOXY AND FREE-THOUGHT</i></span>378</a></span> + +awaited me; why then did you act for his advantage and not for +mine?" Jubbá’í had not a word to offer in reply.</p></div> + +<p>Soon afterwards Ash‘arí made a public recantation. One +Friday, while sitting (as his biographer relates) in the chair +<span class="sidenote">Ash‘arí's +conversion to +orthodoxy.</span> +from which he taught in the great mosque of +Baṣra, he cried out at the top of his voice: "They +who know me know who I am: as for those +who do not know me I will tell them. I am ‘Alí b. +Ismá‘íl al-Ash‘arí, and I used to hold that the Koran was +created, that the eyes of men shall not see God, and that we +ourselves are the authors of our evil deeds. Now I have +returned to the truth; I renounce these opinions, and I undertake +to refute the Mu‘tazilites and expose their infamy and +turpitude."<a name="FNanchor_712" id="FNanchor_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">712</a></p> + +<p>These anecdotes possess little or no historical value, but +illustrate the fact that Ash‘arí, having learned all that the +Mu‘tazilites could teach him and having thoroughly mastered +their dialectic, turned against them with deadly force the +weapons which they had put in his hands. His doctrine on +the subject of free-will may serve to exemplify the method of +<i>Kalám</i> (Disputation) by which he propped up the orthodox +creed.<a name="FNanchor_713" id="FNanchor_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">713</a> Here, as in other instances, Ash‘arí took <span class="sidenote">Ash‘arí as the +founder of +Scholastic +Theology.</span> +the central path—<i>medio tutissimus</i>—between two +extremes. It was the view of the early Moslem +Church—a view justified by the Koran and the +Apostolic Traditions—that everything was determined in +advance and inscribed, from all eternity, on the Guarded Tablet +(<i>al-Lawḥ al-Maḥfúẓ</i>), so that men had no choice but to commit +the actions decreed by destiny. The Mu‘tazilites, on the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_379" id="Page_379" href="#"><span><i>MOSLEM SCHOLASTICISM</i></span>379</a></span> +contrary, denied that God could be the author of evil and +insisted that men's actions were free. Ash‘arí, on his part, +declared that all actions are created and predestined by God, +but that men have a certain subordinate power which enables +them to acquire the actions previously created, although it +produces no effect on the actions themselves. Human agency, +therefore, was confined to this process of acquisition (<i>kasb</i>). +With regard to the anthropomorphic passages in the Koran, +Ash‘arí laid down the rule that such expressions as "<i>The +Merciful has settled himself upon His throne</i>," "<i>Both His hands +are spread out</i>," &c., must be taken in their obvious sense without +asking 'How?' (<i>bilá kayfa</i>). Spitta saw in the system of +Ash‘arí a successful revolt of the Arabian national spirit against +the foreign ideas which were threatening to overwhelm Islam,<a name="FNanchor_714" id="FNanchor_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">714</a> +a theory which does not agree with the fact that most of the +leading Ash‘arites were Persians.<a name="FNanchor_715" id="FNanchor_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">715</a> Von Kremer came nearer +the mark when he said "Ash‘arí's victory was simply a clerical +triumph,"<a name="FNanchor_716" id="FNanchor_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">716</a> but it was also, as Schreiner has observed, "a +victory of reflection over unthinking faith."</p> + +<p>The victory, however, was not soon or easily won.<a name="FNanchor_717" id="FNanchor_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">717</a> Many +of the orthodox disliked the new Scholasticism hardly less than +the old Rationalism. Thus it is not surprising to read in the +<i>Kámil</i> of Ibnu ’l-Athír under the year 456 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 1063-4 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, +that Alp Arslán's Vizier, ‘Amídu ’l-Mulk al-Kundurí, having +obtained his master's permission to have curses pronounced +against the Ráfiḍites (Shí‘ites) from the pulpits of Khurásán, +included the Ash‘arites in the same malediction, and that +the famous Ash‘arite doctors, Abu ’l-Qásim al-Qushayrí +and the Imámu ’l-Ḥaramayn Abu ’l-Ma‘álí al-Juwayní, left +the country in consequence. The great Niẓámu ’l-Mulk +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_380" id="Page_380" href="#"><span><i>ORTHODOXY AND FREE-THOUGHT</i></span>380</a></span> +exerted himself on behalf of the Ash‘arites, and the Niẓámiyya +College, which he founded in Baghdád in the year 1067 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, +was designed to propagate their system of theology. But the +man who stamped it with the impression of his own powerful +genius, fixed its ultimate form, and established it as the +universal creed of orthodox Islam, was Abú Ḥámid al-Ghazálí +(1058-1111 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). We have already sketched the outward +course of his life, and need only recall that he lectured at Baghdád +in the Niẓámiyya College for four years (1091-1095 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).<a name="FNanchor_718" id="FNanchor_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">718</a> +At the end of that time he retired from the world as a Ṣúfí, and +so brought to a calm and fortunate close the long spiritual +travail which he has himself described in the <i>Munqidh mina +’l-Ḍalál</i>, or 'Deliverer from Error.'<a name="FNanchor_719" id="FNanchor_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">719</a> We must now attempt +to give the reader some notion of this work, both on account of +its singular psychological interest and because Ghazálí's search +for religious truth exercised, as will shortly appear, a profound +and momentous influence upon the future history of Muḥammadan +thought. It begins with these words:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. Praise +be to God by the praise of whom every written or spoken discourse +<span class="sidenote"> Ghazálí's +autobiography.</span> +is opened! And blessings on Muḥammad, the Elect, +the Prophet and Apostle, as well as on his family and +his companions who lead us forth from error! To +proceed: You have asked me, O my brother in religion, to explain +to you the hidden meanings and the ultimate goal of the sciences, +and the secret bane of the different doctrines, and their inmost +depths. You wish me to relate all that I have endured in seeking +to recover the truth from amidst the confusion of sects with diverse +ways and paths, and how I have dared to raise myself from the +abyss of blind belief in authority to the height of discernment. You +desire to know what benefits I have derived in the first place from +Scholastic Theology, and what I have appropriated, in the second + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_381" id="Page_381" href="#"><span><i>GHAZÁLÍ</i></span>381</a></span> + +place, from the methods of the Ta‘límites<a name="FNanchor_720" id="FNanchor_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">720</a> who think that truth can +be attained only by submission to the authority of an Imám; and +thirdly, my reasons for spurning the systems of philosophy; and, +lastly, why I have accepted the tenets of Ṣúfiism: you are anxious, +in short, that I should impart to you the essential truths which I +have learned in my repeated examination of the (religious) opinions +of mankind."</p></div> + +<p>In a very interesting passage, which has been translated by +Professor Browne, Ghazálí tells how from his youth upward he +was possessed with an intense thirst for knowledge, which +impelled him to study every form of religion and philosophy, +and to question all whom he met concerning the nature and +meaning of their belief.<a name="FNanchor_721" id="FNanchor_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">721</a> But when he tried to distinguish +the true from the false, he found no sure test. He could not +trust the evidence of his senses. The eye sees a shadow and +declares it to be without movement; or a star, and deems it +no larger than a piece of gold. If the senses thus deceive, +may not the mind do likewise? Perhaps our life is a dream +full of phantom thoughts which we mistake for realities—until +the awakening comes, either in moments of ecstasy or at +death. "For two months," says Ghazálí, "I was actually, +though not avowedly, a sceptic." Then God gave him light, +so that he regained his mental balance and was able to think +soundly. He resolved that this faculty must guide him to the +truth, since blind faith once lost never returns. Accordingly, +he set himself to examine the foundations of belief in four +classes of men who were devoted to the search for truth, +namely, Scholastic Theologians, Ismá‘ílís (<i>Bátiniyya</i>), Philosophers, +and Ṣúfís. For a long while he had to be content +with wholly negative results. Scholasticism was, he admitted, +an excellent purge against heresy, but it could not cure the +disease from which he was suffering. As for the philosophers, +all of them—Materialists (<i>Dahriyyún</i>), Naturalists (<i>Ṭabí‘iyyún</i>), + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_382" id="Page_382" href="#"><span><i>ORTHODOXY AND FREE-THOUGHT</i></span>382</a></span> + +and Theists (<i>Iláhiyyún</i>)—"are branded with infidelity and +impiety." Here, as often in his discussion of the philosophical +schools, Ghazálí's religious instinct breaks out. We cannot +imagine him worshipping at the shrine of pure reason any +more than we can imagine Herbert Spencer at Lourdes. +He next turned to the Ta‘límites (Doctrinists) or Báṭinites +(Esoterics), who claimed that they knew the truth, and that its +unique source was the infallible Imám. But when he came to +close quarters with these sectaries, he discovered that they +could teach him nothing, and their mysterious Imám vanished +into space. Ṣúfiism, therefore, was his last hope. He carefully +studied the writings of the mystics, and as he read it became +clear to him that now he was on the right path. He saw +that the higher stages of Ṣúfiism could not be learned by +study, but must be realised by actual experience, that is, by +rapture, ecstasy, and moral transformation. After a painful +struggle with himself he resolved to cast aside all his worldly +ambition and to live for God alone. In the month of Dhu +’l-Qa‘da, 488 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> (November, 1095 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), he left Baghdád +and wandered forth to Syria, where he found in the Ṣúfí discipline +of prayer, praise, and meditation the peace which his +soul desired.</p> + +<p>Mr. Duncan B. Macdonald, to whom we owe the best and +fullest life of Ghazálí that has yet been written, sums up his +work and influence in Islam under four heads<a name="FNanchor_722" id="FNanchor_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">722</a>:—</p> + +<p><i>First</i>, he led men back from scholastic labours upon theological +dogmas to living contact with, study and exegesis of, +the Word and the Traditions.</p> + +<p><i>Second</i>, in his preaching and moral exhortations he re-introduced +the element of fear.</p> + +<p><i>Third</i>, it was by his influence that Ṣúfiism attained a firm +and assured position within the Church of Islam.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_383" id="Page_383" href="#"><span><i>GHAZÁLÍ</i></span>383</a></span> + +<i>Fourth</i>, he brought philosophy and philosophical theology +within the range of the ordinary mind.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Of these four phases of al-Ghazzālī's work," says Macdonald, "the +first and third are undoubtedly the most important. He made his +<span class="sidenote"> Ghazálí's work +and influence.</span> +mark by leading Islam back to its fundamental and historical +facts, and by giving a place in its system to the +emotional religious life. But it will have been noticed +that in none of the four phases was he a pioneer. He was not a +scholar who struck out a new path, but a man of intense personality +who entered on a path already trodden and made it the common +highway. We have here his character. Other men may have +been keener logicians, more learned theologians, more gifted +saints; but he, through his personal experiences, had attained so +overpowering a sense of the divine realities that the force of his +character—once combative and restless, now narrowed and intense—swept +all before it, and the Church of Islam entered on a new era +of its existence."</p></div> + +<p>III. We have traced the history of Mysticism in Islam from +the ascetic movement of the first century, in which it originated, +<span class="sidenote">Ṣúfiism in the +‘Abbásid period.</span> +to a point where it begins to pass beyond the +sphere of Muḥammadan influence and to enter +on a strange track, of which the Prophet assuredly +never dreamed, although the Ṣúfís constantly pretend that they +alone are his true followers. I do not think it can be maintained +that Ṣúfiism of the theosophical and speculative type, +which we have now to consider, is merely a development of the +older asceticism and quietism which have been described in a +former chapter. The difference between them is essential and +must be attributed in part, as Von Kremer saw,<a name="FNanchor_723" id="FNanchor_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">723</a> to the intrusion +of some extraneous, non-Islamic, element. As to the nature of +this new element there are several conflicting theories, which +have been so clearly and fully stated by Professor Browne in +his <i>Literary History of Persia</i> (vol. i, p. 418 sqq.) that I need +not dwell upon them here. Briefly it is claimed—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_384" id="Page_384" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>384</a></span></p> + +<p class="indent3">(<i>a</i>) That Ṣúfiism owes its inspiration to Indian philosophy, +and especially to the Vedanta.</p> + +<p class="indent3">(<i>b</i>) That the most characteristic ideas in Ṣúfiism are of +Persian origin.</p> + +<p class="indent3">(<i>c</i>) That these ideas are derived from Neo-platonism.</p> + +<p>Instead of arguing for or against any of the above theories, +all of which, in my opinion, contain a measure of truth, I +propose in the following pages to sketch the historical evolution +of the Ṣúfí doctrine as far as the materials at my disposal will +permit. This, it seems to me, is the only possible method by +which we may hope to arrive at a definite conclusion as to its +origin. Since mysticism in all ages and countries is fundamentally +the same, however it may be modified by its peculiar +environment, and by the positive religion to which it clings +for support, we find remote and unrelated systems showing +an extraordinarily close likeness and even coinciding in many +features of verbal expression. Such resemblances can prove +little or nothing unless they are corroborated by evidence +based on historical grounds. Many writers on Ṣúfiism have +disregarded this principle; hence the confusion which long +prevailed. The first step in the right direction was made by +Adalbert Merx,<a name="FNanchor_724" id="FNanchor_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">724</a> who derived valuable results from a chronological +examination of the sayings of the early Ṣúfís. He did +not, however, carry his researches beyond Abú Sulaymán +al-Dárání († 830 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), and confined his attention almost +entirely to the doctrine, which, according to my view, should +be studied in connection with the lives, character, and nationality +of the men who taught it.<a name="FNanchor_725" id="FNanchor_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">725</a> No doubt the origin and +growth of mysticism in Islam, as in all other religions, <i>ultimately</i> +depended on general causes and conditions, not on external +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_385" id="Page_385" href="#"><span><i>PRINCIPLES OF INVESTIGATION</i></span>385</a></span> +circumstances. For example, the political anarchy of the +Umayyad period, the sceptical tendencies of the early ‘Abbásid +age, and particularly the dry formalism of Moslem +theology could not fail to provoke counter-movements towards +quietism, spiritual authority, and emotional faith. But although +Ṣúfiism was not called into being by any impulse from without +(this is too obvious to require argument), the influences of +which I am about to speak have largely contributed to make +it what it is, and have coloured it so deeply that no student of +the history of Ṣúfiism can afford to neglect them.</p> + +<p>Towards the end of the eighth century of our era the +influence of new ideas is discernible in the sayings of Ma‘rúf +<span class="sidenote">Ma‘rúf al-Karkhí +(† 815 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +al-Karkhí († 815 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a contemporary of Fuḍayl +b. ‘Iyáḍ and Shaqíq of Balkh. He was born in +the neighbourhood of Wásiṭ, one of the great +cities of Mesopotamia, and the name of his father, Fírúz, or +Fírúzán, shows that he had Persian blood in his veins. Ma‘rút +was a client (<i>mawlá</i>) of the Shí‘ite Imám, ‘Alí b. Músá +al-Riḍá, in whose presence he made profession of Islam; for he +had been brought up as a Christian (such is the usual account), +or, possibly, as a Ṣábian. He lived during the reign of Hárún +al-Rashíd in the Karkh quarter of Baghdád, where he gained +a high reputation for saintliness, so that his tomb in that +city is still an object of veneration. He is described as a +God-intoxicated man, but in this respect he is not to be +compared with many who came after him. Nevertheless, he +deserves to stand at the head of the mystical as opposed to the +ascetic school of Ṣúfís. He defined Ṣúfiism as "the apprehension +of Divine realities and renunciation of human possessions."<a name="FNanchor_726" id="FNanchor_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">726</a> +Here are a few of his sayings:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="indent5">"Love is not to be learned from men; it is one of God's gifts and +comes of His grace.</p> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_386" id="Page_386" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>386</a></span> + +<p class="indent5">"The Saints of God are known by three signs: their thought is of +God, their dwelling is with God, and their business is in God.</p> + +<p class="indent5">"If the gnostic (<i>‘árif</i>) has no bliss, yet he himself is in every bliss.</p> + +<p class="indent5">"When you desire anything of God, swear to Him by me."</p></div> + +<p>From these last words, which Ma‘rúf addressed to his pupil +Sarí al-Saqaṭí, it is manifest that he regarded himself as being +in the most intimate communion with God.</p> + +<p>Abú Sulaymán († 830 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), the next great name in the +Ṣúfí biographies, was also a native of Wásiṭ, but afterwards +emigrated to Syria and settled at Dárayá (near <span class="sidenote">Abú Sulaymán +al-Dárání +(† 830 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Damascus), whence he is called 'al-Dárání.' He +developed the doctrine of gnosis (<i>ma‘rifat</i>). Those +who are familiar with the language of European mystics—<i>illuminatio</i>, +<i>oculus cordis</i>, &c.—will easily interpret such sayings +as these:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="indent5">"None refrains from the lusts of this world save him in whose +heart there is a light that keeps him always busied with the next +world.</p> + +<p class="indent5">"When the gnostic's spiritual eye is opened, his bodily eye is shut: +they see nothing but Him.</p> + +<p class="indent5">"If Gnosis were to take visible form, all that looked thereon would +die at the sight of its beauty and loveliness and goodness and grace, +and every brightness would become dark beside the splendour +thereof.<a name="FNanchor_727" id="FNanchor_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">727</a></p> + +<p class="indent5">"Gnosis is nearer to silence than to speech."</p></div> + +<p>We now come to Dhu ’l-Nún al-Misrí († 860 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), whom +the Ṣúfís themselves consider to be the primary author of their +<span class="sidenote">Dhu ’l-Nún +al-Misrí +(† 860 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_728" id="FNanchor_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">728</a> That he at all events was among the +first of those who helped to give it permanent +shape is a fact which is amply attested by the +collection of his sayings preserved in ‘Aṭṭár's <i>Memoirs of the</i> +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_387" id="Page_387" href="#"><span><i>DHU ’L-NÚN AL-MIṢRÍ</i></span>387</a></span> +<i>Saints</i> and in other works of the same kind.<a name="FNanchor_729" id="FNanchor_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">729</a> It is clear that +the theory of gnosis, with which he deals at great length, was +the central point in his system; and he seems to have introduced +the doctrine that true knowledge of God is attained only +by means of ecstasy (<i>wajd</i>). "The man that knows God +best," he said, "is the one most lost in Him." Like Dionysius, +he refused to make any positive statements about the Deity. +"Whatever you imagine, God is the contrary of that." +Divine love he regarded as an ineffable mystery which must +not be revealed to the profane. All this is the very essence +of the later Ṣúfiism. It is therefore desirable to ascertain the +real character of Dhu ’l-Nún and the influences to which he +was subjected. The following account gives a brief summary +of what I have been able to discover; fuller details will be found +in the article mentioned above.</p> + +<p>His name was Abu ’l-Fayḍ Thawbán b. Ibráhím, Dhu +’l-Nún (He of the Fish) being a sobriquet referring to one +of his miracles, and his father was a native of Nubia, or of +Ikhmím in Upper Egypt. Ibn Khallikán describes Dhu +’l-Nún as 'the nonpareil of his age' for learning, devotion, +communion with the Divinity (<i>ḥál</i>), and acquaintance with +literature (<i>adab</i>); adding that he was a philosopher (<i>ḥakím</i>) +and spoke Arabic with elegance. The people of Egypt, +among whom he lived, looked upon him as a <i>zindíq</i> (freethinker), +and he was brought to Baghdád to answer this +charge, but after his death he was canonised. In the <i>Fihrist</i> +he appears among "the philosophers who discoursed on +alchemy," and Ibnu ’l-Qifṭí brackets him with the famous +occultist Jábir b. Ḥayyán. He used to wander (as we learn +from Mas‘údí)<a name="FNanchor_730" id="FNanchor_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">730</a> amidst the ruined Egyptian monuments, +studying the inscriptions and endeavouring to decipher the +mysterious figures which were thought to hold the key to the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_388" id="Page_388" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>388</a></span> +lost sciences of antiquity. He also dabbled in medicine, which, +like Paracelsus, he combined with alchemy and magic.</p> + +<p>Let us see what light these facts throw upon the origin of +the Ṣúfí theosophy. Did it come to Egypt from India, Persia, +or Greece?</p> + +<p>Considering the time, place, and circumstances in which it +arose, and having regard to the character of the man who +<span class="sidenote"> The origin of +theosophical +Ṣúfiism.</span> +bore a chief part in its development, we cannot +hesitate, I think, to assert that it is largely a +product of Greek speculation. Ma‘rúf al-Karkhí, +Abú Sulaymán al-Dárání, and Dhu ’l-Nún al-Miṣrí all three +lived and died in the period (786-861 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) which begins with +the accession of Hárún al-Rashíd and is terminated by the +death of Mutawakkil. During these seventy-five years the +stream of Hellenic culture flowed unceasingly into the Moslem +world. Innumerable works of Greek philosophers, physicians, +and scientists were translated and eagerly studied. Thus the +Greeks became the teachers of the Arabs, and the wisdom of +ancient Greece formed, as has been shown in a preceding +chapter, the basis of Muḥammadan science and philosophy. +The results are visible in the Mu‘tazilite rationalism as well as +in the system of the <i>Ikhwánu ’l-Ṣafá</i>. But it was not through +literature alone that the Moslems were imbued with Hellenism. +In ‘Iráq, Syria, and Egypt they found themselves on its native +soil, which yielded, we may be sure, a plentiful harvest of ideas—Neo-platonic, +Gnostical, Christian, mystical, pantheistic, and +what not? In Mesopotamia, the heart of the ‘Abbásid Empire, +dwelt a strange people, who were really Syrian heathens, but +who towards the beginning of the ninth century assumed the +name of Ṣábians in order to protect themselves from the persecution +with which they were threatened by the Caliph +Ma’mún. At this time, indeed, many of them accepted +Islam or Christianity, but the majority clung to their old +pagan beliefs, while the educated class continued to profess a +religious philosophy which, as it is described by Shahrastání and +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_389" id="Page_389" href="#"><span><i>ORIGIN OF ṢÚFÍ THEOSOPHY</i></span>389</a></span> +other Muḥammadan writers, is simply the Neo-platonism of +Proclus and Iamblichus. To return to Dhu ’l-Nún, it is +incredible that a mystic and natural philosopher living in the +first half of the ninth century in Egypt should have derived his +doctrine directly from India. There may be Indian elements +in Neo-platonism and Gnosticism, but this possibility does not +affect my contention that the immediate source of the Ṣúfí +theosophy is to be sought in Greek and Syrian speculation. +To define its origin more narrowly is not, I think, practicable +in the present state of our knowledge. Merx, however, would +trace it to Dionysius, the Pseudo-Areopagite, or rather to his +master, a certain "Hierotheus," whom Frothingham has +identified with the Syrian mystic, Stephen bar Sudaili (<i>circa</i> +500 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). Dionysius was of course a Christian Neo-platonist. +His works certainly laid the foundations of mediæval mysticism +in Europe, and they were also popular in the East at the time +when Ṣúfiism arose.</p> + +<p>When speaking of the various current theories as to the +origin of Ṣúfiism, I said that in my opinion they all contained +<span class="sidenote"> Ṣúfiism composed +of many +different +elements.</span> +a measure of truth. No single cause will account +for a phenomenon so widely spread and so diverse +in its manifestations. Ṣúfiism has always been +thoroughly eclectic, absorbing and transmuting +whatever 'broken lights' fell across its path, and consequently +it gained adherents amongst men of the most opposite views—theists +and pantheists, Mu‘tazilites and Scholastics, philosophers +and divines. We have seen what it owed to Greece, but the +Perso-Indian elements are not to be ignored. Although the +theory "that it must be regarded as the reaction of the Aryan +mind against a Semitic religion imposed on it by force" +is inadmissible—Dhu ’l-Nún, for example, was a Copt or +Nubian—the fact remains that there was at the time a powerful +anti-Semitic reaction, which expressed itself, more or less +consciously, in Ṣúfís of Persian race. Again, the literary influence +of India upon Muḥammadan thought before 1000 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_390" id="Page_390" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>390</a></span> +was greatly inferior to that of Greece, as any one can see +by turning over the pages of the <i>Fihrist</i>; but Indian religious +ideas must have penetrated into Khurásán and Eastern Persia +at a much earlier period.</p> + +<p>These considerations show that the question as to the origin +of Ṣúfiism cannot be answered in a definite and exclusive way. +None of the rival theories is completely true, nor is any of +them without a partial justification. The following words of +Dr. Goldziher should be borne in mind by all who are +interested in this subject:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Ṣúfiism cannot be looked upon as a regularly organised sect within +Islam. Its dogmas cannot be compiled into a regular system. It +<span class="sidenote"> Goldziher on the +character of +Ṣúfiism.</span> +manifests itself in different shapes in different +countries. We find divergent tendencies, according +to the spirit of the teaching of distinguished theosophists +who were founders of different schools, the followers of +which may be compared to Christian monastic orders. The influence +of different environments naturally affected the development +of Ṣúfiism. Here we find mysticism, there asceticism the prevailing +thought."<a name="FNanchor_731" id="FNanchor_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">731</a></p></div> + +<p>The four principal foreign sources of Ṣúfiism are undoubtedly +Christianity, Neo-platonism, Gnosticism, and Indian asceticism +and religious philosophy. I shall not attempt in this place to +estimate their comparative importance, but it should be clearly +understood that the speculative and theosophical side of Ṣúfiism, +which, as we have seen, was first elaborated in ‘Iráq, Syria, and +Egypt, bears unmistakable signs of Hellenistic influence.</p> + +<p class="tb">The early Ṣúfís are particularly interested in the theory of +mystical union (<i>faná wa-baqá</i>) and often use expressions which +it is easy to associate with pantheism, yet none of them can fairly +be called a pantheist in the true sense. The step from theosophy + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_391" id="Page_391" href="#"><span><i>BÁYAZÍD OF BISṬÁM</i></span>391</a></span> + +to pantheism was not, I think, made either by Ḥalláj († 922 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) +or by the celebrated Abú Yazíd, in Persian Báyazíd († 874-75 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), of Bisṭám, a town in the province of Qúmis situated +near the south-eastern corner of the Caspian Sea. <span class="sidenote"> Báyazíd of +Bisṭám.</span> +While his father, Surúshán, was a Zoroastrian, +his master in Ṣúfiism seems to have been connected +with Sind (Scinde), where Moslem governors had been installed +since 715 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Báyazíd carried the experimental doctrine of +<i>faná</i> (dying to self) to its utmost limit, and his language is +tinged with the peculiar poetic imagery which was afterwards +developed by the great Ṣúfí of Khurásán, Abú Sa‘íd b. Abi +’l-Khayr († 1049 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). I can give only a few specimens of +his sayings. Their genuineness is not above suspicion, but they +serve to show that if the theosophical basis of Ṣúfiism is distinctively +Greek, its mystical extravagances are no less distinctively +Oriental.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Creatures are subject to 'states' (<i>aḥwál</i>), but the gnostic has no +'state,' because his vestiges are effaced and his essence is annihilated +by the essence of another, and his traces are lost in another's traces.</p> + +<p>"I went from God to God until they cried from me in me, 'O +Thou I!'</p> + +<p>"Nothing is better for Man than to be without aught, having no +asceticism, no theory, no practice. When he is without all, he is +with all.</p> + +<p>"Verily I am God, there is no God except me, so worship me!</p> + +<p>"Glory to me! how great is my majesty!</p> + +<p>"I came forth from Báyazíd-ness as a snake from its skin. Then +I looked. I saw that lover, beloved, and love are one, for in the +world of unification all can be one.</p> + +<p>"I am the wine-drinker and the wine and the cup-bearer."</p></div> + +<p>Thus, in the course of a century, Ṣúfiism, which at first +was little more than asceticism, became in succession mystical +and theosophical, and even ran the risk of being confused with +pantheism. Henceforward the term <i>Taṣawwuf</i> unites all these +varying shades. As a rule, however, the great Ṣúfís of the +third century <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> (815-912 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) keep their antinomian +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_392" id="Page_392" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>392</a></span> +enthusiasm under control. Most of them agreed with Junayd +of Baghdád († 909 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), the leading theosophist of his time, +in preferring "the path of sobriety," and in seeking to reconcile +the Law (<i>sharí‘at</i>) with the Truth (<i>ḥaqíqat</i>). "Our +principles," said Sahl b. ‘Abdulláh al-Tustarí († 896 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +"are six: to hold fast by the Book of God, to model ourselves +upon the Apostle (Muḥammad), to eat only what is lawful, +to refrain from hurting people even though they hurt us, to +avoid forbidden things, and to fulfil obligations without delay." +To these articles the strictest Moslem might cheerfully subscribe. +Ṣúfiism in its ascetic, moral, and devotional aspects +was a spiritualised Islam, though it was a very different thing +essentially. While doing lip-service to the established religion, +it modified the dogmas of Islam in such a way as to deprive +them of their original significance. Thus Allah, the God of +mercy and wrath, was in a certain sense depersonalised and +worshipped as the One absolutely Real (<i>al-Ḥaqq</i>). Here the +Ṣúfís betray their kinship with the Mu‘tazilites, but the two +sects have little in common except the Greek philosophy.<a name="FNanchor_732" id="FNanchor_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">732</a> +It must never be forgotten that Ṣúfiism was the expression of +a profound religious feeling—"hatred of the world and love +of the Lord."<a name="FNanchor_733" id="FNanchor_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">733</a> "<i>Taṣawwuf</i>," said Junayd, "is this: that God +should make thee die to thyself and should make thee live +in Him."</p> + +<p>The further development of Ṣúfiism may be indicated in a +few words.</p> + +<p>What was at first a form of religion adopted by individuals +and communicated to a small circle of companions gradually +became a monastic system, a school for saints, with rules +of discipline and devotion which the novice (<i>muríd</i>) learned +from his spiritual director (<i>pír</i> or <i>ustádh</i>), to whose guidance he +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_393" id="Page_393" href="#"><span><i>DEVELOPMENT OF ṢÚFIISM</i></span>393</a></span> +submitted himself absolutely. Already in the third century after +Muḥammad it is increasingly evident that the typical Ṣúfí adept +of the future will no longer be a solitary ascetic <span class="sidenote"> The development +of Ṣúfiism.</span> +shunning the sight of men, but a great Shaykh and +hierophant, who appears on ceremonial occasions +attended by a numerous train of admiring disciples. Soon the +doctrine began to be collected and embodied in books. Some +of the most notable Arabic works of reference on Ṣúfiism have +been mentioned already. Among the oldest are the <i>Kitábu +’l-Luma‘</i>, by Abú Naṣr al-Sarráj († 988 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and the <i>Qútu +’l-Qulúb</i> by Abú Ṭálib al-Makkí († 996 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). The twelfth +century saw the rise of the Dervish Orders. ‘Adí al-Hakkárí +(† 1163 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and ‘Abdu ’l-Qádir al-Jílí († 1166 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) founded +the fraternities which are called ‘Adawís and Qádirís, after +their respective heads. These were followed in rapid succession +by the Rifá‘ís, the Shádhilís, and the Mevlevís, of whom +the last named owe their origin to the Persian poet and mystic, +Jalálu ’l-Dín Rúmí († 1273 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). By this time, mainly +through the influence of Ghazálí, Ṣúfiism had won for itself a +secure and recognised position in the Muḥammadan Church. +Orthodoxy was forced to accept the popular Saint-worship and +to admit the miracles of the <i>Awliyá</i>, although many Moslem +puritans raised their voices against the superstitious veneration +which was paid to the tombs of holy men, and against the +prayers, sacrifices, and oblations offered by the pilgrims who +assembled. Ghazálí also gave the Ṣúfí doctrine a metaphysical +basis. For this purpose he availed himself of the terminology, +which Fárábí (also a Ṣúfí) and Avicenna had already borrowed +from the Neo-platonists. From his time forward we find in +Ṣúfí writings constant allusions to the Plotinian theories of +emanation and ecstasy.</p> + +<p class="tb">Mysticism was more congenial to the Persians than to the +Arabs, and its influence on Arabic literature is not to be +compared with the extraordinary spell which it has cast +over the Persian mind since the eleventh century of the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_394" id="Page_394" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>394</a></span> + +Christian era to the present day. With few exceptions, the +great poets of Persia (and, we may add, of Turkey) speak the +allegorical language and use the fantastic imagery of which +the quatrains of the Persian Ṣúfí, Abú Sa‘íd b. Abi ’l-Khayr,<a name="FNanchor_734" id="FNanchor_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">734</a> +afford almost the first literary example. The Arabs have only +one mystical poet worthy to stand beside the Persian masters. +This is Sharafu ’l-Dín ‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ, who <span class="sidenote">‘Umar Ibnu +’l-Fáriḍ.</span> +was born in Cairo (1181 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and died there in +1235. His <i>Díwán</i> was edited by his grandson +‘Alí, and the following particulars regarding the poet's life +are extracted from the biographical notice prefixed to this +edition<a name="FNanchor_735" id="FNanchor_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">735</a>:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The Shaykh ‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ was of middle stature; his face +was fair and comely, with a mingling of visible redness; and +when he was under the influence of music (<i>samá‘</i>) and rapture +(<i>wajd</i>), and overcome by ecstasy, it grew in beauty and brilliancy, +and sweat dropped from his body until it ran on the +ground under his feet. I never saw (so his son relates) +among Arabs or foreigners a figure equal in beauty to his, and +I am the likest of all men to him in form.... And when he +walked in the city, the people used to press round him asking his +blessing and trying to kiss his hand, but he would not allow anyone +to do so, but put his hand in theirs.... ‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ said: +'In the beginning of my detachment (<i>tajríd</i>) from the world I used +to beg permission of my father and go up to the Wádi ’l-Mustaḍ‘afín +on the second mountain of al-Muqaṭṭam. Thither I would resort +and continue in this hermit life (<i>síyáḥa</i>) night and day; then I would +return to my father, as bound in duty to cherish his affection. My +father was at that time Lieutenant of the High Court (<i>khalífatu +’l-ḥukmi ’l-‘azíz</i>) in Qáhira and Miṣr,<a name="FNanchor_736" id="FNanchor_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">736</a> the two guarded cities, and was +one of the men most eminent for learning and affairs. He was +wont to be glad when I returned, and he frequently let me sit with +him in the chambers of the court and in the colleges of law. Then +I would long for "detachment," and beg leave to return to the life of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_395" id="Page_395" href="#"><span><i>‘UMAR IBNU ’L-FÁRIḌ</i></span>395</a></span> + +a wandering devotee, and thus I was doing repeatedly, until my +father was asked to fill the office of Chief Justice (<i>Qáḍi ’l-Quḍát</i>), but +refused, and laid down the post which he held, and retired from +society, and gave himself entirely to God in the preaching-hall +(<i>qá‘atu ’l-khiṭába</i>) of the Mosque al-Azhar. After his death I +resumed my former detachment, and solitary devotion, and travel +in the way of Truth, but no revelation was vouchsafed to me. One +day I came to Cairo and entered the Sayfiyya College. At the gate +I found an old grocer performing an ablution which was not +prescribed. First he washed his hands, then his feet; then he wiped +his head and washed his face. "O Shaykh," I said to him, "do you, +after all these years, stand beside the gate of the college among the +Moslem divines and perform an irregular ablution?" He looked at +me and said, "O ‘Umar, nothing will be vouchsafed to thee in Egypt, +but only in the Ḥijáz, at Mecca (may God exalt it!); set out thither, +for the time of thy illumination hath come." Then I knew that the +man was one of God's saints and that he was disguising himself by +his manner of livelihood and by pretending to be ignorant of the +irregularity of the ablution. I seated myself before him and said +to him, "O my master, how far am I from Mecca! and I cannot find +convoy or companions save in the months of Pilgrimage." He looked +at me and pointed with his hand and said, "Here is Mecca in front +of thee"; and as I looked with him, I saw Mecca (may God exalt +it!); and bidding him farewell, I set off to seek it, and it was always +in front of me until I entered it. At that moment illumination came +to me and continued without any interruption.... I abode in a +valley which was distant from Mecca ten days' journey for a hard +rider, and every day and night I would come forth to pray the five +prayers in the exalted Sanctuary, and with me was a wild beast of +huge size which accompanied me in my going and returning, and +knelt to me as a camel kneels, and said, "Mount, O my master," but +I never did so.'"</p></div> + +<p>When fifteen years had elapsed, ‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ +returned to Cairo. The people venerated him as a saint, +and the reigning monarch, Malik al-Kámil, wished to visit +him in person, but ‘Umar declined to see him, and rejected his +bounty. "At most times," says the poet's son, "the Shaykh +was in a state of bewilderment, and his eyes stared fixedly. +He neither heard nor saw any one speaking to him. Now he +would stand, now sit, now repose on his side, now lie on his + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_396" id="Page_396" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>396</a></span> + +back wrapped up like a dead man; and thus would he pass +ten consecutive days, more or less, neither eating nor drinking +nor speaking nor stirring." In 1231 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> he made the +pilgrimage to Mecca, on which occasion he met his famous +contemporary, Shihábu’ l-Dín Abú Ḥafṣ ‘Umar al-Suhrawardí. +He died four years later, and was buried in the Qaráfa +cemetery at the foot of Mount Muqaṭṭam.</p> + +<p>His <i>Díwán</i> of mystical odes, which were first collected and +published by his grandson, is small in extent compared with +<span class="sidenote">The poetry of +Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ.</span> +similar works in the Persian language, but of no +unusual brevity when regarded as the production +of an Arabian poet.<a name="FNanchor_737" id="FNanchor_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">737</a> Concerning its general +character something has been said above (p. 325). The commentator, +Ḥasan al-Búríní († 1615 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), praises the easy +flow (<i>insijàm</i>) of the versification, and declares that Ibnu +’l-Fáriḍ "is accustomed to play with ideas in ever-changing +forms, and to clothe them with splendid garments."<a name="FNanchor_738" id="FNanchor_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">738</a> His +style, full of verbal subtleties, betrays the influence of +Mutanabbí.<a name="FNanchor_739" id="FNanchor_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">739</a> The longest piece in the <i>Díwán</i> is a Hymn of +Divine Love, entitled <i>Naẓmu ’l-Sulúk</i> ('Poem on the Mystic's +Progress'), and often called <i>al-Tá’iyyatu ’l-Kubrá</i> ('The Greater +Ode rhyming in <i>t</i>'), which has been edited with a German +verse-translation by Hammer-Purgstall (Vienna, 1854). On +account of this poem the author was accused of favouring the +doctrine of <i>ḥulúl</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, the incarnation of God in human beings. +Another celebrated ode is the <i>Khamriyya</i>, or Hymn of Wine.<a name="FNanchor_740" id="FNanchor_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">740</a> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_397" id="Page_397" href="#"><span><i>‘UMAR IBNU ’L-FÁRIḌ</i></span>397</a></span> + +The following versions will perhaps convey to English readers +some faint impression of the fervid rapture and almost ethereal +exaltation which give the poetry of Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ a unique +place in Arabic literature:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Let passion's swelling tide my senses drown!</span><span class="i0"> +Pity love's fuel, this long-smouldering heart,</span><span class="i0"> +Nor answer with a frown,</span><span class="i0"> +When I would fain behold Thee as Thou art,</span><span class="i0"> +'<i>Thou shall not see Me.</i>'<a name="FNanchor_741" id="FNanchor_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">741</a> O my soul, keep fast</span><span class="i0"> +The pledge thou gav'st: endure unfaltering to the last!</span><span class="i0"> +For Love is life, and death in love the Heaven</span><span class="i0"> +Where all sins are forgiven.</span><span class="i0"> +To those before and after and of this day,</span><span class="i0"> +That witnesseth my tribulation, say,</span><span class="i0"> +'By me be taught, me follow, me obey,</span><span class="i0"> +And tell my passion's story thro' wide East and West.'</span><span class="i0"> +With my Beloved I alone have been</span><span class="i0"> +When secrets tenderer than evening airs</span><span class="i0"> +Passed, and the Vision blest</span><span class="i0"> +Was granted to my prayers,</span><span class="i0"> +That crowned me, else obscure, with endless fame,</span><span class="i0"> +The while amazed between</span><span class="i0"> +His beauty and His majesty</span><span class="i0"> +I stood in silent ecstasy,</span><span class="i0"> +Revealing that which o'er my spirit went and came.</span><span class="i0"> +Lo! in His face commingled</span><span class="i0"> +Is every charm and grace;</span><span class="i0"> +The whole of Beauty singled</span><span class="i0"> +Into a perfect face</span><span class="i0"> +Beholding Him would cry,</span><span class="i0"> +'There is no God but He, and He is the most High!'"<a name="FNanchor_742" id="FNanchor_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">742</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Here are the opening verses of the <i>Tá’iyyatu ’l-Ṣughrá</i>, or +'The Lesser Ode rhyming in <i>t</i>,' which is so called in order to +distinguish it from the <i>Tá’iyyatu ’l-Kubrá</i>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Yea, in me the Zephyr kindled longing, O my loves, for you;</span><span class="i0"> +Sweetly breathed the balmy Zephyr, scattering odours when it blew;</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_398" id="Page_398" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>398</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +Whispering to my heart at morning secret tales of those who dwell</span><span class="i0"> +(How my fainting heart it gladdened!) nigh the water and the well;</span><span class="i0"> +Murmuring in the grassy meadows, garmented with gentleness,</span><span class="i0"> +Languid love-sick airs diffusing, healing me of my distress.</span><span class="i0"> +When the green slopes wave before thee, Zephyr, in my loved Ḥijáz,</span><span class="i0"> +Thou, not wine that mads the others, art my rapture's only cause.</span><span class="i0"> +Thou the covenant eternal<a name="FNanchor_743" id="FNanchor_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">743</a> callest back into my mind,</span><span class="i0"> +For but newly thou hast parted from my dear ones, happy Wind!</span><span class="i0"> +Driver of the dun-red camels that amidst acacias bide,</span><span class="i0"> +Soft and sofa-like thy saddle from the long and weary ride!</span><span class="i0"> +Blessings on thee, if descrying far-off Túḍih at noonday,</span><span class="i0"> +Thou wilt cross the desert hollows where the fawns of Wajra play,</span><span class="i0"> +And if from ‘Urayḍ's sand-hillocks bordering on stony ground</span><span class="i0"> +Thou wilt turn aside to Ḥuzwá, driver for Suwayqa bound,</span><span class="i0"> +And Ṭuwayli‘'s willows leaving, if to Sal‘ thou thence wilt ride—</span><span class="i0"> +Ask, I pray thee, of a people dwelling on the mountain-side!</span><span class="i0"> +Halt among the clan I cherish (so may health attend thee still!)</span><span class="i0"> +And deliver there my greeting to the Arabs of the hill.</span><span class="i0"> +For the tents are basking yonder, and in one of them is She</span><span class="i0"> +That bestows the meeting sparely, but the parting lavishly.</span><span class="i0"> +All around her as a rampart edge of sword and point of lance,</span><span class="i0"> +Yet my glances stray towards her when on me she deigns to glance.</span><span class="i0"> +Girt about with double raiment—soul and heart of mine, no less—</span><span class="i0"> +She is guarded from beholders, veiled by her unveiledness.</span><span class="i0"> +Death to me, in giving loose to my desire, she destineth;</span><span class="i0"> +Ah, how goodly seems the bargain, and how cheap is Love for Death!<a name="FNanchor_744" id="FNanchor_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">744</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ came of pure Arab stock, and his poetry +is thoroughly Arabian both in form and spirit. This is not + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_399" id="Page_399" href="#"><span><i>MUḤYI ’L-DÍN IBNU ’L-‘ARABÍ</i></span>399</a></span> + +the place to speak of the great Persian Ṣúfís, but Ḥusayn b. +Manṣúr al-Ḥalláj, who was executed in the Caliphate of +Muqtadir (922 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), could not have been omitted here but +for the fact that Professor Browne has already given an admirable +account of him, to which I am unable to add anything +of importance.<a name="FNanchor_745" id="FNanchor_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">745</a> The Arabs, however, have contributed to the +history of Ṣúfiism another memorable name—Muḥyi’l-Dín Ibnu +’l-‘Arabí, whose life falls within the final century of the ‘Abbásid +period, and will therefore fitly conclude the present chapter.<a name="FNanchor_746" id="FNanchor_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">746</a></p> + +<p>Muḥyi ’l-Dín Muḥammad b. ‘Alí Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí (or Ibn +‘Arabí)<a name="FNanchor_747" id="FNanchor_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">747</a> was born at Mursiya (Murcia) in Spain on the 17th +<span class="sidenote">Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí.</span> +of Ramaḍán, 560 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = July 29, 1165 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> +From 1173 to 1202 he resided in Seville. He +then set out for the East, travelling by way of Egypt to the +Ḥijáz, where he stayed a long time, and after visiting Baghdád, +Mosul, and Asia Minor, finally settled at Damascus, in which +city he died (638 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 1240 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). His tomb below Mount +Qásiyún was thought to be "a piece of the gardens of Paradise," +and was called the Philosophers' Stone.<a name="FNanchor_748" id="FNanchor_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">748</a> It is now enclosed +in a mosque which bears the name of Muḥyi ’l-Dín, and a +cupola rises over it.<a name="FNanchor_749" id="FNanchor_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">749</a> We know little concerning the events +of his life, which seems to have been passed chiefly in travel +and conversation with Ṣúfís and in the composition of his +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_400" id="Page_400" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>400</a></span> +voluminous writings, about three hundred in number according +to his own computation. Two of these works are +especially celebrated, and have caused Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí to be +regarded as the greatest of all Muḥammadan mystics—the +<i>Futúḥát al-Makkiyya</i>, or 'Meccan Revelations,' and the +<i>Fuṣúṣú ’l-Ḥikam</i>, or 'Bezels of Philosophy.' The <i>Futúḥát</i> is +a huge treatise in five hundred and sixty chapters, containing a +complete system of mystical science. The author relates that +he saw Muḥammad in the World of Real Ideas, seated on a +throne amidst angels, prophets, and saints, and received his +command to discourse on the Divine mysteries. At another +time, while circumambulating the Ka‘ba, he met a celestial +spirit wearing the form of a youth engaged in the same holy +rite, who showed him the living esoteric Temple which is +concealed under the lifeless exterior, even as the eternal +substance of the Divine Ideas is hidden by the veils of popular +religion—veils through which the lofty mind must penetrate, +until, having reached the splendour within, it partakes of the +Divine nature and beholds what no mortal eye can endure +to look upon. Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí immediately fell into a swoon. +When he came to himself he was instructed to contemplate +the visionary form and to write down the mysteries which it +would reveal to his gaze. Then the youth entered the Ka‘ba +with Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí, and resuming his spiritual aspect, appeared +to him on a three-legged steed, breathed into his breast the +knowledge of all things, and once more bade him describe the +heavenly form in which all mysteries are enshrined.<a name="FNanchor_750" id="FNanchor_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">750</a> Such is +the reputed origin of the 'Meccan Revelations,' of which the +greater portion was written in the town where inspiration +descended on Muḥammad six hundred years before. The +author believed, or pretended to believe, that every word +of them was dictated to him by supernatural means. The + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_401" id="Page_401" href="#"><span><i>MUḤYI ’L-DÍN IBNU ’L-‘ARABÍ</i></span>401</a></span> + +<i>Fúṣúṣ</i>, a short work in twenty-seven chapters, each of which +is named after one of the prophets, is no less highly esteemed, +and has been the subject of numerous commentaries in Arabic, +Persian, and Turkish.</p> + +<p>Curiously enough, Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí combined the most extravagant +mysticism with the straitest orthodoxy. "He was a +Ẓáhirite (literalist) in religion and a Báṭinite (spiritualist) in his +speculative beliefs."<a name="FNanchor_751" id="FNanchor_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751" class="fnanchor">751</a> He rejected all authority (<i>taqlíd</i>). "I am +not one of those who say, 'Ibn Ḥazm said so-and-so, Aḥmad<a name="FNanchor_752" id="FNanchor_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">752</a> +said so-and-so, al-Nu‘mán<a name="FNanchor_753" id="FNanchor_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">753</a> said so-and-so,'" he declares in one +of his poems. But although he insisted on punctilious adherence +to the letter of the sacred law, we may suspect that his +refusal to follow any human authority, analogy, or opinion +was simply the overweening presumption of the seer who +regards himself as divinely illuminated and infallible. Many +theologians were scandalised by the apparently blasphemous +expressions which occur in his writings, and taxed him +with holding heretical doctrines, <i>e.g.</i>, the incarnation of God +in man (<i>ḥulúl</i>) and the identification of man with God +(<i>ittiḥád</i>). Centuries passed, but controversy continued to +rage over him. He found numerous and enthusiastic partisans, +who urged that the utterances of the saints must not be interpreted +literally nor criticised at all. It was recognised, however, +that such high mysteries were unsuitable for the weaker +brethren, so that many even of those who firmly believed in +his sanctity discouraged the reading of his books. They were +read nevertheless, publicly and privately, from one end of the +Muḥammadan world to the other; people copied them for the +sake of obtaining the author's blessing, and the manuscripts +were eagerly bought. Among the distinguished men who +wrote in his defence we can mention here only Majdu ’l-Dín +al-Fírúzábádí († 1414 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), the author of the great Arabic +lexicon entitled <i>al-Qámús</i>; Jalálu ’l-Dín al-Suyúṭí († 1445 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); +and ‘Abdu ’l-Wahháb al-Sha‘rání († 1565 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). The fundamental + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_402" id="Page_402" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>402</a></span> + +principle of his system is the Unity of Being (<i>waḥdatu +’l-wujúd</i>). There is no real difference between the Essence +and its attributes or, in other words, between God and the +universe. All created things subsist eternally as ideas (<i>a‘yán +thábita</i>) in the knowledge of God, and since being is identical +with knowledge, their "creation" only means His knowing +them, or Himself, under the aspect of actuality; the universe, +in fact, is the concrete sum of the relations of the Essence as +subject to itself as object. This pantheistic monism puts on +an Islamic mask in the doctrine of "the Perfect Man" (<i>al-Insán +al-Kámil</i>), a phrase which Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí was the first to +associate with it. The Divine consciousness, evolving through +a series of five planes (<i>ḥaḍarát</i>), attains to complete expression +in Man, the microcosmic being who unites the creative and +creaturely attributes of the Essence and is at once <span class="sidenote"> The doctrine of +the Perfect Man.</span> +the image of God and the archetype of the universe. +Only through him does God know Himself and +make Himself known; he is the eye of the world whereby God +sees His own works. The daring paradoxes of Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí's +dialectic are illustrated by such verses as these:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +He praises me (by manifesting my perfections and creating me in His form),</span><span class="i0"> +And I praise Him (by manifesting His perfections and obeying Him).</span><span class="i0"> +How can He be independent when I help and aid Him? (because the Divine attributes derive the possibility of manifestation from their human correlates).</span><span class="i0"> +For that cause God brought me into existence,</span><span class="i0"> +And I know Him and bring Him into existence (in my knowledge and contemplation of Him).<a name="FNanchor_754" id="FNanchor_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">754</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Thus it is the primary function of Man to reveal and realise +his Divine nature; and the Perfect Men, regarded individually, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_403" id="Page_403" href="#"><span><i>MUḤYI ’L-DÍN IBNU ’L-‘ARABÍ</i></span>403</a></span> + +are the prophets and saints. Here the doctrine—an amalgam +of Manichæan, Gnostic, Neo-platonic and Christian speculations—attaches +itself to Muḥammad, "the Seal of the prophets." +According to Moslem belief, the pre-existent Spirit or Light +of Muḥammad (<i>Núr Muḥammadí</i>) became incarnate in Adam +and in the whole series of prophets, of whom Muḥammad is +the last. Muḥammad, then, is the Logos,<a name="FNanchor_755" id="FNanchor_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">755</a> the Mediator, the +Vicegerent of God (<i>Khalífat Allah</i>), the God-Man who has +descended to this earthly sphere to make manifest the glory of +Him who brought the universe into existence.</p> + +<p>But, of course, Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí's philosophy carries him far +beyond the realm of positive religion. If God is the "self" +of all things sensible and intelligible, it follows that He reveals +Himself in every form of belief in a degree proportionate to the +pre-determined capacity of the believer; the mystic alone sees +that He is One in all forms, for the mystic's heart is all-receptive: +it assumes whatever form God reveals Himself in, as wax takes +the impression of the seal.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"My heart is capable of every form,</span><span class="i0"> +A cloister for the monk, a fane for idols,</span><span class="i0"> +A pasture for gazelles, the pilgrim's Ka‘ba,</span><span class="i0"> +The Tables of the Torah, the Koran.</span><span class="i0"> +Love is the faith I hold: wherever turn</span><span class="i0"> +His camels, still the one true faith is mine."<a name="FNanchor_756" id="FNanchor_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">756</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The vast bulk of Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí's writings, his technical and +scholastic terminology, his recondite modes of thought, and the +lack of method in his exposition have, until recently, deterred +European Orientalists from bestowing on him the attention + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_404" id="Page_404" href="#"><span><i>MYSTICISM</i></span>404</a></span> + +which he deserves.<a name="FNanchor_757" id="FNanchor_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">757</a> In the history of Ṣúfiism his name marks +an epoch: it is owing to him that what began as a profoundly +religious personal movement in Islam ends as an eclectic and +definitely pantheistic system of philosophy. The title of "The +Grand Master" (<i>al-Shaykh al-Akbar</i>), by which he is commonly +designated, bears witness to his supremacy in the world of +Moslem mysticism from the Mongol Invasion to the present +day. In Persia and Turkey his influence has been enormous, +and through his pupil, Ṣadru ’l-Dín of Qóniya, he is linked with +the greatest of all Ṣúfí poets, Jalálu ’l-Dín Rúmí, the author of +the <i>Mathnawí</i>, who died some thirty years after him. Nor +did all those who borrowed his ideas call themselves Moslems. +He inspired, amongst other mediæval Christian writers, "the +Illuminated Doctor" Raymond Lull, and probably Dante.<a name="FNanchor_758" id="FNanchor_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">758</a></p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">405</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER IX</h4> + +<h5>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</h5> + +<p>It will be remembered that before the end of the first century +of the Hijra, in the reign of the Umayyad Caliph, Walíd b. +‘Abd al-Malik (705-715 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), the Moslems under Ṭáriq +and Músá b. Nuṣayr, crossed the Mediterranean, and having +defeated Roderic the Goth in a great battle near Cadiz, +rapidly brought the whole of Spain into subjection. The +fate of the new province was long doubtful. The Berber +insurrection which raged in Africa (734-742 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) spread to +Spain and threatened to exterminate the handful of Arab +colonists; and no sooner was this danger past than the +victors began to rekindle the old feuds and jealousies which +they had inherited from their ancestors of Qays and Kalb. +Once more the rival factions of Syria and Yemen flew to +arms, and the land was plunged in anarchy.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán b. Mu‘áwiya, a grandson of +the Caliph Hishám, had escaped from the general massacre +<span class="sidenote">‘Abdu +’l-Raḥmán, the +Umayyad.</span> +with which the ‘Abbásids celebrated their triumph +over the House of Umayya, and after five years +of wandering adventure, accompanied only by +his faithful freedman, Badr, had reached the neighbourhood +of Ceuta, where he found a precarious shelter with the +Berber tribes. Young, ambitious, and full of confidence in +his destiny, ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán conceived the bold plan of +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_406" id="Page_406" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>406</a></span> +throwing himself into Spain and of winning a kingdom +with the help of the Arabs, amongst whom, as he well +knew, there were many clients of his own family. Accordingly +in 755 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> he sent Badr across the sea on a secret +mission. The envoy accomplished even more than was +expected of him. To gain over the clients was easy, for +‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán was their natural chief, and in the event +of his success they would share with him the prize. Their +number, however, was comparatively small. The pretender +could not hope to achieve anything unless he were supported +by one of the great parties, Syrians or Yemenites. At this +time the former, led by the feeble governor, Yúsuf b. +‘Abd al-Raḥmán al-Fihrí, and his cruel but capable lieutenant, +Ṣumayl b. Ḥátim, held the reins of power and were pursuing +their adversaries with ruthless ferocity. The Yemenites, +therefore, hastened to range themselves on the side of ‘Abdu +’l-Raḥmán, not that they loved his cause, but inspired solely +by the prospect of taking a bloody vengeance upon the +Syrians. These Spanish Moslems belonged to the true +Bedouin stock!</p> + +<p>A few months later ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán landed in Spain, +occupied Seville, and, routing Yúsuf and Ṣumayl under the +walls of Cordova, made himself master of the capital. On +the same evening he presided, as Governor of Spain, over +the citizens assembled for public worship in the great Mosque +(May, 756 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p>During his long reign of thirty-two years ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán +was busily employed in defending and consolidating the empire +which more than once seemed to be on the point of slipping +from his grasp. The task before him was arduous in the +extreme. On the one hand, he was confronted by the +unruly Arab aristocracy, jealous of their independence and +regarding the monarch as their common foe. Between him +and them no permanent compromise was possible, and since +they could only be kept in check by an armed force stronger + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_407" id="Page_407" href="#"><span><i>‘ABDU ’L-RAḤMÁN THE UMAYYAD</i></span>407</a></span> + +than themselves, he was compelled to rely on mercenaries, +for the most part Berbers imported from Africa. Thus, by +a fatal necessity the Moslem Empire in the West gradually +assumed that despotic and Prætorian character which we have +learned to associate with the ‘Abbásid Government in the +period of its decline, and the results were in the end hardly +less disastrous. The monarchy had also to reckon with the +fanaticism of its Christian subjects and with a formidable +Spanish national party eager to throw off the foreign yoke. +Extraordinary energy and tact were needed to maintain +authority over these explosive elements, and if the dynasty +founded by ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán not only survived for two +centuries and a half but gave to Spain a more splendid era +of prosperity and culture than she had ever enjoyed, the +credit is mainly due to the bold adventurer from whom even +his enemies could not withhold a tribute of admiration. One +day, it is said, the Caliph Manṣúr asked his courtiers, "Who +is the Falcon of Quraysh?" They replied, "O Prince of +the Faithful, that title belongs to you who have vanquished +mighty kings and have put an end to civil war." "No," said +the Caliph, "it is not I." "Mu‘áwiya, then, or ‘Abdu +’l-Malik?" "No," said Manṣúr, "the Falcon of Quraysh is +‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán b. Mu‘áwiya, he who traversed alone the +deserts of Asia and Africa, and without an army to aid him +sought his fortune in an unknown country beyond the sea. +With no weapons except judgment and resolution he subdued +his enemies, crushed the rebels, secured his frontiers, and +founded a great empire. Such a feat was never achieved +by any one before."<a name="FNanchor_759" id="FNanchor_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759" class="fnanchor">759</a></p> + +<p class="tb">Of the Moslems in Spain the Arabs formed only a small +minority, and they, moreover, showed all the indifference +towards religion and contempt for the laws of Islam +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_408" id="Page_408" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>408</a></span> +which might be expected from men imbued with Bedouin +traditions whose forbears had been devotedly attached to the +world-loving Umayyads of Damascus. It was otherwise with +the Spanish converts, the so-called 'Renegades' <span class="sidenote"> Islam in +Spain.</span> +or <i>Muwalladún</i> (Affiliati) living as clients under +protection of the Arab nobility, and with the +Berbers. These races took their adopted religion very +seriously, in accordance with the fervid and sombre temperament +which has always distinguished them. Hence among +the mass of Spanish Moslems a rigorous orthodoxy prevailed. +The Berber, Yaḥyá b. Yaḥyá († 849 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), is a typical figure. +At the age of twenty-eight years he travelled to the <span class="sidenote"> Yaḥyá b. Yaḥyá.</span> +East and studied under Málik. b. Anas, who dictated +to him his celebrated work known as the <i>Muwaṭṭa’</i>. Yaḥyá +was one day at Málik's lecture with a number of fellow-students, +when some one said, "Here comes the elephant!" +All of them ran out to see the animal, but Yaḥyá did not stir. +"Why," said Málik, "do you not go out and look at it? +Such animals are not to be seen in Spain." To this Yaḥyá +replied, "I left my country for the purpose of seeing you +and obtaining knowledge under your guidance. I did not +come here to see the elephant." Málik was so pleased +with this answer that he called him the most intelligent +(<i>‘áqil</i>) of the people of Spain. On his return to Spain +Yaḥyá exerted himself to spread the doctrines of his +master, and though he obstinately refused, on religious +grounds, to accept any public office, his influence and +reputation were such that, as Ibn Ḥazm says, no Cadi was ever +appointed till Yaḥyá had given his opinion and designated +the person whom he preferred.<a name="FNanchor_760" id="FNanchor_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">760</a> Thus the Málikite system, +based on close adherence to tradition, became the law of the +land. "The Spaniards," it is observed by a learned writer of +the tenth century, "recognise only the Koran and the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_409" id="Page_409" href="#"><span><i>BIGOTRY OF THE MOSLEM CLERGY</i></span>409</a></span> + +<i>Muwaṭṭa’</i>; if they find a follower of Abú Ḥanífa or Sháfi‘í, +they banish him from Spain, and if they meet with a +Mu‘tazilite or a Shí‘ite or any one of that sort, they often put +him to death."<a name="FNanchor_761" id="FNanchor_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761" class="fnanchor">761</a> Arrogant, intensely bigoted, and ambitious +of power, the Muḥammadan clergy were not disposed to play +a subordinate rôle in the State. In Hishám (788-796 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +the successor of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán, they had a prince after their +own heart, whose piety and devotion to their interests left +nothing to be desired. Ḥakam (796-822 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) was less complaisant. +He honoured and respected the clergy, but at the +same time he let them see that he would not permit them to +interfere in political affairs. The malcontents, headed by the +fiery Yaḥyá b. Yaḥyá, replied with menaces and insults, and +called on the populace of Cordova—especially the 'Renegades' +in the southern quarter (<i>rabaḍ</i>) of the city—to rise against +the tyrant and his insolent soldiery. One day in Ramaḍán, +198 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> (May, 814 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), Ḥakam suddenly found himself cut +off from the garrison and besieged in his palace by an infuriated +mob, but he did not lose courage, and, thanks to his coolness +and skilful strategy, he came safely out of the <span class="sidenote"> The Revolt of +the Suburb.</span> +peril in which he stood. The revolutionary +suburb was burned to the ground and those +of its inhabitants who escaped massacre, some 60,000 souls, +were driven into exile. The real culprits went unpunished. +Ḥakam could not afford further to exasperate the divines, who +on their part began to perceive that they might obtain from +the prince by favour what they had failed to wring from him +by force. Being mostly Arabs or Berbers, they had a strong +claim to his consideration. Their power was soon restored, +and in the reign of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán II (822-852 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) +Yaḥyá himself, the ringleader of the mutiny, directed +ecclesiastical policy and dispensed judicial patronage as he +pleased.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_410" id="Page_410" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>410</a></span> + +The Revolt of the Suburb was only an episode in the long +and sanguinary struggle between the Spaniards, Moslem or +Christian, on the one hand, and the monarchy of Cordova on +the other—a struggle complicated by the rival Arab tribes, +which sometimes patched up their own feuds in order to +defend themselves against the Spanish patriots, but never in +any circumstances gave their support to the detested Umayyad +Government. The hero of this war of independence <span class="sidenote">‘Umar b. Ḥafṣún.</span> +was ‘Umar b. Ḥafṣún. He belonged to +a noble family of West-Gothic origin which had +gone over to Islam and settled in the mountainous district +north-east of Malaga. Hot-blooded, quarrelsome, and ready +to stab on the slightest provocation, the young man soon fell +into trouble. At first he took shelter in the wild fastnesses +of Ronda, where he lived as a brigand until he was captured +by the police. He then crossed the sea to Africa, but in +a short time returned to his old haunts and put himself at +the head of a band of robbers. Here he held out for two +years, when, having been obliged to surrender, he accepted the +proposal of the Sultan of Cordova that he and his companions +should enlist in the Imperial army. But ‘Umar was +destined for greater glory than the Sultan could confer upon +him. A few contemptuous words from a superior officer +touched his pride to the quick, so one fine day he galloped +off with all his men in the direction of Ronda. They found +an almost impregnable retreat in the castle of Bobastro, which +had once been a Roman fortress. From this moment, says +Dozy, ‘Umar b. Ḥafṣún was no longer a brigand-chief, but +leader of the whole Spanish race in the south. The lawless +and petulant free-lance was transformed into a high-minded +patriot, celebrated for the stern justice with which he punished +the least act of violence, adored by his soldiers, and regarded +by his countrymen as the champion of the national cause. +During the rest of his life (884-917 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) he conducted the +guerilla with untiring energy and made himself a terror to the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_411" id="Page_411" href="#"><span><i>ABDU ’L-RAḤMÁN III</i></span>411</a></span> + +Arabs, but fortune deserted him at the last, and he died—<i>felix +opportunitate mortis</i>—only a few years before complete ruin +overtook his party. The Moslem Spaniards, whose enthusiasm +had been sensibly weakened by their leader's conversion to +Christianity, were the more anxious to make their peace with +the Government, since they saw plainly the hopelessness of +continuing the struggle.</p> + +<p>In 912 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III, the Defender of the +Faith (<i>al-Náṣir li-díní ’lláh</i>), succeeded his grandfather, the +Amír ‘Abdulláh, on the throne of Cordova. The character, +genius, and enterprise of this great monarch are strikingly +depicted in the following passage from the pen of an eloquent +historian whose work, although it was published some fifty +years ago, will always be authoritative<a name="FNanchor_762" id="FNanchor_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762" class="fnanchor">762</a>:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Amongst the Umayyad sovereigns who have ruled Spain the +first place belongs incontestably to ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III. What he +<span class="sidenote">‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán +III +(912-961 <span class="smcap">A.D</span>).</span> +accomplished was almost miraculous. He had found +the empire abandoned to anarchy and civil war, rent +by factions, parcelled amongst a multitude of heterogeneous +princes, exposed to incessant attacks from the Christians of +the north, and on the eve of being swallowed up either by the +Léonnese or the Africans. In spite of innumerable obstacles he +had saved Spain both from herself and from the foreign domination. +He had endowed her with new life and made her greater and +stronger than she had ever been. He had given her order and +prosperity at home, consideration and respect abroad. The public +treasury, which he had found in a deplorable condition, was now +overflowing. Of the Imperial revenues, which amounted annually +to 6,245,000 pieces of gold, a third sufficed for ordinary expenses; +a third was held in reserve, and ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán devoted the +remainder to his buildings. It was calculated that in the year 951 +he had in his coffers the enormous sum of 20,000,000 pieces of gold, +so that a traveller not without judgment in matters of finance +assures us that ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán and the Ḥamdánid (Náṣiru +’l-Dawla), who was then reigning over Mesopotamia, were the +wealthiest princes of that epoch. The state of the country was in + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_412" id="Page_412" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>412</a></span> + +keeping with the prosperous condition of the treasury. Agriculture, +industry, commerce, the arts and the sciences, all flourished.... +Cordova, with its half-million inhabitants, its three thousand mosques, +its superb palaces, its hundred and thirteen thousand houses, its +three hundred bagnios, and its twenty-eight suburbs, was inferior in +extent and splendour only to Baghdád, with which city the Cordovans +loved to compare it.... The power of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán was +formidable. A magnificent fleet enabled him to dispute with the +Fáṭimids the empire of the Mediterranean, and secured him in the +possession of Ceuta, the key of Mauritania. A numerous and well-disciplined +army, perhaps the finest in the world, gave him superiority +over the Christians of the north. The proudest sovereigns +solicited his alliance. The emperor of Constantinople, the kings of +Germany, Italy, and France sent ambassadors to him.</p> + +<p>"Assuredly, these were brilliant results; but what excites our +astonishment and admiration when we study this glorious reign is +not so much the work as the workman: it is the might of that comprehensive +intelligence which nothing escaped, and which showed +itself no less admirable in the minutest details than in the loftiest +conceptions. This subtle and sagacious man, who centralises, who +founds the unity of the nation and of the monarchy, who by means +of his alliances establishes a sort of political equilibrium, who in his +large tolerance calls the professors of another religion into his +councils, is a modern king rather than a mediæval Caliph."<a name="FNanchor_763" id="FNanchor_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">763</a></p></div> + +<p>In short, ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III made the Spanish Moslems +one people, and formed out of Arabs and Spaniards a united +Andalusian nation, which, as we shall presently see, advanced +with incredible swiftness to a height of culture that was the +envy of Europe and was not exceeded by any contemporary +State in the Muḥammadan East. With his death, however, the +decline of the Umayyad dynasty began. His son, Ḥakam II +(† 976 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), left as heir-apparent a boy eleven years old, +Hishám II, who received the title of Caliph while the government +was carried on by his mother Aurora and <span class="sidenote">Regency of +Manṣúr Ibn Abí +‘Ámir +(976-1002 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +the ambitious minister Muḥammad b. Abí ‘Ámir. +The latter was virtually monarch of Spain, and +whatever may be thought of the means by which he rose to +eminence, or of his treatment of the unfortunate Caliph whose + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_413" id="Page_413" href="#"><span><i>MANṢÚR IBN ABÍ ‘ÁMIR</i></span>413</a></span> + +mental faculties he deliberately stunted and whom he condemned +to a life of monkish seclusion, it is impossible to deny +that he ruled well and nobly. He was a great statesman and +a great soldier. No one could accuse him of making an +idle boast when he named himself 'Al-Manṣúr' ('The +Victorious'). Twice every year he was accustomed to lead +his army against the Christians, and such was the panic which +he inspired that in the course of more than fifty campaigns +he scarcely ever lost a battle. He died in 1002 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> A +Christian monk, recording the event in his chronicle, adds, +"he was buried in Hell," but Moslem hands engraved the +following lines upon the tomb of their champion:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"His story in his relics you may trace,</span><span class="i0"> +As tho' he stood before you face to face.</span><span class="i0"> +Never will Time bring forth his peer again,</span><span class="i0"> +Nor one to guard, like him, the gaps of Spain."<a name="FNanchor_764" id="FNanchor_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764" class="fnanchor">764</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>His demise left the Prætorians masters of the situation. +Berbers and Slaves<a name="FNanchor_765" id="FNanchor_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765" class="fnanchor">765</a> divided the kingdom between them, and + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_414" id="Page_414" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>414</a></span> + +amidst revolution and civil war the Umayyad dynasty passed +away (1031 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p class="tb">It has been said with truth that the history of Spain in the +eleventh century bears a close resemblance to that of Italy in +the fifteenth. The splendid empire of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III +was broken up, and from its ruins there emerged a fortuitous +conglomeration of petty states governed by successful +condottieri. Of these Party Kings (<i>Mulúku <span class="sidenote">The Party Kings +(<i>Mulúku +’l-Ṭawá’if</i>).</span> +’l-Ṭawá’if</i>), as they are called by Muḥammadan +writers, the most powerful were the ‘Abbádids of +Seville. Although it was an age of political decay, the +material prosperity of Spain had as yet suffered little diminution, +whilst in point of culture the society of this time reached +a level hitherto unequalled. Here, then, we may pause for a +moment to review the progress of literature and science +during the most fruitful period of the Moslem occupation +of European soil.</p> + +<p class="tb">Whilst in Asia, as we have seen, the Arab conquerors +yielded to the spell of an ancient culture infinitely superior to +<span class="sidenote">Influence of +Arabic culture +on the +Spaniards.</span> +their own, they no sooner crossed the Straits of +Gibraltar than the rôles were reversed. As the +invaders extended their conquests to every part of +the peninsula, thousands of Christians fell into their +hands, who generally continued to live under Moslem protection. +They were well treated by the Government, enjoyed religious +liberty, and often rose to high offices in the army or at court. +Many of them became rapidly imbued with Moslem civilisation, +so that as early as the middle of the ninth century we find +Alvaro, Bishop of Cordova, complaining that his co-religionists +read the poems and romances of the Arabs, and studied the +writings of Muḥammadan theologians and philosophers, not in +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_415" id="Page_415" href="#"><span><i>INFLUENCE OF ARABIC CULTURE</i></span>415</a></span> +order to refute them but to learn how to express themselves in +Arabic with correctness and elegance. "Where," he asks, +"can any one meet nowadays with a layman who reads the +Latin commentaries on the Holy Scriptures? Who studies +the Gospels, the Prophets, the Apostles? Alas, all young +Christians of conspicuous talents are acquainted only with the +language and writings of the Arabs; they read and study +Arabic books with the utmost zeal, spend immense sums of +money in collecting them for their libraries, and proclaim +everywhere that this literature is admirable. On the other +hand, if you talk with them of Christian books, they reply +contemptuously that these books are not worth their notice. +Alas, the Christians have forgotten their own language, and +amongst thousands of us scarce one is to be found who can +write a tolerable Latin letter to a friend; whereas very many +are capable of expressing themselves exquisitely in Arabic and +of composing poems in that tongue with even greater skill than +the Arabs themselves."<a name="FNanchor_766" id="FNanchor_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">766</a></p> + +<p>However the good bishop may have exaggerated, it is +evident that Muḥammadan culture had a strong attraction +for the Spanish Christians, and equally, let us add, for the +Jews, who made numerous contributions to poetry, philosophy, +and science in their native speech as well as in the kindred +Arabic idiom. The 'Renegades,' or Spanish converts to +Islam, became completely Arabicised in the course of a few +generations; and from this class sprang some of the chief +ornaments of Spanish-Arabian literature.</p> + +<p class="tb">Considered as a whole, the poetry of the Moslems in +Europe shows the same characteristics which have already +<span class="sidenote"> The poetry +of the +Spanish Arabs.</span> +been noted in the work of their Eastern contemporaries. +The paralysing conventions from which +the laureates of Baghdád and Aleppo could not +emancipate themselves remained in full force at Cordova and +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_416" id="Page_416" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>416</a></span> +Seville. Yet, just as Arabic poetry in the East was modified +by the influences of Persian culture, in Spain also the gradual +amalgamation of Aryans with Semites introduced new +elements which have left their mark on the literature of both +races. Perhaps the most interesting features of Spanish-Arabian +poetry are the tenderly romantic feeling which not infrequently +appears in the love-songs, a feeling that sometimes +anticipates the attitude of mediæval chivalry; and in the +second place an almost modern sensibility to the beauties of +nature. On account of these characteristics the poems in +question appeal to many European readers who do not easily +enter into the spirit of the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> or the odes of +Mutanabbí, and if space allowed it would be a pleasant task +to translate some of the charming lyric and descriptive pieces +which have been collected by anthologists. The omission, +however, is less grave inasmuch as Von Schack has given us a +series of excellent versions in his <i>Poesie und Kunst der Araber +in Spanien und Sicilien</i> (2nd ed., Stuttgart, 1877).</p> + +<p>"One of its marvels," says Qazwíní, referring to the town +of Shilb (Silves) in Portugal, "is the fact, which innumerable +persons have mentioned, that the people living there, with few +exceptions, are makers of verse and devoted to belles-lettres; +and if you passed by a labourer standing behind his plough +and asked him to recite some verses, he would at once +improvise on any subject that you might demand."<a name="FNanchor_767" id="FNanchor_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767" class="fnanchor">767</a> Of <span class="sidenote"> Folk-songs.</span> +such folk-songs the <i>zajal</i> and <i>muwashshaḥ</i> were +favourite types.<a name="FNanchor_768" id="FNanchor_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768" class="fnanchor">768</a> Both forms were invented in +Spain, and their structure is very similar, consisting of several +stanzas in which the rhymes are so arranged that the master-rhyme +ending each stanza and running through the whole +poem like a refrain is continually interrupted by a various +succession of subordinate rhymes, as is shown in the following +scheme:—</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_417" id="Page_417" href="#"><span><i>ANDALUSIAN POETRY</i></span>417</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +<i>aa</i></span><span class="i0"> +<i>bbba</i></span><span class="i0"> +<i>ccca</i></span><span class="i0"> +<i>ddda.</i></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Many of these songs and ballads were composed in the +vulgar dialect and without regard to the rules of classical +prosody. The troubadour Ibn Quzmán († 1160 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) first +raised the <i>zajal</i> to literary rank. Here is an example of the +<i>muwashshaḥ</i>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"Come, hand the precious cup to me,</span><span class="i0"> +And brim it high with a golden sea!</span><span class="i0"> +Let the old wine circle from guest to guest,</span><span class="i0"> +While the bubbles gleam like pearls on its breast,</span><span class="i0"> +So that night is of darkness dispossessed.</span><span class="i0"> +How it foams and twinkles in fiery glee!</span><span class="i0"> +'Tis drawn from the Pleiads' cluster, perdie.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +Pass it, to music's melting sound,</span><span class="i0"> +Here on this flowery carpet round,</span><span class="i0"> +Where gentle dews refresh the ground</span><span class="i0"> +And bathe my limbs deliciously</span><span class="i0"> +In their cool and balmy fragrancy.</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +Alone with me in the garden green</span><span class="i0"> +A singing-girl enchants the scene:</span><span class="i0"> +Her smile diffuses a radiant sheen.</span><span class="i0"> +I cast off shame, for no spy can see,</span><span class="i0"> +And 'Hola,' I cry, 'let us merry be!'"<a name="FNanchor_769" id="FNanchor_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769" class="fnanchor">769</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>True to the traditions of their family, the Spanish +Umayyads loved poetry, music, and polite literature a great +deal better than the Koran. Even the Falcon of <span class="sidenote">Verses by ‘Abdu +’l-Raḥmán I.</span> +Quraysh, ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán I, if the famous verses +on the Palm-tree are really by him, concealed +something of the softer graces under his grim exterior. It is +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_418" id="Page_418" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>418</a></span> +said that in his gardens at Cordova there was a solitary date-palm, +which had been transplanted from Syria, and that one +day ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán, as he gazed upon it, remembered his +native land and felt the bitterness of exile and exclaimed:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"O Palm, thou art a stranger in the West,</span><span class="i0"> +Far from thy Orient home, like me unblest.</span><span class="i0"> +Weep! But thou canst not. Dumb, dejected tree,</span><span class="i0"> +Thou art not made to sympathise with me.</span><span class="i0"> +Ah, thou wouldst weep, if thou hadst tears to pour,</span><span class="i0"> +For thy companions on Euphrates' shore;</span><span class="i0"> +But yonder tall groves thou rememberest not,</span><span class="i0"> +As I, in hating foes, have my old friends forgot."<a name="FNanchor_770" id="FNanchor_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">770</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>At the court of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán II (822-852 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) a +Persian musician was prime favourite. This was Ziryáb, a +<span class="sidenote"> Ziryáb the +musician.</span> +client of the Caliph Mahdí and a pupil of the +celebrated singer, Isḥáq al-Mawṣilí.<a name="FNanchor_771" id="FNanchor_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">771</a> Isḥáq, seeing +in the young man a dangerous rival to himself, +persuaded him to quit Baghdád and seek his fortune in Spain. +‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán received him with open arms, gave him a +magnificent house and princely salary, and bestowed upon him +every mark of honour imaginable. The versatile and accomplished +artist wielded a vast influence. He set the fashion in +all things appertaining to taste and manners; he fixed the +toilette, sanctioned the cuisine, and prescribed what dress +should be worn in the different seasons of the year. The +kings of Spain took him as a model, and his authority was +constantly invoked and universally recognised in that country +down to the last days of Moslem rule.<a name="FNanchor_772" id="FNanchor_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772" class="fnanchor">772</a> Ziryáb was only one +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_419" id="Page_419" href="#"><span><i>CULTURE AND EDUCATION</i></span>419</a></span> +of many talented and learned men who came to Spain from +the East, while the list of Spanish savants who journeyed "in +quest of knowledge" (<i>fí ṭalabi ’l-‘ilm</i>) to Africa and Egypt, +to the Holy Cities of Arabia, to the great capitals of Syria and +‘Iráq, to Khurásán, Transoxania, and in some cases even to +China, includes, as may be seen from the perusal of Maqqarí's +fifth chapter, nearly all the eminent scholars and men of letters +whom Moslem Spain has produced. Thus a lively exchange +of ideas was continually in movement, and so little provincialism +existed that famous Andalusian poets, like Ibn +Hání and Ibn Zaydún, are described by admiring Eastern +critics as the Buḥturís and Mutanabbís of the West.</p> + +<p>The tenth century of the Christian era is a fortunate +and illustrious period in Spanish history. Under ‘Abdu +’l-Raḥmán III and his successor, Ḥakam II, the nation, +hitherto torn asunder by civil war, bent its united energies +to the advancement of material and intellectual culture. +Ḥakam was an enthusiastic bibliophile. He sent his agents +in every direction to purchase manuscripts, and collected +400,000 volumes in his palace, which was <span class="sidenote"> The Library of +Ḥakam II.</span> +thronged with librarians, copyists, and bookbinders. +All these books, we are told, he had +himself read, and he annotated most of them with his own +hand. His munificence to scholars knew no bounds. He +made a present of 1,000 dínárs to Abu ’l-Faraj of Iṣfahán, +in order to secure the first copy that was published of the +great 'Book of Songs' (<i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i>), on which the author +was then engaged. Besides honouring and encouraging the +learned, Ḥakam took measures to spread the benefits of +education amongst the poorest of his subjects. With this +view he founded twenty-seven free schools in the capital +and paid the teachers out of his private purse. Whilst in +Christian Europe the rudiments of learning were confined +to the clergy, in Spain almost every one could read and +write.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_420" id="Page_420" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>420</a></span> +"The University of Cordova was at that time one of the most +celebrated in the world. In the principal Mosque, where the +<span class="sidenote"> The University +of Cordova.</span> +lectures were held, Abú Bakr b. Mu‘áwiya, the +Qurayshite, discussed the Traditions relating to +Muḥammad. Abú ‘Alí al-Qálí of Baghdád dictated +a large and excellent miscellany which contained an immense +quantity of curious information concerning the ancient Arabs, +their proverbs, their language, and their poetry. This collection +he afterwards published under the title of <i>Amálí</i>, or 'Dictations.' +Grammar was taught by Ibnu ’l-Qúṭiyya, who, in the opinion of Abú +‘Ali al-Qálí, was the leading grammarian of Spain. Other sciences +had representatives no less renowned. Accordingly the students +attending the classes were reckoned by thousands. The majority +were students of what was called <i>fiqh</i>, that is to say, theology and +law, for that science then opened the way to the most lucrative +posts."<a name="FNanchor_773" id="FNanchor_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773" class="fnanchor">773</a></p></div> + +<p>Among the notable savants of this epoch we may mention +Ibn ‘Abdi Rabbihi († 940 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), laureate of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán +III and author of a well-known anthology entitled +<i>al-‘Iqd al-Faríd</i>; the poet Ibn Hání of Seville († 973 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +an Ismá‘ílí convert who addressed blasphemous panegyrics to +the Fáṭimid Caliph Mu‘izz;<a name="FNanchor_774" id="FNanchor_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774" class="fnanchor">774</a> the historians of Spain, Abú +Bakr al-Rází († 937 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), whose family belonged to Rayy in +Persia, and Ibnu ’l-Qúṭiyya († 977 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), who, as his name +indicates, was the descendant of a Gothic princess; the +astronomer and mathematician Maslama b. Aḥmad of Madrid +(† 1007 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); and the great surgeon Abu ’l-Qásim al-Zahráwí +of Cordova, who died about the same time, and who +became known to Europe by the name of Albucasis.</p> + +<p class="tb">The fall of the Spanish Umayyads, which took place in the +first half of the eleventh century, left Cordova a republic and +a merely provincial town; and though she might still claim to +be regarded as the literary metropolis of Spain, her ancient +glories were overshadowed by the independent dynasties which + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_421" id="Page_421" href="#"><span><i>THE ‘ABBÁDIDS</i></span>421</a></span> + +now begin to flourish in Seville, Almeria, Badajoz, Granada, +Toledo, Malaga, Valencia, and other cities. Of these rival +princedoms the most formidable in arms and the most brilliant +in its cultivation of the arts was, beyond question, the family +of the ‘Abbádids, who reigned in Seville. The <span class="sidenote">The ‘Abbádids +(1023-1091 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +foundations of their power were laid by the Cadi +Abu ’l-Qásim Muḥammad. "He acted towards +the people with such justice and moderation as drew on him +the attention of every eye and the love of every heart," so that +the office of chief magistrate was willingly conceded to him. +In order to obtain the monarchy which he coveted, the Cadi +employed an audacious ruse. The last Umayyad Caliph, +Hishám II, had vanished mysteriously: it was generally supposed +that, after escaping from Cordova when that city was +stormed by the Berbers (1013 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), he fled to Asia and died +unknown; but many believed that he was still alive. Twenty +years after his disappearance there suddenly arose a pretender, +named Khalaf, who gave out that he was the Caliph Hishám. +The likeness between them was strong enough to make the +imposture plausible. At any rate, the Cadi had his own +reasons for abetting it. He called on the people, who were +deeply attached to the Umayyad dynasty, to rally round their +legitimate sovereign. Cordova and several other States recognised +the authority of this pseudo-Caliph, whom Abu ’l-Qásim +used as a catspaw. His son ‘Abbád, a treacherous and bloodthirsty +tyrant, but an amateur of belles-lettres, threw off the +mask and reigned under the title of al-Mu‘taḍid (1042-1069 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). He in turn was succeeded by his son, al-Mu‘tamid, +whose strange and romantic history reminds one of a sentence +frequently occurring in the <i>Arabian Nights</i>: "Were it graven +with needle-gravers upon the eye-corners, it were a warner to +whoso would be warned." He is described as "the most +liberal, the most hospitable, the most munificent, and the most +powerful of all the princes who ruled in Spain. His +court was the halting-place of travellers, the rendezvous +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_422" id="Page_422" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>422</a></span> +of poets, the point to which all hopes were directed, and +the haunt of men of talent."<a name="FNanchor_775" id="FNanchor_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775" class="fnanchor">775</a> Mu‘tamid himself was a +poet of rare distinction. "He left," says Ibn <span class="sidenote">Mu‘tamid of +Seville +(1069-1091 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +Bassám, "some pieces of verse beautiful as the bud +when it opens to disclose the flower; and had the +like been composed by persons who made of poetry a profession +and a merchandise, they would still have been considered +charming, admirable, and singularly original."<a name="FNanchor_776" id="FNanchor_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776" class="fnanchor">776</a> +Numberless anecdotes are told of Mu‘tamid's luxurious life +at Seville: his evening rambles along the banks of the +Guadalquivir; his parties of pleasure; his adventures when +he sallied forth in disguise, accompanied by his Vizier, the +poet Ibn ‘Ammár, into the streets of the sleeping city; and +his passion for the slave-girl I‘timád, commonly known as +Rumaykiyya, whom he loved all his life with constant +devotion.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, however, a terrible catastrophe was approaching. +The causes which led up to it are related by Ibn +Khallikán as follows<a name="FNanchor_777" id="FNanchor_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777" class="fnanchor">777</a>:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"At that time Alphonso VI, the son of Ferdinand, the sovereign +of Castile and king of the Spanish Franks, had become so powerful +<span class="sidenote"> The Almoravides +in Spain.</span> +that the petty Moslem princes were obliged to make +peace with him and pay him tribute. Mu‘tamid Ibn +‘Abbád surpassed all the rest in greatness of power +and extent of empire, yet he also paid tribute to Alphonso. After +capturing Toledo (May 29, 1085 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) the Christian monarch sent +him a threatening message with the demand that he should surrender +his fortresses; on which condition he might retain the open +country as his own. These words provoked Mu‘tamid to such a +degree that he struck the ambassador and put to death all those +who accompanied him.<a name="FNanchor_778" id="FNanchor_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778" class="fnanchor">778</a> Alphonso, who was marching on Cordova, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_423" id="Page_423" href="#"><span><i>MU‘TAMID OF SEVILLE</i></span>423</a></span> + +no sooner received intelligence of this event than he returned to +Toledo in order to provide machines for the siege of Seville. When +the Shaykhs and doctors of Islam were informed of this project +they assembled and said: 'Behold how the Moslem cities fall into +the hands of the Franks whilst our sovereigns are engaged in warfare +against each other! If things continue in this state the Franks +will subdue the entire country.' They then went to the Cadi (of +Cordova), ‘Abdulláh b. Muḥammad b. Adham, and conferred with +him on the disasters which had befallen the Moslems and on the +means by which they might be remedied. Every person had something +to say, but it was finally resolved that they should write to +Abú Ya‘qúb Yúsuf b. Táshifín, the king of the <i>Mulaththamún</i><a name="FNanchor_779" id="FNanchor_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779" class="fnanchor">779</a> and +sovereign of Morocco, imploring his assistance. The Cadi then +waited on Mu‘tamid, and informed him of what had passed. +Mu‘tamid concurred with them on the expediency of such an +application, and told the Cadi to bear the message himself to +Yúsuf b. Táshifín. A conference took place at Ceuta. Yúsuf +recalled from the city of Morocco the troops which he had left +there, and when all were mustered he sent them across to Spain, +and followed with a body of 10,000 men. Mu‘tamid, who had also +assembled an army, went to meet him; and the Moslems, on +hearing the news, hastened from every province for the purpose of +combating the infidels. Alphonso, who was then at Toledo, took +the field with 40,000 horse, exclusive of other troops which came to +join him. He wrote a long and threatening letter to Yúsuf b. +Táshifín, who inscribed on the back of it these words: '<i>What will +happen thou shalt see!</i>' and returned it. On reading the answer +Alphonso was filled with apprehension, and observed that this was a +man of resolution. The two armies met at Zalláqa, <span class="sidenote">Battle of Zalláqa +(October 23, +1086 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +near Badajoz. The Moslems gained the victory, and +Alphonso fled with a few others, after witnessing the +complete destruction of his army. This year was +adopted in Spain as the commencement of a new era, and was +called the year of Zalláqa."</p></div> + +<p>Mu‘tamid soon perceived that he had "dug his own grave"—to +quote the words used by himself a few years afterwards—when +he sought aid from the perfidious Almoravide. Yúsuf +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_424" id="Page_424" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>424</a></span> +could not but contrast the beauty, riches, and magnificent +resources of Spain with the barren deserts and rude civilisation +of Africa. He was not content to admire at a distance the +enchanting view which had been dangled before him. In +the following year he returned to Spain and took possession +of Granada. He next proceeded to pick a quarrel with +Mu‘tamid. The Berber army laid siege to Seville, and +although Mu‘tamid displayed the utmost bravery, he was +unable to prevent the fall of his capital (September, +1091 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). The unfortunate prince was <span class="sidenote">Captivity and +death of +Mu‘tamid.</span> +thrown into chains and transported to Morocco. +Yúsuf spared his life, but kept him a prisoner at Aghmát, +where he died in 1095 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> During his captivity he +bewailed in touching poems the misery of his state, the +sufferings which he and his family had to endure, and the +tragic doom which suddenly deprived him of friends, fortune, +and power. "Every one loves Mu‘tamid," wrote an historian +of the thirteenth century, "every one pities him, and even now +he is lamented."<a name="FNanchor_780" id="FNanchor_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780" class="fnanchor">780</a> He deserved no less, for, as Dozy remarks, +he was "the last Spanish-born king (<i>le dernier roi indigène</i>), +who represented worthily, nay, brilliantly, a nationality and +culture which succumbed, or barely survived, under the +dominion of barbarian invaders."<a name="FNanchor_781" id="FNanchor_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781" class="fnanchor">781</a></p> + +<p>The Age of the Tyrants, to borrow from Greek history a +designation which well describes the character of this period, +<span class="sidenote"> Ibn Zaydún.</span> +yields to no other in literary and scientific +renown. Poetry was cultivated at every Andalusian +court. If Seville could point with just pride to +Mu‘tamid and his Vizier, Ibn ‘Ammár, Cordova claimed a +second pair almost equally illustrious—Ibn Zaydún (1003-1071 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) and Walláda, a daughter of the Umayyad Caliph +al-Mustakfí. Ibn Zaydún entered upon a political career +and became the confidential agent of Ibn Jahwar, the chief +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_425" id="Page_425" href="#"><span><i>IBN ZAYDÚN</i></span>425</a></span> +magistrate of Cordova, but he fell into disgrace, probably on +account of his love for the beautiful and talented princess, +who inspired those tender melodies which have caused the +poet's European biographers to link his name with Tibullus +and Petrarch. In the hope of seeing her, although he durst +not show himself openly, he lingered in al-Zahrá, the royal +suburb of Cordova built by ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III. At last, +after many wanderings, he found a home at Seville, where he +was cordially received by Mu‘taḍid, who treated him as an +intimate friend and bestowed on him the title of <i>Dhu +’l-Wizáratayn</i>.<a name="FNanchor_782" id="FNanchor_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782" class="fnanchor">782</a> The following verses, which he addressed +to Walláda, depict the lovely scenery of al-Zahrá and may +serve to illustrate the deep feeling for nature which, as has +been said, is characteristic of Spanish-Arabian poetry in +general.<a name="FNanchor_783" id="FNanchor_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783" class="fnanchor">783</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"To-day my longing thoughts recall thee here;</span> +<span class="i0"> +The landscape glitters, and the sky is clear.</span> +<span class="i0"> +So feebly breathes the gentle zephyr's gale,</span> +<span class="i0"> +In pity of my grief it seems to fail.</span> +<span class="i0"> +The silvery fountains laugh, as from a girl's</span> +<span class="i0"> +Fair throat a broken necklace sheds its pearls.</span> +<span class="i0"> +Oh, 'tis a day like those of our sweet prime,</span> +<span class="i0"> +When, stealing pleasures from indulgent Time,</span> +<span class="i0"> +We played midst flowers of eye-bewitching hue,</span> +<span class="i0"> +That bent their heads beneath the drops of dew.</span><span class="i0"> +Alas, they see me now bereaved of sleep;</span><span class="i0"> +They share my passion and with me they weep.</span><span class="i0"> +Here in her sunny haunt the rose blooms bright,</span><span class="i0"> +Adding new lustre to Aurora's light;</span><span class="i0"> +And waked by morning beams, yet languid still,</span><span class="i0"> +The rival lotus doth his perfume spill.</span> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_426" id="Page_426" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>426</a></span> + +<span class="i0"> +All stirs in me the memory of that fire</span><span class="i0"> +Which in my tortured breast will ne'er expire.</span><span class="i0"> +Had death come ere we parted, it had been</span><span class="i0"> +The best of all days in the world, I ween;</span><span class="i0"> +And this poor heart, where thou art every thing,</span><span class="i0"> +Would not be fluttering now on passion's wing.</span><span class="i0"> +Ah, might the zephyr waft me tenderly,</span><span class="i0"> +Worn out with anguish as I am, to thee!</span><span class="i0"> +O treasure mine, if lover e'er possessed</span><span class="i0"> +A treasure! O thou dearest, queenliest!</span><span class="i0"> +Once, once, we paid the debt of love complete</span><span class="i0"> +And ran an equal race with eager feet.</span><span class="i0"> +How true, how blameless was the love I bore,</span><span class="i0"> +Thou hast forgotten; but I still adore!"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The greatest scholar and the most original genius of +Moslem Spain is Abú Muḥammad ‘Alí Ibn Ḥazm, who +<span class="sidenote">Ibn Ḥazm +(994-1064 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +was born at Cordova in 994 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> He came +of a 'Renegade' family, but he was so far from +honouring his Christian ancestors that he pretended +to trace his descent to a Persian freedman of Yazíd b. Abí +Sufyán, a brother of the first Umayyad Caliph, Mu‘áwiya; +and his contempt for Christianity was in proportion to his +fanatical zeal on behalf of Islam. His father, Aḥmad, had +filled the office of Vizier under Manṣúr Ibn Abí ‘Ámir, and +Ibn Ḥazm himself plunged ardently into politics as a client—through +his false pedigree—of the Umayyad House, to which +he was devotedly attached. Before the age of thirty he +became prime minister of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán V (1023-1024 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), but on the fall of the Umayyad Government +he retired from public life and gave himself wholly to literature. +Ibn Bashkuwál, author of a well-known biographical +dictionary of Spanish celebrities entitled <i>al-Ṣila fí akhbári +a’immati ’l-Andalus</i>, speaks of him in these terms: "Of all +the natives of Spain Ibn Ḥazm was the most eminent by +the universality and the depth of his learning in the sciences +cultivated by the Moslems; add to this his profound +acquaintance with the Arabic tongue, and his vast abilities +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_427" id="Page_427" href="#"><span><i>IBN ḤAZM</i></span>427</a></span> +as an elegant writer, a poet, a biographer, and an historian; +his son possessed about 400 volumes, containing nearly 80,000 +leaves, which Ibn Ḥazm had composed and written out."<a name="FNanchor_784" id="FNanchor_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784" class="fnanchor">784</a> +It is recorded that he said, "My only desire in seeking +knowledge was to attain a high scientific rank in this world +and the next."<a name="FNanchor_785" id="FNanchor_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785" class="fnanchor">785</a> He got little encouragement from his contemporaries. +The mere fact that he belonged to the +Ẓáhirite school of theology would not have mattered, but +the caustic style in which he attacked the most venerable +religious authorities of Islam aroused such bitter hostility that +he was virtually excommunicated by the orthodox divines. +People were warned against having anything to do with +him, and at Seville his writings were solemnly committed +to the flames. On this occasion he is said to have +remarked—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"The paper ye may burn, but what the paper holds</span> +<span class="i0"> +Ye cannot burn: 'tis safe within my breast: where I</span> +<span class="i0"> +Remove, it goes with me, alights when I alight,</span> +<span class="i0"> +And in my tomb will lie."<a name="FNanchor_786" id="FNanchor_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786" class="fnanchor">786</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>After being expelled from several provinces of Spain, Ibn +Ḥazm withdrew to a village, of which he was the owner, and +remained there until his death. Of his numerous <span class="sidenote"> 'The Book of +Religions and +Sects.'</span> +writings only a few have escaped destruction, but +fortunately we possess the most valuable of them +all, the 'Book of Religions and Sects' (<i>Kitábu ’l-Milal +wa-’l-Niḥal</i>),<a name="FNanchor_787" id="FNanchor_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787" class="fnanchor">787</a> which was recently printed in Cairo for the +first time. This work treats in controversial fashion (1) of +the non-Muḥammadan religious systems, especially Judaism, +Christianity, and Zoroastrianism, and (2) of Islam and its +dogmas, which are of course regarded from the Ẓáhirite + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_428" id="Page_428" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>428</a></span> + +standpoint, and of the four principal Muḥammadan sects, viz., +the Mu‘tazilites, the Murjites, the Shí‘ites, and the Khárijites. +The author maintains that these sects owed their rise +to the Persians, who sought thus to revenge themselves +upon victorious Islam.<a name="FNanchor_788" id="FNanchor_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788" class="fnanchor">788</a></p> + +<p class="tb">The following are some of the most distinguished Spanish +writers of this epoch: the historian, Abú Marwán Ibn Ḥayyán +<span class="sidenote"> Literature in +Spain in +the eleventh +century.</span> +of Cordova († 1075 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), whose chief works are a +colossal history of Spain in sixty volumes entitled +<i>al-Matín</i> and a smaller chronicle (<i>al-Muqtabis</i>), +both of which appear to have been almost entirely +lost;<a name="FNanchor_789" id="FNanchor_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789" class="fnanchor">789</a> the jurisconsult and poet, Abu ’l-Walíd al-Bájí +(† 1081 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); the traditionist Yúsuf Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr +(† 1071 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); and the geographer al-Bakrí, a native of +Cordova, where he died in 1094 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Finally, mention +should be made of the famous Jews, Solomon Ibn Gabirol +(Avicebron) and Samuel Ha-Levi. The former, who was +born at Malaga about 1020 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, wrote two philosophical +works in Arabic, and his <i>Fons Vitae</i> played an important +part in the development of mediæval scholasticism. Samuel +Ha-Levi was Vizier to Bádís, the sovereign of <span class="sidenote"> Samuel Ha-Levi.</span> +Granada (1038-1073 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). In their admiration +of his extraordinary accomplishments the Arabs all but +forgot that he was a Jew and a prince (<i>Naghíd</i>) in Israel.<a name="FNanchor_790" id="FNanchor_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790" class="fnanchor">790</a> +Samuel, on his part, when he wrote letters of State, did not +scruple to employ the usual Muḥammadan formulas, "Praise +to Allah!" "May Allah bless our Prophet Muḥammad!" +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_429" id="Page_429" href="#"><span><i>WRITERS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY</i></span>429</a></span> +and to glorify Islam quite in the manner of a good Moslem. +He had a perfect mastery of Hebrew and Arabic; he knew +five other languages, and was profoundly versed in the +sciences of the ancients, particularly in astronomy. With +all his learning he was a supple diplomat and a man of the +world. Yet he always preserved a dignified and unassuming +demeanour, although in his days (according to Ibnu ’l-‘Idhárí) +"the Jews made themselves powerful and behaved arrogantly +towards the Moslems."<a name="FNanchor_791" id="FNanchor_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791" class="fnanchor">791</a></p> + +<p class="tb">During the whole of the twelfth, and well into the first +half of the thirteenth, century Spain was ruled by two +African dynasties, the Almoravides and the Almohades, +which originated, as their names denote, in the religious +fanaticism of the Berber tribes of the Sahara. The rise +of the Almoravides is related by Ibnu ’l-Athír as follows:—<a name="FNanchor_792" id="FNanchor_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792" class="fnanchor">792</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In this year (448 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 1056 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) was the beginning of the +power of the <i>Mulaththamún</i>.<a name="FNanchor_793" id="FNanchor_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793" class="fnanchor">793</a> These were a number of tribes +<span class="sidenote"> Rise of the +Almoravides.</span> +descended from Ḥimyar, of which the most considerable +were Lamtúna, Jadála, and Lamṭa.... Now in +the above-mentioned year a man of Jadála, named +Jawhar, set out for Africa<a name="FNanchor_794" id="FNanchor_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794" class="fnanchor">794</a> on his way to the Pilgrimage, for he +loved religion and the people thereof. At Qayrawán he fell in +with a certain divine—Abú ‘Imrán al-Fásí, as is generally supposed—and +a company of persons who were studying theology +under him. Jawhar was much pleased with what he saw of their +piety, and on his return from Mecca he begged Abú ‘Imrán to +send back with him to the desert a teacher who should instruct +the ignorant Berbers in the laws of Islam. So Abú ‘Imrán sent + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_430" id="Page_430" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>430</a></span> + +with him a man called ‘Abdulláh b. Yásín al-Kuzúlí, who was an +excellent divine, and they journeyed together until they came to +the tribe of Lamtúna. Then Jawhar dismounted from his camel +and took hold of the bridle of ‘Abdulláh b. Yásín's camel, in +reverence for the law of Islam; and the men of Lamtúna +approached Jawhar and greeted him and questioned him concerning +his companion. 'This man,' he replied, 'is the bearer +of the Sunna of the Apostle of God: he has come to teach you +what is necessary in the religion of Islam.' So they bade them +both welcome, and said to ‘Abdulláh, 'Tell us the law of Islam,' +and he explained it to them. They answered, 'As to what you +have told us of prayer and alms-giving, that is easy; but when you +say, "He that kills shall be killed, and he that steals shall have his +hand cut off, and he that commits adultery shall be flogged or +stoned," that is an ordinance which we will not lay upon ourselves. +Begone elsewhere!'... And they came to Jadála, +Jawhar's own tribe, and ‘Abdulláh called on them and the neighbouring +tribes to fulfil the law, and some consented while others +refused. Then, after a time, ‘Abdulláh said to his followers, 'Ye +must fight the enemies of the Truth, so appoint a commander over +you.' Jawhar answered, 'Thou art our commander,' but ‘Abdulláh +declared that he was only a missionary, and on his advice the +command was offered to Abú Bakr b. ‘Umar, the chief of Lamtúna, +a man of great authority and influence. Having prevailed upon +him to act as leader, ‘Abdulláh began to preach a holy war, and +gave his adherents the name of Almoravides (<i>al-Murábitún</i>)."<a name="FNanchor_795" id="FNanchor_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795" class="fnanchor">795</a></p></div> + +<p>The little community rapidly increased in numbers and +power. Yúsuf b. Táshifín, who succeeded to the command +<span class="sidenote">The Almoravide +Empire +(1056-1147 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +in 1069 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, founded the city of Morocco, and +from this centre made new conquests in every +direction, so that ere long the Almoravides ruled +over the whole of North-West Africa from Senegal to +Algeria. We have already seen how Yúsuf was invited by +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_431" id="Page_431" href="#"><span><i>THE ALMORAVIDES</i></span>431</a></span> +the ‘Abbádids to lead an army into Spain, how he defeated +Alphonso VI at Zalláqa and, returning a few years later, +this time not as an ally but as a conqueror, took possession of +Granada and Seville. The rest of Moslem Spain was subdued +without much trouble: laity and clergy alike hailed in the +Berber monarch a zealous reformer of the Faith and a mighty +bulwark against its Christian enemies. The hopeful prospect +was not realised. Spanish civilisation enervated the Berbers, +but did not refine them. Under the narrow bigotry of Yúsuf +and his successors free thought became impossible, culture and +science faded away. Meanwhile the country was afflicted by +famine, brigandage, and all the disorders of a feeble and corrupt +administration.</p> + +<p class="tb">The empire of the Almoravides passed into the hands of +another African dynasty, the Almohades.<a name="FNanchor_796" id="FNanchor_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796" class="fnanchor">796</a> Their founder, +<span class="sidenote"> Ibn Túmart.</span> +Muḥammad Ibn Túmart, was a native of the mountainous +district of Sús which lies to the south-west +of Morocco. When a youth he made the Pilgrimage to +Mecca (about 1108 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), and also visited Baghdád, where he +studied in the Niẓámiyya College and is said to have met +the celebrated Ghazálí. He returned home with his head +full of theology and ambitious schemes. We need not dwell +upon his career from this point until he finally proclaimed +himself as the Mahdí (1121 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), nor describe the familiar +methods—some of them disreputable enough—by which he +induced the Berbers to believe in him. His doctrines, however, +may be briefly stated. "In most questions," says one +of his biographers,<a name="FNanchor_797" id="FNanchor_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797" class="fnanchor">797</a> "he followed the system of Abu ’l-Ḥasan +al-Ash‘arí, but he agreed with the Mu‘tazilites in their denial +of the Divine Attributes and in a few matters besides; and he +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_432" id="Page_432" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>432</a></span> +was at heart somewhat inclined to Shí‘ism, although he gave it +no countenance in public."<a name="FNanchor_798" id="FNanchor_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">798</a> The gist of his teaching is indicated +by the name <i>Muwaḥḥid</i> (Unitarian), which he bestowed +on himself, and which his successors adopted as their dynastic +title.<a name="FNanchor_799" id="FNanchor_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799" class="fnanchor">799</a> Ibn Túmart emphasised the Unity of God; in other +words, he denounced the anthropomorphic ideas which prevailed +in Western Islam and strove to replace them by a +purely spiritual conception of the Deity. To this main +doctrine he added a second, that of the Infallible Imám +(<i>al-Imám al-Ma‘ṣúm</i>), and he naturally asserted that the +Imám was Muḥammad Ibn Túmart, a descendant of ‘Alí +b. Abí Ṭálib.</p> + +<p class="tb">On the death of the Mahdí (1130 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) the supreme +command devolved upon his trusted lieutenant, ‘Abdu +<span class="sidenote">The Almohades +(1130-1269 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +’l-Mu’min, who carried on the holy war against +the Almoravides with growing success, until in +1158 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> he "united the whole coast from the +frontier of Egypt to the Atlantic, together with Moorish +Spain, under his sceptre."<a name="FNanchor_800" id="FNanchor_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800" class="fnanchor">800</a> The new dynasty was far more +enlightened and favourable to culture than the Almoravides +had been. Yúsuf, the son of ‘Abdu ’l-Mu’min, is described +as an excellent scholar, whose mind was stored with the +battles and traditions and history of the Arabs before and +after Islam. But he found his highest pleasure in the study +and patronage of philosophy. The great Aristotelian, Ibn +Ṭufayl, was his Vizier and court physician; and Ibn Rushd +(Averroes) received flattering honours both from him and +from his successor, Ya‘qúb al-Manṣúr, who loved to converse +with the philosopher on scientific topics, although in a fit of +orthodoxy he banished him for a time.<a name="FNanchor_801" id="FNanchor_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801" class="fnanchor">801</a> This curious mixture +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_433" id="Page_433" href="#"><span><i>THE ALMOHADES</i></span>433</a></span> +of liberality and intolerance is characteristic of the Almohades. +However they might encourage speculation in its proper place, +their law and theology were cut according to the plain Ẓáhirite +pattern. "The Koran and the Traditions of the Prophet—or +else the sword!" is a saying of the last-mentioned sovereign, +who also revived the autos-da-fé, which had been prohibited by +his grandfather, of Málikite and other obnoxious books.<a name="FNanchor_802" id="FNanchor_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802" class="fnanchor">802</a> The +spirit of the Almohades is admirably reflected in Ibn Ṭufayl's +famous philosophical romance, named after its hero, <i>Ḥayy ibn +Yaqẓán</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, 'Alive, son of Awake,'<a name="FNanchor_803" id="FNanchor_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">803</a> of which the following +summary is given by Mr. Duncan B. Macdonald in his excellent +<i>Muslim Theology</i> (p. 253):—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In it he conceives two islands, the one inhabited and the other +not. On the inhabited island we have conventional people living +<span class="sidenote"> The story of +Ḥayy b. Yaqẓán.</span> +conventional lives, and restrained by a conventional +religion of rewards and punishments. Two men there, +Salámán and Asál,<a name="FNanchor_804" id="FNanchor_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804" class="fnanchor">804</a> have raised themselves to a higher +level of self-rule. Salámán adapts himself externally to the popular +religion and rules the people; Asál, seeking to perfect himself still +further in solitude, goes to the other island. But there he finds +a man, Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓán, who has lived alone from infancy and has +gradually, by the innate and uncorrupted powers of the mind, +developed himself to the highest philosophic level and reached the +Vision of the Divine. He has passed through all the stages of +knowledge until the universe lies clear before him, and now he +finds that his philosophy thus reached, without prophet or revelation, +and the purified religion of Asál are one and the same. The +story told by Asál of the people of the other island sitting in +darkness stirs his soul, and he goes forth to them as a missionary. +But he soon learns that the method of Muḥammad was the true one + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_434" id="Page_434" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>434</a></span> + +for the great masses, and that only by sensuous allegory and +concrete things could they be reached and held. He retires to his +island again to live the solitary life."</p></div> + +<p>Of the writers who flourished under the Berber dynasties +few are sufficiently important to deserve mention in a work of +<span class="sidenote">Literature under +the Almoravides +and Almohades +(1100-1250 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +this kind. The philosophers, however, stand in +a class by themselves. Ibn Bájja (Avempace), +Ibn Rushd (Averroes), Ibn Ṭufayl, and Músá b. +Maymún (Maimonides) made their influence felt +far beyond the borders of Spain: they belong, in a sense, to +Europe. We have noticed elsewhere the great mystic, +Muḥyi ’l-Dín Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí († 1240 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>); his fellow-townsman, +Ibn Sab‘ín († 1269 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a thinker of the same +type, wrote letters on philosophical subjects to Frederick II of +Hohenstaufen. Valuable works on the literary history of Spain +were composed by Ibn Kháqán († 1134 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), Ibn Bassám +(† 1147 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), and Ibn Bashkuwál († 1183 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). The +geographer Idrísí († 1154 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) was born at Ceuta, studied +at Cordova, and found a patron in the Sicilian monarch, +Roger II; Ibn Jubayr published an interesting account of +his pilgrimage from Granada to Mecca and of his journey +back to Granada during the years 1183-1185 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>; Ibn +Zuhr (Avenzoar), who became a Vizier under the Almoravides, +was the first of a whole family of eminent physicians; and +Ibnu ’l-Bayṭár of Malaga († 1248 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), after visiting Egypt, +Greece, and Asia Minor in order to extend his knowledge of +botany, compiled a Materia Medica, which he dedicated to the +Sultan of Egypt, Malik al-Kámil.</p> + +<p class="tb">We have now taken a rapid survey of the Moslem empire +in Spain from its rise in the eighth century of our era down +<span class="sidenote"> Reconquest of +Spain by +Ferdinand III.</span> +to the last days of the Almohades, which saw +the Christian arms everywhere triumphant. By +1230 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> the Almohades had been driven out of +the peninsula, although they continued to rule Africa for about +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_435" id="Page_435" href="#"><span><i>THE NAṢRIDS OF GRANADA</i></span>435</a></span> +forty years after this date. Amidst the general wreck one +spot remained where the Moors could find shelter. This was +Granada. Here, in 1232 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, Muḥammad Ibnu ’l-Aḥmar +assumed the proud title of 'Conqueror by Grace of God' +(<i>Ghálib billáh</i>) and founded the Naṣrid dynasty, which held the +Christians at bay during two centuries and a half. <span class="sidenote">The Naṣrids +of Granada +(1232-1492 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +That the little Moslem kingdom survived so long +was not due to its own strength, but rather to its +almost impregnable situation and to the dissensions of the +victors. The latest bloom of Arabic culture in Europe +renewed, if it did not equal, the glorious memories of +Cordova and Seville. In this period arose the world-renowned +Alhambra, <i>i.e.</i>, 'the Red Palace' (al-Ḥamrá) of +the Naṣrid kings, and many other superb monuments of which +the ruins are still visible. We must not, however, be led +away into a digression even upon such a fascinating subject +as Moorish architecture. Our information concerning literary +matters is scantier than it might have been, on account of the +vandalism practised by the Christians when they took Granada. +It is no dubious legend (like the reputed burning of the +Alexandrian Library by order of the Caliph ‘Umar),<a name="FNanchor_805" id="FNanchor_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805" class="fnanchor">805</a> but a well-ascertained +fact that the ruthless Archbishop Ximenez made a +bonfire of all the Arabic manuscripts on which he could lay +his hands. He wished to annihilate the record of seven +centuries of Muḥammadan culture in a single day.</p> + +<p>The names of Ibnu ’l-Khaṭíb and Ibn Khaldún represent +the highest literary accomplishment and historical comprehension +of which this age was capable. The latter, indeed, has +no parallel among Oriental historians.</p> + +<p>Lisánu ’l-Dín Ibnu ’l-Khaṭíb<a name="FNanchor_806" id="FNanchor_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">806</a> played a great figure in the +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_436" id="Page_436" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>436</a></span> +politics of his time, and his career affords a conspicuous +example of the intimate way in which Moslem poetry and +literature are connected with public life. "The Arabs did +not share the opinion widely spread nowadays, that poetical +talent flourishes best in seclusion from the tumult of the +world, or that it dims the clearness of vision which is required +for the conduct of public affairs. On the contrary, their +princes entrusted the chief offices of State to poets, and poetry +often served as a means to obtain more brilliant results than +diplomatic notes could have procured."<a name="FNanchor_807" id="FNanchor_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807" class="fnanchor">807</a> A young <span class="sidenote">Ibnu ’l-Khaṭíb +(1313-1374 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +man like Ibnu ’l-Khaṭíb, who had mastered the +entire field of belles-lettres, who improvised odes +and rhyming epistles with incomparable elegance and facility, +was marked out to be the favourite of kings. He became +Vizier at the Naṣrid court, a position which he held, with one +brief interval of disgrace, until 1371 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, when the intrigues +of his enemies forced him to flee from Granada. He sought +refuge at Fez, and was honourably received by the reigning +Sultan, ‘Abdu ’l-‘Azíz; but on the accession of Abu ’l-‘Abbás +in 1374 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> the exiled minister was incarcerated and brought to +trial on the charge of heresy (<i>zandaqa</i>). While the inquisition +was proceeding a fanatical mob broke into the gaol and +murdered him. Maqqarí relates that Ibnu ’l-Khaṭib suffered +from insomnia, and that most of his works were composed +during the night, for which reason he got the nickname of +<i>Dhu ’l-‘Umrayn</i>, or 'The man of two lives.'<a name="FNanchor_808" id="FNanchor_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808" class="fnanchor">808</a> He was +a prolific writer in various branches of literature, but, like so +many of his countrymen, he excelled in History. His monographs +on the sovereigns and savants of Granada (one of +which includes an autobiography) supply interesting details +concerning this obscure period.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_437" id="Page_437" href="#"><span><i>IBNU ’L-KHAṬIB AND IBN KHALDÚN</i></span>437</a></span>Some apology may be thought necessary for placing Ibn +Khaldún, the greatest historical thinker of Islam, in the +<span class="sidenote">Ibn Khaldún +(1332-1406 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></span> +present chapter, as though he were a Spaniard +either by birth or residence. He descended, it +is true, from a family, the Banú Khaldún, which +had long been settled in Spain, first at Carmona and afterwards +at Seville; but they migrated to Africa about the +middle of the thirteenth century, and Ibn Khaldún was born +at Tunis. Nearly the whole of his life, moreover, was passed +in Africa—a circumstance due rather to accident than to +predilection; for in 1362 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> he entered the service of the +Sultan of Granada, Abú ‘Abdalláh Ibnu ’l-Aḥmar, and would +probably have made that city his home had not the jealousy of +his former friend, the Vizier Ibnu ’l-Khaṭíb, decided him to +leave Spain behind. We cannot give any account of the +agitated and eventful career which he ended, as Cadi of +Cairo, in 1406 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Ibn Khaldún lived with statesmen and +kings: he was an ambassador to the court of Pedro of Castile, +and an honoured guest of the mighty Tamerlane. The +results of his ripe experience are marvellously displayed in +the Prolegomena (<i>Muqaddima</i>), which forms the first volume +of a huge general history entitled the <i>Kitábu ’l-‘Ibar</i> ('Book of +Examples').<a name="FNanchor_809" id="FNanchor_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809" class="fnanchor">809</a> He himself has stated his idea of the historian's +function in the following words:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Know that the true purpose of history is to make us acquainted +with human society, <i>i.e.</i>, with the civilisation of the world, and with +<span class="sidenote"> Ibn Khaldún as +a philosophical +historian.</span> +its natural phenomena, such as savage life, the softening +of manners, attachment to the family and the tribe, the +various kinds of superiority which one people gains +over another, the kingdoms and diverse dynasties which arise +in this way, the different trades and laborious occupations to +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_438" id="Page_438" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>438</a></span> +which men devote themselves in order to earn their livelihood, +the sciences and arts; in fine, all the manifold conditions which +naturally occur in the development of civilisation."<a name="FNanchor_810" id="FNanchor_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810" class="fnanchor">810</a></p></div> + +<p>Ibn Khaldún argues that History, thus conceived, is subject +to universal laws, and in these laws he finds the only sure +criterion of historical truth.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The rule for distinguishing what is true from what is false in +history is based on its possibility or impossibility: that is to +<span class="sidenote"> His canons +of historical +criticism.</span> +say, we must examine human society (civilisation) +and discriminate between the characteristics which +are essential and inherent in its nature and those +which are accidental and need not be taken into account, +recognising further those which cannot possibly belong to it. If +we do this we have a rule for separating historical truth from error +by means of a demonstrative method that admits of no doubt.... +It is a genuine touchstone whereby historians may verify whatever +they relate."<a name="FNanchor_811" id="FNanchor_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811" class="fnanchor">811</a></p></div> + +<p>Here, indeed, the writer claims too much, and it must be +allowed that he occasionally applied his principles in a pedantic +fashion, and was led by purely <i>a priori</i> considerations to conclusions +which are not always so warrantable as he believed. +This is a very trifling matter in comparison with the value +and originality of the principles themselves. Ibn Khaldún +asserts, with justice, that he has discovered a new method of +writing history. No Moslem had ever taken a view at once +so comprehensive and so philosophical; none had attempted +to trace the deeply hidden causes of events, to expose the +moral and spiritual forces at work beneath the surface, or to +divine the immutable laws of national progress and decay. +Ibn Khaldún owed little to his predecessors, although he +mentions some of them with respect. He stood far above +his age, and his own countrymen have admired rather than +followed him. His intellectual descendants are the great +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_439" id="Page_439" href="#"><span><i>IBN KHALDÚN</i></span>439</a></span> +mediæval and modern historians of Europe—Machiavelli and +Vico and Gibbon.</p> + +<p class="tb">It is worth while to sketch briefly the peculiar theory of +historical development which Ibn Khaldún puts forward in +<span class="sidenote"> Ibn Kaldún's +theory of historical +evolution.</span> +his Prolegomena—a theory founded on the study +of actual conditions and events either past or +passing before his eyes.<a name="FNanchor_812" id="FNanchor_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812" class="fnanchor">812</a> He was struck, in the +first place, with the physical fact that in almost every part of +the Muḥammadan Empire great wastes of sand or stony +plateaux, arid and incapable of tillage, wedge themselves +between fertile domains of cultivated land. The former +were inhabited from time immemorial by nomad tribes, the +latter by an agricultural or industrial population; and we have +seen, in the case of Arabia, that cities like Mecca and Ḥíra +carried on a lively intercourse with the Bedouins and exerted +a civilising influence upon them. In Africa the same contrast +was strongly marked. It is no wonder, therefore, that Ibn +Khaldún divided the whole of mankind into two classes—Nomads +and Citizens. The nomadic life naturally precedes +and produces the other. Its characteristics are simplicity and +purity of manners, warlike spirit, and, above all, a loyal +devotion to the interests of the family and the tribe. As +the nomads become more civilised they settle down, form +states, and make conquests. They have now reached their +highest development. Corrupted by luxury, and losing the +virtues which raised them to power, they are soon swept away +by a ruder people. Such, in bare outline, is the course of +history as Ibn Khaldún regards it; but we must try to give +our readers some further account of the philosophical ideas +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_440" id="Page_440" href="#"><span><i>THE ARABS IN EUROPE</i></span>440</a></span> +underlying his conception. He discerns, in the life of tribes +and nations alike, two dominant forces which mould their +destiny. The primitive and cardinal force he calls <i>‘aṣabiyya</i>, +the <i>binding</i> element in society, the feeling which unites +members of the same family, tribe, nation, or empire, and +which in its widest acceptation is equivalent to the modern +term, Patriotism. It springs up and especially flourishes +among nomad peoples, where the instinct of self-preservation +awakens a keen sense of kinship and drives men to make +common cause with each other. This <i>‘aṣabiyya</i> is the vital +energy of States: by it they rise and grow; as it weakens +they decline; and its decay is the signal for their fall. The +second of the forces referred to is Religion. Ibn Khaldún +hardly ascribes to religion so much influence as we might +have expected from a Moslem. He recognises, however, that +it may be the only means of producing that solidarity without +which no State can exist. Thus in the twenty-seventh +chapter of his <i>Muqaddima</i> he lays down the proposition that +"the Arabs are incapable of founding an empire unless they +are imbued with religious enthusiasm by a prophet or a saint."</p> + +<p>In History he sees an endless cycle of progress and +retrogression, analogous to the phenomena of human life. +Kingdoms are born, attain maturity, and die within a definite +period which rarely exceeds three generations, <i>i.e.</i>, 120 years.<a name="FNanchor_813" id="FNanchor_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813" class="fnanchor">813</a> +During this time they pass through five stages of development +and decay.<a name="FNanchor_814" id="FNanchor_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814" class="fnanchor">814</a> It is noteworthy that Ibn Khaldún admits the +moral superiority of the Nomads. For him civilisation necessarily +involves corruption and degeneracy. If he did not +believe in the gradual advance of mankind towards some +higher goal, his pessimism was justified by the lessons of +experience and by the mournful plight of the Muḥammadan +world, to which his view was restricted.<a name="FNanchor_815" id="FNanchor_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815" class="fnanchor">815</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_441" id="Page_441" href="#"><span><i>EXPULSION OF THE MOORS</i></span>441</a></span>In 1492 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> the last stronghold of the European Arabs +opened its gates to Ferdinand and Isabella, and "the Cross +<span class="sidenote">The fall of +Granada +(1492 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +supplanted the Crescent on the towers of +Granada." The victors showed a barbarous +fanaticism that was the more abominable as it +violated their solemn pledges to respect the religion and +property of the Moslems, and as it utterly reversed the +tolerant and liberal treatment which the Christians of Spain +had enjoyed under Muḥammadan rule. Compelled to choose +between apostasy and exile, many preferred the latter alternative. +Those who remained were subjected to a terrible +persecution, until in 1609 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, by order of Philip III, the +Moors were banished <i>en masse</i> from Spanish soil.</p> + +<p class="tb">Spain was not the sole point whence Moslem culture spread +itself over the Christian lands. Sicily was conquered by the +<span class="sidenote"> The Arabs in +Sicily.</span> +Aghlabids of Tunis early in the ninth century, +and although the island fell into the hands of the +Normans in 1071 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, the court of Palermo +retained a semi-Oriental character. Here in the reign of +Frederick II of Hohenstaufen (1194-1250 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) might be +seen "astrologers from Baghdád with long beards and waving +robes, Jews who received princely salaries as translators of +Arabic works, Saracen dancers and dancing-girls, and Moors +who blew silver trumpets on festal occasions."<a name="FNanchor_816" id="FNanchor_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816" class="fnanchor">816</a> Both +Frederick himself and his son Manfred were enthusiastic +Arabophiles, and scandalised Christendom by their assumption +of 'heathen' manners as well as by the attention which they +devoted to Moslem philosophy and science. Under their +auspices Arabic learning was communicated to the neighbouring +towns of Lower Italy.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">442</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHAPTER X</h4> + +<h5>FROM THE MONGOL INVASION TO THE PRESENT DAY</h5> + +<p><span class="smcap">Before</span> proceeding to speak of the terrible catastrophe which +filled the whole of Western Asia with ruin and desolation, +<span class="sidenote"> General characteristics +of the +period.</span> +I may offer a few preliminary remarks concerning +the general character of the period which we +shall briefly survey in this final chapter. It +forms, one must admit, a melancholy conclusion to a glorious +history. The Caliphate, which symbolised the supremacy +of the Prophet's people, is swept away. Mongols, Turks, +Persians, all in turn build up great Muḥammadan empires, +but the Arabs have lost even the shadow of a leading part and +appear only as subordinate actors on a provincial stage. The +chief centres of Arabian life, such as it is, are henceforth +Syria and Egypt, which were held by the Turkish Mamelukes +until 1517 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, when they passed under Ottoman +rule. In North Africa the petty Berber dynasties (Ḥafṣids, +Ziyánids, and Marínids) gave place in the sixteenth century +to the Ottoman Turks. Only in Spain, where the Naṣrids of +Granada survived until 1492 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, in Morocco, where the +Sharífs (descendants of ‘Alí b. Abí Ṭálib) assumed the +sovereignty in 1544 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, and to some extent in Arabia +itself, did the Arabs preserve their political independence. +In such circumstances it would be vain to look for any +large developments of literature and culture worthy to rank +with those of the past. This is an age of imitation and +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_443" id="Page_443" href="#"><span><i>CHARACTER OF THE PERIOD</i></span>443</a></span> +compilation. Learned men abound, whose erudition embraces +every subject under the sun. The mass of writing shows no +visible diminution, and much of it is valuable and meritorious +work. But with one or two conspicuous exceptions—<i>e.g.</i> +the historian Ibn Khaldún and the mystic Sha‘rání—we +cannot point to any new departure, any fruitful ideas, any +trace of original and illuminating thought. The fifteenth and +sixteenth centuries "witnessed the rise and triumph of that +wonderful movement known as the Renaissance,... but +no ripple of this great upheaval, which changed the whole +current of intellectual and moral life in the West, reached the +shores of Islam."<a name="FNanchor_817" id="FNanchor_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817" class="fnanchor">817</a> Until comparatively recent times, when +Egypt and Syria first became open to European civilisation, +the Arab retained his mediæval outlook and habit of mind, +and was in no respect more enlightened than his forefathers +who lived under the ‘Abbásid Caliphate. And since the +Mongol Invasion I am afraid we must say that instead of +advancing farther along the old path he was being forced back +by the inevitable pressure of events. East of the Euphrates +the Mongols did their work of destruction so thoroughly that +no seeds were left from which a flourishing civilisation could +arise; and, moreover, the Arabic language was rapidly +extinguished by the Persian. In Spain, as we have seen, the +power of the Arabs had already begun to decline; Africa +was dominated by the Berbers, a rude, unlettered race, Egypt +and Syria by the blighting military despotism of the Turks. +Nowhere in the history of this period can we discern either of +the two elements which are most productive of literary +greatness: the quickening influence of a higher culture or the +inspiration of a free and vigorous national life.<a name="FNanchor_818" id="FNanchor_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818" class="fnanchor">818</a></p> + +<p class="tb">Between the middle of the eleventh century and the end + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_444" id="Page_444" href="#"><span><i>THE MOGUL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>444</a></span> + +of the fourteenth the nomad tribes dwelling beyond the Oxus +<span class="sidenote"> The Mongol +Invasion.</span> +burst over Western Asia in three successive waves. First +came the Seljúq Turks, then the Mongols +under Chingíz Khan and Húlágú, then the +hordes, mainly Turkish, of Tímúr. Regarding +the Seljúqs all that is necessary for our purpose has been said +in a former chapter. The conquests of Tímúr are a frightful +episode which I may be pardoned for omitting from this +history, inasmuch as their permanent results (apart from the +enormous damage which they inflicted) were inconsiderable; +and although the Indian empire of the Great Moguls, which +Bábur, a descendant of Tímúr, established in the first half of +the sixteenth century, ran a prosperous and brilliant course, its +culture was borrowed almost exclusively from Persian models +and does not come within the scope of the present work. +We shall, therefore, confine our view to the second wave +of the vast Asiatic migration, which bore the Mongols, led by +Chingíz Khan and Húlágú, from the steppes of China and +Tartary to the Mediterranean.</p> + +<p class="tb">In 1219 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Chingíz Khan, having consolidated his power +in the Far East, turned his face westward and suddenly +<span class="sidenote"> Chingíz Khan +and Húlágú.</span> +advanced into Transoxania, which at that time +formed a province of the wide dominions of the +Sháhs of Khwárizm (Khiva). The reigning +monarch, ‘Alá’u ’l-Dín Muḥammad, was unable to make an +effective resistance; and notwithstanding that his son, the +gallant Jalálu ’l-Dín, carried on a desperate guerilla for twelve +years, the invaders swarmed over Khurásán and Persia, +massacring the panic-stricken inhabitants wholesale and +leaving a wilderness behind them. Hitherto Baghdád had +not been seriously threatened, but on the first day of January, +1256 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>—an epoch-marking date—Húlágú, the grandson +of Chingíz Khan, crossed the Oxus, with the intention of +occupying the ‘Abbásid capital. I translate the following +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_445" id="Page_445" href="#"><span><i>HÚLÁGÚ AT BAGHDÁD</i></span>445</a></span> +narrative from a manuscript in my possession of the <i>Ta’ríkh +al-Khamís</i> by Diyárbakrí († 1574 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>):—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In the year 654 (<span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 1256 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) the stubborn tyrant, Húlágú, +the destroyer of the nations (<i>Mubídu ’l-Umam</i>), set forth and took +<span class="sidenote">Húlágú before +Baghdád (1258 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +the castle of Alamút from the Ismá‘ílís<a name="FNanchor_819" id="FNanchor_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819" class="fnanchor">819</a> and slew +them and laid waste the lands of Rayy.... And +in the year 655 there broke out at Baghdád a fearful +riot between the Sunnís and the Shí‘ites, which led to +great plunder and destruction of property. A number of Shí‘ites +were killed, and this so incensed and infuriated the Vizier Ibnu +’l-‘Alqami that he encouraged the Tartars to invade ‘Iráq, by which +means he hoped to take ample vengeance on the Sunnís.<a name="FNanchor_820" id="FNanchor_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820" class="fnanchor">820</a> And in +the beginning of the year 656 the tyrant Húlágú b. Túlí b. Chingíz +Khán, the Moghul, arrived at Baghdád with his army, including the +Georgians (<i>al-Kurj</i>) and the troops of Mosul. The Dawídár<a name="FNanchor_821" id="FNanchor_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821" class="fnanchor">821</a> +marched out of the city and met Húlágú's vanguard, which was +commanded by Bájú.<a name="FNanchor_822" id="FNanchor_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822" class="fnanchor">822</a> The Moslems, being few, suffered defeat; +whereupon Bájú advanced and pitched his camp to the west of +Baghdád, while Húlágú took up a position on the eastern side. +Then the Vizier Ibnu ’l-‘Alqamí said to the Caliph Musta‘ṣim +Billáh: "I will go to the Supreme Khán to arrange peace." So the +hound<a name="FNanchor_823" id="FNanchor_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823" class="fnanchor">823</a> went and obtained security for himself, and on his return +said to the Caliph: "The Khán desires to marry his daughter to +your son and to render homage to you, like the Seljúq kings, +and then to depart." Musta‘ṣim set out, attended by the nobles of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_446" id="Page_446" href="#"><span><i>THE MOGUL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>446</a></span> + +his court and the grandees of his time, in order to witness the +contract of marriage. The whole party were beheaded except the +Caliph, who was trampled to death. The Tartars <span class="sidenote"> Sack of +Baghdád.</span> +entered Baghdád and distributed themselves in bands +throughout the city. For thirty-four days the sword +was never sheathed. Few escaped. The slain amounted to 1,800,000 +and more. Then quarter was called.... Thus it is related in +the <i>Duwalu ’l-Islám</i>.<a name="FNanchor_824" id="FNanchor_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824" class="fnanchor">824</a>... And on this wise did the Caliphate pass +from Baghdád. As the poet sings:—</p></div> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"<i>Khalati ’l-manábiru wa-’l-asirralu minhumú</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>wa-‘alayhimú hatta ’l-mamáti salámú.</i>"</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"<i>The pulpits and the thrones are empty of them;</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>I bid them, till the hour of death, farewell!</i>"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>It seemed as if all Muḥammadan Asia lay at the feet of +the pagan conqueror. Resuming his advance, Húlágú +occupied Mesopotamia and sacked Aleppo. He then +returned to the East, leaving his lieutenant, Ketboghá, to +complete the reduction of Syria. Meanwhile, however, an +Egyptian army under the Mameluke Sultan Muẓaffar Quṭuz +was hastening to oppose the invaders. On Friday, the 25th +of Ramaḍán, 658 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>, a decisive battle was fought at ‘Ayn +Jálút (Goliath's Spring), west of the Jordan. <span class="sidenote">Battle of ‘Ayn +Jálút (September, +1260 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +The Tartars were routed with immense +slaughter, and their subsequent attempts to +wrest Syria from the Mamelukes met with no success. The +submission of Asia Minor was hardly more than nominal, but +in Persia the descendants of Húlágú, the Íl-Kháns, reigned +over a great empire, which the conversion of one of their +number, Gházán (1295-1304 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), restored to Moslem rule. +We are not concerned here with the further history of the +Mongols in Persia nor with that of the Persians themselves. +Since the days of Húlágú the lands east and west of the Tigris +are separated by an ever-widening gulf. The two races—Persians +and Arabs—to whose co-operation the mediæval +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_447" id="Page_447" href="#"><span><i>THE MAMELUKE DYNASTY</i></span>447</a></span> +world, from Samarcand to Seville, for a long time owed its +highest literary and scientific culture, have now finally dissolved +their partnership. It is true that the <span class="sidenote"> Arabic ceases to +be the language +of the whole +Moslem world.</span> +cleavage began many centuries earlier, and +before the fall of Baghdád the Persian genius had +already expressed itself in a splendid national +literature. But from this date onward the use of Arabic +by Persians is practically limited to theological and philosophical +writings. The Persian language has driven its rival out +of the field. Accordingly Egypt and Syria will now demand +the principal share of our attention, more especially as the +history of the Arabs of Granada, which properly belongs +to this period, has been related in the preceding chapter.</p> + +<p class="tb">The dynasty of the Mameluke<a name="FNanchor_825" id="FNanchor_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825" class="fnanchor">825</a> Sultans of Egypt was +founded in 1250 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> by Aybak, a Turkish slave, who +<span class="sidenote">The Mamelukes +of Egypt +(1250-1517 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +commenced his career in the service of the +Ayyúbid, Malik Ṣáliḥ Najmu ’l-Dín. His +successors<a name="FNanchor_826" id="FNanchor_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826" class="fnanchor">826</a> held sway in Egypt and Syria +until the conquest of these countries by the Ottomans. +The Mamelukes were rough soldiers, who seldom indulged +in any useless refinement, but they had a royal taste for +architecture, as the visitor to Cairo may still see. Their +administration, though disturbed by frequent mutinies and +murders, was tolerably prosperous on the whole, and their +victories over the Mongol hosts, as well as the crushing +blows which they dealt to the Crusaders, gave Islam new +prestige. The ablest of them all was Baybars, <span class="sidenote">Sultan Baybars +(1260-1277 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +who richly deserved his title Malik al-Ẓáhir, +<i>i.e.</i>, the Victorious King. His name has passed +into the legends of the people, and his warlike exploits into + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_448" id="Page_448" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>448</a></span> + +story-tellers to this day.<a name="FNanchor_827" id="FNanchor_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">827</a> The violent and brutal acts which he +sometimes committed—for he shrank from no crime when he +suspected danger—made him a terror to the ambitious nobles +around him, but did not harm his reputation as a just ruler. +Although he held the throne in virtue of having murdered +the late monarch with his own hand, he sought to give the +appearance of legitimacy to his usurpation. He therefore +recognised as Caliph a certain Abu ’l-Qásim Aḥmad, a pretended +scion of the ‘Abbásid house, invited him to Cairo, and took the +oath of allegiance to him in due form. The Caliph on his part +invested the Sultan with sovereignty over Egypt, <span class="sidenote">The ‘Abbásid +Caliphs of Egypt.</span> +Syria, Arabia, and all the provinces that he might +obtain by future conquests. This Aḥmad, entitled +al-Mustanṣir, was the first of a long series of mock Caliphs +who were appointed by the Mameluke Sultans and generally +kept under close surveillance in the citadel of Cairo. There is +no authority for the statement, originally made by Mouradgea +d'Ohsson in 1787 and often repeated since, that the last of the +line bequeathed his rights of succession to the Ottoman Sultan +Selím I, thus enabling the Sultans of Turkey to claim the title +and dignity of Caliph.<a name="FNanchor_828" id="FNanchor_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828" class="fnanchor">828</a></p> + +<p>The poets of this period are almost unknown in Europe, and +until they have been studied with due attention it would be +<span class="sidenote"> Arabic poetry +after the Mongol +Invasion.</span> +premature to assert that none of them rises above +mediocrity. At the same time my own impression +(based, I confess, on a very desultory and imperfect +acquaintance with their work) is that the best among them are +merely elegant and accomplished artists, playing brilliantly with +words and phrases, but doing little else. No doubt extreme artificiality +may coexist with poetical genius of a high order, provided +that it has behind it Mutanabbí's power, Ma‘arrí's earnestness, +or Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ's enthusiasm. In the absence of these + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_449" id="Page_449" href="#"><span><i>POETS OF THE PERIOD</i></span>449</a></span> + +qualities we must be content to admire the technical skill +with which the old tunes are varied and revived. Let us +take, for example, Ṣafiyyu ’l-Dín al-Ḥillí, who +was born at Ḥilla, a large town on the <span class="sidenote">Ṣafiyyu ’l-Dín +al-Ḥillí.</span> +Euphrates, in 1278 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, became laureate of +the Urtuqid dynasty at Máridín, and died in Baghdád about +1350. He is described as "the poet of his age absolutely," +and to judge from the extracts in Kutubí's <i>Fawátu +’l-Wafayát</i><a name="FNanchor_829" id="FNanchor_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829" class="fnanchor">829</a> he combined subtlety of fancy with remarkable +ease and sweetness of versification. Many of his pieces, +however, are <i>jeux d'esprit</i>, like his ode to the Prophet, in +which he employs 151 rhetorical figures, or like another +poem where all the nouns are diminutives.<a name="FNanchor_830" id="FNanchor_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830" class="fnanchor">830</a> The following +specimen of his work is too brief to do him justice:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"How can I have patience, and thou, mine eye's delight,</span> +<span class="i0"> +All the livelong year not one moment in my sight?</span> +<span class="i0"> +And with what can I rejoice my heart, when thou that art a joy</span> +<span class="i0"> +Unto every human heart, from me hast taken flight?</span> +<span class="i0"> +I swear by Him who made thy form the envy of the sun</span> +<span class="i0"> +(So graciously He clad thee with lovely beams of light):</span> +<span class="i0"> +The day when I behold thy beauty doth appear to me</span> +<span class="i0"> +As tho' it gleamed on Time's dull brow a constellation bright.</span> +<span class="i0"> +O thou scorner of my passion, for whose sake I count as naught</span> +<span class="i0"> +All the woe that I endure, all the injury and despite,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Come, regard the ways of God! for never He at life's last gasp</span> +<span class="i0"> +Suffereth the weight to perish even of one mite!"<a name="FNanchor_831" id="FNanchor_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831" class="fnanchor">831</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>We have already referred to the folk-songs (<i>muwashshaḥ</i> +and <i>zajal</i>) which originated in Spain. These simple ballads, + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_450" id="Page_450" href="#"><span><i>MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>450</a></span> + +<span class="sidenote"> Popular poetry.</span> +with their novel metres and incorrect language, were despised +by the classical school, that is to say, by nearly all Moslems +with any pretensions to learning; but their +popularity was such that even the court poets +occasionally condescended to write in this style. To the +<i>zajal</i> and <i>muwashshaḥ</i> we may add the <i>dúbayt</i>, the <i>mawáliyyá</i>, +the <i>kánwakán</i>, and the <i>ḥimáq</i>, which together with verse +of the regular form made up the 'seven kinds of poetry' +(<i>al-funún al-sab‘a</i>). Ṣafiyyu ’l-Dín al-Ḥillí, who wrote a +special treatise on the Arabic folk-songs, mentions two +other varieties which, he says, were invented by the people +of Baghdád to be sung in the early dawn of Ramaḍán, the +Moslem Lent.<a name="FNanchor_832" id="FNanchor_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832" class="fnanchor">832</a> It is interesting to observe that some few +literary men attempted, though in a timid fashion, to free +Arabic poetry from the benumbing academic system by +which it was governed and to pour fresh life into its veins. +A notable example of this tendency is the <i>Hazzu ’l-Quḥúf</i><a name="FNanchor_833" id="FNanchor_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833" class="fnanchor">833</a> +by Shirbíní, who wrote in 1687 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Here we have a +poem in the vulgar dialect of Egypt, but what is still more +curious, the author, while satirising the uncouth manners +and rude language of the peasantry, makes a bitter attack +on the learning and morals of the Muḥammadan divines.<a name="FNanchor_834" id="FNanchor_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834" class="fnanchor">834</a> +For this purpose he introduces a typical Fellah named +Abú Shádúf, whose rôle corresponds to that of Piers the +Plowman in Longland's <i>Vision</i>. Down to the end of the +nineteenth century, at any rate, such isolated offshoots had not +gone far to found a living school of popular poetry. Only the +future can show whether the Arabs are capable of producing a +genius who will succeed in doing for the national folk-songs +what Burns did for the Scots ballads.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_451" id="Page_451" href="#"><span><i>IBN KHALLIKÁN</i></span>451</a></span>Biography and History were cultivated with ardour by +the savants of Egypt and Syria. Among the numerous +<span class="sidenote">Ibn Khallikán +(1211-1282 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +compositions of this kind we can have no +hesitation in awarding the place of honour to +the <i>Wafayátu ’l-A‘yán</i>, or 'Obituaries of Eminent +Men,' by Shamsu ’l-Dín Ibn Khallikán, a work which +has often been quoted in the foregoing pages. The author +belonged to a distinguished family descending from Yaḥyá +b. Khálid the Barmecide (see p. <a href="#Page_259">259</a> seq.), and was born at +Arbela in 1211 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> He received his education at Aleppo +and Damascus (1229-1238) and then proceeded to Cairo, +where he finished the first draft of his Biographical +Dictionary in 1256. Five years later he was appointed by +Sultan Baybars to be Chief Cadi of Syria. He retained +this high office (with a seven years' interval, which he +devoted to literary and biographical studies) until a short time +before his death. In the Preface to the <i>Wafayát</i> Ibn Khallikán +observes that he has adopted the alphabetical order as more +convenient than the chronological. As regards the scope and +character of his Dictionary, he says:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"I have not limited my work to the history of any one particular +class of persons, as learned men, princes, emirs, viziers, or poets; +<span class="sidenote"> His Biographical +Dictionary.</span> +but I have spoken of all those whose names are +familiar to the public, and about whom questions +are frequently asked; I have, however, related the +facts I could ascertain respecting them in a concise manner, lest +my work should become too voluminous; I have fixed with all +possible exactness the dates of their birth and death; I have +traced up their genealogy as high as I could; I have marked the +orthography of those names which are liable to be written incorrectly; +and I have cited the traits which may best serve to +characterise each individual, such as noble actions, singular anecdotes, +verses and letters, so that the reader may derive amusement +from my work, and find it not exclusively of such a uniform cast +as would prove tiresome; for the most effectual inducement to +reading a book arises from the variety of its style."<a name="FNanchor_835" id="FNanchor_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835" class="fnanchor">835</a></p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_452" id="Page_452" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>452</a></span></p> + +<p>Ibn Khallikan might have added that he was the first Muḥammadan +writer to design a Dictionary of National Biography, +since none of his predecessors had thought of comprehending +the lives of eminent Moslems of every class in a single work.<a name="FNanchor_836" id="FNanchor_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836" class="fnanchor">836</a> +The merits of the book have been fully recognised by the +author's countrymen as well as by European scholars. It is +composed in simple and elegant language, it is extremely +accurate, and it contains an astonishing quantity of miscellaneous +historical and literary information, not drily catalogued +but conveyed in the most pleasing fashion by anecdotes and +excerpts which illustrate every department of Moslem life. +I am inclined to agree with the opinion of Sir William +Jones, that it is the best general biography ever written; +and allowing for the difference of scale and scope, I +think it will bear comparison with a celebrated English +work which it resembles in many ways—I mean Boswell's +<i>Johnson</i>.<a name="FNanchor_837" id="FNanchor_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837" class="fnanchor">837</a></p> + +<p class="tb">To give an adequate account of the numerous and talented +historians of the Mameluke period would require far more +<span class="sidenote"> Historians of +the Mameluke +period.</span> +space than they can reasonably claim in a review +of this kind. Concerning Ibn Khaldún, who +held a professorship as well as the office of Cadi +in Cairo under Sultan Barqúq (1382-1398 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), we have +already spoken at some length. This extraordinary genius +discovered principles and methods which might have been + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_453" id="Page_453" href="#"><span><i>MAQRÍZÍ AND OTHER HISTORIANS</i></span>453</a></span> + +expected to revolutionise historical science, but neither was +he himself capable of carrying them into effect nor, as the +event proved, did they inspire his successors to abandon +the path of tradition. I cannot imagine any more decisive +symptom of the intellectual lethargy in which Islam was +now sunk, or any clearer example of the rule that even +the greatest writers struggle in vain against the spirit of +their own times. There were plenty of learned men, however, +who compiled local and universal histories. Considering +the precious materials which their industry has preserved for +us, we should rather admire these diligent and erudite authors +than complain of their inability to break away from the +established mode. Perhaps the most famous among them +is Taqiyyu ’l-Dín al-Maqrízí (1364-1442 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). A native +of Cairo, he devoted himself to Egyptian history and +antiquities, on which subject he composed several standard +works, such as the <i>Khiṭaṭ</i><a name="FNanchor_838" id="FNanchor_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838" class="fnanchor">838</a> and the <i>Sulúk</i>.<a name="FNanchor_839" id="FNanchor_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839" class="fnanchor">839</a> Although he +was both unconscientious and uncritical, too often copying +without acknowledgment or comment, and indulging in +wholesale plagiarism when it suited his purpose, <span class="sidenote"> Maqrízí.</span> +these faults which are characteristic of his age may +easily be excused. "He has accumulated and reduced to a +certain amount of order a large quantity of information that +would but for him have passed into oblivion. He is generally +painstaking and accurate, and always resorts to contemporary +evidence if it is available. Also he has a pleasant and lucid +style, and writes without bias and apparently with distinguished +impartiality."<a name="FNanchor_840" id="FNanchor_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840" class="fnanchor">840</a> Other well-known works belonging to this + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_454" id="Page_454" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>454</a></span> + +epoch are the <i>Fakhrí</i> of Ibnu ’l-Ṭiqṭaqá, a delightful manual +of Muḥammadan politics<a name="FNanchor_841" id="FNanchor_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841" class="fnanchor">841</a> which was written at Mosul in +1302 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>; the epitome of universal history by Abu ’l-Fidá, +Prince of Ḥamát († 1331); the voluminous Chronicle of +Islam by Dhahabí († 1348); the high-flown Biography of +Tímúr entitled <i>‘Ajá’ibu ’l-Maqdúr</i>, or 'Marvels of Destiny,' +by Ibn ‘Arabsháh († 1450); and the <i>Nujúm al-Záhira</i> +('Resplendent Stars') by Abu ’l-Maḥásin b. Taghríbirdí +(† 1469), which contains the annals of Egypt under the +Moslems. The political and literary history of Muḥammadan +Spain by Maqqarí of Tilimsán († 1632) was mentioned +in the last chapter.<a name="FNanchor_842" id="FNanchor_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842" class="fnanchor">842</a></p> + +<p>If we were asked to select a single figure who should exhibit +as completely as possible in his own person the literary +<span class="sidenote">Jalálu ’l-Dín al-Suyúṭí +(1445-1505 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +tendencies of the Alexandrian age of Arabic +civilisation, our choice would assuredly fall on +Jalálu ’l-Dín al-Suyúṭí, who was born at Suyúṭ +(Usyúṭ) in Upper Egypt in 1445 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> His family came +originally from Persia, but, like Dhahabí, Ibn Taghríbirdí, and +many celebrated writers of this time, he had, through his +mother, an admixture of Turkish blood. At the age of five +years and seven months, when his father died, the precocious +boy had already reached the <i>Súratu ’l-Taḥrím</i> (Súra of Forbidding), +which is the sixty-sixth chapter of the Koran, and he +knew the whole volume by heart before he was eight years old. +He prosecuted his studies under the most renowned masters +in every branch of Moslem learning, and on finishing his +education held one Professorship after another at Cairo until +1501, when he was deprived of his post in consequence of +malversation of the bursary monies in his charge. He died + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_455" id="Page_455" href="#"><span><i>JALÁLU ’L-DÍN AL-SUYÚṬÍ</i></span>455</a></span> + +four years later in the islet of Rawḍa on the Nile, whither he +had retired under the pretence of devoting the rest of his life +to God. We possess the titles of more than five hundred +separate works which he composed. This number would be +incredible but for the fact that many of them are brief +pamphlets displaying the author's curious erudition on all sorts +of abstruse subjects—<i>e.g.</i>, whether the Prophet wore trousers, +whether his turban had a point, and whether his parents are in +Hell or Paradise. Suyúṭí's indefatigable pen travelled over +an immense field of knowledge—Koran, Tradition, Law, +Philosophy and History, Philology and Rhetoric. Like some +of the old Alexandrian scholars, he seems to have taken pride +in a reputation for polygraphy, and his enemies declared that +he made free with other men's books, which he used to alter +slightly and then give out as his own. Suyúṭí, on his part, +laid before the Shaykhu ’l-Islám a formal accusation of +plagiarism against Qasṭallání, an eminent contemporary divine. +We are told that his vanity and arrogance involved him in +frequent quarrels, and that he was 'cut' by his learned +brethren. Be this as it may, he saw what the public wanted. +His compendious and readable handbooks were famed +throughout the Moslem world, as he himself boasts, from +India to Morocco, and did much to popularise the scientific +culture of the day. It will be enough to mention here the +<i>Itqán</i> on Koranic exegesis; the <i>Tafsíru ’l-Jalálayn</i>, or 'Commentary +on the Koran by the two Jaláls,' which was begun +by Jalálu ’l-Dín al-Maḥallí and finished by his namesake, +Suyúṭí; the <i>Muzhir</i> (<i>Mizhar</i>), a treatise on philology; the +<i>Ḥusnu ’l-Muḥáḍara</i>, a history of Old and New Cairo; and +the <i>Ta’ríkhu ’l-Khulafá</i>, or 'History of the Caliphs.'</p> + +<p class="tb">To dwell longer on the literature of this period would only +be to emphasise its scholastic and unoriginal character. A +passing mention, however, is due to the encyclopædists Nuwayrí +(† 1332), author of the <i>Niháyatu ’l-Arab</i>, and Ibnu ’l-Wardí + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_456" id="Page_456" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>456</a></span> + +(† 1349). Ṣafadí († 1363) compiled a gigantic biographical +dictionary, the <i>Wáfí bi ’l-Wafayát</i>, in twenty-six volumes, and +the learned traditionist, Ibn Ḥajar of Ascalon <span class="sidenote"> Other scholars +of the period.</span> +(† 1449), has left a large number of writings, +among which it will be sufficient to name the +<i>Iṣába fí tamyíz al-Ṣaḥába</i>, or Lives of the Companions of the +Prophet.<a name="FNanchor_843" id="FNanchor_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843" class="fnanchor">843</a> We shall conclude this part of our subject by +enumerating a few celebrated works which may be described +in modern terms as standard text-books for the Schools and +Universities of Islam. Amidst the host of manuals of +Theology and Jurisprudence, with their endless array of +abridgments, commentaries, and supercommentaries, possibly +the best known to European students are those by Abu +’l-Barakát al-Nasafí († 1310), ‘Aḍudu ’l-Dín al-Íjí († 1355), +Sídí Khalíl al-Jundí († 1365), Taftázání († 1389), Sharíf +al-Jurjání († 1413), and Muḥammad b. Yúsuf al-Sanúsí († 1486). +For Philology and Lexicography we have the <i>Alfiyya</i>, a +versified grammar by Ibn Málik of Jaen († 1273); the +<i>Ájurrúmiyya</i> on the rudiments of grammar, an exceedingly +popular compendium by Ṣanhájí († 1323); and two famous +Arabic dictionaries, the <i>Lisánu ’l-‘Arab</i> by Jamálu ’l-Dín Ibn +Mukarram († 1311), and the <i>Qámús</i> by Fírúzábádí († 1414). +Nor, although he was a Turk, should we leave unnoticed the +great bibliographer Ḥájjí Khalífa († 1658), whose <i>Kashfu +’l-Ẓunún</i> contains the titles, arranged alphabetically, of all +the Arabic, Persian, and Turkish books of which the +existence was known to him.</p> + +<p class="tb">The Mameluke period gave final shape to the <i>Alf Layla +wa-Layla</i>, or 'Thousand and One Nights,' a work which is +far more popular in Europe than the Koran or any other masterpiece +of Arabic literature. The modern title, 'Arabian Nights,' +tells only a part of the truth. Mas‘údí († 956 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) mentions + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_457" id="Page_457" href="#"><span><i>THE THOUSAND AND ONE NIGHTS</i></span>457</a></span> + +an old Persian book, the <i>Hazár Afsána</i> ('Thousand Tales') +which "is generally called the Thousand and One Nights; it +is the story of the King and his Vizier, and of the <span class="sidenote"> The 'Thousand +and One Nights.'</span> +Vizier's daughter and her slave-girl: Shírázád and +Dínázád."<a name="FNanchor_844" id="FNanchor_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844" class="fnanchor">844</a> The author of the <i>Fihrist</i>, writing +in 988 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, begins his chapter "concerning the Story-Tellers +and the Fabulists and the names of the books which they +composed" with the following passage (p. 304):—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The first who composed fables and made books of them and put +them by in treasuries and sometimes introduced animals as speaking +<span class="sidenote"> Persian origin +of the 'Thousand +and One +Nights.'</span> +them were the Ancient Persians. Afterwards the +Parthian kings, who form the third dynasty of the +kings of Persia, showed the utmost zeal in this matter. +Then in the days of the Sásánian kings such books +became numerous and abundant, and the Arabs translated them +into the Arabic tongue, and they soon reached the hands of philologists +and rhetoricians, who corrected and embellished them and +composed other books in the same style. Now the first book ever +made on this subject was the Book of the Thousand Tales (<i>Hazár +Afsán</i>), on the following occasion: A certain king of Persia used +to marry a woman for one night and kill her the next morning. +And he wedded a wise and clever princess, called Shahrázád, who +began to tell him stories and brought the tale at daybreak to a point +that induced the king to spare her life and ask her on the second +night to finish her tale. So she continued until a thousand nights +had passed, and she was blessed with a son by him.... And the +king had a stewardess (<i>qahramána</i>) named Dínárzád, who was in +league with the queen. It is also said that this book was composed +for Ḥumání, the daughter of Bahman, and there are various traditions +concerning it. The truth, if God will, is that Alexander (the +Great) was the first who heard stories by night, and <span class="sidenote">The <i>Hazár +Afsán</i>.</span> +he had people to make him laugh and divert him with +tales; although he did not seek amusement therein, +but only to store and preserve them (in his memory). The kings +who came after him used the 'Thousand Tales' (<i>Hazár Afsán</i>) for this + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_458" id="Page_458" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>458</a></span> + +purpose. It covers a space of one thousand nights, but contains +less than two hundred stories, because the telling of a single story +often takes several nights. I have seen the complete work more +than once, and it is indeed a vulgar, insipid book (<i>kitáb<sup>un</sup> ghathth<sup>un</sup> +báridu ’l-hadíth</i>).<a name="FNanchor_845" id="FNanchor_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845" class="fnanchor">845</a></p> + +<p>Abu ‘Abdalláh Muḥammad b. ‘Abdús al-Jahshiyárí (†942-943 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +the author of the 'Book of Viziers,' began to compile a book in +which he selected one thousand stories of the Arabs, the Persians, +the Greeks, and other peoples, every piece being independent +and unconnected with the rest. He gathered the story-tellers round +him and took from them the best of what they knew and were able +to tell, and he chose out of the fable and story-books whatever +pleased him. He was a skilful craftsman, so he put together from +this material 480 nights, each night an entire story of fifty pages, +more or less, but death surprised him before he completed the +thousand tales as he had intended."</p></div> + +<p>Evidently, then, the <i>Hazár Afsán</i> was the kernel of the +'Arabian Nights,' and it is probable that this Persian +archetype included the most finely imaginative +tales in the existing collection, <i>e.g.</i>, the 'Fisherman +and the Genie,' 'Camaralzamán and <span class="sidenote"> Different sources +of the collection.</span> +Budúr,' and the 'Enchanted Horse.' As time went on, the +original stock received large additions which may be divided +into two principal groups, both Semitic in character: the one +belonging to Baghdád and consisting mainly of humorous +anecdotes and love romances in which the famous Caliph +'Haroun Alraschid' frequently comes on the scene; the +other having its centre in Cairo, and marked by a roguish, +ironical pleasantry as well as by the mechanic supernaturalism +which is perfectly illustrated in 'Aladdin and the Wonderful +Lamp.' But, apart from these three sources, the 'Arabian +Nights' has in the course of centuries accumulated and +absorbed an immense number of Oriental folk-tales of every +description, equally various in origin and style. The oldest +translation by Galland (Paris, 1704-1717) is a charming + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_459" id="Page_459" href="#"><span><i>THE ROMANCE OF ‘ANTAR</i></span>459</a></span> + +paraphrase, which in some respects is more true to the spirit of +the original than are the scholarly renderings of Lane and +Burton.</p> + +<p>The 'Romance of ‘Antar' (<i>Síratu ‘Antar</i>) is traditionally +ascribed to the great philologist, Aṣma‘í,<a name="FNanchor_846" id="FNanchor_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846" class="fnanchor">846</a> who flourished in +the reign of Hárún al-Rashíd, but this must be considered +as an invention of the professional reciters <span class="sidenote">The 'Romance +of ‘Antar.'</span> +who sit in front of Oriental cafés and entertain +the public with their lively declamations.<a name="FNanchor_847" id="FNanchor_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847" class="fnanchor">847</a> According to +Brockelmann, the work in its present form apparently dates +from the time of the Crusades.<a name="FNanchor_848" id="FNanchor_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848" class="fnanchor">848</a> Its hero is the celebrated +heathen poet and warrior, ‘Antara b. Shaddád, of whom we +have already given an account as author of one of the seven +<i>Mu‘allaqát</i>. Though the Romance exhibits all the +anachronisms and exaggerations of popular legend, it does +nevertheless portray the unchanging features of Bedouin life +with admirable fidelity and picturesqueness. Von Hammer, +whose notice in the <i>Mines de l'Orient</i> (1802) was the means +of introducing the <i>Síratu ‘Antar</i> to European readers, justly +remarks that it cannot be translated in full owing to its +portentous length. It exists in two recensions called respectively +the Arabian (<i>Ḥijáziyya</i>) and the Syrian (<i>Shámiyya</i>), the +latter being very much curtailed.<a name="FNanchor_849" id="FNanchor_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849" class="fnanchor">849</a></p> + +<p class="tb">While the decadent state of Arabic literature during all + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_460" id="Page_460" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>460</a></span> + +these centuries was immediately caused by unfavourable social +and political conditions, the real source of the malady lay +deeper, and must, I think, be referred to the spiritual +paralysis which had long been creeping over <span class="sidenote"> Orthodoxy and +mysticism.</span> +Islam and which manifested itself by the complete +victory of the Ash‘arites or Scholastic Theologians about +1200 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Philosophy and Rationalism were henceforth as +good as dead. Two parties remained in possession of the field—the +orthodox and the mystics. The former were naturally +intolerant of anything approaching to free-thought, and in +their principle of <i>ijmá‘</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, the consensus of public opinion +(which was practically controlled by themselves), they found a +potent weapon against heresy. How ruthlessly they sometimes +used it we may see from the following passage in the +<i>Yawáqít</i> of Sha‘rání. After giving instances of the persecution +to which the Ṣúfís of old—Báyazíd, Dhú ’l-Nún, and +others—were subjected by their implacable enemies, the +<i>‘Ulamá</i>, he goes on to speak of what had happened more +recently<a name="FNanchor_850" id="FNanchor_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850" class="fnanchor">850</a>:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"They brought the Imám Abú Bakr al-Nábulusí, notwithstanding +his merit and profound learning and rectitude in religion, from the +<span class="sidenote"> Persecution of +heretics.</span> +Maghrib to Egypt and testified that he was a heretic +(<i>zindíq</i>). The Sultan gave orders that he should be +suspended by his feet and flayed alive. While the +sentence was being carried out, he began to recite the Koran with +such an attentive and humble demeanour that he moved the hearts +of the people, and they were near making a riot. And likewise they +caused Nasímí to be flayed at Aleppo.<a name="FNanchor_851" id="FNanchor_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851" class="fnanchor">851</a> When he silenced them by + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_461" id="Page_461" href="#"><span><i>SCHOLASTICS AND ṢÚFÍS</i></span>461</a></span> + +his arguments, they devised a plan for his destruction, thus: They +wrote the <i>Súratu ’l-Ikhláṣ</i><a name="FNanchor_852" id="FNanchor_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852" class="fnanchor">852</a> on a piece of paper and bribed a cobbler +of shoes, saying to him, 'It contains only love and pleasantness, +so place it inside the sole of the shoe.' Then they took that shoe +and sent it from a far distance as a gift to the Shaykh (Nasímí), who +put it on, for he knew not. His adversaries went to the governor +of Aleppo and said: 'We have sure information that Nasímí has +written, <i>Say, God is One</i>, and has placed the writing in the sole of +his shoe. If you do not believe us, send for him and see!' The +governor did as they wished. On the production of the paper, the +Shaykh resigned himself to the will of God and made no answer to +the charge, knowing well that he would be killed on that pretext. +I was told by one who studied under his disciples that all the time +when he was being flayed Nasímí was reciting <i>muwashshaḥs</i> in +praise of the Unity of God, until he composed five hundred verses, +and that he was looking at his executioners and smiling. And likewise +they brought Shaykh Abu ’l-Ḥasan al-Shádhilí<a name="FNanchor_853" id="FNanchor_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853" class="fnanchor">853</a> from the West +to Egypt and bore witness that he was a heretic, but God delivered +him from their plots. And they accused Shaykh ‘Izzu ’l-Dín b. +‘Abd al-Salám<a name="FNanchor_854" id="FNanchor_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854" class="fnanchor">854</a> of infidelity and sat in judgment over him on +account of some expressions in his <i>‘Aqída</i> (Articles of Faith) and +urged the Sultan to punish him; afterwards, however, he was +restored to favour. They denounced Shaykh Táju ’l-Dín al-Subkí<a name="FNanchor_855" id="FNanchor_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855" class="fnanchor">855</a> +on the same charge, asserting that he held it lawful to drink wine +and that he wore at night the badge (<i>ghiyár</i>) of the unbelievers and +the zone (<i>zunnár</i>)<a name="FNanchor_856" id="FNanchor_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856" class="fnanchor">856</a>; and they brought him, manacled and in chains, +from Syria to Egypt."</p></div> + +<p>This picture is too highly coloured. It must be admitted +for the credit of the <i>‘Ulamá</i>, that they seldom resorted +to violence. Islam was happily spared the horrors of an +organised Inquisition. On the other hand, their authority was + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_462" id="Page_462" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>462</a></span> + +now so firmly established that all progress towards moral and +intellectual liberty had apparently ceased, or at any rate only +betrayed itself in spasmodic outbursts. Ṣúfiism in some degree +represented such a movement, but the mystics shared the +triumph of Scholasticism and contributed to the reaction which +ensued. No longer an oppressed minority struggling for +toleration, they found themselves side by side with reverend +doctors on a platform broad enough to accommodate all +parties, and they saw their own popular heroes turned into +Saints of the orthodox Church. The compromise did not +always work smoothly—in fact, there was continual friction—but +on the whole it seems to have borne the strain wonderfully +well. If pious souls were shocked by the lawlessness of +the Dervishes, and if bigots would fain have burned the books of +Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí and Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ, the divines in general showed +a disposition to suspend judgment in matters touching holy +men and to regard them as standing above human criticism.</p> + +<p class="tb">As typical representatives of the religious life of this +period we may take two men belonging to widely opposite +camps—Taqiyyu ’l-Dín Ibn Taymiyya and ‘Abdu ’l-Wahháb +al-Sha‘rání.</p> + +<p>Ibn Taymiyya was born at Ḥarrán in 1263 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> A few +years later his father, fleeing before the Mongols, brought him +<span class="sidenote">Ibn Taymiyya +(1263-1328 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +to Damascus, where in due course he received an +excellent education. It is said that he never +forgot anything which he had once learned, and +his knowledge of theology and law was so extensive as almost +to justify the saying, "A tradition that Ibn Taymiyya does +not recognise is no tradition." Himself a Ḥanbalite of the +deepest dye—holding, in other words, that the Koran must be +interpreted according to its letter and not by the light of +reason—he devoted his life with rare courage to the work of +religious reform. His aim, in short, was to restore the primitive +monotheism taught by the Prophet and to purge Islam + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_463" id="Page_463" href="#"><span><i>IBN TAYMIYYA</i></span>463</a></span> + +of the heresies and corruptions which threatened to destroy it. +One may imagine what a hornet's nest he was attacking. +Mystics, philosophers, and scholastic theologians, all fell alike +under the lash of his denunciation. Bowing to no authority, +but drawing his arguments from the traditions and practice of +the early Church, he expressed his convictions in the most +forcible terms, without regard to consequences. Although +several times thrown into prison, he could not be muzzled for +long. The climax was reached when he lifted up his voice +against the superstitions of the popular faith—saint-worship, +pilgrimage to holy shrines, vows, offerings, and invocations. +These things, which the zealous puritan condemned as sheer +idolatry, were part of a venerable cult that was hallowed by +ancient custom, and had engrafted itself in luxuriant overgrowth +upon Islam. The mass of Moslems believed, and still +believe implicitly in the saints, accept their miracles, adore +their relics, visit their tombs, and pray for their intercession. +Ibn Taymiyya even declared that it was wrong to implore the +aid of the Prophet or to make a pilgrimage to his sepulchre. +It was a vain protest. He ended his days in captivity at +Damascus. The vast crowds who attended his funeral—we +are told that there were present 200,000 men and 15,000 +women—bore witness to the profound respect which was +universally felt for the intrepid reformer. Oddly enough, he +was buried in the Cemetery of the Ṣúfís, whose doctrines he had +so bitterly opposed, and the multitude revered his memory—as +a saint! The principles which inspired Ibn Taymiyya did not +fall to the ground, although their immediate effect was confined +to a very small circle. We shall see them reappearing victoriously +in the Wahhábite movement of the eighteenth century.</p> + +<p class="tb">Notwithstanding the brilliant effort of Ghazálí to harmonise +dogmatic theology with mysticism, it soon became clear that +the two parties were in essence irreconcilable. The orthodox +clergy who held fast by the authority of the Koran and the> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_464" id="Page_464" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>464</a></span> + +Traditions saw a grave danger to themselves in the esoteric +revelation which the mystics claimed to possess; while the +latter, though externally conforming to the law of Islam, +looked down with contempt on the idea that true knowledge +of God could be derived from theology, or from any source +except the inner light of heavenly inspiration. Hence the +antithesis of <i>faqíh</i> (theologian) and <i>faqír</i> (dervish), the one +class forming a powerful official hierarchy in close alliance with +the Government, whereas the Ṣúfís found their chief support +among the people at large, and especially among the poor. +We need not dwell further on the natural antagonism which +has always existed between these rival corporations, and which +is a marked feature in the modern history of Islam. It will be +more instructive to spend a few moments with the last great +Muḥammadan theosophist, ‘Abdu ’l-Wahháb <span class="sidenote">Sha‘rání +† 1565 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</span> +al-Sha‘rání, a man who, with all his weaknesses, +was an original thinker, and exerted an influence +strongly felt to this day, as is shown by the steady demand for +his books. He was born about the beginning of the sixteenth +century. Concerning his outward life we have little information +beyond the facts that he was a weaver by trade and resided +in Cairo. At this time Egypt was a province of the Ottoman +Empire. Sha‘rání contrasts the miserable lot of the peasantry +under the new <i>régime</i> with their comparative prosperity under +the Mamelukes. So terrible were the exactions of the tax-gatherers +that the fellah was forced to sell the whole produce +of his land, and sometimes even the ox which ploughed it, in +order to save himself and his family from imprisonment; and +every lucrative business was crushed by confiscation. It is +not to be supposed, however, that Sha‘rání gave serious attention +to such sublunary matters. He lived in a world of +visions and wonderful experiences. He conversed with angels +and prophets, like his more famous predecessor, Muḥyi ’l-Dín +Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí, whose <i>Meccan Revelations</i> he studied and +epitomised. His autobiography entitled <i>Laṭá’ifu ’l-Minan</i> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_465" id="Page_465" href="#"><span><i>SHA‘RÁNÍ</i></span>465</a></span> + +displays the hierophant in full dress. It is a record of the +singular spiritual gifts and virtues with which he was endowed, +and would rank as a masterpiece of shameless self-laudation, +did not the author repeatedly assure us that all his extraordinary +qualities are Divine blessings and are gratefully set +forth by their recipient <i>ad majorem Dei gloriam</i>. We should +be treating Sha‘rání very unfairly if we judged him by this +work alone. The arrogant miracle-monger was one of the +most learned men of his day, and could beat the scholastic +theologians with their own weapons. Indeed, he regarded +theology (<i>fiqh</i>) as the first step towards Ṣúfiism, and endeavoured +to show that in reality they are different aspects of the +same science. He also sought to harmonise the four great +schools of law, whose disagreement was consecrated by the +well-known saying ascribed to the Prophet: "The variance +of my people is an act of Divine mercy" (<i>ikhtiláfu ummatí +raḥmat<sup>un</sup></i>). Like the Arabian Ṣúfís generally, Sha‘rání kept his +mysticism within narrow bounds, and declared himself an +adherent of the moderate section which follows Junayd of +Baghdád († 909-910 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). For all his extravagant pretensions +and childish belief in the supernatural, he never lost touch with +the Muḥammadan Church.</p> + +<p class="tb">In the thirteenth century Ibn Taymiyya had tried to +eradicate the abuses which obscured the simple creed of Islam. +He failed, but his work was carried on by others and was +crowned, after a long interval, by the Wahhábite Reformation.<a name="FNanchor_857" id="FNanchor_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857" class="fnanchor">857</a></p> + +<p>Muḥammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahháb,<a name="FNanchor_858" id="FNanchor_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858" class="fnanchor">858</a> from whom its name is + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_466" id="Page_466" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>466</a></span> + +Arabia. In his youth he visited the principal cities of the +<span class="sidenote">Muḥammad b. +‘Abd al-Wahháb +and his +successors.</span> +East, "as is much the practice with his countrymen +even now,"<a name="FNanchor_859" id="FNanchor_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859" class="fnanchor">859</a> and what he observed in the +course of his travels convinced him that Islam was +thoroughly corrupt. Fired by the example of Ibn Taymiyya, +whose writings he copied with his own hand,<a name="FNanchor_860" id="FNanchor_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860" class="fnanchor">860</a> Ibn ‘Abd +al-Wahháb determined to re-establish the pure religion of +Muḥammad in its primitive form. Accordingly he returned +home and retired with his family to Ḍira‘iyya at the time when +Muḥammad b. Sa‘úd was the chief personage of the town. +This man became his first convert and soon after married his +daughter. But it was not until the end of the eighteenth century +that the Wahhábís, under ‘Abdu ’l-‘Azíz, son of Muḥammad +b. Sa‘úd, gained their first great successes. In 1801 they sacked +Imám-Ḥusayn,<a name="FNanchor_861" id="FNanchor_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861" class="fnanchor">861</a> a town in the vicinity of Baghdád, massacred +five thousand persons, and destroyed the cupola of Ḥusayn's +tomb; the veneration paid by all Shí‘ites to that shrine being, +as Burckhardt says, a sufficient cause to attract the Wahhábí +fury against it. Two years later they made themselves +masters of the whole Ḥijáz, including Mecca and Medína. +On the death of ‘Abdu ’l-‘Azíz, who was assassinated in the +same year, his eldest son, Sa‘úd, continued the work of conquest +and brought the greater part of Arabia under Wahhábite rule. +At last, in 1811, Turkey despatched a fleet and army to recover +the Holy Cities. This task was accomplished by Muḥammad +‘Alí, the Pasha of Egypt (1812-13), and after five years' hard +fighting the war ended in favour of the Turks, who in 1818 +inflicted a severe defeat on the Wahhábís and took their +capital, Ḍira‘iyya, by storm. The sect, however, still maintains + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_467" id="Page_467" href="#"><span><i>THE WAHHABITE REFORMATION</i></span>467</a></span> + +its power in Central Arabia, and in recent times has acquired +political importance.</p> + +<p>The Wahhábís were regarded by the Turks as infidels and +authors of a new religion. It was natural that they should +<span class="sidenote"> The Wahhábite +Reformation.</span> +appear in this light, for they interrupted the +pilgrim-caravans, demolished the domes and +ornamented tombs of the most venerable Saints +(not excepting that of the Prophet himself), and broke to +pieces the Black Stone in the Ka‘ba. All this they did not as +innovators, but as reformers. They resembled the Carmathians +only in their acts. Burckhardt says very truly: "Not +a single new precept was to be found in the Wahaby code. +Abd el Waháb took as his sole guide the Koran and the Sunne +(or the laws formed upon the traditions of Mohammed); and +the only difference between his sect and the orthodox Turks, +however improperly so termed, is, that the Wahabys rigidly +follow the same laws which the others neglect, or have ceased +altogether to observe."<a name="FNanchor_862" id="FNanchor_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862" class="fnanchor">862</a> "The Wahhábites," says Dozy, +"attacked the idolatrous worship of Mahomet; although he +was in their eyes a Prophet sent to declare the will of God, he +was no less a man like others, and his mortal shell, far from +having mounted to heaven, rested in the tomb at Medína. +Saint-worship they combated just as strongly. They proclaimed +that all men are equal before God; that even the +most virtuous and devout cannot intercede with Him; and +that, consequently, it is a sin to invoke the Saints and to adore +their relics."<a name="FNanchor_863" id="FNanchor_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863" class="fnanchor">863</a> In the same puritan spirit they forbade the +smoking of tobacco, the wearing of gaudy robes, and praying +over the rosary. "It has been stated that they likewise prohibited +the drinking of coffee; this, however, is not the fact: +they have always used it to an immoderate degree."<a name="FNanchor_864" id="FNanchor_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864" class="fnanchor">864</a></p> + +<p>The Wahhábite movement has been compared with the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_468" id="Page_468" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>468</a></span> + +Protestant Reformation in Europe; but while the latter was +followed by the English and French Revolutions, the former +has not yet produced any great political results. It has borne +fruit in a general religious revival throughout the world of +Islam and particularly in the mysterious Sanúsiyya +<span class="sidenote"> The Sanúsís in +Africa.</span>Brotherhood, whose influence is supreme in +Tripoli, the Sahara, and the whole North +African Hinterland, and whose members are reckoned by +millions. Muḥammad b. ‘Alí b. Sanúsí, the founder of this +vast and formidable organisation, was born at Algiers in 1791, +lived for many years at Mecca, and died at Jaghbúb in +the Libyan desert, midway between Egypt and Tripoli, in +1859. Concerning the real aims of the Sanúsís I must refer +the reader to an interesting paper by the Rev. E. Sell (<i>Essays +on Islam</i>, p. 127 sqq.). There is no doubt that they are +utterly opposed to all Western and modern civilisation, and +seek to regenerate Islam by establishing an independent theocratic +State on the model of that which the Prophet and his +successors called into being at Medína in the seventh century +after Christ.</p> + +<p class="tb">Since Napoleon showed the way by his expedition to Egypt in +1798, the Moslems in that country, as likewise in Syria and North +<span class="sidenote"> Islam and +modern civilisation.</span> +Africa, have come more and more under European +influence.<a name="FNanchor_865" id="FNanchor_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865" class="fnanchor">865</a> The above-mentioned Muḥammad +‘Alí, who founded the Khedivial dynasty, and his +successors were fully alive to the practical benefits which might +be obtained from the superior culture of the West, and although +their policy in this respect was marked by greater zeal than +discretion, they did not exert themselves altogether in vain. +The introduction of the printing-press in 1821 was an epoch-making +measure. If, on the one hand, the publication of + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_469" id="Page_469" href="#"><span><i>INFLUENCE OF EUROPEAN CULTURE</i></span>469</a></span> + +many classical works, which had well-nigh fallen into oblivion, +rekindled the enthusiasm of the Arabs for their national literature, +the cause of progress—I use the word without prejudice—has +been furthered by the numerous political, literary, and +scientific journals which are now regularly issued in every +country where Arabic is spoken.<a name="FNanchor_866" id="FNanchor_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866" class="fnanchor">866</a> Besides these ephemeral +sheets, books of all sorts, old and new, have been multiplied by +the native and European presses of Cairo, Búláq, and Beyrout. +The science and culture of Europe have been rendered +accessible in translations and adaptations of which the complete +list would form a volume in itself. Thus, an Arab may read +in his own language the tragedies of Racine, the comedies of +Molière,<a name="FNanchor_867" id="FNanchor_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867" class="fnanchor">867</a> the fables of La Fontaine, 'Paul and Virginia,' the +'Talisman,' 'Monte Cristo' (not to mention scores of minor +romances), and even the Iliad of Homer.<a name="FNanchor_868" id="FNanchor_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868" class="fnanchor">868</a> Parallel to this +imitative activity, we see a vigorous and growing movement +away from the literary models of the past. "Neo-Arabic +literature is only to a limited extent the heir of the old 'classical' +Arabic literature, and even shows a tendency to repudiate its +inheritance entirely. Its leaders are for the most part men +who have drunk from other springs and look at the world with +different eyes. Yet the past still plays a part in their intellectual +background, and there is a section amongst them upon whom +that past retains a hold scarcely shaken by newer influences. +For many decades the partisans of the 'old' and the 'new' have +engaged in a struggle for the soul of the Arabic world, a struggle +in which the victory of one side over the other is even yet not +assured. The protagonists are (to classify them roughly for +practical purposes) the European-educated classes of Egyptians +and Syrians on the one hand, and those in Egypt and the less +advanced Arabic lands whose education has followed traditional + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_470" id="Page_470" href="#"><span><i>THE MONGOL INVASION AND AFTER</i></span>470</a></span> + +lines on the other. Whatever the ultimate result may be, there +can be no question that the conflict has torn the Arabic world +from its ancient moorings, and that the contemporary literature +of Egypt and Syria breathes in its more recent developments a +spirit foreign to the old traditions."<a name="FNanchor_869" id="FNanchor_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869" class="fnanchor">869</a></p> + +<p>Hitherto Western culture has only touched the surface of +Islam. Whether it will eventually strike deeper and penetrate +the inmost barriers of that scholastic discipline and literary +tradition which are so firmly rooted in the affections of the +Moslem peoples, or whether it will always remain an exotic +and highly-prized accomplishment of the enlightened and +emancipated few, but an object of scorn and detestation to +Muḥammadans in general—these are questions that may not +be fully solved for centuries to come.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Past affords an ample and splendid field of +study.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"<i>Man lam ya‘i ’l-ta’ríkha fí ṣadrihí</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>Lam yadri ḥulwa ’l-‘ayshi min murrihi</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>Wa-man wa‘á akhbára man qad maḍá</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>Aḍáfa a‘már<sup>an</sup> ilá ‘umrihí.</i>"</span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"He in whose heart no History is enscrolled</span> +<span class="i0"> +Cannot discern in life's alloy the gold.</span> +<span class="i0"> +But he that keeps the records of the Dead</span> +<span class="i0"> +Adds to his life new lives a hundredfold."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_471" id="Page_471" href="#"><span> </span>471</a></span></p> + +<h3>APPENDIX</h3> +<div class="blockquot"> +<p><a href="#Page_xxii">P. xxii,</a> l. 2. Arabic begins to appear in North Arabian inscriptions +in the third century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> Perhaps the oldest yet discovered +is one, of which the probable date is 268 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, published by Jaussen +and Savignac (<i>Mission archéologique en l'Arabie</i>, vol. i, p. 172). +Though it is written in Aramaic characters, nearly all the words +are Arabic, as may be seen from the transcription given by Professor +Horovitz in <i>Islamic Culture</i> (Hyderabad, <i>Deccan</i>), April +1929, vol. iii, No. 2, p. 169, note 2.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_4">P. 4</a> foll. Concerning the Sabaeans and the South Arabic inscriptions +a great deal of valuable information will be found in +the article <i>Saba’</i> by J. Tkatsch in the <i>Encyclopædia of Islam</i>. +The writer points out the special importance of the epigraphic +discoveries of E. Glaser, who, in the course of four journeys +(1882-94), collected over 2000 inscriptions. See also D. Nielsen, +<i>Handbuch der altarabischen Altertumskunde</i>, vol. i (Copenhagen +and Paris, 1927).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_13">P. 13</a>, note 2. Excerpts from the <i>Shamsu ’l-‘Ulúm</i> relating +to South Arabia have been edited by Dr ‘Azímu’ddín Aḥmad +(E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, vol. xxiv).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_26">P. 26</a> foll. For contemporary and later Christian accounts of +the martyrdom of the Christians of Najrán, see the fragmentary +<i>Book of the Himyarites</i> (Syriac text and English translation), ed. +by A. Moberg in 1924, and cf. Tor Andrae, <i>Der Ursprung des +Islams und das Christentum</i> (Uppsala, 1926), pp. 10-13.</p> + +<p>P. 31. The collection of Arabic proverbs, entitled <i>Kitábu +’l-Fákhir</i>, by Mufaḍḍal b. Salama of Kúfa, is now available in +the excellent edition of Mr C. A. Storey (Leyden, 1915).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_32">P. 32</a>, note 1. An edition of the <i>Aghání</i> with critical notes is +in course of publication at Cairo.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_52">P. 52</a>, l. 9 foll. The battle mentioned here cannot be the battle +of ‘Ayn Ubágh, which took place between Ḥárith, the son of +Ḥárith b. Jabala, and Mundhir IV of Ḥíra about 583 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> (Guidi, +<i>L'Arabie antéislamique</i>, p. 27).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_127">P. 127</a>, l. 16. The ode <i>Bánat Su‘ád</i> is rendered into English in +my <i>Translations of Eastern Poetry and Prose</i>, pp. 19-23.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_133">P. 133</a>. As regards the authenticity of the Pre-islamic poems +which have come down to us, the observations of one of the +greatest authorities on the subject, the late Sir Charles J. Lyall, +seem to me to be eminently judicious (Introduction to the + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_472" id="Page_472" href="#"><span><i>APPENDIX</i></span>472</a></span> + +<i>Mufaḍḍalīyāt</i>, vol. ii, pp. xvi-xxvi). He concludes that "upon +the whole, the impression which a close study of these ancient +relics gives is that we must take them, generally speaking, as the +production of the men whose names they bear." All that can +be urged against this view has been said with his usual learning +by Professor Margoliouth (<i>The Origins of Arabic Poetry, J.R.A.S.</i>, +1925, p. 417 foll.).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_145">P. 145</a>, l. 2. The oldest extant commentary on the Koran is +that of Bukhárí in ch. 65 of the <i>Ṣaḥíḥ</i>, ed. Krehl, vol. iii, pp. +193-390.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_146">P. 146</a>, note 2. Recent investigators (Caetani and Lammens) +are far more sceptical. Cf. Snouck Hurgronje, <i>Mohammedanism</i>, +p. 22 foll.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_152">P. 152</a>, note 5. As suggested by Mr Richard Bell (<i>The Origin +of Islam in its Christian environment</i>, p. 88), the word <i>rujz</i> is in +all likelihood identical with the Syriac <i>rugza</i>, wrath, so that this +verse of the Koran means, "Flee from the wrath to come."</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_170">P. 170</a>, l. 2 foll. This is one of the passages I should have liked +to omit. Even in its present form, it maintains a standpoint +which I have long regarded as mistaken.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_184">P. 184</a>, l. 4 foll. Professor Snouck Hurgronje (<i>Mohammedanism</i>, +p. 44) asks, "Was Mohammed conscious of the universality of his +mission?" and decides that he was not. I now agree that "in +the beginning he conceived his work as merely the Arabian part +of a universal task"—in which case <i>dhikr<sup>un</sup> li ’l-‘álamín</i> in the +passage quoted will mean "a warning to all the people (of Mecca +or Arabia)." But similar expressions in Súras of the Medina +period carry, I think, a wider significance. The conception of +Islam as a world-religion is implied in Mohammed's later belief—he +only came to it gradually—that the Jewish and Christian +scriptures are corrupt and that the Koran alone represents the +original Faith which had been preached in turn by all the +prophets before him. And having arrived at that conviction, +he was not the man to leave others to act upon it.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_223">P. 223</a>, l. 9. In an article which appeared in the <i>Rivista degli +studi orientali</i>, 1916, p. 429 foll., Professor C. A. Nallino has shown +that this account of the origin of the name "Mu‘tazilite" is +erroneous. The word, as Mas‘údí says (<i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, vol. vi, +p. 22, and vol. vii, p. 234), is derived from <i>i‘tizál</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the doctrine +that anyone who commits a capital sin has thereby withdrawn +himself (<i>i‘tazala</i>) from the true believers and taken a position +(described as <i>fisq</i>, impiety) midway between them and the infidels. +According to the Murjites, such a person was still a true believer, +while their opponents, the Wa‘ídites, and also the Khárijites, +held him to be an unbeliever.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_473" id="Page_473" href="#"><span><i>APPENDIX</i></span>473</a></span> + +<a href="#Page_225">P. 225</a>, l. 1. The Ḥadíth, "No monkery (<i>rahbániyya</i>) in Islam," +probably dates from the third century of the Hijra. According +to the usual interpretation of Koran, LVII, 27, the <i>rahbániyya</i> +practised by Christian ascetics is condemned as an innovation +not authorised by divine ordinance; but Professor Massignon +(<i>Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique musulmane</i>, +p. 123 foll.) shows that by some of the early Moslem commentators +and also by the Ṣúfís of the third century <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> this verse of the +Koran was taken as justifying and commending those Christians +who devoted themselves to the ascetic life, except in so far as they +had neglected to fulfil its obligations.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_225">P. 225</a>, l. 6 from foot. For the life and doctrines of Ḥasan of +Baṣra, see Massignon, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 152 foll.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_228">P. 228</a> foll. It can now be stated with certainty that the name +"Ṣúfí" originated in Kúfa in the second century <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> and was +at first confined to the mystics of ‘Iráq. Hence the earliest development +of Ṣúfiism, properly so called, took place in a hotbed +of Shí‘ite and Hellenistic (Christian and Gnostic) ideas.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_233">P. 233</a>, l. 4 from foot. In <i>Rābi‘a the Mystic</i> (Cambridge, 1928) +Miss Margaret Smith has given a scholarly and sympathetic +account of the life, legend, and teaching of this celebrated woman-saint. +The statement that she died and was buried at Jerusalem +is incorrect. Moslem writers have confused her with an earlier +saint of the same name, Rábi‘a bint Ismá‘íl († 135).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_313">P. 313</a> foll. The text and translation of 332 extracts from the +Luzúmiyyát will be found in ch. ii of my <i>Studies in Islamic Poetry</i>, +pp. 43-289.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_218">P. 318</a>, l. 12. Since there is no warrant for the antithesis of +"knaves" and "fools," these verses are more faithfully rendered +(<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 167):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">They all err—Moslems, Christians, Jews, and Magians;</span> +<span class="i0">Two make Humanity's universal sect:</span> +<span class="i0">One man intelligent without religion,</span> +<span class="i0">And one religious without intellect.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><a href="#Page_318">P. 318</a>, l. 7 from foot. <i>Al-Fuṣúl wa ’l-Gháyát</i>. No copy of +this work was known before 1919, when the discovery of the first +part of it was announced (<i>J.R.A.S.</i>, 1919, p. 449).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_318">P. 318</a>, note 2. An edition of the <i>Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán</i> by Shaykh +Ibráhím al-Yáziji was published at Cairo in 1907.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_319">P. 319</a>, l. 6. The epistle of ‘Alí b. Manṣúr al-Ḥalabí (Ibnu +’l-Qáriḥ), to which the <i>Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán</i> is the reply, has been +published in <i>Rasá’ilu ’l-Bulaghá</i>, ed. Muḥammad Kurd ‘Alí +(Cairo, 1913).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_474" id="Page_474" href="#"><span><i>APPENDIX</i></span>474</a></span></p> + +<p><a href="#Page_332">P. 332</a>, note 2. For rhymed prose renderings of the 11th and +12th <i>Maqámas</i>, see <i>Translations of Eastern Poetry and Prose</i>, +pp. 116-124.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_367">P. 367</a>, l. 7 from foot. New light has recently been thrown +upon the character of the Mu‘tazilite movement by the publication +of the Mu‘tazilite al-Khayyáṭ's <i>Kitábu ’l-Intiṣár</i> (ed. H. S. +Nyberg, Cairo, 1926), a third (ninth) century polemical work +directed against the Shí‘ite freethinker Ibnu ’l-Ráwandí (cf. p. 375 +<i>supra</i>). It is now evident that this "heretical" sect played an +active part as champions of Islam, not only in the early controversies +which arose between Moslems and Christians in Syria but +also against the more dangerous attacks which proceeded in the +first hundred years of the ‘Abbásid period from the Manichæans +and other "<i>zanádiqa</i>" in Persia and especially in ‘Iráq (cf. +I. Guidi, <i>La Lotta tra l'Islam e il Manicheismo</i> (Rome, 1927)). +In order to meet these adversaries on equal terms, the Mu‘tazilites +made themselves acquainted with Greek philosophy and logic, +and thus laid the foundations of an Islamic scholasticism. Cf. +H. H. Schaeder, <i>Der Orient und die Griechische Erbe</i> in W. Jaeger's +<i>Die Antike</i>, vol. iv, p. 261 foll.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_370">P. 370</a>, I. 3 foll. From what has been said in the preceding +note it follows that this view of the relation between the Mu‘tazilites +and the <i>Ikhwánu ’l-Ṣafá</i> requires considerable modification. Although, +in contrast to their orthodox opponents, the Mu‘tazilites +may be described as "rationalists" and "liberal theologians," +their principles were entirely opposed to the anti-Islamic eclecticism +of the <i>Ikhwán</i>.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_375">P. 375</a>, note 2. Professor Schaeder thinks that Middle Persian +<i>zandík</i> has nothing to do with the Aramaic <i>zaddíq</i> (<i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, +vol. 82, Heft 3-4, p. lxxx).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_383">Pp. 383-393</a>. During the last twenty years our knowledge of +early Ṣúfiism has increased, chiefly through the profound researches +of Professor Massignon, to such an extent as to render +the account given in these pages altogether inadequate. The +subject being one of great difficulty and unsuitable for detailed +exposition in a book of this kind, I must content myself with a +few illustrative remarks and references, which will enable the +student to obtain further information.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_383">P. 383</a>. Massignon's view is that Ṣúfiism (down to the fourth +century <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>) owed little to foreign influences and was fundamentally +Islamic, a product of intensive study of the Koran +and of inward meditation on its meaning and essential nature. +There is great force in his argument, though I cannot help +believing that the development of mysticism, like that of +other contemporary branches of Moslem thought, must have + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_475" id="Page_475" href="#"><span><i>APPENDIX</i></span>475</a></span> + +been vitally affected by contact with the ancient Hellenistic +culture of the Sásánian and Byzantine empires on its native +soil. Cf. A. J. Wensinck, <i>The Book of the Dove</i> (Leyden, +1919) and <i>Mystic Treatises by Isaac of Niniveh</i> (Amsterdam, +1923).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_384">P. 384</a>, l. 1. The identity of third-century Ṣúfiism with the +doctrines of the Vedanta is maintained by M. Horten (<i>Indische +Strömungen in der Islamischen Mystik</i>, Heidelberg, 1927-8). Few, +however, would admit this. The conversion of Ṣúfiism into a +monistic philosophy was the work of Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí (1165-1240 +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). See p. 402 foll.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_384">P. 384</a>, l. 5. The so-called "Theology of Aristotle," translated +from Syriac into Arabic about 830 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, is mainly an abstract of +the <i>Enneads</i> of Plotinus. There is an edition with German translation +by Dieterici.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_385">P. 385</a>, l. 11. All previous accounts of the development of +mystical doctrines in Islam during the first three centuries after +the Hijra have been superseded by Massignon's intimate analysis +(<i>Essai</i>, chs. iv and v, pp. 116-286), which includes biographies of +the eminent Ṣúfís of that period and is based upon an amazingly +wide knowledge of original and mostly unpublished sources of +information. A useful summary of these two chapters is given +by Father Joseph Maréchal in his <i>Studies in the Psychology of the +Mystics</i>, tr. Thorold (1927), pp. 241-9.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_386">P. 386</a>, l. 6 from foot. For Dhu ’l-Nún, see Massignon, <i>op. cit.</i>, +p. 184 foll.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_389">P. 389</a>, l. 12. <i>The Book of the Holy Hierotheos</i> has recently been +edited in Syriac for the first time, with English translation, by +F. S. Marsh (Text and Translation Society, 1927).</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_391">P. 391</a>. For Báyazíd of Bisṭám, see Massignon, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 243 +foll. The oldest complete Arabic version of his "Ascension" +(<i>Mi‘ráj</i>)—a spiritual dream-experience—has been edited and +translated into English in <i>Islamica</i>, vol. ii, fasc. 3, p. 402 foll.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_396">P. 396</a>, l. 8. See my essay on the Odes of Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ (<i>Studies +in Islamic Mysticism</i>, pp. 162-266), which comprises translations +of the Khamriyya and three-fourths of the <i>Tá’iyyatu ’l-Kubrá</i>.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_399">P. 399</a>, note 1. With Ḥalláj, thanks to the monumental work +of Massignon (<i>La Passion d'al-Ḥalláj</i>, 2 vols., Paris, 1922), we +are now better acquainted than with any other Moslem mystic. +His doctrine exhibits some remarkable affinities with Christianity +and bears no traces of the pantheism attributed to him by later +Ṣúfís as well as by Von Kremer and subsequent European writers. +Cf. the summary given by Father Joseph Maréchal, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. +249-281, and <i>The Idea of Personality in Ṣúfism</i> (Cambridge, 1922), +pp. 26-37.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_476" id="Page_476" href="#"><span><i>APPENDIX</i></span>476</a></span></p> + +<p><a href="#Page_402">P. 402</a>, l. 9. For Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí's theory of the Perfect Man, +see Tor Andrae, <i>Die Person Muhammeds</i>, p. 339 foll., and for the +same theory as expounded by ‘Abdu ’l-Karím al-Jílí († circ. +1410 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a follower of Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí, in his famous treatise +entitled <i>al-Insán al-Kámil</i>, cf. <i>Studies in Islamic Mysticism</i>, pp. +77-142.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_456">P. 456</a>, l. 1 foll. Here, though he is out of place in such an +academic company, mention should have been made of Ibn Baṭṭúṭa +of Tangier († 1377), whose frank and entertaining story of his +almost world-wide travels, entitled <i>Tuḥfatu ’l-Nuẓẓár</i>, is described +by its latest translator, Mr H. A. R. Gibb, as "an authority for +the social and cultural history of post-Mongol Islam."</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_465">P. 465</a>, last line. For a summary of the doctrines and history +of the Wahhábís, see the article <i>Wahhābīs</i> by Professor D. S. +Margoliouth in Hastings' <i>Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics</i>.</p> + +<p><a href="#Page_469">P. 469</a>. <i>La littérature arabe au xix<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>, by L. Cheikho +(Beyrouth, 1908-10), which deals chiefly with the literature produced +by the Christian Arabs of Syria, deserves mention as one +of the few works on the subject written in a European language. +The influence of Western ideas on Moslem theology may be studied +in the <i>Risálatu ’l-tauḥíd</i> of the great Egyptian divine, Muḥammad +‘Abduh (1842-1905), which has been translated into French by +B. Michel and Mustapha ‘Abd el Razik (Paris, 1925).</p> +</div> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">477</a></span></p> + +<h3>BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS BY<br /> +EUROPEAN AUTHORS</h3> + +<p>The following list is intended to give students of Arabic as well +as those who cannot read that language the means of obtaining +further information concerning the various topics which fall within +the scope of a work such as this. Since anything approaching to a +complete bibliography is out of the question, I have mentioned only +a few of the most important translations from Arabic into English, +French, German, and Latin; and I have omitted (1) monographs on +particular Arabic writers, whose names, together with the principal +European works relating to them, will be found in Brockelmann's +great History of Arabic Literature, and (2) a large number of books +and articles which appeal to specialists rather than to students. +Additional information is supplied by E. G. Browne in his <i>Literary +History of Persia</i>, vol. i, pp. 481-496, and D. B. Macdonald in his +<i>Development of Muslim Theology, etc.</i> (London, 1903), pp. 358-367, +while the Appendix to H. A. R. Gibb's <i>Arabic Literature</i> (Oxford +University Press, 1926) contains a well-chosen list of books of +reference and translations. Those who require more detailed +references may consult the <i>Bibliographie des ouvrages arabes ou +relatifs aux Arabes publ. dans l'Europe chrétienne de 1810 à 1885</i>, +by V. Chauvin (Liège, 1892-1903), the <i>Orientalische Bibliographie</i>, +edited by A. Müller, E. Kuhn, and L. Scherman (Berlin, 1887—), +the <i>Handbuch der Islam-Litteratur</i>, by D. G. Pfannmüller (Berlin +and Leipzig, 1923), and the <i>Catalogue of the Arabic Books in the +British Museum</i>, by A. G. Ellis, 2 vols. (London, 1894-1902) with +the <i>Supplementary Catalogue</i>, by A. S. Fulton and A. G. Ellis +(London, 1926).</p> + +<p>As a rule, titles of monographs and works of a specialistic +character which have been already given in the footnotes are not +repeated in the Bibliography.</p> + +<h4>I</h4> + +<h4>PHILOLOGY.</h4> + +<p class="indent">1. <i>Die Semitischen Sprachen</i>, by Th. Nöldeke (2nd ed. Leipzig, +1899).<br /><br /> + +An improved and enlarged reprint of the German original +of his article, 'Semitic Languages,' in the <i>Encyclopædia +Britannica</i> (9th edition).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_478" id="Page_478" href="#"><span><i>BIBLIOGRAPHY</i></span>478</a></span></p> + +<p class="indent">2. <i>A Grammar of the Arabic Language</i>, by W. Wright, 3rd ed., +revised by W. Robertson Smith and M. J. de Goeje, 2 vols. +(Cambridge, 1896-98).<br /><br /> + +The best Arabic grammar for advanced students. Beginners +may prefer to use the abridgment by F. du Pre +Thornton, <i>Elementary Arabic: a Grammar</i> (Cambridge +University Press, 1905).</p> + +<p class="indent">3. <i>Arabic-English Lexicon</i>, by E. W. Lane, 8 parts (London, +1863-93).<br /><br /> + +This monumental work is unfortunately incomplete. +Among other lexica those of Freytag (Arabic and Latin, +4 vols., Halle, 1830-37), A. de Biberstein Kazimirski (Arabic +and French, 2 vols., Paris, 1846-60, and 4 vols., Cairo, 1875), +and Dozy's <i>Supplément aux Dictionnaires arabes</i>, 2 vols. +(Leyden, 1881), deserve special notice. Smaller dictionaries, +sufficient for ordinary purposes, have been compiled by +Belot (<i>Dictionnaire arabe-français</i>, Beyrout, 1928), and +Wortabet and Porter (<i>Arabic-English Dictionary</i>, 3rd ed., +Beyrout, 1913).</p> + +<p class="indent">4. <i>Abhandlungen zur Arabischen Philologie</i>, by Ignaz Goldziher, +Part I (Leyden, 1896).<br /><br /> + +Contains masterly studies on the origins of Arabic Poetry +and other matters connected with literary history.</p> + +<p class="indent">5. <i>Die Rhetorik der Araber</i>, by A. F. Mehren (Copenhagen, 1853).</p> + +<h4>II</h4> + +<h4>GENERAL WORKS ON ARABIAN HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, +GEOGRAPHY, LITERATURE, ETC.</h4> + +<p class="indent">6. <i>The Encyclopædia of Islam</i> (Leyden, 1913—). + +<br /><br />A great number of Orientalists have contributed to this +invaluable work, of which the first half (A-L) is now +completed.</p> + +<p class="indent">7. <i>Chronique de Ṭabarí, traduite sur la version persane de ... +Bel‘amí</i>, by H. Zotenberg, 4 vols. (Paris, 1867-74).</p> + +<p class="indent">8. The <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i> of Mas‘údí (<i>Maçoudi: Les Prairies d'Or</i>), +Arabic text with French translation by Barbier de Meynard +and Pavet de Courteille, 9 vols., (Paris, 1861-77).<br /><br />The works of Ṭabarí and Mas‘údí are the most ancient and +celebrated Universal Histories in the Arabic language.</p> + +<p class="indent">9. <i>Abulfedæ Annales Muslemici arabice et latine</i>, by J. J. Reiske, +5 vols. (Hafniæ, 1789-94).</p> + +<p class="indent">10. <i>Der Islam im Morgen- und Abendland</i>, by August Müller, +2 vols. (Berlin, 1885-87).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_479" id="Page_479" href="#"><span><i>BIBLIOGRAPHY</i></span>479</a></span></p> + +<p class="indent">11. <i>Histoire des Arabes</i>, by C. Huart, 2 vols. (Paris, 1912).</p> + +<p class="indent">12. <i>A Short History of the Saracens</i>, by Syed Ameer Ali (London, +1921).</p> + +<p class="indent">13. <i>Essai sur l'histoire de l'Islamisme</i>, by R. Dozy, translated from +the Dutch by Victor Chauvin (Leyden and Paris, 1879).</p> + +<p class="indent">14. <i>The Preaching of Islam, a History of the Propagation of the +Muslim Faith</i>, by T. W. Arnold (2nd ed., London, 1913).</p> + +<p class="indent">15. <i>Sketches from Eastern History</i>, by Th. Nöldeke, translated by +J. S. Black (London, 1892).</p> + +<p class="indent">16. <i>The Mohammadan Dynasties</i>, by Stanley Lane-Poole (London, +1894).<br /><br />Indispensable to the student of Moslem history.</p> + +<p class="indent">17. <i>Genealogische Tabellen der Arabischen Stämme und Familien mit +historischen und geographischen Bemerkungen in einem alphabetischen +Register</i>, by F. Wüstenfeld (Göttingen, 1852-53).</p> + +<p class="indent">18. <i>Ibn Khallikán's Biographical Dictionary</i>, translated from the +Arabic by Baron MacGuckin de Slane, 4 vols. (Oriental +Translation Fund, 1842-71).<br /><br />One of the most characteristic, instructive, and interesting +books in Arabic literature.</p> + +<p class="indent">19. <i>Géographie d'Aboulféda, traduite de l'arabe</i>, by Reinaud and +Guyard, 2 vols. (Paris, 1848-83).</p> + +<p class="indent">20. <i>Travels in Arabia Deserta</i>, by C. M. Doughty, 2 vols. (Cambridge, +1888).<br /><br />Gives a true and vivid picture of Bedouin life and manners.</p> + +<p class="indent">21. <i>Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to al-Madinah and Meccah</i>, +by Sir R. F. Burton, 2 vols. (London, 1898).</p> + +<p class="indent">22. <i>The Penetration of Arabia: a record of the development of +Western knowledge concerning the Arabian Peninsula</i>, by +D. G. Hogarth (London, 1905).</p> + +<p class="indent">23. Ḥájjí Khalífa, <i>Lexicon bibliographicum et encyclopædicum</i>, +Arabic text and Latin translation, by G. Flügel, 7 vols. +(Leipzig and London, 1835-58).</p> + +<p class="indent">24. <i>Die Geschichtschreiber der Araber und ihre Werke</i> (aus dem +xxviii. und xxix. Bande der Abhand. d. Königl. Ges. d. +Wiss. zu Göttingen), by F. Wüstenfeld (Göttingen, 1882).</p> + +<p class="indent">25. <i>Litteraturgeschichte der Araber bis zum Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts +der Hidschret</i>, by J. von Hammer-Purgstall, 7 vols. (Vienna, +1850-56).<br /><br />A work of immense extent, but unscientific and extremely +inaccurate.</p> + +<p class="indent">26. <i>Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur</i>, by Carl Brockelmann, +2 vols. (Weimar, 1898-1902).<br /><br />Invaluable for bibliography and biography.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_480" id="Page_480" href="#"><span><i>BIBLIOGRAPHY</i></span>480</a></span></p> + +<p class="indent">27. <i>A Literary History of Persia</i>, by E. G. Browne, vol. i from the +earliest times to Firdawsí (London, 1902), and vol. ii down +to the Mongol Invasion (London, 1906).<br /><br />The first volume in particular of this well-known work +contains much information concerning the literary history +of the Arabs.</p> + +<p class="indent">28. <i>A History of Arabic Literature</i>, by Clement Huart (London, +1903).<br /><br />The student will find this manual useful for purposes of +reference.</p> + +<p class="indent">29. <i>Arabic Literature: an Introduction</i>, by H. A. R. Gibb (London, +1926).<br /><br />A trustworthy outline of the subject.</p> + +<p class="indent">30. <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, Arabic text with Latin translation, by +G. W. Freytag, 3 vols. (Bonn, 1838-43).</p> + +<p class="indent">31. <i>Arabic Proverbs</i>, by J. L. Burckhardt (2nd ed., London, 1875).</p> + +<h4>III</h4> + +<h4>PRE-ISLAMIC HISTORY, LITERATURE, AND RELIGION.</h4> + +<p>32. <i>Essai sur l'histoire des Arabes avant l'Islamisme</i>, by A. P. +Caussin de Perceval, 3 vols. (Paris, 1847-48).<br /><br />Affords an excellent survey of Pre-islamic legend and +tradition.</p> + +<p class="indent">33. <i>Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden</i>, translated +from the Annals of Ṭabarí, by Th. Nöldeke (Leyden, +1879).<br /><br />The ample commentary accompanying the translation is +valuable and important in the highest degree.</p> + +<p class="indent">34. <i>Fünf Mo‘allaqát übersetzt und erklärt</i>, by Th. Nöldeke (Vienna, +1899-1901).<br /><br />The omitted <i>Mu‘allaqas</i> are those of Imru’u ’l-Qays and +Tarafa.</p> + +<p class="indent">35. <i>The Seven Golden Odes of Pagan Arabia</i>, translated from the +original Arabic by Lady Anne Blunt and done into English +verse by Wilfrid Scawen Blunt (London, 1903).</p> + +<p class="indent">36. <i>Hamâsa oder die ältesten arabischen Volkslieder übersetzt und +erläutert</i>, by Friedrich Rückert, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1846).<br /><br />Masterly verse-translations of the old Arabian poetry.</p> + +<p class="indent">37. <i>Translations of ancient Arabian poetry, chiefly Pre-islamic</i>, with +an introduction and notes, by C. J. Lyall (London, 1885).</p> + +<p class="indent">38. <i>Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Poesie der alten Araber</i>, by Th. +Nöldeke (Hannover, 1864).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_481" id="Page_481" href="#"><span><i>BIBLIOGRAPHY</i></span>481</a></span></p> + +<p class="indent">39. <i>Studien in arabischen Dichtern</i>, Heft iii, <i>Altarabisches Beduinenleben +nach den Quellen geschildert</i>, by G. Jacob (Berlin, 1897).</p> + +<p class="indent">40. <i>Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia</i>, by W. Robertson +Smith (2nd ed., London, 1903).</p> + +<p class="indent">41. <i>Lectures on the Religion of the Semites</i>, First Series, by W. +Robertson Smith, 3rd ed., revised by S. A. Cook (London, +1927).</p> + +<p class="indent">42. <i>Reste Arabischen Heidentums</i>, by J. Wellhausen (2nd ed., +Berlin, 1897).</p> + +<h4>IV</h4> + +<h4>MUḤAMMAD AND THE KORAN.</h4> + +<p class="indent">43. <i>Das Leben Mohammed's</i>, translated from the Arabic biography +of Ibn Hishám by G. Weil, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1864).</p> + +<p class="indent">44. <i>Muhammed in Medina</i>, by J. Wellhausen (Berlin, 1882).<br /><br />An abridged translation of Wáqidí's work on Muḥammad's +Campaigns.</p> + +<p class="indent">45. <i>Das Leben und die Lehre des Moḥammad</i>, by A. Sprenger, +3 vols. (Berlin, 1861-65).</p> + +<p class="indent">46. <i>Life of Mahomet</i>, by Sir W. Muir, ed. by T. H. Weir (Edinburgh, +1923).</p> + +<p class="indent">47. <i>Das Leben Muhammed's nach den Quellen populär dargestellt</i>, +by Th. Nöldeke (Hannover, 1863).</p> + +<p class="indent">48. <i>The Spirit of Islam</i>, by Syed Ameer Ali (London, 1922).</p> + +<p class="indent">49. <i>Mohammed</i>, by H. Grimme, 2 vols. (Münster, 1892-95).</p> + +<p class="indent">50. <i>Die weltgeschichtliche Bedeutung Arabiens: Mohammed</i>, by +H. Grimme (Munich, 1904).</p> + +<p class="indent">51. <i>Mohammed and the Rise of Islam</i>, by D. S. Margoliouth in +'Heroes of the Nations' Series (London and New York, +1905).</p> + +<p class="indent">52. <i>Mohammed and Islam</i>, by A. A. Bevan in <i>The Cambridge +Mediæval History</i>, vol. ii, ch. 10 (Cambridge, 1913).</p> + +<p class="indent">53. <i>Die Person Muhammeds in Lehre und Glauben seiner Gemeinde</i>, +by Tor Andrae (Uppsala, 1918).</p> + +<p class="indent">54. <i>The origin of Islam in its Christian environment</i>, by R. Bell +(London, 1926).</p> + +<p class="indent">55. <i>Annali dell' Islām</i>, by Leone Caetani, Principe di Teano, vol. i +(Milan, 1905).<br /><br />Besides a very full and readable historical introduction +this magnificent work contains a detailed account of +Muḥammad's life during the first six years after the Hijra +(622-628 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_482" id="Page_482" href="#"><span><i>BIBLIOGRAPHY</i></span>482</a></span></p> + +<p class="indent">56. <i>The Koran</i>, translated into English with notes and a preliminary +discourse, by G. Sale (London, 1734).<br /><br />Sale's translation, which has been frequently reprinted, is +still serviceable. Mention may also be made of the English +versions by J. M. Rodwell (London and Hertford, 1861) and +by E. H. Palmer (the best from a literary point of view) in +vols. vi and ix of 'The Sacred Books of the East' (Oxford, +1880); reprinted in <i>The World's Classics</i>, vol. 328.</p> + +<p class="indent">57. <i>Geschichte des Qorâns</i>, by Th. Nöldeke, 2nd ed., revised by +F. Schwally (Leipzig, 1909-19).<br /><br /><i>Cf.</i> Nöldeke's essay, 'The Koran,' in <i>Sketches from Eastern +History</i>, pp. 21-59, or his article in the <i>Encyclopædia +Britannica</i> (11th ed.).</p> + +<p class="indent">58. <i>The Teaching of the Qur’ān</i>, by H. W. Stanton (London, 1920).</p> + +<h4>V</h4> + +<h4>THE HISTORY OF THE CALIPHATE.</h4> + +<p class="indent">59. <i>The Caliphate</i>, by T. W. Arnold (Oxford, 1924).</p> + +<p class="indent">60. <i>Geschichte der Chalifen</i>, by G. Weil, 3 vols. (Mannheim, +1846-51).<br /><br />Completed by the same author's <i>Geschichte des Abbasiden-Chalifats +in Egypten</i>, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1860-62).</p> + +<p class="indent">61. <i>Annals of the Early Caliphate</i>, by Sir W. Muir (London, 1883).</p> + +<p class="indent">62. <i>The Caliphate, its rise, decline, and fall</i>, by Sir W. Muir (2nd ed., +London, 1924).</p> + +<p class="indent">63. <i>The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the last thirty years of Roman +dominion</i>, by A. J. Butler (London, 1902).</p> + +<p class="indent">64. <i>Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz</i>, by J. Wellhausen (Berlin, +1902).<br /><br />An excellent history of the Umayyad dynasty based on +the Annals of Tabarí.</p> + +<p class="indent">65. <i>The Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate</i>, by H. F. Amedroz and +D. S. Margoliouth, 7 vols. (Oxford, 1920-1).<br /><br />Arabic texts and translations valuable for the history of +the fourth century <span class="smcap">a.h.</span></p> + +<p class="indent">66. <i>The life and times of ‘Alí b. ‘Ísá, the Good Vizier</i>, by H. Bowen +(Cambridge, 1928).</p> + +<p class="indent">67. <i>Geschichte der Fatimiden-Chalifen, nach arabischen Quellen</i>, by +F. Wüstenfeld (Göttingen, 1881).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_483" id="Page_483" href="#"><span><i>BIBLIOGRAPHY</i></span>483</a></span></p> + +<h4>VI</h4> + +<h4>THE HISTORY OF MOSLEM CIVILISATION.</h4> + +<p class="indent">68. <i>Prolégomènes d'Ibn Khaldoun</i>, a French translation of the +<i>Muqaddima</i> or Introduction prefixed by Ibn Khaldún to his +Universal History, by Baron MacGuckin de Slane, 3 vols. +(in <i>Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque +Impériale</i>, vols. xix-xxi, Paris, 1863-68).</p> + +<p class="indent">69. <i>Culturgeschichte des Orients unter den Chalifen</i>, by A. von +Kremer, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1875-77).</p> + +<p class="indent">70. <i>Culturgeschichtliche Streifzüge auf dem Gebiete des Islams</i>, by +A. von Kremer (Leipzig, 1873).<br /><br />This work has been translated into English by S. Khuda +Bukhsh in his <i>Contributions to the History of Islamic Civilization</i> +(Calcutta, 1905; 2nd ed., 1929).</p> + +<p class="indent">71. <i>Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen des Islams</i>, by A. von Kremer +(Leipzig, 1868).<br /><br />A celebrated and most illuminating book.</p> + +<p class="indent">72. <i>La civilisation des Arabes</i>, by G. Le Bon (Paris, 1884).</p> + +<p class="indent">73. <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, by Ignaz Goldziher (Halle, +1888-90).<br /><br />This book, which has frequently been cited in the foregoing +pages, should be read by every serious student of +Moslem civilisation.</p> + +<p class="indent">74. <i>Islamstudien</i>, vol. i, by C. H. Becker (Leipzig, 1924).</p> + +<p class="indent">75. <i>Umayyads and ‘Abbásids</i>, being the Fourth Part of Jurji +Zaydán's <i>History of Islamic Civilisation</i>, translated by D. S. +Margoliouth (E. J. W. Gibb Memorial, vol. iv, 1907).</p> + +<p class="indent">76. <i>Die Renaissance des Islams</i>, by A. Mez (Heidelberg, 1922).</p> + +<p class="indent">77. <i>Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate</i>, by G. le Strange +(Oxford, 1900).</p> + +<p class="indent">78. <i>A Baghdad Chronicle</i>, by R. Levy (Cambridge, 1929).</p> + +<p class="indent">79. <i>The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate</i>, by G. le Strange (Cambridge, +1905).</p> + +<p class="indent">80. <i>Palestine under the Moslems</i>, by G. le Strange (London, 1890).</p> + +<p class="indent">81. <i>Painting in Islam</i>, by T. W. Arnold (Oxford, 1928).</p> + +<p class="indent">82. <i>Moslem Architecture</i>, by G. T. Rivoira, translated by G. M. +Rushforth (Oxford, 1919).</p> + +<p class="indent">83. <i>Arabian Society in the Middle Ages</i>, by E. W. Lane, edited by +Stanley Lane-Poole (London, 1883).</p> + +<p class="indent">84. <i>Die Araber im Mittelalter und ihr Einfluss auf die Cultur +Europa's</i>, by G. Diercks (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1882).</p> + +<p class="indent">85. <i>An account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians</i>, +by E. W. Lane (5th ed., London, 1871).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_484" id="Page_484" href="#"><span><i>BIBLIOGRAPHY</i></span>484</a></span></p> + +<h4>VII</h4> + +<h4>MUḤAMMADAN RELIGION, THEOLOGY, JURISPRUDENCE, +PHILOSOPHY, AND MYSTICISM.</h4> + +<p class="indent">86. <i>Development of Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence, and Constitutional +Theory</i>, by Duncan B. Macdonald (London, 1903).<br /><br />The best general sketch of the subject.</p> + +<p class="indent">87. <i>Asch-Schahrastâni's Religionspartheien und Philosophen-Schulen</i>, +translated by T. Haarbrücker (Halle, 1850-51).</p> + +<p class="indent">88. <i>The Traditions of Islam</i>, by A. Guillaume (Oxford, 1924).<br /><br />See also No. 73, Pt. ii.</p> + +<p class="indent">89. <i>Les traditions islamiques trad. de l'arabe</i>, by O. Houdas and +W. Marçais (Paris, 1903-14).<br /><br />A translation of the celebrated collection of Traditions +by Bukhárí.</p> + +<p class="indent">90. <i>A Handbook of early Muhammadan Tradition</i>, by A. J. +Wensinck (Leyden, 1927).</p> + +<p class="indent">91. <i>Mohammedanism</i>, by C. Snouck Hurgronje (American lectures +on the history of religions, 1916).</p> + +<p class="indent">92. <i>Vorlesungen über den Islam</i>, by I. Goldziher (Heidelberg, +1910; 2nd ed., 1925).</p> + +<p class="indent">93. <i>The Early Development of Mohammedanism</i>, by D. S. Margoliouth +(London, 1914; re-issued, 1927).</p> + +<p class="indent">94. <i>L'Islam, croyances et institutions</i>, by H. Lammens (Beyrout, +1926); translation by E. Denison Ross (London, 1929).</p> + +<p class="indent">95. <i>The Islamic Faith</i>, by T. W. Arnold (Benn's Sixpenny Library, +No. 42).</p> + +<p class="indent">96. <i>The History of Philosophy in Islam</i>, by T. J. de Boer, translated +by E. R. Jones (London, 1903).</p> + +<p class="indent">97. <i>Die Mutaziliten oder die Freidenker im Islam</i>, by H. Steiner +(Leipzig, 1865).</p> + +<p class="indent">98. <i>Die Philosophie der Araber im X. Jahrhundert n. Chr. aus den +Schriften der lautern Brüder herausgegeben</i>, by F. Dieterici +(Berlin and Leipzig, 1861-79).</p> + +<p class="indent">99. <i>Averroes et l'Averroisme</i>, by E. Renan (Paris, 1861).</p> + +<p class="indent">100. <i>Mélanges de Philosophie Juive et Arabe</i>, by S. Munk (Paris, +1859).</p> + +<p class="indent">101. <i>Fragments, relatifs à la doctrine des Ismaélîs</i>, by S. Guyard +(Paris, 1874).</p> + +<p class="indent">102. <i>Exposé de la Religion des Druzes</i>, by Silvestre de Sacy, 2 vols. +(Paris, 1838).</p> + +<p class="indent">103. <i>The Mystics of Islam</i>, by R. A. Nicholson (London, 1914).</p> + +<p class="indent">104. <i>The Religious Attitude and Life in Islam</i>, by D. B. Macdonald +(Chicago, 1909).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_485" id="Page_485" href="#"><span><i>BIBLIOGRAPHY</i></span>485</a></span></p> + +<p class="indent">105. <i>Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique +musulmane</i>, by L. Massignon (Paris, 1922).</p> + +<p class="indent">106. <i>La Passion d'al-Halláj</i>, by L. Massignon, 2 vols. (Paris, 1922).</p> + +<p class="indent">107. <i>Al-Ḳuschairîs Darstellung des Ṣûfîtums</i>, by Richard Hartmann +(Berlin, 1914).</p> + +<p class="indent">108. <i>Kleinere Schriften des Ibn al-‘Arabī</i>, by H. S. Nyberg (Leiden, +1919).</p> + +<p class="indent">109. <i>Studies in Islamic Mysticism</i>, by R. A. Nicholson (Cambridge, +1921).</p> + +<p class="indent">110. <i>The Idea of Personality in Ṣúfism</i>, by R. A. Nicholson (Cambridge, +1923).</p> + +<p class="indent">111. <i>The Dervishes or Oriental Spiritualism</i>, by John P. Brown, +ed. by H. A. Rose (London, 1927).</p> + +<p class="indent">112. <i>Les Confréries religieuses musulmanes</i>, by O. Depont and +X. Coppolani (Algiers, 1897).</p> + +<h4>VIII</h4> + +<h4>THE HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF THE MOORS.</h4> + +<p class="indent">113. <i>Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne jusqu'à la conquête de +l'Andalusie par les Almoravides</i> (711-1110 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), by R. Dozy, +4 vols. (Leyden, 1861). Translated into English under the +title <i>Spanish Islam</i> by F. G. Stokes (London, 1913).</p> + +<p class="indent">114. <i>History of the Moorish Empire in Europe</i>, by S. P. Scott, +3 vols. (New York, 1904).</p> + +<p class="indent">115. <i>The Moriscos of Spain, their conversion and expulsion</i>, by +H. C. Lea (Philadelphia, 1901).</p> + +<p class="indent">116. <i>History of the Mohammedan dynasties of Spain</i>, translated +from the <i>Nafḥ al-Ṭíb</i> of Maqqarí by Pascual de Gayangos, +2 vols. (London, Oriental Translation Fund, 1840-43).</p> + +<p class="indent">117. <i>The History of the Almohades</i>, by ‘Abdu ’l-Wáḥid al-Marrákoshí, +translated by E. Fagnan (Algiers, 1893).</p> + +<p class="indent">118. <i>Recherches sur l'histoire et la littérature de l'Espagne pendant +le moyen âge</i>, by R. Dozy, 2 vols. (3rd ed., Leyden, 1881).</p> + +<p class="indent">119. <i>Poesie und Kunst der Araber in Spanien und Sicilien</i>, by +A. F. von Schack, 2 vols. (2nd ed., Stuttgart, 1877).</p> + +<p class="indent">120. <i>Moorish remains in Spain</i>, by A. F. Calvert (London, 1905).</p> + +<p class="indent">121. <i>Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia</i>, by M. Amari (Firenze, +1854-72). A revised edition is in course of publication.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_486" id="Page_486" href="#"><span><i>BIBLIOGRAPHY</i></span>486</a></span></p> + +<h4>IX</h4> + +<h4>THE HISTORY OF THE ARABS FROM THE MONGOL +INVASION IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY TO THE +PRESENT DAY.</h4> + +<p class="indent">122. <i>Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks de l'Égypte, écrite en arabe par +Taki-eddin Ahmed Makrizi, traduite en français ... par</i> +M. Quatremère, 2 vols. (Oriental Translation Fund, 1845).</p> + +<p class="indent">123. <i>The Mameluke or Slave dynasty of Egypt</i>, by Sir W. Muir +(London, 1896).</p> + +<p class="indent">124. <i>Histoire de Bagdad depuis la domination des Khans mongols +jusqu'au massacre des Mamlouks</i>, by C. Huart (Paris, 1901).</p> + +<p class="indent">125. <i>History of the Egyptian revolution from the period of the Mamelukes +to the death of Mohammed Ali</i>, by A. A. Paton, 2 vols. +(London, 1870).</p> + +<p class="indent">126. <i>The Shaikhs of Morocco in the XVI<sup>th</sup> century</i>, by T. H. Weir +(Edinburgh, 1904).</p> + +<p class="indent">127. <i>The Arabic Press of Egypt</i>, by M. Hartmann (London, 1899).</p> + +<p class="indent">128. <i>Neuarabische Volkspoesie gesammelt und uebersetzt</i>, by Enno +Littmann (Berlin, 1902).</p> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> H. Grimme, <i>Weltgeschichte in Karakterbildern: Mohammed</i> (Munich, +1904), p. 6 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Nöldeke, <i>Die Semitischen Sprachen</i> (Leipzig, 1899), or the same +scholar's article, 'Semitic Languages,' in the <i>Encyclopædia Britannica</i>, +11th edition. Renan's <i>Histoire générale des langues sémitiques</i> (1855) is now +antiquated. An interesting essay on the importance of the Semites in the +history of civilisation was published by F. Hommel as an introduction to +his <i>Semitischen Völker und Sprachen</i>, vol. i (Leipzig, 1883). The dates +in this table are of course only approximate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> Ibn Qutayba, <i>Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árij</i>, ed. by Wüstenfeld, p. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Full information concerning the genealogy of the Arabs will be found +in Wüstenfeld's <i>Genealogische Tabellen der Arabischen Stämme und +Familien</i> with its excellent <i>Register</i> (Göttingen, 1852-1853).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> The tribes Ḍabba, Tamím, Khuzayma, Hudhayl, Asad, Kinána, and Quraysh +together formed a group which is known as Khindif, and is often distinguished +from Qays ‘Aylán.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> Goldziher, <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, Part I, p. 133 sqq., 177 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> Nöldeke in <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 40, p. 177.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> See Margoliouth, <i>Mohammed and the Rise of Islam</i>, p. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> Concerning the nature and causes of this antagonism see Goldziher, +<i>op. cit.</i>, Part I, p. 78 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> The word 'Arabic' is always to be understood in this sense +wherever it occurs in the following pages.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> First published by Sachau in <i>Monatsberichte der Kön. Preuss. Akad. +der Wissenschaften zu Berlin</i> (February, 1881), p. 169 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> See De Vogüé, <i>Syrie Centrale, Inscriptions Sémitiques</i>, p. 117. Other +references are given in <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 35, p. 749.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> On this subject the reader may consult Goldziher. <i>Muhammedanische +Studien</i>, Part I, p. 110 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> Professor Margoliouth in <i>F.R.A.S.</i> for 1905, p. 418</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> Nöldeke, <i>Die Semitischen Sprachen</i>, p. 36 sqq. and p. 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> <i>Journal Asiatique</i> (March, 1835), p. 209 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Strictly speaking, the <i>Jáhiliyya</i> includes the whole time between +Adam and Muḥammad, but in a narrower sense it may be used, as here, +to denote the Pre-islamic period of Arabic Literature.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> <i>Die Namen der Säugethiere bei den Südsemitischen Völkern</i>, p. 343 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> <i>Iramu Dhátu ’l-‘Imád</i> (Koran, lxxxix, 6). The sense of these words is +much disputed. See especially Ṭabarí's explanation in his great commentary +on the Koran (O. Loth in <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 35, p. 626 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> I have abridged Ṭabarí, <i>Annals</i>, i, 231 sqq. <i>Cf.</i> also chapters vii, xi, +xxvi, and xlvi of the Koran.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> Koran, xi, 56-57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> See Doughty's <i>Documents Epigraphiques recueillis dans le nord de +l'Arabie</i>, p. 12 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> Koran, vii, 76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> Properly Saba’ with <i>hamza</i>, both syllables being short.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> The oldest record of Saba to which a date can be assigned is found in +the Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions. We read in the Annals of King +Sargon (715 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>), "I received the tribute of Pharaoh, the King of Egypt, +of Shamsiyya, the Queen of Arabia, of Ithamara the Sabæan—gold, spices, +slaves, horses, and camels." Ithamara is identical with Yatha‘amar, a +name borne by several kings of Saba.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> A. Müller, <i>Der Islam im Morgen und Abendland</i>, vol. i, p. 24 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> Nöldeke, however, declares the traditions which represent Kulayb as +leading the Rabí‘a clans to battle against the combined strength of Yemen +to be entirely unhistorical (<i>Fünf Mo‘allaqát</i>, i, 44).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 94 seq. An excellent account of the progress made in discovering +and deciphering the South Arabic inscriptions down to the year +1841 is given by Rödiger, <i>Excurs ueber himjaritische Inschriften</i>, in his +German translation of Wellsted's <i>Travels in Arabia</i>, vol. ii, p. 368 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> Seetzen's inscriptions were published in <i>Fundgruben des Orients</i>, +vol. ii (Vienna, 1811), p. 282 sqq. The one mentioned above was afterwards +deciphered and explained by Mordtmann in the <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 31, +p. 89 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> The oldest inscriptions, however, run from left to right and from right +to left alternately (βουστρορηδόν).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> <i>Notiz ueber die himjaritische Schrift nebst doppeltem Alphabet derselben</i> +in <i>Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes</i>, vol. i (Göttingen, 1837), +p. 332 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> See Arnaud's <i>Relation d'un voyage à Mareb (Saba) dans l'Arabie +méridionale</i> in the <i>Journal Asiatique</i>, 4th series, vol. v (1845), p. 211 sqq. +and p. 309 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> See <i>Rapport sur une mission archéologique dans le Yémen</i> in the +<i>Journal Asiatique</i>, 6th series, vol. xix (1872), pp. 5-98, 129-266, 489-547.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> See D. H. Müller, <i>Die Burgen und Schlösser Südarabiens</i> in <i>S.B.W.A.</i>, +vol. 97, p. 981 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> The title <i>Mukarrib</i> combines the significations of prince and +priest.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> Goldziher, <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, Part I, p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> See F. Prætorius, <i>Unsterblichkeitsglaube und Heiligenverehrung bei +den Himyaren</i> in <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 27, p. 645. Hubert Grimme has +given an interesting sketch of the religious ideas and customs of the +Southern Arabs in <i>Weltgeschichte in Karakterbildern: Mohammed</i> (Munich, +1904), p. 29 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> <i>Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology</i>, vol. 5, p. 409.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> This table of contents is quoted by D. H. Müller (<i>Südarabische +Studien</i>, p. 108, n. 2) from the title-page of the British Museum MS. of the +eighth book of the <i>Iklíl</i>. No complete copy of the work is known to +exist, but considerable portions of it are preserved in the British Museum +and in the Berlin Royal Library.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> The poet ‘Alqama b. Dhí Jadan, whose verses are often cited in the +commentary on the 'Ḥimyarite Ode.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> <i>Die Himjarische Kasideh</i> herausgegeben und übersetzt von Alfred von +Kremer (Leipzig, 1865). <i>The Lay of the Himyarites</i>, by W. F. Prideaux +(Sehore, 1879).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Nashwán was a philologist of some repute. His great dictionary, the +<i>Shamsu ’l-‘Ulúm</i>, is a valuable aid to those engaged in the study of South +Arabian antiquities. It has been used by D. H. Müller to fix the correct +spelling of proper names which occur in the Ḥimyarite Ode (<i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, +vol. 29, p. 620 sqq.; <i>Südarabische Studien</i>, p. 143 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> <i>Fihrist</i>, p. 89, l. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. iv, p. 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> Von Kremer, <i>Die Südarabische Sage</i>, p. 56. Possibly, as he suggests +(p. 115), the story may be a symbolical expression of the fact that the +Sabæans were divided into two great tribes, Ḥimyar and Kahlán, the +former of which held the chief power.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Koran xxxiv, 14 sqq. The existing ruins have been described by +Arnaud in the <i>Journal Asiatique</i>, 7th series, vol. 3 (1874), p. 3 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> I follow Mas‘údí, <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i> (ed. by Barbier de Meynard), +vol. iii, p. 378 sqq., and Nuwayrí in Reiske's <i>Primæ lineæ Historiæ Rerum +Arabicarum</i>, p. 166 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> The story of the migration from Ma’rib, as related below, may have +some historical basis, but the Dam itself was not finally destroyed until +long afterwards. Inscriptions carved on the existing ruins show that it +was more or less in working order down to the middle of the sixth +century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> The first recorded flood took place in 447-450, and on +another occasion (in 539-542) the Dam was partially reconstructed by +Abraha, the Abyssinian viceroy of Yemen. See E. Glaser, <i>Zwei Inschriften +über den Dammbruch von Mârib</i> (<i>Mitteilungen der Vorderastatischen +Gesellschaft</i>, 1897, 6).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> He is said to have gained this sobriquet from his custom of tearing to +pieces (<i>mazaqa</i>) every night the robe which he had worn during the day.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> Freytag, <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, vol. i, p. 497.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Hamdání, <i>Iklíl</i>, bk. viii, edited by D. H. Müller in <i>S.B.W.A.</i> (Vienna, +1881), vol. 97, p. 1037. The verses are quoted with some textual differences +by Yáqút, <i>Mu‘jam al-Buldán</i>, ed. by Wüstenfeld, vol. iv, 387, and Ibn +Hishám, p. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> The following inscription is engraved on one of the stone cylinders +described by Arnaud. "Yatha‘amar Bayyin, son of Samah‘alí Yanúf, +Prince of Saba, caused the mountain Balaq to be pierced and erected the +flood-gates (called) Raḥab for convenience of irrigation." I translate after +D. H. Müller, <i>loc. laud.</i>, p. 965.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> The words <i>Ḥimyar</i> and <i>Tubba‘</i> do not occur at all in the older inscriptions, +and very seldom even in those of a more recent date.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> See Koran, xviii, 82-98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Dhu ’l-Qarnayn is described as "the measurer of the earth" (<i>Massáḥu +’l-arḍ</i>) by Hamdání, <i>Jazíratu ’l-‘Arab</i>, p. 46, l. 10. If I may step for a +moment outside the province of literary history to discuss the mythology of +these verses, it seems to me more than probable that Dhu ’l-Qarnayn is a +personification of the Sabæan divinity ‘Athtar, who represents "sweet +Hesper-Phosphor, double name" (see D. H. Müller in <i>S.B.W.A.</i>, vol. 97, +p. 973 seq.). The Minæan inscriptions have "‘Athtar of the setting and +‘Athtar of the rising" (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 1033). Moreover, in the older inscriptions +‘Athtar and Almaqa are always mentioned together; and Almaqa, which +according to Hamdání is the name of Venus (<i>al-Zuhara</i>), was identified by +Arabian archæologists with Bilqís. For <i>qarn</i> in the sense of 'ray' or +'beam' see Goldziher, <i>Abhand. zur Arab. Philologie</i>, Part I, p. 114. I +think there is little doubt that Dhu ’l-Qarnayn and Bilqís may be added to +the examples (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 111 sqq.) of that peculiar conversion by which many +heathen deities were enabled to maintain themselves under various disguises +within the pale of Islam.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> The Arabic text will be found in Von Kremer's <i>Altarabische Gedichte +ueber die Volkssage von Jemen</i>, p. 15 (No. viii, l. 6 sqq.). Ḥassán b. Thábit, +the author of these lines, was contemporary with Muḥammad, to whose +cause he devoted what poetical talent he possessed. In the verses immediately +preceding those translated above he claims to be a descendant of +Qaḥṭán.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> Von Kremer, <i>Die Südarabische Sage</i>, p. vii of the Introduction.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> A prose translation is given by Von Kremer, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 78 sqq. The +Arabic text which he published afterwards in <i>Altarabische Gedichte ueber +die Volkssage von Jemen</i>, p. 18 sqq., is corrupt in some places and incorrect in +others. I have followed Von Kremer's interpretation except when it seemed +to me to be manifestly untenable. The reader will have no difficulty in +believing that this poem was meant to be recited by a wandering minstrel +to the hearers that gathered round him at nightfall. It may well be the +composition of one of those professional story-tellers who flourished in +the first century after the Flight, such as ‘Abíd b. Sharya (see p. <a href="#Page_13">13</a> <i>supra</i>), +or Yazíd b. Rabí‘a b. Mufarrigh († 688 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), who is said to have invented +the poems and romances of the Ḥimyarite kings (<i>Aghání</i>, xvii, 52).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> Instead of Hinwam the original has Hayyúm, for which Von Kremer +reads Ahnúm. But see Hamdání, <i>Jazíralu ’l-‘Arab</i>, p. 193, last line and +fol.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> I read <i>al-jahdi</i> for <i>al-jahli</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> I omit the following verses, which tell how an old woman of Medína +came to King As‘ad, imploring him to avenge her wrongs, and how he +gathered an innumerable army, routed his enemies, and returned to Ẓafár +in triumph.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 13, l. 14 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 15, l. 1 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> Ibid., p. 17, l. 2 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> Arabic text in Von Kremer's <i>Altarabische Gedichte ueber die Volkssage +von Jemen</i>, p. 20 seq.; prose translation by the same author in <i>Die +Südarabische Sage</i>, p. 84 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> The second half of this verse is corrupt. Von Kremer translates (in +his notes to the Arabic text, p. 26): "And bury with me the camel +stallions (<i>al-khílán</i>) and the slaves (<i>al-ruqqán</i>)." Apart, however, from +the fact that <i>ruqqán</i> (plural of <i>raqíq</i>) is not mentioned by the lexicographers, +it seems highly improbable that the king would have commanded +such a barbarity. I therefore take <i>khílán</i> (plural of <i>khál</i>) in the +meaning of 'soft stuffs of Yemen,' and read <i>zuqqán</i> (plural of <i>ziqq</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> Ghaymán or Miqláb, a castle near Ṣan‘á, in which the Ḥimyarite kings +were buried.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> The text and translation of this section of the <i>Iklíl</i> have been published +by D. H. Müller in <i>S.B.W.A.</i>, vols. 94 and 97 (Vienna, 1879-1880).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xx, 8, l. 14 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> Koran, lxxxv, 4 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> Ṭabarí, I, 927, l. 19 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> The following narrative is abridged from Ṭabarí, i, 928, l. 2 sqq. += Nöldeke, <i>Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden</i>, +p. 192 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> The reader will find a full and excellent account of these matters in +Professor Browne's <i>Literary History of Persia</i>, vol. i, pp. 178-181.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Goldziher, <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, Part I, p. 225.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> Maydání's collection has been edited, with a Latin translation by +Freytag, in three volumes (<i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, Bonn, 1838-1843).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> The <i>Kitábu ’l-Aghání</i> has been published at Buláq (1284-1285 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>) in +twenty volumes. A volume of biographies not contained in the Buláq +text was edited by R. E. Brünnow (Leiden, 1888).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> <i>Muqaddima</i> of Ibn Khaldún (Beyrout, 1900), p. 554, II. 8-10; <i>Les Prolégomènes +d' Ibn Khaldoun traduits par M. de Slane</i> (Paris, 1863-68) +vol. iii, p. 331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> Published at Paris, 1847-1848, in three volumes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> These are the same Bedouin Arabs of Tanúkh who afterwards formed +part of the population of Ḥíra. See p. 38 <i>infra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> Ibn Qutayba in Brünnow's <i>Chrestomathy</i>, p. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Properly <i>al-Zabbá</i>, an epithet meaning 'hairy.' According to Ṭabarí +(i, 757) her name was Ná’ila. It is odd that in the Arabic version of the +story the name Zenobia (Zaynab) should be borne by the heroine's sister.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> The above narrative is abridged from <i>Aghání</i>, xiv, 73, l. 20-75, l. 25. +<i>Cf.</i> Ṭabarí, i, 757-766; Mas‘údí, <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i> (ed. by Barbier de +Meynard), vol. iii, pp. 189-199.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> Concerning Ḥíra and its history the reader may consult an admirable +monograph by Dr. G. Rothstein, <i>Die Dynastie der Laẖmiden in al-Ḥíra</i> +(Berlin, 1899), where the sources of information are set forth (p. 5 sqq.). +The incidental references to contemporary events in Syriac and Byzantine +writers, who often describe what they saw with their own eyes, are +extremely valuable as a means of fixing the chronology, which Arabian +historians can only supply by conjecture, owing to the want of a definite +era during the Pre-islamic period. Muḥammadan general histories +usually contain sections, more or less mythical in character, "On the +Kings of Ḥíra and Ghassán." Attention may be called in particular to the +account derived from Hishám b. Muḥammad al-Kalbí, which is preserved +by Ṭabarí and has been translated with a masterly commentary by +Nöldeke in his <i>Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden</i>. +Hishám had access to the archives kept in the churches of Ḥíra, and +claims to have extracted therefrom many genealogical and chronological +details relating to the Lakhmite dynasty (Ṭabarí, i, 770, 7).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> Ḥíra is the Syriac <i>ḥértá</i> (sacred enclosure, monastery), which name +was applied to the originally mobile camp of the Persian Arabs and +retained as the designation of the garrison town.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> Sadír was a castle in the vicinity of Ḥíra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> Ṭabarí, i, 853, 20 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> Bahrám was educated at Ḥíra under Nu‘mán and Mundhir. The +Persian grandees complained that he had the manners and appearance of +the Arabs among whom he had grown up (Ṭabarí, i, 858, 7).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> Má’ al-samá (<i>i.e.</i>, Water of the sky) is said to have been the sobriquet +of Mundhir's mother, whose proper name was Máriya or Máwiyya.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> For an account of Mazdak and his doctrines the reader may consult +Nöldeke's translation of Ṭabarí, pp. 140-144, 154, and 455-467, and +Professor Browne's <i>Literary History of Persia</i>, vol. i, pp. 168-172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> Mundhir slaughtered in cold blood some forty or fifty members of the +royal house of Kinda who had fallen into his hands. Ḥárith himself was +defeated and slain by Mundhir in 529. Thereafter the power of Kinda +sank, and they were gradually forced back to their original settlements +in Ḥaḍramawt.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> On another occasion he sacrificed four hundred Christian nuns to +the same goddess.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> See p. 50 <i>infra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xix, 86, l. 16 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xix, 87, l. 18 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> Hind was a princess of Kinda (daughter of the Ḥárith b. ‘Amr mentioned +above), whom Mundhir probably captured in one of his marauding +expeditions. She was a Christian, and founded a monastery at Ḥíra. +See Nöldeke's translation of Ṭabarí, p. 172, n. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xxi, 194, l. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> Zayd was actually Regent of Ḥíra after the death of Qábús, and paved +the way for Mundhir IV, whose violence had made him detested by the +people (Nöldeke's translation of Ṭabarí, p. 346, n. 1).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> The Arabs called the Byzantine emperor '<i>'Qayṣar</i>,' <i>i.e.</i>, Cæsar, and the +Persian emperor '<i>Kisrá</i>,' <i>i.e.</i>, Chosroes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> My friend and colleague, Professor A. A. Bevan, writes to me that "the +story of ‘Adí's marriage with the king's daughter is based partly on a +verse in which the poet speaks of himself as connected by marriage with +the royal house (<i>Aghání</i>, ii, 26, l. 5), and partly on another verse in which +he mentions 'the home of Hind' (<i>ibid.</i>, ii, 32, l. 1). But this Hind was +evidently a Bedouin woman, not the king's daughter."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, ii, 22, l. 3 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> When Hurmuz summoned the sons of Mundhir to Ctesiphon that he +might choose a king from among them, ‘Adí said to each one privately, +"If the Chosroes demands whether you can keep the Arabs in order, reply, +'All except Nu‘mán.'" To Nu‘mán, however, he said: "The Chosroes +will ask, 'Can you manage your brothers?' Say to him: 'If I am not +strong enough for them, I am still less able to control other folk!'" +Hurmuz was satisfied with this answer and conferred the crown upon +Nu‘mán.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> A full account of these matters is given by Ṭabarí, i, 1016-1024 = +Nöldeke's translation, pp. 314-324.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> A similar description occurs in Freytag's <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, vol. ii. +p. 589 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> Ṭabarí, i, 1024-1029 = Nöldeke's translation, pp. 324-331. Ibn +Qutayba in Brünnow's <i>Chrestomathy</i>, pp. 32-33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> A town in Arabia, some distance to the north of Medína.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> See Freytag, <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, vol. ii, p. 611.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> A celebrated Companion of the Prophet. He led the Moslem army to +the conquest of Syria, and died of the plague in 639 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> Ibn Qutayba in Brünnow's <i>Chrestomathy</i>, pp. 26-28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> The following details are extracted from Nöldeke's monograph: <i>Die +Ghassânischen Fürsten aus dem Hause Gafna's</i>, in <i>Abhand. d. Kön. Preuss. +Akad. d. Wissenschaften</i> (Berlin, 1887).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Nöldeke, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 20, refers to John of Ephesus, iii, 2. See <i>The +Third Part of the Ecclesiastical History of John, Bishop of Ephesus</i>, translated +by R. Payne Smith, p. 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> Iyás b. Qabíṣa succeeded Nu‘mán III as ruler of Ḥíra (602-611 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). +He belonged to the tribe of Ṭayyi’. See Rothstein, <i>Laẖmiden</i>, p. 119.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> I read <i>yatafaḍḍalu</i> for <i>yanfaṣilu</i>. The arrangement which the +former word denotes is explained in Lane's Dictionary as "the throwing +a portion of one's garment over his left shoulder, and drawing its extremity +under his right arm, and tying the two extremities together in a +knot upon his bosom."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> The <i>fanak</i> is properly a kind of white stoat or weasel found in +Abyssinia and northern Africa, but the name is also applied by Muḥammadans +to other furs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xvi, 15, ll. 22-30. So far as it purports to proceed from +Ḥassán, the passage is apocryphal, but this does not seriously affect its +value as evidence, if we consider that it is probably compiled from the +poet's <i>díwán</i> in which the Ghassánids are often spoken of. The particular +reference to Jabala b. al-Ayham is a mistake. Ḥassán's acquaintance +with the Ghassánids belongs to the pagan period of his life, and he +is known to have accepted Islam many years before Jabala began to +reign.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> Nábigha, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 78; Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 96. The +whole poem has been translated by Sir Charles Lyall in his <i>Ancient +Arabian Poetry</i>, p. 95 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> Thorbecke, <i>‘Antarah, ein vorislamischer Dichter</i>, p. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> The following narrative is an abridgment of the history of the War +of Basús as related in Tibrízí's commentary on the <i>Ḥamása</i> (ed. by +Freytag), pp. 420-423 and 251-255. Cf. Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 39 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> See p. 5 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> Wá’il is the common ancestor of Bakr and Taghlib. For the use of +stones (anṣáb) in the worship of the Pagan Arabs see Wellhausen, <i>Reste +Arabischen Heidentums</i> (2nd ed.), p. 101 sqq. Robertson Smith, <i>Lectures +on the Religion of the Semites</i> (London, 1894), p. 200 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 422, 14 sqq. Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 39, last line and foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 423, 11 sqq. Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 41, l. 3 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 252, 8 seq. Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 44, l. 3 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> Hind is the mother of Bakr and Taghlib. Here the Banú Hind (Sons +of Hind) are the Taghlibites.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 9, 17 seq. Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 45, l. 10 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 252, 14 seq. Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 46, l. 16 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 254, 6 seq. Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 47, l. 2 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 96. Ibn Nubáta, cited by Rasmussen, <i>Additamenta ad Historiam +Arabum ante Islamismum</i>, p. 34, remarks that before Qays no one +had ever lamented a foe slain by himself (<i>wa-huwa awwalu man rathá +maqtúlahu</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 51, l. 7 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> In the account of Abraha's invasion given below I have followed +Ṭabarí, i, 936, 9-945, 19 = Nöldeke's translation, pp. 206-220.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> I read <i>ḥilálak</i>. See Glossary to Ṭabarí.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> Ṭabarí, i, 940, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> Another version says: "Whenever a man was struck sores and +pustules broke out on that part of his body. This was the first appearance +of the small-pox" (Ṭabarí, i, 945, 2 sqq.). Here we have the historical +fact—an outbreak of pestilence in the Abyssinian army—which gave rise +to the legend related above.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> There is trustworthy evidence that Abraha continued to rule Yemen +for some time after his defeat.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 38, l. 14 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 40, l. 12 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> See pp. 48-49 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> Full details are given by Ṭabarí, <span class="smcap">I</span>, 1016-1037 = Nöldeke's translation, +pp. 311-345.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> A poet speaks of three thousand Arabs and two thousand Persians +(Ṭabarí, <span class="smcap">I</span>, 1036, 5-6).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> Ibn Rashíq in Suyúṭí's Muzhir (Buláq, 1282 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>), Part II, p. 236, l. 22 +sqq. I quote the translation of Sir Charles Lyall in the Introduction to his +<i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, p. 17, a most admirable work which should be +placed in the hands of every one who is beginning the study of this +difficult subject.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> Freytag, <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, vol. ii, p. 494.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> Numb. xxi, 17. Such well-songs are still sung in the Syrian desert +(see Enno Littmann, <i>Neuarabische Volkspoesie</i>, in <i>Abhand. der Kön. Gesellschaft +der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Klasse</i>, Göttingen, 1901), p. 92. In +a specimen cited at p. 81 we find the words <i>witla yā dlêwēna</i>—<i>i.e.</i>, "Rise, +O bucket!" several times repeated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> Goldziher, <i>Ueber die Vorgeschichte der Higâ-Poesie</i> in his <i>Abhand. zur +Arab. Philologie</i>, Part I (Leyden, 1896), p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the story of Balak and Balaam, with Goldziher's remarks thereon, +<i>ibid.</i>, p. 42 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 46 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> <i>Rajaz</i> primarily means "a tremor (which is a symptom of disease) in +the hind-quarters of a camel." This suggested to Dr. G. Jacob his interesting +theory that the Arabian metres arose out of the camel-driver's song +(<i>ḥidá</i>) in harmony with the varying paces of the animal which he rode +(<i>Studien in arabischen Dichtern</i>, Heft III, p. 179 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> The Arabic verse (<i>bayt</i>) consists of two halves or hemistichs (<i>miṣrá‘</i>). +It is generally convenient to use the word 'line' as a translation of <i>miṣrá‘</i>, +but the reader must understand that the 'line' is not, as in English +poetry, an independent unit. <i>Rajaz</i> is the sole exception to this rule, there +being here no division into hemistichs, but each line (verse) forming an +unbroken whole and rhyming with that which precedes it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> In Arabic 'al-bayt,' the tent, which is here used figuratively for the +grave.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> Ibn Qutayba, <i>Kitábu ’l-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará</i>, p. 36, l. 3 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> Already in the sixth century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> the poet ‘Antara complains that his +predecessors have left nothing new for him to say (<i>Mu‘allaqa</i>, v. 1).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> <i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, Introduction, p. xvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> <i>Qaṣída</i> is explained by Arabian lexicographers to mean a poem with +an artistic purpose, but they differ as to the precise sense in which 'purpose' +is to be understood. Modern critics are equally at variance. Jacob +(<i>Stud. in Arab. Dichtern</i>, Heft III, p. 203) would derive the word from the +principal motive of these poems, namely, to gain a rich reward in return +for praise and flattery. Ahlwardt (<i>Bemerkungen über die Aechtheit der alten +Arab. Gedichte</i>, p. 24 seq.) connects it with <i>qaṣada, to break</i>, "because it +consists of verses, every one of which is divided into two halves, with a +common end-rhyme: thus the whole poem is <i>broken</i>, as it were, into two +halves;" while in the <i>Rajaz</i> verses, as we have seen (p. 74 <i>supra</i>), there +is no such break.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> <i>Kitábu ’l-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará</i>, p. 14, l. 10 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> Nöldeke (<i>Fūnf Mo‘allaqát</i>, i, p. 3 sqq.) makes the curious observation, +which illustrates the highly artificial character of this poetry, that certain +animals well known to the Arabs (<i>e.g.</i>, the panther, the jerboa, and the +hare) are seldom mentioned and scarcely ever described, apparently for +no reason except that they were not included in the conventional +repertory.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> <i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, p. 83.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> Verses 3-13. I have attempted to imitate the 'Long' (<i>Ṭawíl</i>) metre of +the original, viz.:— +</p><p> +The Arabic text of the <i>Lámiyya</i>, with prose translation and commentary, +is printed in De Sacy's <i>Chrestomathie Arabe</i> (2nd. ed.), vol. ii<sup>e</sup>, p. 134 sqq., +and vol. ii, p. 337 sqq. It has been translated into English verse by +G. Hughes (London, 1896). Other versions are mentioned by Nöldeke, +<i>Beiträge zur Kenntniss d. Poesie d. alten Araber</i>, p. 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> The poet, apparently, means that his three friends are <i>like</i> the animals +mentioned. Prof. Bevan remarks, however, that this interpretation is +doubtful, since an Arab would scarcely compare his <i>friend</i> to a hyena.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 41-43. This poem has been rendered in verse by Sir +Charles Lyall, <i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, p. 16, and by the late Dr. A. B. +Davidson, <i>Biblical and Literary Essays</i>, p. 263.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> Mahaffy, <i>Social Life in Greece</i>, p. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> See pp. 59-60 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 82-83. The poet is ‘Amr b. Ma‘díkarib, a famous heathen +knight who accepted Islam and afterwards distinguished himself in the +Persian wars.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> Al-Afwah al-Awdí in Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 4, ll. 8-10. The poles and +pegs represent lords and commons.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 378.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> Cf. the verses by al-Find, p. 58 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 327.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> Imru’u ’l-Qays was one of the princes of Kinda, a powerful tribe in +Central Arabia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xix, 99. The last two lines are wanting in the poem as there +cited, but appear in the Selection from the Aghání published at Beyrout in +1888, vol. ii, p. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> See p. 45 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xvi, 98, ll. 5-22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xvi, 97, l. 5 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> His <i>Díwán</i> has been edited with translation and notes by F. Schulthess +(Leipzig, 1897).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 729. The hero mentioned in the first verse is ‘Ámir b. +Uḥaymir of Bahdala. On a certain occasion, when envoys from the +Arabian tribes were assembled at Ḥíra, King Mundhir b. Má’ al-samá +produced two pieces of cloth of Yemen and said, "Let him whose tribe +is noblest rise up and take them." Thereupon ‘Ámir stood forth, and +wrapping one piece round his waist and the other over his shoulders, +carried off the prize unchallenged.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> Lady Anne and Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, <i>The Seven Golden Odes of Pagan +Arabia</i>, Introduction, p. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> <i>Agháni</i> xvi, 22, ll. 10-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> <i>Agháni</i>, xviii, 137, ll. 5-10. Freytag, <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, vol. ii, p. 834.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> <i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, p. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> <i>Mufaḍḍaliyyát</i>, ed. Thorbecke, p. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> See Goldziher, <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, Part II, p. 295 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> Koran, xvi, 59-61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> Freytag, <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, vol. i, p. 229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> Koran, xvii, 33. Cf. lxxxi, 8-9 (a description of the Last Judgment): +"<i>When the girl buried alive shall be asked for what crime she was killed.</i>"</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> Literally: "And tear the veil from (her, as though she were) flesh on +a butcher's board," <i>i.e.</i>, defenceless, abandoned to the first-comer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 140. Although these verses are not Pre-islamic, and belong +in fact to a comparatively late period of Islam, they are sufficiently pagan +in feeling to be cited in this connection. The author, Isḥáq b. Khalaf, +lived under the Caliph Ma’mún (813-833 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). He survived his adopted +daughter—for Umayma was his sister's child—and wrote an elegy on her, +which is preserved in the <i>Kámil</i> of al-Mubarrad, p. 715, l. 7 sqq., and has +been translated, together with the verses now in question, by Sir Charles +Lyall, <i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 142. Lyall, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 321.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> See p. 55 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> Cf. Rückert's <i>Hamâsa</i>, vol. i, p. 61 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, ii, 160, l. 11-162, l. 1 = p. 13 sqq. of the Beyrout Selection.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> The Bedouins consider that any one who has eaten of their food or +has touched the rope of their tent is entitled to claim their protection. +Such a person is called <i>dakhíl</i>. See Burckhardt, <i>Notes on the Bedouins and +Wahábys</i> (London, 1831), vol. i, p. 160 sqq. and 329 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> See p. 81 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> Stuttgart, 1819, p. 253 sqq. The other renderings in verse with +which I am acquainted are those of Rückert (<i>Hamâsa</i>, vol. i, p. 299) +and Sir Charles Lyall (<i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, p. 48). I have adopted +Sir Charles Lyall's arrangement of the poem, and have closely followed +his masterly interpretation, from which I have also borrowed some turns +of phrase that could not be altered except for the worse.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> The Arabic text will be found in the <i>Hamása</i>, p. 382 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> This and the following verse are generally taken to be a description +not of the poet himself, but of his nephew. The interpretation given +above does no violence to the language, and greatly enhances the +dramatic effect.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> In the original this and the preceding verse are transposed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> Although the poet's uncle was killed in this onslaught, the surprised +party suffered severely. "The two clans" belonged to the great tribe of +Hudhayl, which is mentioned in the penultimate verse.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> It was customary for the avenger to take a solemn vow that he +would drink no wine before accomplishing his vengeance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 679.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the lines translated below from the <i>Mu‘allaqa</i> of Ḥárith.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> The best edition of the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> is Sir Charles Lyall's (<i>A Commentary +on Ten Ancient Arabic Poems</i>, Calcutta, 1894), which contains in addition +to the seven <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> three odes by A‘shá, Nábigha, and ‘Abíd b. al-Abraṣ. +Nöldeke has translated five Mu‘allaqas (omitting those of Imru’ u’ +l-Qays and Ṭarafa) with a German commentary, <i>Sitzungsberichte der +Kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften in Wien</i>, <i>Phil.-Histor. Klasse</i>, vols. 140-144 +(1899-1901); this is by far the best translation for students. No satisfactory +version in English prose has hitherto appeared, but I may call +attention to the fine and original, though somewhat free, rendering into +English verse by Lady Anne Blunt and Wilfrid Scawen Blunt (<i>The Seven +Golden Odes of Pagan Arabia</i>, London, 1903).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> <i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, Introduction, p. xliv. Many other interpretations +have been suggested—<i>e.g.</i>, 'The Poems written down from oral +dictation' (Von Kremer), 'The richly bejewelled' (Ahlwardt), 'The +Pendants,' as though they were pearls strung on a necklace (A. Müller).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> The belief that the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> were written in letters of gold seems +to have arisen from a misunderstanding of the name <i>Mudhhabát</i> or +<i>Mudhahhabát</i> (<i>i.e.</i>, the Gilded Poems) which is sometimes given to them +in token of their excellence, just as the Greeks gave the title χρύσεα ἔπη +to a poem falsely attributed to Pythagoras. That some of the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i> +were recited at ‘Ukáẓ is probable enough and is definitely affirmed in the +case of ‘Amr b. Kulthúm (<i>Aghání</i>, ix, 182).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> The legend first appears in the <i>‘Iqd al-Faríd</i> (ed. of Cairo, 1293 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>, +vol. iii, p, 116 seq.) of Ibn ‘Abdi Rabbihi, who died in 940 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> See the Introduction to Nöldeke's <i>Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Poesie +der alten Araber</i> (Hannover, 1864), p. xvii sqq., and his article 'Mo‘allaḳḳát' +in the <i>Encyclopædia Britannica</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> It is well known that the order of the verses in the <i>Mu‘allaqát</i>, as they +have come down to us, is frequently confused, and that the number of +various readings is very large. I have generally followed the text and +arrangement adopted by Nöldeke in his German translation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> See p. 42 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> <i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, p. 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> See the account of his life (according to the <i>Kitábu’ l-Aghání</i>) in +<i>Le Diwan d'Amro’lkaïs</i>, edited with translation and notes by Baron +MacGuckin de Slane (Paris, 1837), pp. 1-51; and in <i>Amrilkais, der Dichter +und König</i> by Friedrich Rückert (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1843).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> That he was not, however, the inventor of the Arabian <i>qaṣída</i> as +described above (p. 76 sqq.) appears from the fact that he mentions in one +of his verses a certain Ibn Ḥumám or Ibn Khidhám who introduced, or at +least made fashionable, the prelude with which almost every ode begins: +a lament over the deserted camping-ground (Ibn Qutayba, <i>K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará</i>, +p. 52).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> The following lines are translated from Arnold's edition of the +<i>Mu‘allaqát</i> (Leipsic, 1850), p. 9 sqq., vv. 18-35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> The native commentators are probably right in attributing this and +the three preceding verses (48-51 in Arnold's edition) to the brigand-poet, +Ta’abbaṭa Sharr<sup>an</sup>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> We have already (p. 39) referred to the culture of the Christian Arabs +of Ḥíra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> Vv. 54-59 (Lyall); 56-61 (Arnold).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> See Nöldeke, <i>Fünf Mu‘allaqát</i>, i, p. 51 seq. According to the +traditional version (<i>Aghání</i>, ix, 179), a band of Taghlibites went raiding, +lost their way in the desert, and perished of thirst, having been refused +water by a sept of the Banú Bakr. Thereupon Taghlib appealed to King +‘Amr to enforce payment of the blood-money which they claimed, and +chose ‘Amr b. Kulthúm to plead their cause at Ḥíra. So ‘Amr recited his +<i>Mu‘allaqa</i> before the king, and was answered by Ḥárith on behalf of +Bakr.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> Freytag, <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, vol. ii, p. 233.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, ix, 182.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> Vv. 1-8 (Arnold); in Lyall's edition the penultimate verse is omitted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> Vv. 15-18 (Lyall); 19-22 (Arnold).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> The Arabs use the term <i>kunya</i> to denote this familiar style of address +in which a person is called, not by his own name, but 'father of So-and-so' +(either a son or, as in the present instance, a daughter).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, even the <i>jinn</i> (genies) stand in awe of us.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> Here Ma‘add signifies the Arabs in general.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> Vv. 20-30 (Lyall), omitting vv. 22, 27, 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> This is a figurative way of saying that Taghlib has never been subdued.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> Vv. 46-51 (Lyall), omitting v. 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, we will show our enemies that they cannot defy us with impunity. +This verse, the 93rd in Lyall's edition, is omitted by Arnold.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> Vv. 94-104 (Arnold), omitting vv. 100 and 101. If the last words are +anything more than a poetic fiction, 'the sea' must refer to the River +Euphrates.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> Vv. 16-18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Vv. 23-26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> A place in the neighbourhood of Mecca.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> Vv. 40-42 (Lyall); 65-67 (Arnold).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> See <i>‘Antarah, ein vorislamischer Dichter</i>, by H. Thorbecke (Leipzig, +1867).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> I have taken some liberties in this rendering, as the reader may see +by referring to the verses (44 and 47-52 in Lyall's edition) on which it is +based.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> Ghayẓ b. Murra was a descendant of Dhubyán and the ancestor of +Harim and Ḥárith.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> The Ka‘ba.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> This refers to the religious circumambulation (<i>ṭawáf</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> Vv. 16-19 (Lyall).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> There is no reason to doubt the genuineness of this passage, which +affords evidence of the diffusion of Jewish and Christian ideas in pagan +Arabia. Ibn Qutayba observes that these verses indicate the poet's belief +in the Resurrection (<i>K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará</i>, p. 58, l. 12).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> Vv. 27-31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> The order of these verses in Lyall's edition is as follows: 56, 57, 54, +50, 55, 53, 49, 47, 48, 52, 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> Reference has been made above to the old Arabian belief that poets +owed their inspiration to the <i>jinn</i> (genii), who are sometimes called +<i>shayátín</i> (satans). See Goldziher, <i>Abhand. zur arab. Philologie</i>, Part I, +pp. 1-14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> Vv. 1-10 (Lyall), omitting v. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> Vv. 55-60 (Lyall).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> The term <i>nábigha</i> is applied to a poet whose genius is slow in declaring +itself but at last "jets forth vigorously and abundantly" (<i>nabagha</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 83; Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> He means to say that Nu‘mán has no reason to feel aggrieved because +he (Nábigha) is grateful to the Ghassánids for their munificent patronage; +since Nu‘mán does not consider that his own favourites, in showing gratitude +to himself, are thereby guilty of treachery towards their former +patrons.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> <i>Diwán</i>, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 76, ii, 21. In another place (p. 81, +vi, 6) he says, addressing his beloved:— +</p> +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +"Wadd give thee greeting! for dalliance with women is lawful to me no more,</span> +<span class="i0"> +Since Religion has become a serious matter."</span> +</div> +</div> +<p> +Wadd was a god worshipped by the pagan Arabs. Derenbourg's text +has <i>rabbí</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, Allah, but see Nöldeke's remarks in <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. xli +(1887), p. 708.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, viii, 85, last line-86, l. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> Lyall, <i>Ten Ancient Arabic Poems</i>, p. 146 seq., vv. 25-31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> Ahlwardt, <i>The Divans</i>, p. 106, vv. 8-10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, p. 382, l. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> Nöldeke, <i>Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Poesie der alten Araber</i>, p. 152.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> Nöldeke, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> The original title is <i>al-Mukhtárát</i> (The Selected Odes) or <i>al-Ikhtiyárát</i> +(The Selections).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> Oxford, 1918-21. The Indexes of personal and place-names, +poetical quotations, and selected words were prepared by Professor +Bevan and published in 1924 in the E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 350 = De Slane's translation, +vol. ii, p. 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> See Nöldeke, <i>Beiträge</i>, p. 183 sqq. There would seem to be comparatively +few poems of Pre-islamic date in Buḥturí's anthology.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 204 = De Slane's translation, +vol. i, p. 470.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> Many interesting details concerning the tradition of Pre-islamic +poetry by the <i>Ráwís</i> and the Philologists will be found in Ahlwardt's +<i>Bemerkungen ueber die Aechtheit der alten Arabischen Gedichte</i> (Greifswald, +1872), which has supplied materials for the present sketch.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, v, 172, l. 16 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> This view, however, is in accordance neither with the historical facts +nor with the public opinion of the Pre-islamic Arabs (see Nöldeke, <i>Die +Semitischen Sprachen</i>, p. 47).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> See Wellhausen, <i>Reste Arab. Heidentums</i> (2nd ed.), p. 88 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 506.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 237.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> <i>Díwán</i> of Imru’u ’l-Qays, ed. by De Slane, p. 22 of the Arabic text, +l. 17 sqq. = No. 52, ll. 57-59 (p. 154) in Ahlwardt's <i>Divans of the Six Poets</i>. +With the last line, however, <i>cf.</i> the words of Qays b. al-Khaṭím on accomplishing +his vengeance: "<i>When this death comes, there will not be found +any need of my soul that I have not satisfied</i>" (<i>Ḥamása</i>, 87).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, ii, 18, l. 23 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, ii, 34, l. 22 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> See Von Kremer, <i>Ueber die Gedichte des Labyd</i> in <i>S.B.W.A.</i>, +<i>Phil.-Hist. Klasse</i> (Vienna, 1881), vol. 98, p. 555 sqq. Sir Charles Lyall, +<i>Ancient Arabian Poetry</i>, pp. 92 and 119. Wellhausen, <i>Reste Arabischen +Heidentums</i> (2nd ed.), p. 224 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> I prefer to retain the customary spelling instead of Qur’án, as it is +correctly transliterated by scholars. Arabic words naturalised in English, +like Koran, Caliph, Vizier, &c., require no apology.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> Muir's <i>Life of Mahomet</i>, Introduction, p. 2 seq. I may as well say at +once that I entirely disagree with the view suggested in this passage that +Muḥammad did not believe himself to be inspired.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> The above details are taken from the <i>Fihrist</i>, ed. by G. Fluegel, p. 24, +l. 14 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Muir, <i>op. cit.</i>, Introduction, p. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> With the exception of the Opening Súra (<i>al-Fátiḥa</i>), which is a short +prayer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> Sprenger, <i>Ueber das Traditionswesen bei den Arabern</i>, <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, +vol. x, p. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Quoted by Sprenger, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> Quoted by Nöldeke in the Introduction to his <i>Geschichte des Qorâns</i>, +p 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> See especially pp. 28-130.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> <i>Muhamm. Studien</i>, Part II, p. 48 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> The reader may consult Muir's Introduction to his <i>Life of Mahomet</i>, +pp. 28-87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 105, l. 9 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> This legend seems to have arisen out of a literal interpretation of +Koran, xciv, 1, "<i>Did we not open thy breast?</i>"—<i>i.e.</i>, give thee comfort +or enlightenment.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> This name, which may signify 'Baptists,' was applied by the heathen +Arabs to Muḥammad and his followers, probably in consequence of the +ceremonial ablutions which are incumbent upon every Moslem before the +five daily prayers (see Wellhausen, <i>Reste Arab. Heid.</i>, p. 237).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> Sir Charles Lyall, <i>The Words 'Ḥaníf' and 'Muslim,'</i> <i>J.R.A.S.</i> for +1903, p. 772. The original meaning of <i>ḥaniacute;f</i> is no longer traceable, but it +may be connected with the Hebrew <i>ḥánéf</i>, 'profane.' In the Koran it +generally refers to the religion of Abraham, and sometimes appears to be +nearly synonymous with <i>Muslim</i>. Further information concerning the +Ḥanífs will be found in Sir Charles Lyall's article cited above; Sprenger, +<i>Das Leben und die Lehre des Moḥammed</i>, vol. i, pp. 45-134; Wellhausen, +<i>Reste Arab. Heid</i>., p. 238 sqq.; Caetani, <i>Annali dell' Islam</i>, vol. i, +pp. 181-192.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 143, l. 6 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286" id="Footnote_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> <i>Agháni</i>, iii, 187, l. 17 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287" id="Footnote_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> See p. 69 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288" id="Footnote_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> Tradition associates him especially with Waraqa, who was a cousin +of his first wife, Khadíja, and is said to have hailed him as a prophet +while Muḥammad himself was still hesitating (Ibn Hishám, p. 153, +l. 14 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289" id="Footnote_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> This is the celebrated 'Night of Power' (<i>Laylatu ’l-Qadr</i>) mentioned +in the Koran, xcvii, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290" id="Footnote_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> The Holy Ghost (<i>Rúḥu’l-Quds</i>), for whom in the Medína Súras Gabriel +(Jibríl) is substituted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> But another version (Ibn Hishám, p. 152, l. 9 sqq.) represents Muḥammad +as replying to the Angel, "What am I to read?" (<i>má aqra’u or má dhá +aqra’u</i>). Professor Bevan has pointed out to me that the tradition in this +form bears a curious resemblance, which can hardly be accidental, to the +words of Isaiah xl. 6: "The voice said, Cry. And he said, What +shall I cry?" The question whether the Prophet could read and +write is discussed by Nöldeke (<i>Geschichte des Qorâns</i>, p. 7 sqq.), who +leaves it undecided. According to Nöldeke (<i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 10), the +epithet <i>ummí</i>, which is applied to Muḥammad in the Koran, and is +commonly rendered by 'illiterate,' does not signify that he was +ignorant of reading and writing, but only that he was unacquainted with +the ancient Scriptures; <i>cf.</i> 'Gentile.' However this may be, it appears that +he wished to pass for illiterate, with the object of confirming the belief in +his inspiration: "<i>Thou</i>" (Muḥammad) "<i>didst not use to read any book +before this</i>" (the Koran) "<i>nor to write it with thy right hand; else the liars +would have doubted</i> (Koran, xxix, 47).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> The meaning of these words (<i>iqra’ bismi rabbika</i>) is disputed. Others +translate, "Preach in the name of thy Lord" (Nöldeke), or "Proclaim the +name of thy Lord" (Hirschfeld). I see no sufficient grounds for abandoning +the traditional interpretation supported by verses 4 and 5. Muḥammad +dreamed that he was commanded to read the Word of God inscribed in +the Heavenly Book which is the source of all Revelation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> Others render, "who taught (the use of) the Pen."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> This account of Muḥammad's earliest vision (Bukhárí, ed. by Krehl, +vol. iii, p. 380, l. 2 sqq.) is derived from ‘A’isha, his favourite wife, whom +he married after the death of Khadíja.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 152, l. 9 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> See p. 72 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> This interval is known as the Fatra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> Literally, 'warn.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299" id="Footnote_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> 'The abomination' (<i>al-rujz</i>) probably refers to idolatry.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300" id="Footnote_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> Literally, "The Last State shall be better for thee than the First," +referring either to Muḥammad's recompense in the next world or to the +ultimate triumph of his cause in this world.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301" id="Footnote_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> <i>Islám</i> is a verbal noun formed from <i>Aslama</i>, which means 'to +surrender' and, in a religious sense, 'to surrender one's self to the will +of God.' The participle, <i>Muslim</i> (Moslem), denotes one who thus surrenders +himself.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302" id="Footnote_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> Sprenger, <i>Leben des Mohammad</i>, vol. i, p. 356.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303" id="Footnote_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> It must be remembered that this branch of Muḥammadan tradition +derives from the pietists of the first century after the Flight, who were +profoundly dissatisfied with the reigning dynasty (the Umayyads), and +revenged themselves by painting the behaviour of the Meccan ancestors of +the Umayyads towards Muḥammad in the blackest colours possible. The +facts tell another story. It is significant that hardly any case of real +persecution is mentioned in the Koran. Muḥammad was allowed to +remain at Mecca and to carry on, during many years, a religious +propaganda which his fellow-citizens, with few exceptions, regarded as +detestable and dangerous. We may well wonder at the moderation of +the Quraysh, which, however, was not so much deliberate policy as the +result of their indifference to religion and of Muḥammad's failure to make +appreciable headway in Mecca.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304" id="Footnote_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 168, l. 9. sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305" id="Footnote_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> At this time Muḥammad believed the doctrines of Islam and +Christianity to be essentially the same.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306" id="Footnote_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> Ṭabarí, i, 1180, 8 sqq. <i>Cf.</i> Caetani, <i>Annali dell' Islam</i>, vol. i, +p. 267 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307" id="Footnote_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> Muir, <i>Life of Mahomet</i>, vol. ii, p. 151.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308" id="Footnote_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> We have seen (p. 91 <i>supra</i>) that the heathen Arabs disliked female +offspring, yet they called their three principal deities the daughters of +Allah.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309" id="Footnote_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> It is related by Ibn Isḥáq (Ṭabarí, i, 1192, 4 sqq.). In his learned work, +<i>Annali dell' Islam</i>, of which the first volume appeared in 1905, Prince Caetani +impugns the authenticity of the tradition and criticises the narrative in +detail (p. 279 sqq.), but his arguments do not touch the main question. +As Muir says, "it is hardly possible to conceive how the tale, if not +founded in truth, could ever have been invented."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310" id="Footnote_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> The Meccan view of Muḥammad's action may be gathered from the +words uttered by Abú Jahl on the field of Badr—"O God, bring woe upon +him who more than any of us hath severed the ties of kinship and +dealt dishonourably!" (Ṭabarí, i, 1322, l. 8 seq.). Alluding to the +Moslems who abandoned their native city and fled with the Prophet to +Medína, a Meccan poet exclaims (Ibn Hishám, p. 519, ll. 3-5):— +</p> +<div class="blockquot"><p class="indent"><i>They</i> (the Quraysh slain at Badr) <i>fell in honour. They did not sell their +kinsmen for strangers living in a far land and of remote lineage;</i> +</p><p class="indent"> +<i>Unlike you, who have made friends of Ghassán</i> (the people of Medína), <i>taking +them instead of us—O, what a shameful deed!</i> +</p><p class="indent"> +<i>Tis an impiety and a manifest crime and a cutting of all ties of blood: +your iniquity therein is discerned by men of judgment and understanding.</i></p></div></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311" id="Footnote_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> <i>Súra</i> is properly a row of stones or bricks in a wall.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312" id="Footnote_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> See p. 74 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313" id="Footnote_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> Koran, lxix, 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314" id="Footnote_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> Nöldeke, <i>Geschichte des Qorâns</i>, p. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315" id="Footnote_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, what it has done or left undone.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316" id="Footnote_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> The Last Judgment.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317" id="Footnote_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> Moslems believe that every man is attended by two Recording Angels +who write down his good and evil actions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318" id="Footnote_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> This is generally supposed to refer to the persecution of the Christians +of Najrán by Dhú Nuwás (see p. <a href="#Page_26">26</a> <i>supra</i>). Geiger takes it as an allusion +to the three men who were cast into the fiery furnace (Daniel, ch. iii).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319" id="Footnote_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> See above, p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320" id="Footnote_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> According to Muḥammadan belief, the archetype of the Koran and of +all other Revelations is written on the Guarded Table (<i>al-Lawḥ al-Maḥfúẓ</i>) +in heaven.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321" id="Footnote_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> Koran, xvii, 69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322" id="Footnote_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> See, for example, the passages translated by Lane in his <i>Selections +from the Kur-án</i> (London, 1843), pp. 100-113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323" id="Footnote_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> <i>Ikhláṣ</i> means 'purifying one's self of belief in any god except Allah.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324" id="Footnote_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> The Prophet's confession of his inability to perform miracles did not +deter his followers from inventing them after his death. Thus it was said +that he caused the infidels to see "the moon cloven asunder" (Koran, +liv, I), though, as is plain from the context, these words refer to one of +the signs of the Day of Judgment.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> I take this opportunity of calling the reader's attention to a most +interesting article by my friend and colleague, Professor A. A. Bevan, +entitled <i>The Beliefs of Early Mohammedans respecting a Future Existence</i> +(<i>Journal of Theological Studies</i>, October, 1904, p. 20 sqq.), where the +whole subject is fully discussed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> Shaddád b. al-Aswad al-Laythí, quoted in the <i>Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán</i> of +Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí (see my article in the <i>J.R.A.S.</i> for 1902, pp. 94 and +818); <i>cf.</i> Ibn Hishám, p. 530, last line. Ibn (Abí) Kabsha was a nickname +derisively applied to Muḥammad. <i>Ṣadá</i> and <i>háma</i> refer to the death-bird +which was popularly supposed to utter its shriek from the skull (<i>háma</i>) of +the dead, and both words may be rendered by 'soul' or 'wraith.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> Nöldeke, <i>Geschichte des Qorâns</i>, p. 78.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328" id="Footnote_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> also Koran, xviii, 45-47; xx, 102 sqq.; xxxix, 67 sqq.; lxix, 13-37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329" id="Footnote_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> The famous freethinker, Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí, has cleverly satirised +Muḥammadan notions on this subject in his <i>Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán</i> (<i>J.R.A.S.</i> +for October, 1900, p. 637 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330" id="Footnote_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> <i>Journal of Theological Studies</i> for October, 1904, p. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331" id="Footnote_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 411, l. 6 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332" id="Footnote_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 347.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333" id="Footnote_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> L. Caetani, <i>Annali dell' Islam</i>, vol. 1, p. 389.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334" id="Footnote_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> Nöldeke, <i>Geschichte des Qorâns</i>, p. 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335" id="Footnote_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> Translated by E. H. Palmer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336" id="Footnote_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 341, l. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337" id="Footnote_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> <i>Muḥammad's Gemeindeordnung von Medina in Skizzen und Vorarbeiten</i>, +Heft IV, p. 67 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338" id="Footnote_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338"><span class="label">338</span></a> Ibn Hishám, p. 763, l. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339" id="Footnote_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339"><span class="label">339</span></a> Koran, ii, 256, translated by E. H. Palmer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340" id="Footnote_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340"><span class="label">340</span></a> <i>Muhamm. Studien</i>, Part I, p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341" id="Footnote_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341"><span class="label">341</span></a> See Goldziher's introductory chapter entitled <i>Muruwwa und Dîn</i> +(<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 1-39).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342" id="Footnote_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342"><span class="label">342</span></a> Bayḍáwí on Koran, xxii, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343" id="Footnote_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343"><span class="label">343</span></a> <i>Die Berufung Mohammed's</i>, by M. J. de Goeje in <i>Nöldeke-Festschrift</i> +(Giessen, 1906), vol. i, p. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344" id="Footnote_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344"><span class="label">344</span></a> On the <i>Origin and Import of the Names Muslim and Ḥaníf</i> (<i>J.R.A.S.</i> +for 1903, p. 491)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345" id="Footnote_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345"><span class="label">345</span></a> See T. W. Arnold's <i>The Preaching of Islam</i>, p. 23 seq., where several +passages of like import are collected.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346" id="Footnote_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346"><span class="label">346</span></a> Nöldeke, <i>Sketches from Eastern History</i>, translated by J. S. Black, +p. 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347" id="Footnote_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347"><span class="label">347</span></a> See Professor Browne's <i>Literary History of Persia</i>, vol. i, p. 200 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348" id="Footnote_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348"><span class="label">348</span></a> Ṭabarí, i, 2729, l. 15 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349" id="Footnote_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349"><span class="label">349</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, i, 2736, l. 5 sqq. The words in italics are quoted from Koran, +xxviii, 26, where they are applied to Moses.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350" id="Footnote_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350"><span class="label">350</span></a> ‘Umar was the first to assume this title (<i>Amíru ’l-Mu’minín</i>), by which +the Caliphs after him were generally addressed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351" id="Footnote_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351"><span class="label">351</span></a> Ṭabarí, i, 2738, 7 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352" id="Footnote_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352"><span class="label">352</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, i, 2739, 4 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353" id="Footnote_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353"><span class="label">353</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, i, 2737, 4 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354" id="Footnote_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354"><span class="label">354</span></a> It is explained that ‘Umar prohibited lamps because rats used to take +the lighted wick and set fire to the house-roofs, which at that time were +made of palm-branches.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355" id="Footnote_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355"><span class="label">355</span></a> Ṭabarí, i, 2742, 13 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356" id="Footnote_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356"><span class="label">356</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, i, 2745, 15 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357" id="Footnote_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357"><span class="label">357</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, i, 2747, 7 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358" id="Footnote_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358"><span class="label">358</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, i, 2740, last line and foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359" id="Footnote_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359"><span class="label">359</span></a> <i>Al-Fakhrí</i>, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 116, l. 1 to p. 117, l. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360" id="Footnote_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360"><span class="label">360</span></a> Ṭabarí, i, 2751, 9 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361" id="Footnote_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361"><span class="label">361</span></a> Ibn Khallikán (ed. by Wüstenfeld), No. 68, p. 96, l. 3; De Slane's +translation, vol. i, p. 152.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362" id="Footnote_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362"><span class="label">362</span></a> Mu‘áwiya himself said: "I am the first of the kings" (Ya‘qúbí, ed. by +Houtsma, vol. ii, p. 276, l. 14).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363" id="Footnote_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363"><span class="label">363</span></a> <i>Al-Fakhrí</i>, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 145.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364" id="Footnote_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364"><span class="label">364</span></a> Ya‘qúbí, vol. ii, p. 283, l. 8 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365" id="Footnote_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365"><span class="label">365</span></a> <i>Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i> (ed. by Barbier de Meynard), vol. v. p. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366" id="Footnote_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366"><span class="label">366</span></a> Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 25, l. 3 sqq., omitting l. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367" id="Footnote_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367"><span class="label">367</span></a> The <i>Continuatio</i> of Isidore of Hispalis, § 27, quoted by Wellhausen, +<i>Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz</i>, p. 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368" id="Footnote_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368"><span class="label">368</span></a> Ḥamása, 226. The word translated 'throne' is in Arabic <i>minbar</i>, +<i>i.e.</i>, the pulpit from which the Caliph conducted the public prayers and +addressed the congregation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369" id="Footnote_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369"><span class="label">369</span></a> Kalb was properly one of the Northern tribes (see Robertson Smith's +<i>Kinship and Marriage</i>, 2nd ed., p. 8 seq.—a reference which I owe to +Professor Bevan), but there is evidence that the Kalbites were regarded +as 'Yemenite' or 'Southern' Arabs at an early period of Islam. <i>Cf.</i> +Goldziher, <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, Part I, p. 83, l. 3 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370" id="Footnote_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370"><span class="label">370</span></a> <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, i, 78 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371" id="Footnote_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371"><span class="label">371</span></a> Qaḥṭán is the legendary ancestor of the Southern Arabs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372" id="Footnote_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372"><span class="label">372</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xiii, 51, cited by Goldziher, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373" id="Footnote_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373"><span class="label">373</span></a> A verse of the poet Suḥaym b. Wathíl.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374" id="Footnote_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374"><span class="label">374</span></a> The <i>Kámil</i> of al-Mubarrad, ed. by W. Wright, p. 215, l. 14 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375" id="Footnote_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375"><span class="label">375</span></a> Ibn Qutayba, <i>Kitábu ‘l-Ma‘árif</i>, p. 202.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376" id="Footnote_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376"><span class="label">376</span></a> <i>Al-Fakhrí</i>, p. 173; Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, v, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377" id="Footnote_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377"><span class="label">377</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 174. <i>Cf.</i> Mas‘údi, <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, v, 412.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378" id="Footnote_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378"><span class="label">378</span></a> His mother, Umm ‘Áṣim, was a granddaughter of ‘Umar I.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379" id="Footnote_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379"><span class="label">379</span></a> Mas‘údí, <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, v, 419 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380" id="Footnote_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380"><span class="label">380</span></a> Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, v, 46. <i>Cf.</i> <i>Agání</i>, xx, p. 119, l. 23. +‘Umar made an exception, as Professor Bevan reminds me, in favour of +the poet Jarír. See Brockelmann's <i>Gesch. der Arab. Litteratur</i>, vol. i, p. 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381" id="Footnote_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381"><span class="label">381</span></a> The exhaustive researches of Wellhausen, <i>Das Arabische Reich und +sein Sturz</i> (pp. 169-192) have set this complicated subject in a new light. +He contends that ‘Umar's reform was not based on purely ideal grounds, +but was demanded by the necessities of the case, and that, so far from +introducing disorder into the finances, his measures were designed to +remedy the confusion which already existed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382" id="Footnote_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382"><span class="label">382</span></a> Mas‘údí, <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, v, 479.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383" id="Footnote_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383"><span class="label">383</span></a> The Arabic text and literal translation of these verses will be found in +my article on Abu ’l-‘Alá's <i>Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán</i> (<i>J.R.A.S.</i> for 1902, pp. 829 +and 342).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384" id="Footnote_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384"><span class="label">384</span></a> Wellhausen, <i>Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz</i>, p. 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385" id="Footnote_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385"><span class="label">385</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, the main body of Moslems—<i>Sunnís</i>, followers of the <i>Sunna</i>, as +they were afterwards called—who were neither Shí‘ites nor Khárijites, +but held (1) that the Caliph must be elected by the Moslem community, +and (2) that he must be a member of Quraysh, the Prophet's tribe. All +these parties arose out of the struggle between ‘Alí and Mu‘áwiya, and +their original difference turned solely of the question of the Caliphate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386" id="Footnote_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386"><span class="label">386</span></a> Brünnow, <i>Die Charidschiten unter den ersten Omayyaden</i> (Leiden, +1884), p. 28. It is by no means certain, however, that the Khárijites +called themselves by this name. In any case, the term implies <i>secession</i> +(<i>khurúj</i>) from the Moslem community, and may be rendered by +'Seceder' or 'Nonconformist.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387" id="Footnote_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387"><span class="label">387</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Koran, ix, 112.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388" id="Footnote_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388"><span class="label">388</span></a> Brünnow, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389" id="Footnote_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389"><span class="label">389</span></a> Wellhausen, <i>Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam</i> +(<i>Abhandlungen der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen</i>, +<i>Phil.-Hist. Klasse</i>, 1901), p. 8 sqq. The writer argues against Brünnow +that the oldest Khárijites were not true Bedouins (<i>A‘rábí</i>), and were, in +fact, even further removed than the rest of the military colonists of Kúfa +and Baṣra from their Bedouin traditions. He points out that the extreme +piety of the Readers—their constant prayers, vigils, and repetitions of the +Koran—exactly agrees with what is related of the Khárijites, and is +described in similar language. Moreover, among the oldest Khárijites +we find mention made of a company clad in long cloaks (<i>baránis</i>, pl. of +<i>burnus</i>), which were at that time a special mark of asceticism. Finally, +the earliest authority (Abú Mikhnaf in Ṭabarí, i, 3330, l. 6 sqq.) regards +the Khárijites as an offshoot from the Readers, and names individual +Readers who afterwards became rabid Khárijites.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390" id="Footnote_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390"><span class="label">390</span></a> Later, when many non-Arab Moslems joined the Khárijite ranks the +field of choice was extended so as to include foreigners and even slaves.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391" id="Footnote_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391"><span class="label">391</span></a> Ṭabarí, ii, 40, 13 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392" id="Footnote_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392"><span class="label">392</span></a> Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, Part I, p. 88. l. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393" id="Footnote_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393"><span class="label">393</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 86, l. 3 from foot.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394" id="Footnote_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394"><span class="label">394</span></a> Ṭabarí, ii, 36, ll. 7, 8, 11-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395" id="Footnote_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395"><span class="label">395</span></a> <i>Ḥamása</i>, 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396" id="Footnote_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396"><span class="label">396</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 555, p. 55, l. 4 seq.; De Slane's +translation, vol. ii, p. 523.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397" id="Footnote_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397"><span class="label">397</span></a> Dozy, <i>Essai sur l'histoire de l'Islamisme</i> (French translation by Victor +Chauvin), p. 219 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398" id="Footnote_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398"><span class="label">398</span></a> Wellhausen thinks that the dogmatics of the Shí‘ites are derived from +Jewish rather than from Persian sources. See his account of the Saba’ites +in his most instructive paper, to which I have already referred, <i>Die +religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam</i> (<i>Abh. der König. +Ges. der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen</i>, <i>Phil.-Hist. Klasse</i>, 1901), p. 89 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399" id="Footnote_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399"><span class="label">399</span></a> Ṭabarí, i, 2942, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400" id="Footnote_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400"><span class="label">400</span></a> "<i>Verily, He who hath ordained the Koran for thee</i> (<i>i.e.</i>, for +Muḥammad) <i>will bring thee back to a place of return</i>" (<i>i.e.</i>, to Mecca). +The ambiguity of the word meaning 'place of return' (<i>ma‘ád</i>) gave +some colour to Ibn Sabá's contention that it alluded to the return of +Muḥammad at the end of the world. The descent of Jesus on earth is +reckoned by Moslems among the greater signs which will precede the +Resurrection.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401" id="Footnote_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401"><span class="label">401</span></a> This is a Jewish idea. ‘Alí stands in the same relation to Muḥammad +as Aaron to Moses.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402" id="Footnote_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402"><span class="label">402</span></a> Ṭabarí, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403" id="Footnote_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403"><span class="label">403</span></a> Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, p. 132, l. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404" id="Footnote_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404"><span class="label">404</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, viii, 32, l. 17 sqq. The three sons of ‘Alí are Ḥasan, Ḥusayn, +and Muḥammad Ibnu ’l-Ḥanafiyya.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405" id="Footnote_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405"><span class="label">405</span></a> Concerning the origin of these sects see Professor Browne's <i>Lit. Hist. +of Persia</i>, vol. i, p. 295 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406" id="Footnote_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406"><span class="label">406</span></a> See Darmesteter's interesting essay, <i>Le Mahdi depuis les origines de +l'Islam jusqu’à nos jours</i> (Paris, 1885). The subject is treated more scientifically +by Snouck Hurgronje in his paper <i>Der Mahdi</i>, reprinted from the +<i>Revue coloniale internationale</i> (1886).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407" id="Footnote_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407"><span class="label">407</span></a> <i>Ṣiddíq</i> means 'veracious.' Professor Bevan remarks that in this root +the notion of 'veracity' easily passes into that of 'endurance,' 'fortitude.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408" id="Footnote_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408"><span class="label">408</span></a> Ṭabarí, ii, 546. These 'Penitents' were free Arabs of Kúfa, a fact +which, as Wellhausen has noticed, would seem to indicate that the +<i>ta‘ziya</i> is Semitic in origin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409" id="Footnote_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409"><span class="label">409</span></a> Wellhausen, <i>Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien</i>, p. 79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410" id="Footnote_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410"><span class="label">410</span></a> Ṭabarí, ii, 650, l. 7 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411" id="Footnote_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411"><span class="label">411</span></a> Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's translation, Part I, p. 169.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412" id="Footnote_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412"><span class="label">412</span></a> Von Kremer, <i>Culturgeschicht</i>. <i>Streifzüge</i>, p. 2 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413" id="Footnote_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413"><span class="label">413</span></a> The best account of the early Murjites that has hitherto appeared is +contained in a paper by Van Vloten, entitled <i>Irdjâ</i> (<i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 45, +p. 161 sqq.). The reader may also consult Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's +trans., Part I, p. 156 sqq.; Goldziher, <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, Part II, +p. 89 sqq.; Van Vloten, <i>La domination Arabe</i>, p. 31 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414" id="Footnote_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414"><span class="label">414</span></a> Van Vloten thinks that in the name 'Murjite' (<i>murji’</i>) there is an +allusion to Koran, ix, 107: "<i>And others are remanded (murjawna) until +God shall decree; whether He shall punish them or take pity on them—for +God is knowing and wise.</i>"</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415" id="Footnote_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415"><span class="label">415</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the poem of Thábit Quṭna (<i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 162), which states +the whole Murjite doctrine in popular form. The author, who was +himself a Murjite, lived in Khurásán during the latter half of the first +century <span class="smcap">a.h.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416" id="Footnote_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416"><span class="label">416</span></a> Van Vloten, <i>La domination Arabe</i>, p. 29 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417" id="Footnote_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417"><span class="label">417</span></a> Ibn Ḥazm, cited in <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 45, p. 169, n. 7. Jahm († about +747 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) was a Persian, as might be inferred from the boldness of his +speculations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418" id="Footnote_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418"><span class="label">418</span></a> Ḥasan himself inclined for a time to the doctrine of free-will, but afterwards +gave it up (Ibn Qutayba, <i>Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif</i>, p. 225). He is said to +have held that everything happens by fate, except sin (<i>Al-Mu‘tazilah</i>, ed. +by T. W. Arnold, p. 12, l. 3 from foot). See, however, Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's +trans., Part I, p. 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419" id="Footnote_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419"><span class="label">419</span></a> Koran, lxxiv, 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420" id="Footnote_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420"><span class="label">420</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, xli, 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421" id="Footnote_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421"><span class="label">421</span></a> <i>Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif</i>, p. 301. Those who held the doctrine of free-will +were called the Qadarites (<i>al-Qadariyya</i>), from <i>qadar</i> (power), which may +denote (1) the power of God to determine human actions, and (2) the +power of man to determine his own actions. Their opponents asserted +that men act under compulsion (<i>jabr</i>); hence they were called the +Jabarites (<i>al-Jabariyya</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422" id="Footnote_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422"><span class="label">422</span></a> As regards Ghaylán see <i>Al-Mu‘tazilah</i>, ed. by T. W. Arnold, p. 15, +l. 16 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423" id="Footnote_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423"><span class="label">423</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 642; Shahrastání, +trans. by Haarbrücker, Part I, p. 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424" id="Footnote_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424"><span class="label">424</span></a> Sha‘rání, <i>Lawáqihu ’l-Anwár</i> (Cairo, 1299 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>), p. 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425" id="Footnote_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425"><span class="label">425</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426" id="Footnote_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426"><span class="label">426</span></a> See Von Kremer, <i>Herrschende Ideen</i>, p. 52 sqq.; Goldziher, <i>Materialien +zur Entwickelungsgesch. des Súfismus</i> (<i>Vienna Oriental Journal</i>, vol. 13, +p. 35 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427" id="Footnote_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427"><span class="label">427</span></a> Sha‘rání, <i>Lawáqiḥ</i>, p. 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428" id="Footnote_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428"><span class="label">428</span></a> Qushayrí's <i>Risála</i> (1287 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>), p. 77, l. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429" id="Footnote_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429"><span class="label">429</span></a> <i>Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyá</i> of Farídu’ddín ‘Aṭṭár, Part I, p. 37, l. 8 of my +edition.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430" id="Footnote_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430"><span class="label">430</span></a> <i>Kámil</i> (ed. by Wright), p. 57, l. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431" id="Footnote_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431"><span class="label">431</span></a> The point of this metaphor lies in the fact that Arab horses were put +on short commons during the period of training, which usually began +forty days before the race.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432" id="Footnote_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432"><span class="label">432</span></a> <i>Kámil</i>, p. 57, last line.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433" id="Footnote_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433"><span class="label">433</span></a> <i>Kámil</i>, p. 58, l. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434" id="Footnote_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434"><span class="label">434</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 67, l. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435" id="Footnote_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435"><span class="label">435</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 91, l. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436" id="Footnote_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436"><span class="label">436</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 120, l. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437" id="Footnote_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437"><span class="label">437</span></a> Qushayrí's <i>Risála</i>, p. 63, last line.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438" id="Footnote_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438"><span class="label">438</span></a> It is noteworthy that Qushayrí († 1073 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), one of the oldest authorities +on Ṣúfiism, does not include Ḥasan among the Ṣúfí Shaykhs whose +biographies are given in the <i>Risála</i> (pp. 8-35), and hardly mentions him +above half a dozen times in the course of his work. The sayings of +Ḥasan which he cites are of the same character as those preserved in the +<i>Kámil</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439" id="Footnote_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439"><span class="label">439</span></a> See Nöldeke's article, <i>'Ṣūfī</i>,' in <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 48, p. 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440" id="Footnote_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440"><span class="label">440</span></a> An allusion to <i>ṣafá</i> occurs in thirteen out of the seventy definitions of +Ṣúfí and Ṣúfiism (<i>Taṣawwuf</i>) which are contained in the <i>Tadhkiratu +’l-Awliyá</i>, or 'Memoirs of the Saints,' of the well-known Persian mystic, +Farídu’ddín ‘Aṭṭár († <i>circa</i> 1230 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), whereas <i>ṣúf</i> is mentioned only +twice.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441" id="Footnote_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441"><span class="label">441</span></a> Said by Bishr al-Ḥáfí (the bare-footed), who died in 841-842 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442" id="Footnote_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442"><span class="label">442</span></a> Said by Junayd of Baghdád († 909-910 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), one of the most celebrated +Ṣúfí Shaykhs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443" id="Footnote_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443"><span class="label">443</span></a> Ibn Khaldún's <i>Muqaddima</i> (Beyrout, 1900), p. 467 = vol. iii, p. 85 seq. +of the French translation by De Slane. The same things are said at greater +length by Suhrawardí in his <i>‘Awárifu ’l-Ma‘árif</i> (printed on the margin +of Ghazálí's <i>Iḥyá</i>, Cairo, 1289 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>), vol. i, p. 172 <i>et seqq.</i> <i>Cf.</i> also the +passage from Qushayrí translated by Professor E. G. Browne on +pp. 297-298 of vol. i. of his <i>Literary History of Persia</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444" id="Footnote_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444"><span class="label">444</span></a> Suhrawardí, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 136 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445" id="Footnote_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445"><span class="label">445</span></a> <i>Loc. cit.</i>, p. 145.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446" id="Footnote_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446"><span class="label">446</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, he yields himself unreservedly to the spiritual 'state' (<i>aḥwál</i>) +which pass over him, according as God wills.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447" id="Footnote_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447"><span class="label">447</span></a> Possibly Ibráhím was one of the <i>Shikaftiyya</i> or 'Cave-dwellers' of +Khurásán (<i>shikaft</i> means 'cave' in Persian), whom the people of Syria +called <i>al-Jú‘íyya</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, 'the Fasters.' See Suhrawardí, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 171.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448" id="Footnote_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448"><span class="label">448</span></a> Ghazálí, <i>Iḥyá</i> (Cairo, 1289 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>), vol. iv, p. 298.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449" id="Footnote_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449"><span class="label">449</span></a> Brockelmann, <i>Gesch. d. Arab. Litteratur</i>, vol. i, p. 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450" id="Footnote_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450"><span class="label">450</span></a> <i>E.g.</i>, Ma‘bad, Gharíḍ, Ibn Surayj, Ṭuways, and Ibn ‘Á’isha.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451" id="Footnote_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451"><span class="label">451</span></a> <i>Kámil</i> of Mubarrad, p. 570 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452" id="Footnote_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452"><span class="label">452</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, i, 43, l. 15 sqq.; Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 17, last line and foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453" id="Footnote_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453"><span class="label">453</span></a> Nöldeke's <i>Delectus</i>, p. 9, l. 11 sqq., omitting l. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454" id="Footnote_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454"><span class="label">454</span></a> An edition of the <i>Naqá’iḍ</i> by Professor A. A. Bevan has been +published at Leyden.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455" id="Footnote_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455"><span class="label">455</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, vii, 55, l. 12 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456" id="Footnote_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456"><span class="label">456</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, vii, 182, l. 23 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457" id="Footnote_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457"><span class="label">457</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vii, 183, l. 6 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458" id="Footnote_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458"><span class="label">458</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 178, l. 1 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459" id="Footnote_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459"><span class="label">459</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, xiii, 148, l. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460" id="Footnote_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460"><span class="label">460</span></a> <i>Encomium Omayadarum</i>, ed. by Houtsma (Leyden, 1878).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461" id="Footnote_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461"><span class="label">461</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, vii, 172, l. 27 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462" id="Footnote_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462"><span class="label">462</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 179, l. 25 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463" id="Footnote_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463"><span class="label">463</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 178, l. 26 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464" id="Footnote_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464"><span class="label">464</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xix, 34, l. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465" id="Footnote_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465"><span class="label">465</span></a> <i>Kámil</i> of Mubarrad. p. 70, l. 17 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466" id="Footnote_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466"><span class="label">466</span></a> Al-Kusa‘í broke an excellent bow which he had made for himself. +See <i>The Assemblies of Ḥarírí</i>, trans. by Chenery, p. 351. Professor Bevan +remarks that this half-verse is an almost verbal citation from a verse +ascribed to ‘Adí b. Maríná of Ḥíra, an enemy of ‘Adí b. Zayd the poet +(<i>Aghání</i>, ii, 24, l. 5).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467" id="Footnote_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467"><span class="label">467</span></a> Ibn Khallikán (ed. by Wüstenfeld), No. 129; De Slane's translation +vol. i, p. 298.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468" id="Footnote_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468"><span class="label">468</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, iii, 23, l. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469" id="Footnote_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469"><span class="label">469</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, vii, 49, l. 8 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470" id="Footnote_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470"><span class="label">470</span></a> The following account is mainly derived from Goldziher's <i>Muhamm. +Studien</i>, Part II, p. 203 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471" id="Footnote_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471"><span class="label">471</span></a> Cf. Browne's <i>Lit. Hist. of Persia</i>, vol. i, p. 230.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472" id="Footnote_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472"><span class="label">472</span></a> Nöldeke, <i>Sketches from Eastern History</i>, tr. by J. S. Black, p. 108 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473" id="Footnote_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473"><span class="label">473</span></a> Wellhausen, <i>Das Arabische Reich</i>, p. 307.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474" id="Footnote_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474"><span class="label">474</span></a> <i>Recherches sur la domination Arabe</i>, p. 46 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475" id="Footnote_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475"><span class="label">475</span></a> Dínawarí, ed. by Guirgass, p. 356.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476" id="Footnote_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476"><span class="label">476</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 360, l. 15. The whole poem has been translated by Professor +Browne in his <i>Literary History of Persia</i>, vol. i, p. 242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477" id="Footnote_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477"><span class="label">477</span></a> <i>Sketches from Eastern History</i>, p. 111.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478" id="Footnote_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478"><span class="label">478</span></a> Professor Bevan, to whose kindness I owe the following observations, +points out that this translation of <i>al-Saffáḥ</i>, although it has been generally +adopted by European scholars, is very doubtful. According to Professor +De Goeje, <i>al-Saffáḥ</i> means 'the munificent' (literally, 'pouring out' gifts, +&c.). In any case it is important to notice that the name was given to +certain Pre-islamic chieftains. Thus Salama b. Khálid, who commanded +the Banú Taghlib at the first battle of al-Kuláb (Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by +Tornberg, vol. i, p. 406, last line), is said to have been called <i>al-Saffáḥ</i> +because he 'emptied out' the skin bottles (<i>mazád</i>) of his army before a +battle (Ibn Durayd, ed. by Wüstenfeld, p. 203, l. 16); and we find mention +of a poet named al-Saffáḥ b. ‘Abd Manát (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 277, penult. line).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479" id="Footnote_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479"><span class="label">479</span></a> See p. 205.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480" id="Footnote_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480"><span class="label">480</span></a> G. Le Strange, <i>Baghdad under the Abbasid Caliphate</i>, p. 4 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481" id="Footnote_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481"><span class="label">481</span></a> Professor De Goeje has kindly given me the following references :—Ṭabarí, +ii, 78, l. 10, where Ziyád is called the <i>Wazír</i> of Mu‘áwiya; Ibn +Sa‘d, iii, 121, l. 6 (Abú Bakr the <i>Wazír</i> of the Prophet). The word occurs +in Pre-islamic poetry (Ibu Qutayba, <i>K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará</i>, p. 414, l. 1). +Professor De Goeje adds that the ‘Abbásid Caliphs gave the name <i>Wazír</i> +as title to the minister who was formerly called <i>Kátib</i> (Secretary). Thus +it would seem that the Arabic <i>Wazír</i> (literally 'burden-bearer'), who was +at first merely a 'helper' or 'henchman,' afterwards became the representative +and successor of the <i>Dapír</i> (official scribe or secretary) of the +Sásánian kings.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482" id="Footnote_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482"><span class="label">482</span></a> This division is convenient, and may be justified on general grounds. +In a strictly political sense, the period of decline begins thirty years +earlier with the Caliphate of Ma’mún (813-833 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). The historian +Abu ’l-Maḥásin († 1469 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) dates the decline of the Caliphate from the +accession of Muktafí in 902 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> (<i>al-Nujúm al-Záhira</i>, ed. by Juynboll, +vol. ii, p. 134).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483" id="Footnote_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483"><span class="label">483</span></a> See Nöldeke's essay, <i>Caliph Manṣur</i>, in his <i>Sketches from Eastern +History</i>, trans. by J. S. Black, p. 107 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484" id="Footnote_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484"><span class="label">484</span></a> Professor Browne has given an interesting account of these ultra-Shí‘ite +insurgents in his <i>Lit. Hist. of Persia</i>, vol. i, ch. ix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485" id="Footnote_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485"><span class="label">485</span></a> Ṭabarí, iii, 404, l. 5 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486" id="Footnote_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486"><span class="label">486</span></a> Ṭabarí, iii, 406, l. 1 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487" id="Footnote_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487"><span class="label">487</span></a> <i>Murúju ‘l-Dhahab</i>, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. iv, p. 47 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488" id="Footnote_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488"><span class="label">488</span></a> When the Caliph Hádí wished to proclaim his son Ja‘far heir-apparent +instead of Hárún, Yaḥyá pointed out the danger of this course and dissuaded +him (<i>al-Fakhrí</i>, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 281).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489" id="Footnote_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489"><span class="label">489</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490" id="Footnote_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490"><span class="label">490</span></a> Mas‘údí, <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, vol. vi, p. 364.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491" id="Footnote_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491"><span class="label">491</span></a> See, for example, <i>Haroun Alraschid</i>, by E. H. Palmer, in the New +Plutarch Series, p. 81 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492" id="Footnote_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492"><span class="label">492</span></a> Cf. A. Müller, <i>Der Islam</i>, vol. i, p. 481 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493" id="Footnote_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493"><span class="label">493</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 112.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494" id="Footnote_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494"><span class="label">494</span></a> Literally, "No father to your father!" a common form of imprecation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495" id="Footnote_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495"><span class="label">495</span></a> Green was the party colour of the ‘Alids, black of the ‘Abbásids.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496" id="Footnote_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496"><span class="label">496</span></a> <i>Al-Nujúm al-Záhira</i>, ed. by Juynboll, vol. i, p. 631.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497" id="Footnote_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497"><span class="label">497</span></a> The court remained at Sámarrá for fifty-six years (836-892 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>). The +official spelling of Sámarrá was <i>Surra-man-ra’á</i>, which may be freely +rendered 'The Spectator's Joy.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498" id="Footnote_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498"><span class="label">498</span></a> My account of these dynasties is necessarily of the briefest and barest +character. The reader will find copious details concerning most of them +in Professor Browne's <i>Literary History of Persia</i>: Ṣaffárids and Sámánids +in vol. i, p. 346 sqq.; Fáṭimids in vol. i, pp. 391-400 and vol. ii, p. 196 +sqq.; Ghaznevids in vol. ii, chap. ii; and Seljúqs, <i>ibid.</i>, chaps, iii to v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499" id="Footnote_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499"><span class="label">499</span></a> Ibn Abí Usaybi‘a, <i>Ṭabaqátu ’l-Atibbá</i>, ed. by A. Müller, vol. ii, p. 4, +l. 4 sqq. Avicenna was at this time scarcely eighteen years of age.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500" id="Footnote_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500"><span class="label">500</span></a> ‘Abdu ’l-Hamíd flourished in the latter days of the Umayyad dynasty. +See Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 173, Mas‘údí, <i>Murúju +’l-Dhahab</i>, vol. vi, p. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501" id="Footnote_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501"><span class="label">501</span></a> See Professor Margoliouth's Introduction to the <i>Letters of ‘Abu ’l-‘Alá +al-Ma‘arrí</i>, p. xxiv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502" id="Footnote_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502"><span class="label">502</span></a> Abu ’l-Mahásin, <i>al-Nujúm al-Záhira</i>, ed. by Juynboll, vol. ii, p. 333. +The original Ráfiḍites were those schismatics who rejected (<i>rafaḍa</i>) the +Caliphs Abú Bakr and ‘Umar, but the term is generally used as synonymous +with Shí‘ite.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503" id="Footnote_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503"><span class="label">503</span></a> Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 148, last line and foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504" id="Footnote_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504"><span class="label">504</span></a> D. B. Macdonald, <i>Muslim Theology</i>, p. 43 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505" id="Footnote_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505"><span class="label">505</span></a> I regret that lack of space compels me to omit the further history of +the Fáṭimids. Readers who desire information on this subject may +consult Stanley Lane-Poole's <i>History of Egypt in the Middle Ages</i>; +Wüstenfeld's <i>Geschichte der Faṭimiden-Chalifen</i> (Göttingen, 1881); and +Professor Browne's <i>Lit. Hist. of Persia</i>, vol. ii, p. 196 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506" id="Footnote_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506"><span class="label">506</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 441.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507" id="Footnote_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507"><span class="label">507</span></a> See the Introduction.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508" id="Footnote_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508"><span class="label">508</span></a> Ibn Khaldún, <i>Muqaddima</i> (Beyrout, 1900), p. 543 seq.—De Slane, +<i>Prolegomena</i>, vol. iii, p. 296 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509" id="Footnote_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509"><span class="label">509</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Goldziher, <i>Muhamm. Studien</i>, Part I, p. 114 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510" id="Footnote_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510"><span class="label">510</span></a> Read <i>mashárátí ’l-buqúl</i> (beds of vegetables), not <i>mushárát</i> as my +rendering implies. The change makes little difference to the sense, but +<i>mashárat</i>, being an Aramaic word, is peculiarly appropriate here.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511" id="Footnote_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511"><span class="label">511</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xii, 177, l. 5 sqq; Von Kremer, <i>Culturgesch. Streifzüge</i>, p. 32. +These lines are aimed, as has been remarked by S. Khuda Bukhsh +(<i>Contributions to the History of Islamic Civilisation</i>, Calcutta, 1905, p. 92), +against Nabatæans who falsely claimed to be Persians.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512" id="Footnote_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512"><span class="label">512</span></a> The name is derived from Koran, xlix, 13: "<i>O Men, We have created +you of a male and a female and have made you into peoples</i> (shu‘úb<sup>an</sup>) +<i>and tribes, that ye might know one another. Verily the noblest of you in</i> +<i>the sight of God are they that do most fear Him.</i>" Thus the designation +'Shu‘úbite' emphasises the fact that according to Muḥammad's teaching +the Arab Moslems are no better than their non-Arab brethren.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513" id="Footnote_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513"><span class="label">513</span></a> <i>Muhamm. Studien</i>, Part I, p. 147 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514" id="Footnote_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514"><span class="label">514</span></a> The term <i>Falsafa</i> properly includes Logic, Metaphysics, Mathematics +Medicine, and the Natural Sciences.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515" id="Footnote_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515"><span class="label">515</span></a> Here we might add the various branches of Mathematics, such as +Arithmetic, Algebra, Mechanics, &c.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516" id="Footnote_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516"><span class="label">516</span></a> ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥman Jámí († 1492 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517" id="Footnote_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517"><span class="label">517</span></a> I am deeply indebted in the following pages to Goldziher's essay +entitled <i>Alte und Neue Poesie im Urtheile der Arabischen Kritiker</i> in his +<i>Abhand. zur Arab. Philologie</i>, Part I, pp. 122-174.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518" id="Footnote_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518"><span class="label">518</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the remark made by Abú ‘Amr b. al-‘Alá about the poet Akhṭal +(p. 242 <i>supra</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519" id="Footnote_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519"><span class="label">519</span></a> <i>Diwan des Abu Nowas, Die Weinlieder</i>, ed. by Ahlwardt, No. 10, +vv. 1-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520" id="Footnote_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520"><span class="label">520</span></a> Ed. by De Goeje, p. 5, ll. 5-15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521" id="Footnote_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521"><span class="label">521</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the story told of Abú Tammám by Ibn Khallikán (De Slane's +translation, vol. i, p. 350 seq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522" id="Footnote_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522"><span class="label">522</span></a> See Nöldeke, <i>Beiträge</i>, p. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523" id="Footnote_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523"><span class="label">523</span></a> Ibn Khaldún, <i>Muqaddima</i> (Beyrout, 1900), p. 573, l. 21 seq.; <i>Prolegomena</i> +of Ibn K., translated by De Slane, vol. iii, p. 380.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524" id="Footnote_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524"><span class="label">524</span></a> See Professor Browne's <i>Literary History of Persia</i>, vol. ii, p. 14 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525" id="Footnote_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525"><span class="label">525</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, xii, 80, l. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526" id="Footnote_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526"><span class="label">526</span></a> Freytag, <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, vol. i, p. 46 seq., where the reader will +find the Arabic text of the verses translated here. Rückert has given a +German rendering of the same verses in his <i>Hamâsa</i>, vol. i, p. 311. A +fuller text of the poem occurs in <i>Agháni</i>, xii, 107 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527" id="Footnote_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527"><span class="label">527</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, ed. by Ahlwardt, <i>Die Weinlieder</i>, No. 26, v. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528" id="Footnote_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528"><span class="label">528</span></a> Ibn Qutayba, <i>K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará</i>, p. 502, l. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529" id="Footnote_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529"><span class="label">529</span></a> For the famous ascetic, Ḥasan of Baṣra, see pp. 225-227. Qatáda was +a learned divine, also of Baṣra and contemporary with Ḥasan. He died +in 735 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530" id="Footnote_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530"><span class="label">530</span></a> These verses are quoted by Ibn Qutayba, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 507 seq. 'The +Scripture' (<i>al-maṣḥaf</i>) is of course the Koran.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531" id="Footnote_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531"><span class="label">531</span></a> <i>Die Weinlieder</i>, ed. by Ahlwardt, No. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532" id="Footnote_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532"><span class="label">532</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 29, vv. 1-3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533" id="Footnote_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533"><span class="label">533</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 169, p. 100; De Slane's +translation, vol. i, p. 393.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534" id="Footnote_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534"><span class="label">534</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> <i>Díwán</i> (ed. of Beyrout, 1886), p. 279, l. 9, where he reproaches one +of his former friends who deserted him because, in his own words, "I +adopted the garb of a dervish" (<i>ṣirtu fi ziyyi miskíni</i>). Others attribute +his conversion to disgust with the immorality and profanity of the court-poets +amongst whom he lived.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535" id="Footnote_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535"><span class="label">535</span></a> Possibly he alludes to these aspersions in the verse (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 153, l. 10): +"<i>Men have become corrupted, and if they see any one who is sound in +his religion, they call him a heretic</i>" (<i>mubtadi‘</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536" id="Footnote_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536"><span class="label">536</span></a> Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya declares that knowledge is derived from three sources, +logical reasoning (<i>qiyás</i>), examination (<i>‘iyár</i>), and oral tradition (<i>samá‘</i>). +See his <i>Díwán</i>, p. 158, l. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537" id="Footnote_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537"><span class="label">537</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> <i>Mání, seine Lehre und seine Schriften</i>, by G. Flügel, p. 281, l. 3 sqq. +Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya did not take this extreme view (<i>Díwán</i>, p. 270, l. 3 seq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538" id="Footnote_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538"><span class="label">538</span></a> See Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's translation, Part I, p. 181 sqq. It +appears highly improbable that Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya was a Shí‘ite. <i>Cf.</i> the +verses (<i>Díwán</i>, p. 104, l. 13 seq.), where, speaking of the prophets and the +holy men of ancient Islam, he says:— +</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"<i>Reckon first among them Abú Bakr, the veracious,</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>And exclaim 'O ‘Umar!' in the second place of honour.</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>And reckon the father of Ḥasan after ‘Uthmán,</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>For the merit of them both is recited and celebrated.</i>"</span> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539" id="Footnote_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539"><span class="label">539</span></a> <i>Aghání</i>, iii, 128, l. 6 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540" id="Footnote_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540"><span class="label">540</span></a> <i>Transactions of the Ninth Congress of Orientalists</i>, vol. ii. p. 114.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541" id="Footnote_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541"><span class="label">541</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, p. 274, l. 10. <i>Cf.</i> the verse (p. 199, penultimate line):— +</p> +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"<i>When I gained contentment, I did not cease (thereafter)</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>To be a king, regarding riches as poverty.</i>"</span> +</div> +</div> +<p> +The ascetic "lives the life of a king" (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 187, l. 5). Contented men +are the noblest of all (p. 148, l. 2). So the great Persian mystic, Jalálu +’l-Dín Rúmí, says in reference to the perfect Ṣúfí (<i>Díván-i Shams-i Tabríz</i>, +No. viii, v. 3 in my edition): <i>Mard-i khudá sháh buvad zír-i dalq</i>, "the +man of God is a king 'neath dervish-cloak;" and eminent spiritualists +are frequently described as "kings of the (mystic) path." I do not deny, +however, that this metaphor may have been originally suggested by the +story of Buddha.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542" id="Footnote_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542"><span class="label">542</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, p. 25, l. 3 sqq. Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya took credit to himself for +introducing 'the language of the market-place' into his poetry (<i>ibid.</i> +p. 12, l. 3 seq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543" id="Footnote_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543"><span class="label">543</span></a> <i>Díwán</i> (Beyrout, 1886), p. 23, l. 13 et seqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544" id="Footnote_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544"><span class="label">544</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 51, l. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545" id="Footnote_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545"><span class="label">545</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 132, l. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546" id="Footnote_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546"><span class="label">546</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 46, l. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547" id="Footnote_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547"><span class="label">547</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, p. 260, l. 11 <i>et seqq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548" id="Footnote_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548"><span class="label">548</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 295, l. 14 <i>et seqq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549" id="Footnote_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549"><span class="label">549</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 287, l. 10 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550" id="Footnote_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550"><span class="label">550</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 119, l. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551" id="Footnote_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551"><span class="label">551</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 259, penultimate line <i>et seq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552" id="Footnote_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552"><span class="label">552</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 115, l. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553" id="Footnote_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553"><span class="label">553</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, p. 51, l. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554" id="Footnote_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554"><span class="label">554</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 133, l. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555" id="Footnote_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555"><span class="label">555</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 74, l. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556" id="Footnote_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556"><span class="label">556</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 149, l. 12 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557" id="Footnote_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557"><span class="label">557</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 195, l. 9. <i>Cf.</i> p. 243, l. 4 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558" id="Footnote_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558"><span class="label">558</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 274, l. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559" id="Footnote_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559"><span class="label">559</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 262, l. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560" id="Footnote_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560"><span class="label">560</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 346, l. 11. <i>Cf.</i> p. 102, l. 11; p. 262, l. 1 seq.; p. 267, l. 7. This +verse is taken from Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya's famous didactic poem composed in +rhyming couplets, which is said to have contained 4,000 sentences of +morality. Several of these have been translated by Von Kremer in his +<i>Culturgeschichte des Orients</i>, vol. ii, p. 374 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561" id="Footnote_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561"><span class="label">561</span></a> In one of his poems (<i>Díwán</i>, p. 160, l. 11), he says that he has lived +ninety years, but if this is not a mere exaggeration, it needs to be +corrected. The words for 'seventy' and 'ninety' are easily confused in +Arabic writing.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562" id="Footnote_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562"><span class="label">562</span></a> Tha‘álibí, <i>Yatimatu ’l-Dahr</i> (Damascus, 1304 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>), vol. i, p. 8 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563" id="Footnote_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563"><span class="label">563</span></a> See Von Kremer's <i>Culturgeschichte</i>, vol. ii, p. 381 sqq.; Ahlwardt, +<i>Poesie und Poetik der Araber</i>, p. 37 sqq.; R. Dvorak, <i>Abú Firás, ein +arabischer Dichter und Held</i> (Leyden, 1895).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564" id="Footnote_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564"><span class="label">564</span></a> Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 493. Wáḥidí gives the whole story in +his commentary on this verse.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565" id="Footnote_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565"><span class="label">565</span></a> Mutanabbí, it is said, explained to Sayfu ’l-Dawla that by <i>surra</i> +(gladden) he meant <i>surriyya</i>; whereupon the good-humoured prince +presented him with a slave-girl.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566" id="Footnote_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566"><span class="label">566</span></a> Literally, "Do not imagine fat in one whose (apparent) fat is (really) a +tumour."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567" id="Footnote_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567"><span class="label">567</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, ed. by Dieterici, pp. 481-484.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568" id="Footnote_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568"><span class="label">568</span></a> The most esteemed commentary is that of Wáḥidí († 1075 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), which +has been published by Fr. Dieterici in his edition of Mutanabbí (Berlin, +1858-1861).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569" id="Footnote_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569"><span class="label">569</span></a> <i>Motenebbi, der grösste arabische Dichter</i> (Vienna, 1824).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570" id="Footnote_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570"><span class="label">570</span></a> <i>Abulfedæ Annales Muslemici</i> (Hafniæ, 1789, &c.), vol. ii, p. 774. <i>Cf.</i> +his notes on Ṭarafa's <i>Mu‘allaqa</i>, of which he published an edition in +1742.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571" id="Footnote_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571"><span class="label">571</span></a> <i>Chrestomathie Arabe</i> (2nd edition), vol. iii, p. 27 sqq. <i>Journal des +Savans</i>, January, 1825, p. 24 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572" id="Footnote_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572"><span class="label">572</span></a> <i>Commentatio de Motenabbio</i> (Bonn, 1824).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573" id="Footnote_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573"><span class="label">573</span></a> <i>Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur</i> (Weimar, 1898, &c.), vol. i, p. 86.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574" id="Footnote_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574"><span class="label">574</span></a> I have made free use of Dieterici's excellent work entitled <i>Mutanabbi +und Seifuddaula aus der Edelperle des Tsaâlibi</i> (Leipzig, 1847), which +contains on pp. 49-74 an abstract of Tha‘álibí's criticism in the fifth +chapter of the First Part of the <i>Yatíma</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575" id="Footnote_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575"><span class="label">575</span></a> Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 182, vv. 3-9, omitting v. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576" id="Footnote_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576"><span class="label">576</span></a> The author of these lines, which are quoted by Ibn Khallikán in his +article on Mutanabbí, is Abu ’l-Qásim b. al-Muẓaffar b. ‘Alí al-Ṭabasí.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577" id="Footnote_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577"><span class="label">577</span></a> Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 581, v. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578" id="Footnote_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578"><span class="label">578</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 472, v. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579" id="Footnote_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579"><span class="label">579</span></a> Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 341, v. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_580" id="Footnote_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580"><span class="label">580</span></a> Margoliouth's Introduction to the <i>Letters of Abu ’l-‘Alá</i>, p. xxii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581" id="Footnote_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581"><span class="label">581</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. xxvii seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582" id="Footnote_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582"><span class="label">582</span></a> <i>Luzúmiyyát</i> (Cairo, 1891), vol. i, p. 201.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583" id="Footnote_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583"><span class="label">583</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, his predecessors of the modern school. Like Mutanabbí, he +ridicules the conventional types (<i>asálíb</i>) in which the old poetry is cast +Cf. Goldziher, <i>Abhand. zur Arab. Philologie</i>, Part 1, p. 146 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584" id="Footnote_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584"><span class="label">584</span></a> The proper title is <i>Luzúmu má lá yalzam</i>, referring to a technical +difficulty which the poet unnecessarily imposed on himself with regard +to the rhyme.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585" id="Footnote_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585"><span class="label">585</span></a> <i>Abulfedæ Annales Muslemici</i>, ed. by Adler (1789-1794), vol. iii, p. 677.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586" id="Footnote_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586"><span class="label">586</span></a> <i>Literaturgesch. der Araber</i>, vol. vi, p. 900 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587" id="Footnote_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587"><span class="label">587</span></a> <i>Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen +Akademie der Wissenschaften</i>, vol. cxvii, 6th Abhandlung (Vienna, 1889). +Select passages admirably rendered by Von Kremer into German verse +will be found in the <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 29, pp. 304-312; vol. 30, pp. 40-52; +vol. 31, pp. 471-483; vol. 38, pp. 499-529.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588" id="Footnote_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588"><span class="label">588</span></a> <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 38, p. 507; Margoliouth, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 131, l. 15 of the +Arabic text.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589" id="Footnote_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589"><span class="label">589</span></a> <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 29, p. 308.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590" id="Footnote_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590"><span class="label">590</span></a> Margoliouth, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 133 of the Arabic text.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591" id="Footnote_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591"><span class="label">591</span></a> This passage occurs in Abu ’l-‘Alá's <i>Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán</i> (see <i>infra</i>), +<i>J.R.A.S.</i> for 1902, p. 351. <i>Cf.</i> the verses translated by Von Kremer in +his essay on Abu ’l-‘Alá, p. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592" id="Footnote_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592"><span class="label">592</span></a> For the term 'Ḥaníf' see p. <a href="#Page_149">149</a> <i>supra</i>. Here it is synonymous with +'Muslim.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593" id="Footnote_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593"><span class="label">593</span></a> <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 38, p. 513.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594" id="Footnote_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594"><span class="label">594</span></a> This work, of which only two copies exist in Europe—one at Constantinople +and another in my collection—has been described and partially +translated in the <i>J.R.A.S.</i> for 1900, pp. 637-720, and for 1902, pp. 75-101, +337-362, and 813-847.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595" id="Footnote_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595"><span class="label">595</span></a> Margoliouth, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 132, last line of the Arabic text.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596" id="Footnote_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596"><span class="label">596</span></a> <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 31, p. 483.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597" id="Footnote_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597"><span class="label">597</span></a> De Gobineau, <i>Les religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie centrale</i>, +p. 11 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598" id="Footnote_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598"><span class="label">598</span></a> <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 31, p. 477.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599" id="Footnote_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599"><span class="label">599</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 29, p. 311.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600" id="Footnote_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600"><span class="label">600</span></a> <i>Z.D.M.G.</i> vol. 38, p. 522.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601" id="Footnote_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601"><span class="label">601</span></a> According to De Goeje, <i>Mémoires sur les Carmathes du Bahrain</i>, +p. 197, n. 1, these lines refer to a prophecy made by the Carmathians +that the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter, which took place in 1047 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> +would herald the final triumph of the Fáṭimids over the ‘Abbásids.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602" id="Footnote_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602"><span class="label">602</span></a> <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 38, p. 504.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603" id="Footnote_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603"><span class="label">603</span></a> <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 31, p. 474.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604" id="Footnote_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604"><span class="label">604</span></a> <i>Luzúmiyyát</i> (Cairo, 1891), i, 394.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605" id="Footnote_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605"><span class="label">605</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, i, 312.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606" id="Footnote_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606"><span class="label">606</span></a> Von Kremer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607" id="Footnote_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607"><span class="label">607</span></a> <i>Safar-náma</i>, ed. by Schefer, p. 10 seq. = pp. 35-36 of the translation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608" id="Footnote_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608"><span class="label">608</span></a> <i>Luzúmiyyát</i>, ii, 280. The phrase does not mean "I am the child of +my age," but "I live in the present," forgetful of the past and careless +what the future may bring.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609" id="Footnote_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609"><span class="label">609</span></a> See Von Kremer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 46 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610" id="Footnote_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610"><span class="label">610</span></a> See the article on Ṭughrá’í in Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, +vol. i, p. 462.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611" id="Footnote_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611"><span class="label">611</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. iii, p. 355.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612" id="Footnote_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612"><span class="label">612</span></a> The spirit of fortitude and patience (<i>ḥamása</i>) is exhibited by both +poets, but in a very different manner. Shanfará describes a man of +heroic nature. Ṭughrá’í wraps himself in his virtue and moralises like +a Muḥammadan Horace. Ṣafadí, however, says in his commentary on +Ṭughrá’í's ode (I translate from a MS. copy in my possession): "It is +named <i>Lámiyyatu ’l-‘Ajam</i> by way of comparing it with the <i>Lámiyyatu +’l-‘Arab</i>, because it resembles the latter in its wise sentences and maxims."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613" id="Footnote_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613"><span class="label">613</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, the native of Abúṣir (Búṣír), a village in Egypt.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614" id="Footnote_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614"><span class="label">614</span></a> The <i>Burda</i>, ed. by C. A. Ralfs (Vienna, 1860), verse 140; <i>La Bordah +traduite et commentée par René Basset</i> (Paris, 1894), verse 151.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615" id="Footnote_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615"><span class="label">615</span></a> This appears to be a reminiscence of the fact that Muḥammad gave +his own mantle as a gift to Ka‘b b. Zuhayr, when that poet recited his +famous ode, <i>Bánat Su‘ád</i> (see p. <a href="#Page_127">127</a> <i>supra</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616" id="Footnote_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616"><span class="label">616</span></a> <i>Maqáma</i> (plural, <i>maqámát</i>) is properly 'a place of standing'; hence, +an assembly where people stand listening to the speaker, and in particular, +an assembly for literary discussion. At an early period reports of such +conversations and discussions received the name of <i>maqámát</i> (see Brockelmann, +<i>Gesch. der Arab. Litteratur</i>, vol. i, p. 94). The word in its literary +sense is usually translated by 'assembly,' or by the French '<i>séance</i>.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617" id="Footnote_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617"><span class="label">617</span></a> <i>The Assemblies of al-Ḥarírí</i>, translated from the Arabic, with an introduction +and notes by T. Chenery (1867), vol. i, p. 19. This excellent work +contains a fund of information on diverse matters connected with Arabian +history and literature. Owing to the author's death it was left unfinished, +but a second volume (including <i>Assemblies</i> 27-50) by F. Steingass +appeared in 1898.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618" id="Footnote_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618"><span class="label">618</span></a> A full account of his career will be found in the Preface to Houtsma's +<i>Recueil de textes relatifs à l'histoire des Seldjoucides</i>, vol. ii. p. 11 sqq. +<i>Cf.</i> Browne's <i>Lit. Hist. of Persia</i>, vol. ii, p. 360.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619" id="Footnote_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619"><span class="label">619</span></a> This is a graceful, but probably insincere, tribute to the superior +genius of Hamadhání.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620" id="Footnote_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620"><span class="label">620</span></a> The above passage is taken, with some modification, from the version +of Ḥarírí published in 1850 by Theodore Preston, Fellow of Trinity +College, Cambridge, who was afterwards Lord Almoner's Professor of +Arabic (1855-1871).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621" id="Footnote_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621"><span class="label">621</span></a> Moslems had long been familiar with the fables of Bidpai, which +were translated from the Pehleví into Arabic by Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘ († <i>circa</i> +760 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622" id="Footnote_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622"><span class="label">622</span></a> <i>Al-Fakhrí</i>, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 18, l. 4 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623" id="Footnote_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623"><span class="label">623</span></a> A town in Mesopotamia, not far from Edessa. It was taken by the +Crusaders in 1101 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> (Abu ’l-Fidá, ed. by Reiske, vol. iii, p. 332).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624" id="Footnote_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624"><span class="label">624</span></a> The 48th <i>Maqáma</i> of the series as finally arranged.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625" id="Footnote_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625"><span class="label">625</span></a> Chenery, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626" id="Footnote_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626"><span class="label">626</span></a> This has been done with extraordinary skill by the German poet, +Friedrich Rückert (<i>Die Verwandlungen des Abu Seid von Serug</i>, 2nd ed. +1837), whose work, however, is not in any sense a translation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627" id="Footnote_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627"><span class="label">627</span></a> A literal translation of these verses, which occur in the sixth <i>Assembly</i>, +is given by Chenery, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 138.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628" id="Footnote_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628"><span class="label">628</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 163.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629" id="Footnote_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629"><span class="label">629</span></a> Two grammatical treatises by Ḥarírí have come down to us. In one +of these, entitled <i>Durratu ’l-Ghawwáṣ</i> ('The Pearl of the Diver') and +edited by Thorbecke (Leipzig, 1871), he discusses the solecisms which +people of education are wont to commit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630" id="Footnote_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630"><span class="label">630</span></a> See Chenery, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 83-97.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631" id="Footnote_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631"><span class="label">631</span></a> <i>The Caliphate, its Rise, Decline, and Fall</i>, p. 573.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632" id="Footnote_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632"><span class="label">632</span></a> Another example is ‘Umar al-Khayyámí for ‘Umar Khayyám. The +spelling Ghazzálí (with a double <i>z</i>) was in general use when Ibn +Khallikán wrote his Biographical Dictionary in 1256 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> (see De Slane's +translation, vol. i, p. 80), but according to Sam‘ání the name is derived +from Ghazála, a village near Ṭús; in which case Ghazálí is the correct +form of the <i>nisba</i>. I have adopted 'Ghazalí' in deference to Sam‘ání's +authority, but those who write 'Ghazzálí' can at least claim that they err +in very good company.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633" id="Footnote_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633"><span class="label">633</span></a> Shamsu ’l-Dín al-Dhahabí († 1348 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634" id="Footnote_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634"><span class="label">634</span></a> ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥím al-Isnawí († 1370 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), author of a biographical +work on the Sháfi‘ite doctors. See Brockelmann, <i>Gesch. der Arab. Litt.</i>, +vol. ii, p. 90.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635" id="Footnote_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635"><span class="label">635</span></a> Abu ’l-Ma‘álí al-Juwayní, a famous theologian of Naysábúr († 1085 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), +received this title, which means 'Imám of the Two Sanctuaries,' because +he taught for several years at Mecca and Medína.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636" id="Footnote_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636"><span class="label">636</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, the camp-court of the Seljúq monarch Maliksháh, son of +Alp Arslán.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637" id="Footnote_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637"><span class="label">637</span></a> According to his own account in the <i>Munqidh</i>, Ghazálí on leaving +Baghdád went first to Damascus, then to Jerusalem, and then to Mecca. +The statement that he remained ten years at Damascus is inaccurate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638" id="Footnote_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638"><span class="label">638</span></a> The MS. has Fakhru ’l-Dín.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639" id="Footnote_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639"><span class="label">639</span></a> Ghazálí's return to public life took place in 1106 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640" id="Footnote_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640"><span class="label">640</span></a> The correct title of Ibn Ḥazm's work is uncertain. In the Cairo ed. +(1321 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>) it is called <i>Kitábu ’l-Fiṣal fi ’l-Milal wa ’l-Ahwá wa ’l-Niḥal</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641" id="Footnote_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641"><span class="label">641</span></a> See p. 195 <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642" id="Footnote_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642"><span class="label">642</span></a> Kor. ix, 3. The translation runs ("This is a declaration) <i>that God is +clear of the idolaters, and His Apostle likewise</i>." With the reading +<i>rasúlihi</i> it means that God is clear of the idolaters and also of His +Apostle.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643" id="Footnote_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643"><span class="label">643</span></a> Ibn Khallikan, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644" id="Footnote_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644"><span class="label">644</span></a> See p. 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645" id="Footnote_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645"><span class="label">645</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, No. 608; De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646" id="Footnote_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646"><span class="label">646</span></a> See pp. 131-134, <i>supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647" id="Footnote_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647"><span class="label">647</span></a> Goldziher, <i>Muhammedanische Studien</i>, Part I, p. 197.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648" id="Footnote_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648"><span class="label">648</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 195.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649" id="Footnote_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649"><span class="label">649</span></a> Ibn Qutayba, <i>Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif</i>, p. 269.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650" id="Footnote_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650"><span class="label">650</span></a> While Abú ‘Ubayda was notorious for his freethinking proclivities, +Aṣma‘í had a strong vein of pietism. See Goldziher, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 199 +and <i>Abh. zur Arab. Philologie</i>, Part I, p. 136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651" id="Footnote_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651"><span class="label">651</span></a> Professor Browne has given a <i>résumé</i> of the contents in his <i>Lit. Hist. +of Persia</i>, vol. i, p. 387 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652" id="Footnote_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652"><span class="label">652</span></a> Ed. by Max Grünert (Leyden, 1900).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653" id="Footnote_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653"><span class="label">653</span></a> Vol. i ed. by C. Brockelmann (Weimar and Strassburg, 1898-1908).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654" id="Footnote_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654"><span class="label">654</span></a> The epithet <i>jáḥiẓ</i> means 'goggle-eyed.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655" id="Footnote_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655"><span class="label">655</span></a> See p. 267.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656" id="Footnote_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656"><span class="label">656</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 250.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657" id="Footnote_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657"><span class="label">657</span></a> One of these, the eleventh of the complete work, has been edited by +Ahlwardt: <i>Anonyme Arabische Chronik</i> (Greifswald, 1883). It covers part +of the reign of the Umayyad Caliph, ‘Abdu ’l-Malik (685-705 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658" id="Footnote_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658"><span class="label">658</span></a> The French title is <i>Les Prairies d'Or</i>. Brockelmann, in his shorter +<i>Hist. of Arabic Literature</i> (Leipzig, 1901), p. 110, states that the correct +translation of <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i> is 'Goldwäschen.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659" id="Footnote_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659"><span class="label">659</span></a> Concerning Ṭabarí and his work the reader should consult De Goeje's +Introduction (published in the supplementary volume containing the +Glossary) to the Leyden edition, and his excellent article on Ṭabarí and +early Arab Historians in the <i>Encyclopædia Britannica</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660" id="Footnote_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660"><span class="label">660</span></a> Abu ’l-Maḥásin, ed. by Juynboll, vol. i, p. 608.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661" id="Footnote_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661"><span class="label">661</span></a> <i>Selection from the Annals of Tabarí</i>, ed. by M. J. de Goeje (Leyden, +1902), p. xi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662" id="Footnote_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662"><span class="label">662</span></a> De Goeje's Introduction to Ṭabarí, p. xxvii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663" id="Footnote_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663"><span class="label">663</span></a> Al-Bal‘amí, the Vizier of Manṣúr I, the Sámánid, made in 963 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> a +Persian epitome of which a French translation by Dubeux and Zotenberg +was published in 1867-1874.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664" id="Footnote_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664"><span class="label">664</span></a> <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. i, p. 5 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665" id="Footnote_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665"><span class="label">665</span></a> The <i>Akhbáru ’l-Zamán</i> in thirty volumes (one volume is extant at +Vienna) and the <i>Kitáb al-Awsaṭ</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666" id="Footnote_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666"><span class="label">666</span></a> <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, p. 9 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667" id="Footnote_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667"><span class="label">667</span></a> It may be noted as a coincidence that Ibn Khaldún calls Mas‘údí +<i>imám<sup>an</sup> lil-mu’arrikhín</i>, "an Imám for all the historians," which +resembles, though it does not exactly correspond to, "the Father of +History."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668" id="Footnote_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668"><span class="label">668</span></a> Mas‘údí gives a summary of the contents of his historical and religious +works in the Preface to the <i>Tanbíh wa-’l-Ishráf</i>, ed. by De Goeje, p. 2 sqq. +A translation of this passage by De Sacy will be found in Barbier de +Meynard's edition of the <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, vol. ix, p. 302 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669" id="Footnote_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669"><span class="label">669</span></a> See <i>Murúj</i>, vol. i, p. 201, and vol. iii, p. 268.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670" id="Footnote_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670"><span class="label">670</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. ii, p. 372 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671" id="Footnote_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671"><span class="label">671</span></a> De Sacy renders the title by 'Le Livre de l'Indication et de l'Admonition +ou l'Indicateur et le Moniteur'; but see De Goeje's edition of +the text (Leyden, 1894), p. xxvii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672" id="Footnote_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672"><span class="label">672</span></a> The full title is <i>Kitábu ’l-Kámil fi ’l-Ta’ríkh</i>, or 'The Perfect Book +of Chronicles.' It has been edited by Tornberg in fourteen volumes +(Leyden, 1851-1876).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673" id="Footnote_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673"><span class="label">673</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 289.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674" id="Footnote_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674"><span class="label">674</span></a> An excellent account of the Arab geographers is given by Guy Le +Strange in the Introduction to his <i>Palestine under the Moslems</i> (London, +1890). De Goeje has edited the works of Ibn Khurdádbih, Iṣṭakhrí, Ibn +Ḥawqal, and Muqaddasí in the <i>Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum</i> +(Leyden, 1870, &c.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675" id="Footnote_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675"><span class="label">675</span></a> De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 9 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676" id="Footnote_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676"><span class="label">676</span></a> P. 243.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677" id="Footnote_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677"><span class="label">677</span></a> The translators employed by the Banú Músá were paid at the rate +of about 500 dínárs a month (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 43, l. 18 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678" id="Footnote_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678"><span class="label">678</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 271; Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679" id="Footnote_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679"><span class="label">679</span></a> A chapter at least would be required in order to set forth adequately +the chief material and intellectual benefits which European civilisation +has derived from the Arabs. The reader may consult Von Kremer's +<i>Culturgeschichte des Orients</i>, vol. ii, chapters 7 and 9; Diercks, <i>Die Araber +im Mittelalter</i> (Leipzig, 1882); Sédillot, <i>Histoire générale des Arabes</i>; +Schack, <i>Poesie und Kunst der Araber in Spanien und Sicilien</i>; Munk, +<i>Mélanges de Philosophie Juive et Arabe</i>; De Lacy O'Leary, <i>Arabic +Thought and its Place in History</i> (1922); and Campbell, <i>Arabian Medicine +and its Influence on the Middle Ages</i> (1926). A volume entitled <i>The +Legacy of the Islamic World</i>, ed. by Sir T. W. Arnold and Professor +A. Guillaume, is in course of publication.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680" id="Footnote_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680"><span class="label">680</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 440.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681" id="Footnote_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681"><span class="label">681</span></a> <i>The Chronology of Ancient Nations</i> (London, 1879) and Alberuni's +<i>India</i> (London, 1888).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682" id="Footnote_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682"><span class="label">682</span></a> P. 384 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683" id="Footnote_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683"><span class="label">683</span></a> The passages concerning the Ṣábians were edited and translated, with +copious annotations, by Chwolsohn in his <i>Ssabier und Ssabismus</i> (St. +Petersburg, 1856), vol. ii, p. 1-365, while Flügel made similar use of the +Manichæan portion in <i>Mani, seine Lehre und seine Schriften</i> (Leipzig, +1862).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684" id="Footnote_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684"><span class="label">684</span></a> Wellhausen, <i>Das Arabische Reich</i>, p. 350 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685" id="Footnote_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685"><span class="label">685</span></a> See Goldziher, <i>Muhamm. Studien</i>, Part II, p. 53 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686" id="Footnote_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686"><span class="label">686</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 70 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687" id="Footnote_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687"><span class="label">687</span></a> <i>Fragmenta Historicorum Arabicorum</i>, ed. by De Goeje and De Jong, +p. 298.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688" id="Footnote_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688"><span class="label">688</span></a> There are, of course, some partial exceptions to this rule, <i>e.g.</i>, Mahdí +and Hárún al-Rashíd.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689" id="Footnote_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689"><span class="label">689</span></a> See p. 163, note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690" id="Footnote_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690"><span class="label">690</span></a> Several freethinkers of this period attempted to rival the Koran with +their own compositions. See Goldziher, <i>Muhamm. Studien</i>, Part II, +p. 401 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691" id="Footnote_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691"><span class="label">691</span></a> <i>Al-Nujúm al-Záhira</i>, ed. by Juynboll, vol. i, p. 639.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692" id="Footnote_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692"><span class="label">692</span></a> This is the literal translation of <i>Ikhwánu ’l-Safá</i>, but according to +Arabic idiom 'brother of purity' (<i>akhu ’l-ṣafá</i>) simply means 'one who is +pure or sincere,' as has been shown by Goldziher, <i>Muhamm. Studien</i>, +Part I, p. 9, note. The term does not imply any sort of brotherhood.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693" id="Footnote_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693"><span class="label">693</span></a> Ibnu ’l-Qifṭí, <i>Ta’ ríkhu ’l-Ḥukamá</i> (ed. by Lippert), p. 83, l. 17 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694" id="Footnote_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694"><span class="label">694</span></a> <i>Notice sur un manuscrit de la secte des Assassins</i>, by P. Casanova in the +<i>Journal Asiatique</i> for 1898, p 151 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695" id="Footnote_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695"><span class="label">695</span></a> De Goeje, <i>Mémoire sur les Carmathes</i>, p. 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_696" id="Footnote_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696"><span class="label">696</span></a> <i>Ṣâliḥ b. ‘Abd al-Quddûs und das Zindîḳthum während der Regierung +des Chalifen al-Mahdí in Transactions of the Ninth Congress of Orientalists</i>, +vol. ii, p. 105 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_697" id="Footnote_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697"><span class="label">697</span></a> Ṭabarí, iii, 522, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_698" id="Footnote_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698"><span class="label">698</span></a> <i>I.e.</i> the sacred books of the Manichæans, which were often splendidly +illuminated. See Von Kremer, <i>Culturgesch. Streifzüge</i>, p. 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_699" id="Footnote_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699"><span class="label">699</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Ṭabarí, iii, 499, 8 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_700" id="Footnote_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700"><span class="label">700</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, iii, 422, 19 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_701" id="Footnote_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701"><span class="label">701</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the saying "<i>Aẓrafu mina ’l-Zindíq</i>" (Freytag, <i>Arabum Proverbia</i>, +vol. i, p. 214).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_702" id="Footnote_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702"><span class="label">702</span></a> As Professor Bevan points out, it is based solely on the well-known +verse (<i>Aghání</i>, iii, 24, l. 11), which has come down to us without the +context:— +</p> +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"<i>Earth is dark and Fire is bright,</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>And Fire has been worshipped ever since Fire existed.</i>"</span> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_703" id="Footnote_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703"><span class="label">703</span></a> These popular preachers (<i>quṣṣáṣ</i>) are admirably described by Goldziher, +<i>Muhamm. Studien</i>, Part II, p. 161 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_704" id="Footnote_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704"><span class="label">704</span></a> The Arabic text of these verses will be found in Goldziher's monograph, +p. 122, ll. 6-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_705" id="Footnote_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705"><span class="label">705</span></a> See a passage from the <i>Kitábu ’l-Ḥayawán</i>, cited by Baron V. Rosen +in <i>Zapiski</i>, vol. vi, p. 337, and rendered into English in my <i>Translations +from Eastern Poetry and Prose</i>, p. 53. Probably these monks were +Manichæans, not Buddhists.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_706" id="Footnote_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706"><span class="label">706</span></a> <i>Zaddíq</i> is an Aramaic word meaning 'righteous.' Its etymological +equivalent in Arabic is <i>siddíq</i>, which has a different meaning, namely, +'veracious.' <i>Zaddíq</i> passed into Persian in the form <i>Zandík</i>, which was +used by the Persians before Islam, and <i>Zindíq</i> is the Arabicised form of +the latter word. For some of these observations I am indebted to Professor +Bevan. Further details concerning the derivation and meaning of <i>Zindíq</i> +are given in Professor Browne's <i>Literary Hist. of Persia</i> (vol. i, p. 159 sqq.), +where the reader will also find a lucid account of the Manichæan doctrines.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_707" id="Footnote_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707"><span class="label">707</span></a> Ibnu ’l-Athír, vol. viii, p. 229 seq. (anno 323 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> = 934-935 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_708" id="Footnote_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708"><span class="label">708</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_709" id="Footnote_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709"><span class="label">709</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 230 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_710" id="Footnote_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710"><span class="label">710</span></a> See p. 192.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_711" id="Footnote_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711"><span class="label">711</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, he is saved from Hell but excluded from Paradise.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_712" id="Footnote_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712"><span class="label">712</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 440; De Slane's translation, +vol. ii, p. 228.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_713" id="Footnote_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713"><span class="label">713</span></a> The clearest statement of Ash‘arí's doctrine with which I am acquainted +is contained in the Creed published by Spitta, <i>Zur Geschichte Abu ’l-Ḥasan +al-Ash‘arí's</i> (Leipzig, 1876), p. 133, l. 9 sqq.; German translation, p. 95 sqq. +It has been translated into English by D. B. Macdonald in his <i>Muslim +Theology</i>, p. 293 and foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_714" id="Footnote_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714"><span class="label">714</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 7 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_715" id="Footnote_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715"><span class="label">715</span></a> Schreiner, <i>Zur Geschichte des Ash‘aritenthums in the Proceedings of the +Eighth International Congress of Orientalists</i> (1889), p. 5 of the <i>tirage à part</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_716" id="Footnote_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716"><span class="label">716</span></a> <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 31, p. 167.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_717" id="Footnote_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717"><span class="label">717</span></a> See Goldziher in <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 41, p. 63 seq., whence the following +details are derived.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_718" id="Footnote_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718"><span class="label">718</span></a> See p. 339 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_719" id="Footnote_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719"><span class="label">719</span></a> I have used the Cairo edition of 1309 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> A French translation by +Barbier de Meynard was published in the <i>Journal Asiatique</i> (January, +1877), pp. 9-93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_720" id="Footnote_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720"><span class="label">720</span></a> These are the Ismá‘ílís or Báṭinís (including the Carmathians and +Assassins). See p. 271 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_721" id="Footnote_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721"><span class="label">721</span></a> <i>A Literary History of Persia</i>, vol. ii, p. 295 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_722" id="Footnote_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722"><span class="label">722</span></a> <i>The Life of al-Ghazzālī</i> in the <i>Journal of the American Oriental +Society</i>, vol. xx (1899), p. 122 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_723" id="Footnote_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723"><span class="label">723</span></a> <i>Herrschende Ideen</i>, p. 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_724" id="Footnote_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724"><span class="label">724</span></a> <i>Idee und Grundlinien einer allgemeiner Geschichte der Mystik</i>, an +academic oration delivered on November 22, 1892, and published at +Heidelberg in 1893.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_725" id="Footnote_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725"><span class="label">725</span></a> The following sketch is founded on my paper, <i>An Historical Enquiry +concerning the Origin and Development of Ṣúfiism</i> (<i>J.R.A.S.</i>, April, 1906, +p. 303 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_726" id="Footnote_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726"><span class="label">726</span></a> This, so far as I know, is the oldest extant definition of Ṣúfiism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_727" id="Footnote_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727"><span class="label">727</span></a> It is impossible not to recognise the influence of Greek philosophy in +this conception of Truth as Beauty.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_728" id="Footnote_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728"><span class="label">728</span></a> Jámí says (<i>Nafahátu ’l-Uns</i>, ed. by Nassau Lees, p. 36): "He is the +head of this sect: they all descend from, and are related to, him."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_729" id="Footnote_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729"><span class="label">729</span></a> See ‘Aṭṭár's <i>Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyá</i>, ed. by Nicholson, Part I, p. 114; +Jámí's <i>Nafaḥát</i>, p. 35; Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_730" id="Footnote_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730"><span class="label">730</span></a> <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, vol. ii, p. 401 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_731" id="Footnote_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731"><span class="label">731</span></a> The <i>Influence of Buddhism upon Islam</i>, by I. Goldziher (Budapest, +1903). As this essay is written in Hungarian, I have not been able to consult +it at first hand, but have used the excellent translation by Mr. T. +Duka, which appeared in the <i>J.R.A.S.</i> for January, 1904, pp. 125-141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_732" id="Footnote_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732"><span class="label">732</span></a> It was recognised by the Ṣúfís themselves that in some points their +doctrine was apparently based on Mu‘tazilite principles. See Sha‘rání, +<i>Lawáqiḥu ’l-Anwár</i> (Cairo, 1299 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>), p. 14, l. 21 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_733" id="Footnote_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733"><span class="label">733</span></a> This definition is by Abu ’l-Ḥusayn al-Núrí († 907-908 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_734" id="Footnote_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734"><span class="label">734</span></a> See Professor Browne's <i>Lit. Hist. of Persia</i>, vol. ii, p. 261 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_735" id="Footnote_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735"><span class="label">735</span></a> The <i>Díwán of ‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ</i>, ed. by Rushayyid al-Daḥdáḥ +(Marseilles, 1853).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_736" id="Footnote_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736"><span class="label">736</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, New and Old Cairo.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_737" id="Footnote_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737"><span class="label">737</span></a> The <i>Díwán</i>, excluding the <i>Tá’iyyatu ’l-Kubrá</i>, has been edited by +Rushayyid al-Daḥdáḥ (Marseilles, 1853).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_738" id="Footnote_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738"><span class="label">738</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, p. 219, l. 14 and p. 213, l. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_739" id="Footnote_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739"><span class="label">739</span></a> Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ, like Mutanabbí, shows a marked fondness for diminutives. +As he observes (<i>Díwán</i>, p. 552):— +</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"> +<i>má qultu ḥubayyibí mina ’l-taḥqíri</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>bal ya‘dhubu ’smu ’l-shakhṣi bi-’l-taṣghíri.</i></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05"> +"<i>Not in contempt I say 'my darling.' No!</i></span> +<span class="i0"> +<i>By 'diminution' names do sweeter grow.</i>"</span> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_740" id="Footnote_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740"><span class="label">740</span></a> <i>Dìwàn</i>, p. 472 sqq. A French rendering will be found at p. 41 of +Grangeret de Lagrange's <i>Anthologie Arabe</i> (Paris, 1828).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_741" id="Footnote_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741"><span class="label">741</span></a> The words of God to Moses (Kor. vii, 139).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_742" id="Footnote_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742"><span class="label">742</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, p. 257 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_743" id="Footnote_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743"><span class="label">743</span></a> This refers to Kor. vii, 171. God drew forth from the loins of Adam +all future generations of men and addressed them, saying, "<i>Am not I your +Lord</i>?" They answered, "<i>Yes</i>," and thus, according to the Ṣúfí interpretation, +pledged themselves to love God for evermore.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_744" id="Footnote_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744"><span class="label">744</span></a> <i>Díwán</i>, p. 142 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_745" id="Footnote_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745"><span class="label">745</span></a> See <i>A Literary History of Persia</i>, vol. i, p. 428 sqq. But during the +last twenty years a great deal of new light has been thrown upon the +character and doctrines of Ḥalláj. See Appendix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_746" id="Footnote_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746"><span class="label">746</span></a> The best-known biography of Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí occurs in Maqqarí's +<i>Nafḥu ’l-Ṭíb</i>, ed. by Dozy and others, vol. i, pp. 567-583. Much additional +information is contained in a lengthy article, which I have +extracted from a valuable MS. in my collection, the <i>Shadharátu +’l-Dhahab</i>, and published in the <i>J.R.A.S.</i> for 1906, pp. 806-824. <i>Cf.</i> +also Von Kremer's <i>Herrschende Ideen.</i> pp. 102-109.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_747" id="Footnote_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747"><span class="label">747</span></a> Muḥyi ’l-Dín means 'Reviver of Religion.' In the West he was +called Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí, but the Moslems of the East left out the definite +article (<i>al</i>) in order to distinguish him from the Cadi Abú Bakr Ibnu +’l-‘Arabí of Seville († 1151 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_748" id="Footnote_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748"><span class="label">748</span></a> Al-Kibrít <i>al-aḥmar</i> (literally, 'the red sulphur').</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_749" id="Footnote_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749"><span class="label">749</span></a> See Von Kremer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 108 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_750" id="Footnote_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750"><span class="label">750</span></a> The above particulars are derived from an abstract of the <i>Futúḥát</i> +made by ‘Abdu ’l-Wahháb al-Sha‘rání († 1565 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), of which Fleischer has +given a full description in the <i>Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Leipzig +Univ. Library</i> (1838), pp. 490-495.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_751" id="Footnote_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751"><span class="label">751</span></a> Maqqarí, i, 569, II.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_752" id="Footnote_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752"><span class="label">752</span></a> Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_753" id="Footnote_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753"><span class="label">753</span></a> Abú Ḥanífa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_754" id="Footnote_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754"><span class="label">754</span></a> <i>Fuṣúṣu ’l-Ḥikam</i> (Cairo, <span class="smcap">a.h.</span> 1321), p. 78. The words within +brackets belong to the commentary of ‘Abdu ’l-Razzáq al-Káshání +which accompanies the text.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_755" id="Footnote_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755"><span class="label">755</span></a> Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí uses the term "Idea of ideas" (<i>Ḥaqíqatu ’l-ḥaqá’iq</i>) +as equivalent to λόγος ἐνδιάθετος, while "the Idea of Muḥammad" +(<i>al-Ḥaqíqatu ’l-Muḥammadiyya</i>) corresponds to +λόγος ἐνδιάθετος.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_756" id="Footnote_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756"><span class="label">756</span></a> The Arabic text of these verses will be found in the collection of +Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí's mystical odes, entitled <i>Tarjumánu ’l-Ashwáq</i>, which I +have edited (Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, vol. xx, p. 19, +vv. 13-15).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_757" id="Footnote_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757"><span class="label">757</span></a> Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí has been studied by Asin Palacios, Professor of +Arabic at Madrid, whose books are written in Spanish, and H. S. Nyberg +(<i>Kleinere Schriften des Ibn al-‘Arabí</i>, Leiden, 1919). A general view +may be obtained from my <i>Studies in Islamic Mysticism</i>, pp. 77-142 +and pp. 149-161.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_758" id="Footnote_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758"><span class="label">758</span></a> See Asin Palacios, <i>Islam and the Divine Comedy</i>, London, 1926.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_759" id="Footnote_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759"><span class="label">759</span></a> Abridged from Ibnu ’l-‘Idhárí, <i>al-Bayán al-Mughrib</i>, ed. by Dozy, +vol. ii, p. 61 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_760" id="Footnote_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760"><span class="label">760</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 802; De Slane's translation, +vol. iv, p. 29 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_761" id="Footnote_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761"><span class="label">761</span></a> Muqaddasí (ed. by De Goeje), p. 236, cited by Goldziher, <i>Die Zâhiriten</i>, +p. 114.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_762" id="Footnote_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762"><span class="label">762</span></a> Dozy, <i>Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne</i> (Leyden, 1861), vol. iii, +p. 90 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_763" id="Footnote_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763"><span class="label">763</span></a> ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III was the first of his line to assume this title.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_764" id="Footnote_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764"><span class="label">764</span></a> Maqqarí, vol. i, p. 259. As Maqqarí's work is our principal authority +for the literary history of Moslem Spain, I may conveniently give +some account of it in this place. The author, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad +al-Tilimsání al-Maqqarí († 1632 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) wrote a biography of Ibnu ’l-Khaṭíb, +the famous Vizier of Granada, to which he prefixed a long and discursive +introduction in eight chapters: (1) Description of Spain; (2) Conquest of +Spain by the Arabs; (3) History of the Spanish dynasties; (4) Cordova; +(5) Spanish-Arabian scholars who travelled in the East; (6) Orientals who +visited Spain; (7) Miscellaneous extracts, anecdotes, poetical citations, &c., +bearing on the literary history of Spain; (8) Reconquest of Spain by the +Christians and expulsion of the Arabs. The whole work is entitled +<i>Nafḥu ’l-Ṭíb min ghuṣní ’l-Andalusi ’l-raṭíb wa-dhikri wazírihá Lisáni +’l-Dín Ibni ’l-Khaṭíb</i>. The introduction, which contains a fund of +curious and valuable information—"a library in little"—has been edited +by Dozy and other European Arabists under the title of <i>Analectes sur +l'Histoire et la Littérature des Arabes d'Espagne</i> (Leyden, 1855-1861).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_765" id="Footnote_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765"><span class="label">765</span></a> The name of Slaves (<i>Ṣaqáliba</i>) was originally applied to prisoners of +war, belonging to various northern races, who were sold to the Arabs of +Spain, but the term was soon widened so as to include all foreign slaves +serving in the harem or the army, without regard to their nationality. Like +the Mamelukes and Janissaries, they formed a privileged corps under the +patronage of the palace, and since the reign of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III their +number and influence had steadily increased. Cf. Dozy, <i>Hist. des Mus. +d'Espagne</i>, vol. iii, p. 58 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_766" id="Footnote_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766"><span class="label">766</span></a> Dozy, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 103 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_767" id="Footnote_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767"><span class="label">767</span></a> Qazwíní, <i>Átháru ’l-Bilád</i>, ed. by Wüstenfeld, p. 364, l. 5 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_768" id="Footnote_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768"><span class="label">768</span></a> See Schack, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 46 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_769" id="Footnote_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769"><span class="label">769</span></a> The Arabic original occurs in the 11th chapter of the <i>Ḥalbatu ’l-Kumayt</i>, +a collection of poems on wine and drinking by Muḥammad b. Ḥasan +al-Nawájí († 1455 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), and is also printed in the <i>Anthologie Arabe</i> of +Grangeret de Lagrange, p. 202.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_770" id="Footnote_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770"><span class="label">770</span></a> <i>Al-Ḥullat al-Siyará</i> of Ibnu ’l-Abbár, ed. by Dozy, p. 34. In the last +line instead of "foes" the original has "the sons of ‘Abbás." Other verses +addressed by ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán to this palm-tree are cited by Maqqarí, +vol. ii, p. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_771" id="Footnote_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771"><span class="label">771</span></a> Full details concerning Ziryáb will be found in Maqqarí, vol. ii, p. 83 +sqq. <i>Cf.</i> Dozy, <i>Hist. des Mus. d'Espagne</i>, vol. ii, p. 89 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_772" id="Footnote_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772"><span class="label">772</span></a> Maqqarí, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 87, l. 10 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_773" id="Footnote_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773"><span class="label">773</span></a> Dozy, <i>Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne</i>, vol. iii, p. 107 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_774" id="Footnote_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774"><span class="label">774</span></a> See the verses cited by Ibnu ’l-Athír, vol. viii, p. 457.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_775" id="Footnote_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775"><span class="label">775</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, No. 697, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 186.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_776" id="Footnote_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776"><span class="label">776</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_777" id="Footnote_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777"><span class="label">777</span></a> <i>Loc. cit.</i>, p. 189. For the sake of clearness I have slightly abridged +and otherwise remodelled De Slane's translation of this passage.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_778" id="Footnote_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778"><span class="label">778</span></a> A somewhat different version of these events is given by Dozy, +<i>Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne</i>, vol. iv, p. 189 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_779" id="Footnote_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779"><span class="label">779</span></a> The term <i>Mulaththamún</i>, which means literally 'wearers of the +<i>lithám</i>' (a veil covering the lower part of the face), is applied to the +Berber tribes of the Sahara, the so-called Almoravides (<i>al-Murábiṭún</i>), +who at this tune ruled over Northern Africa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_780" id="Footnote_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780"><span class="label">780</span></a> Ibnu ’l-Abbár (Dozy, <i>Loci de Abbadidis</i>, vol. ii, p. 63).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_781" id="Footnote_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781"><span class="label">781</span></a> <i>Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne</i>, vol. iv, p. 287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_782" id="Footnote_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782"><span class="label">782</span></a> <i>I.e.</i>, 'holder of the two vizierships'—that of the sword and that of +the pen. See De Slane's translation of Ibn Khallikán, vol. iii, p. 130, +n. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_783" id="Footnote_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783"><span class="label">783</span></a> The Arabic text of this poem, which occurs in the <i>Qalá’idu ’l-‘Iqyán</i> +of Ibn Kháqán, will be found on pp. 24-25 of Weyers's <i>Specimen criticum +exhibens locos Ibn Khacanis de Ibn Zeidouno</i> (Leyden, 31).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_784" id="Footnote_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784"><span class="label">784</span></a> Cited by Ibn Khallikán in his article on Ibn Ḥazm (De Slane's translation, +vol. ii, p. 268).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_785" id="Footnote_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785"><span class="label">785</span></a> Maqqarí, vol. i, p. 511, l. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_786" id="Footnote_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786"><span class="label">786</span></a> Maqqarí, <i>loc. cit.</i> p. 515, l. 5 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_787" id="Footnote_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787"><span class="label">787</span></a> See p. 341, note 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_788" id="Footnote_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788"><span class="label">788</span></a> The contents of the <i>Kitábu ’l-Milal wa-’l-Niḥal</i> are fully summarised +by Dozy in the Leyden Catalogue, vol. iv, pp. 230-237. <i>Cf.</i> also <i>Zur +Komposition von Ibn Ḥazm's Milal wa’n-Niḥal</i>, by Israel Friedlaender in +the <i>Nöldeke-Festschrift</i> (Giessen, 1906), vol. i, p. 267 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_789" id="Footnote_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789"><span class="label">789</span></a> So far as I am aware, the report that copies are preserved in the great +mosque at Tunis has not been confirmed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_790" id="Footnote_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790"><span class="label">790</span></a> His Arabic name is Ismá‘íl b. Naghdála. See the Introduction to +Dozy's ed. of Ibnu ’l-‘Idhárí, p. 84, n. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_791" id="Footnote_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791"><span class="label">791</span></a> An interesting notice of Samuel Ha-Levi is given by Dozy in his +<i>Hist. des Mus. d'Espagne</i>, vol. iv, p. 27 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_792" id="Footnote_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792"><span class="label">792</span></a> <i>Kámil</i> of Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, vol. ix, p. 425 sqq. The +following narrative (which has been condensed as far as possible) differs +in some essential particulars from the accounts given by Ibn Khaldún +(<i>History of the Berbers</i>, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 64 sqq.) and by +Ibn Abí Zar‘ (Tornberg, <i>Annales Regum Mauritaniæ</i>, p. 100 sqq. of the +Latin version). <i>Cf.</i> A. Müller, <i>Der Islam</i>, vol. ii, p. 611 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_793" id="Footnote_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793"><span class="label">793</span></a> See note on p. 423.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_794" id="Footnote_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794"><span class="label">794</span></a> The province of Tunis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_795" id="Footnote_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795"><span class="label">795</span></a> <i>Murábiṭ</i> is literally 'one who lives in a <i>ribáṭ</i>,' <i>i.e.</i>, a guardhouse or +military post on the frontier. Such buildings were often occupied, in +addition to the garrison proper, by individuals who, from pious motives, +wished to take part in the holy war (<i>jihád</i>) against the unbelievers. The +word <i>murábiṭ</i>, therefore, gradually got an exclusively religious signification, +'devotee' or 'saint,' which appears in its modern form, <i>marabout</i>. +As applied to the original Almoravides, it still retains a distinctly military +flavour.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_796" id="Footnote_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796"><span class="label">796</span></a> See Goldziher's article <i>Materialien zur Kenntniss der Almohadenbewegung +in Nordafrika</i> (<i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 41, p. 30 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_797" id="Footnote_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797"><span class="label">797</span></a> ‘Abdu ’l-Wáḥid, <i>History of the Almohades</i>, ed. by Dozy, p. 135, +l. 1 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_798" id="Footnote_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798"><span class="label">798</span></a> The Berbers at this time were Sunnite and anti-Fátimid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_799" id="Footnote_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799"><span class="label">799</span></a> Almohade is the Spanish form of <i>al-Muwaḥḥid</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_800" id="Footnote_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800"><span class="label">800</span></a> Stanley Lane-Poole, <i>The Mohammadan Dynasties</i>, p. 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_801" id="Footnote_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801"><span class="label">801</span></a> Renan, <i>Averroes et l'Averroïsme</i>, p. 12 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_802" id="Footnote_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802"><span class="label">802</span></a> See a passage from ‘Abdu ’l-Wáhid's <i>History of the Almohades</i> (p. 201, +l. 19 sqq.), which is translated in Goldziher's <i>Ẓâhiriten</i>, p. 174.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_803" id="Footnote_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803"><span class="label">803</span></a> The Arabic text, with a Latin version by E. Pocock, was published in +1671, and again in 1700, under the title <i>Philosophus Autodidactus</i>. An +English translation by Simon Ockley appeared in 1708, and has been +several times reprinted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_804" id="Footnote_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804"><span class="label">804</span></a> The true form of this name is Absál, as in Jámí's celebrated poem. +<i>Cf.</i> De Boer, <i>The History of Philosophy in Islam</i>, translated by E. R. +Jones, p. 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_805" id="Footnote_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805"><span class="label">805</span></a> Jurjí Zaydán, however, is disposed to regard the story as being not +without foundation. See his interesting discussion of the evidence in his +<i>Ta‘ríkhu ’l-Tamaddun al-Islámi</i> ('History of Islamic Civilisation'), +Part III, pp. 40-46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_806" id="Footnote_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806"><span class="label">806</span></a> The life of Ibnu ’l-Khaṭib has been written by his friend and contemporary, +Ibn Khaldún (<i>Hist. of the Berbers</i>, translated by De Slane, vol. iv. +p. 390 sqq.), and forms the main subject of Maqqarí's <i>Nafḥu ’l-Ṭíb</i> +(vols. iii and iv of the Buláq edition).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_807" id="Footnote_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807"><span class="label">807</span></a> Schack, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 312 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_808" id="Footnote_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808"><span class="label">808</span></a> Cited in the <i>Shadharátu ’l-Dhahab</i>, a MS. in my collection. See +<i>J.R.A.S.</i> for 1899, p. 911 seq., and for 1906, p. 797.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_809" id="Footnote_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809"><span class="label">809</span></a> The Arabic text of the Prolegomena has been published by Quatremère +in <i>Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Impériale</i>, +vols. 16-18, and at Beyrout (1879, 1886, and 1900). A French translation +by De Slane appeared in <i>Not. et Extraits</i>, vols. 19-21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_810" id="Footnote_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810"><span class="label">810</span></a> <i>Muqaddima</i> (Beyrout ed. of 1900), p. 35, l. 5 sqq. = Prolegomena translated +by De Slane, vol. i, p. 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_811" id="Footnote_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811"><span class="label">811</span></a> <i>Muqaddima</i>, p. 37, l. 4 fr. foot = De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_812" id="Footnote_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812"><span class="label">812</span></a> Von Kremer has discussed Ibn Khaldún's ideas more fully than is +possible here in an admirably sympathetic article, <i>Ibn Chaldun und seine +Culturgeschichte der islamischen Reiche</i>, contributed to the <i>Sitz. der Kais. +Akad. der Wissenschaften</i>, vol. 93 (Vienna, 1879). I have profited by many +of his observations, and desire to make the warmest acknowledgment of +my debt to him in this as in countless other instances.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_813" id="Footnote_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813"><span class="label">813</span></a> <i>Muqaddima</i>, Beyrout ed., p. 170 = De Slane's translation, vol. i, +p. 347 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_814" id="Footnote_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814"><span class="label">814</span></a> <i>Muqaddima</i>, p. 175 = De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 356 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_815" id="Footnote_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815"><span class="label">815</span></a> An excellent appreciation of Ibn Khaldún as a scientific historian will +be found in Robert Flint's <i>History of the Philosophy of History</i>, vol. i, +pp. 157-171.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_816" id="Footnote_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816"><span class="label">816</span></a> Schack, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 151.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_817" id="Footnote_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817"><span class="label">817</span></a> E. J. W. Gibb, <i>A History of Ottoman Poetry</i>, vol. ii, p. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_818" id="Footnote_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818"><span class="label">818</span></a> The nineteenth century should have been excepted, so far as the +influence of modern civilisation has reacted on Arabic literature.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_819" id="Footnote_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819"><span class="label">819</span></a> These Ismál‘ílís are the so-called Assassins, the terrible sect organised +by Ḥasan b. Ṣabbáḥ (see Professor Browne's <i>Literary History of Persia</i>, +vol. ii, p. 201 sqq.), and finally exterminated by Húlágú. They had many +fortresses, of which Alamút was the most famous, in the Jibál province, +near Qazwín.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_820" id="Footnote_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820"><span class="label">820</span></a> The reader must be warned that this and the following account of the +treacherous dealings of Ibnu ’l-‘Alqamí are entirely contradicted by +Shí‘ite historians. For example, the author of <i>al-Fakhri</i> (ed. by Derenbourg, +p. 452) represents the Vizier as a far-seeing patriot who vainly +strove to awaken his feeble-minded master to the gravity of the situation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_821" id="Footnote_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821"><span class="label">821</span></a> Concerning the various functions of the Dawídár (literally Inkstand-holder) +or Dawádár, as the word is more correctly written, see +Quatremère, <i>Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks</i>, vol. i, p. 118, n. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_822" id="Footnote_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822"><span class="label">822</span></a> The MS. writes Yájúnas.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_823" id="Footnote_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823"><span class="label">823</span></a> <i>Al-kalb</i>, the Arabic equivalent of the Persian <i>sag</i> (dog), an animal +which Moslems regard as unclean.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_824" id="Footnote_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824"><span class="label">824</span></a> By Shamsu ’l-Dín al-Dhahabí († 1348 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_825" id="Footnote_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825"><span class="label">825</span></a> Mameluke (Mamlúk) means 'slave.' The term was applied to the +mercenary troops, Turks and Kurds for the most part, who composed the +bodyguard of the Ayyúbid princes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_826" id="Footnote_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826"><span class="label">826</span></a> There are two Mameluke dynasties, called respectively Baḥrí (River) +Mamelukes and Burjí (Tower) Mamelukes. The former reigned from +1250 to 1390, the latter from 1382 to 1517.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_827" id="Footnote_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827"><span class="label">827</span></a> See Lane, <i>The Modern Egyptians</i>, ch. xxii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_828" id="Footnote_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828"><span class="label">828</span></a> See Sir T. W. Arnold, <i>The Caliphate</i>, p. 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_829" id="Footnote_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829"><span class="label">829</span></a> Ed. of Buláq (1283 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>), pp. 356-366.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_830" id="Footnote_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830"><span class="label">830</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 358.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_831" id="Footnote_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831"><span class="label">831</span></a> These verses are cited in the <i>Ḥadíqatu ’l-Afráḥ</i> (see Brockelmann's +<i>Gesch. d. Arab. Litt.</i>, ii, 502), Calcutta, 1229 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>, p. 280. In the final +couplet there is an allusion to Kor. iv, 44: "<i>Verily God will not wrong +any one even the weight of an ant</i>" (mithqála dharrat<sup>in</sup>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_832" id="Footnote_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832"><span class="label">832</span></a> Hartmann, <i>Das Muwaššah</i> (Weimar, 1897), p. 218.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_833" id="Footnote_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833"><span class="label">833</span></a> Literally, 'The Shaking of the Skull-caps,' in allusion to the peasants' +dance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_834" id="Footnote_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834"><span class="label">834</span></a> See Vollers, <i>Beiträge zur Kenntniss der lebenden arabischen Sprache +in Aegypten, Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 41 (1887), p. 370.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_835" id="Footnote_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835"><span class="label">835</span></a> Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_836" id="Footnote_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836"><span class="label">836</span></a> It should be pointed out that the <i>Wafayát</i> is very far from being +exhaustive. The total number of articles only amounts to 865. Besides +the Caliphs, the Companions of the Prophet, and those of the next generation +(<i>Tábi‘ún</i>), the author omitted many persons of note because he was +unable to discover the date of their death. A useful supplement and +continuation of the <i>Wafayát</i> was compiled by al-Kutubí († 1363 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>) +under the title <i>Fawátu ’l-Wafayát</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_837" id="Footnote_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837"><span class="label">837</span></a> The Arabic text of the <i>Wafayát</i> has been edited with variants and +indices by Wüstenfeld (Göttingen, 1835-1850). There is an excellent +English translation by Baron MacGuckin de Slane in four volumes +(1842-1871).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_838" id="Footnote_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838"><span class="label">838</span></a> The full title is <i>al-Mawá‘iẓ wa-’l-l‘tibár fí dhikri ’l-Khiṭaṭ wa-’l-Athár</i>. +It was printed at Buláq in 1270 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_839" id="Footnote_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839"><span class="label">839</span></a> <i>Al-Sulúk li-ma‘rifati Duwali ’l-Mulúk</i>, a history of the Ayyúbids and +Mamelukes. The portion relating to the latter dynasty is accessible in the +excellent French version by Quatremère (<i>Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks +de l'Égypte</i>, Paris, 1845).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_840" id="Footnote_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840"><span class="label">840</span></a> A. R. Guest, <i>A List of Writers, Books, and other Authorities mentioned +by El Maqrízí in his Khiṭaṭ</i>, <i>J.R.A.S.</i> for 1902, p. 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_841" id="Footnote_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841"><span class="label">841</span></a> The <i>Fakhrí</i> has been edited by Ahlwardt (1860) and Derenbourg +(1895). The simplicity of its style and the varied interest of its contents +have made it deservedly popular. Leaving the Koran out of account, I +do not know any book that is better fitted to serve as an introduction to +Arabic literature.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_842" id="Footnote_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842"><span class="label">842</span></a> See p. 413, n. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_843" id="Footnote_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843"><span class="label">843</span></a> <i>A Biographical Dictionary of Persons who knew Mohammad</i>, ed. by +Sprenger and others (Calcutta, 1856-1873).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_844" id="Footnote_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844"><span class="label">844</span></a> <i>Murúju ’l-Dhahab</i>, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. iv. p. 90. The +names Shírázád and Dínázád are obviously Persian. Probably the former +is a corruption of Chihrázád, meaning 'of noble race,' while Dínázád +signifies 'of noble religion.' My readers will easily recognise the +familiar Scheherazade and Dinarzade.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_845" id="Footnote_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845"><span class="label">845</span></a> Strange as it may seem, this criticism represents the view of nearly +all Moslem scholars who have read the 'Arabian Nights.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_846" id="Footnote_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846"><span class="label">846</span></a> Many episodes are related on the authority of Aṣma‘í, Abú ‘Ubayda, +and Wahb b. Munabbih.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_847" id="Footnote_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847"><span class="label">847</span></a> Those who recite the <i>Síratu ‘Antar</i> are named <i>‘Anátira</i>, sing. <i>‘Antari</i>. +See Lane's <i>Modern Egyptians</i>, ch. >xxiii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_848" id="Footnote_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848"><span class="label">848</span></a> That it was extant in some shape before 1150 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> seems to be beyond +doubt. <i>Cf.</i> the <i>Journal Asiatique</i> for 1838, p. 383; Wüstenfeld, <i>Gesch. +der Arab. Aerzte</i>, No. 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_849" id="Footnote_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849"><span class="label">849</span></a> <i>Antar, a Bedoueen Romance</i>, translated from the Arabic by Terrick +Hamilton (London, 1820), vol. i, p. >xxiii seq. See, however, Flügel's +Catalogue of the Kais. Kön. Bibl. at Vienna, vol. ii, p. 6. Further details +concerning the 'Romance of ‘Antar' will be found in Thorbecke's +<i>‘Antarah</i> (Leipzig, 1867), p. 31 sqq. The whole work has been published +at Cairo in thirty-two volumes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_850" id="Footnote_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850"><span class="label">850</span></a> Sha‘rání, <i>Yawáqít</i> (ed. of Cairo, 1277 <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>), p. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_851" id="Footnote_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851"><span class="label">851</span></a> In 1417 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> The reader will find a full and most interesting account +of Nasímí, who is equally remarkable as a Turkish poet and as a mystic +belonging to the sect of the Ḥurúfís, in Mr. E. J. W. Gibb's <i>History of +Ottoman Poetry</i>, vol. i, pp. 343-368. It is highly improbable that the +story related here gives the true ground on which he was condemned: +his pantheistic utterances afford a sufficient explanation, and the Turkish +biographer, Laṭífí, specifies the verse which cost him his life. I may add +that the author of the <i>Shadharátu ’l-Dhahab</i> calls him Nasímu ’l-Dín of +Tabríz (he is generally said to be a native of Nasím in the district of +Baghdád), and observes that he resided in Aleppo, where his followers +were numerous and his heretical doctrines widely disseminated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_852" id="Footnote_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852"><span class="label">852</span></a> The 112th chapter of the Koran. See p. 164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_853" id="Footnote_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853"><span class="label">853</span></a> Founder of the Shádhiliyya Order of Dervishes. He died in 1258 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_854" id="Footnote_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854"><span class="label">854</span></a> A distinguished jurist and scholar who received the honorary title, +'Sultan of the Divines.' He died at Cairo in 1262 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_855" id="Footnote_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855"><span class="label">855</span></a> An eminent canon lawyer († 1370 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_856" id="Footnote_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856"><span class="label">856</span></a> It was the custom of the Zoroastrians (and, according to Moslem +belief, of the Christians and other infidels) to wear a girdle round the waist.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_857" id="Footnote_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857"><span class="label">857</span></a> See <i>Materials for a History of the Wahabys</i>, by J. L. Burckhardt, published +in the second volume of his <i>Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys</i> +(London, 1831). Burckhardt was in Arabia while the Turks were engaged +in re-conquering the Ḥijáz from the Wahhábís. His graphic and highly +interesting narrative has been summarised by Dozy, <i>Essai sur l'histoire +de l'Islamisme</i>, ch. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_858" id="Footnote_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858"><span class="label">858</span></a> Following Burckhardt's example, most European writers call him +simply ‘Abdu ’l-Wahháb.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_859" id="Footnote_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859"><span class="label">859</span></a> Burckhardt, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_860" id="Footnote_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860"><span class="label">860</span></a> MSS. of Ibn Taymiyya copied by Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahháb are extant +(Goldziher in <i>Z.D.M.G.</i>, vol. 52, p. 156).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_861" id="Footnote_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861"><span class="label">861</span></a> This is the place usually called Karbalá or Mashhad Ḥusayn.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_862" id="Footnote_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862"><span class="label">862</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 112.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_863" id="Footnote_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863"><span class="label">863</span></a> <i>Essai sur l'histoire de l'Islamisme</i>, p. 416.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_864" id="Footnote_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864"><span class="label">864</span></a> Burckhardt, <i>loc. laud.</i>, p. 115.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_865" id="Footnote_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865"><span class="label">865</span></a> I cannot enter into details on this subject. A review of modern +Arabic literature is given by Brockelmann, <i>Gesch. der Arab. Litt.</i>, vol. ii, +pp. 469-511, and by Huart, <i>Arabic Literature</i>, pp. 411-443.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_866" id="Footnote_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866"><span class="label">866</span></a> See M. Hartmann, <i>The Arabic Press of Egypt</i> (London, 1899).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_867" id="Footnote_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867"><span class="label">867</span></a> Brockelmann, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 476.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_868" id="Footnote_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868"><span class="label">868</span></a> Translated into Arabic verse by Sulaymán al-Bistání (Cairo, 1904). +See Professor Margoliouth's interesting notice of this work in the <i>J.R.A.S.</i> +for 1905, p. 417 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_869" id="Footnote_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869"><span class="label">869</span></a> H. A. R. Gibb, <i>Studies in contemporary Arabic literature</i>, Bulletin of +the School of Oriental Studies, vol. iv, pt. 4, p. 746; cf. also vol. v, pt. 2, +p. 311 foll. Mr Gibb has given references to the chief works on the +subject, but for the sake of those who do not read Arabic or Russian it +may be hoped that he will continue and complete his own survey, to +which there is nothing <i>simile aut secundum</i> in English.</p></div> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_487" id="Page_487" href="#"><span><i> </i></span>487</a></span></p> + +<h3>>INDEX</h3> + +<p><small>In the following Index it has been found necessary to omit the accents indicating the long +vowels, and the dots which are used in the text to distinguish letters of similar pronunciation. +On the other hand, the definite article <i>al</i> has been prefixed throughout to those Arabic names +which it properly precedes; it is sometimes written in full, but is generally denoted by a hyphen, +<i>e.g.</i> -‘Abbas for al-‘Abbas. Names of books, as well as Oriental words and technical terms explained +in the text, are printed in italics. Where a number of references occur under one heading, +the more important are, as a rule, shown by means of thicker type.</small></p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><h3>A</h3></li> + +<li> +Aaron, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a> +</li><li> + +‘Abbad, <a href="#Page_421">421</a> +</li><li> + +‘Abbadid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>-424, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li><li> + +-‘Abbas, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li><li> + +-‘Abbas b. -Ahnaf (poet), <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li><li> + +‘Abbasa, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li><li> + +‘Abbasid history, two periods of, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li><li> + +‘Abbasid propaganda, the, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>-251</li><li> + +‘Abbasids, the, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_xxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <b><a href="#Page_249">249</a>-253</b>, <b><a href="#Page_254">254</a>-284</b>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>-291, <b><a href="#Page_365">365</a>-367</b>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah, father of the Prophet, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah, brother of Durayd b. -Simma, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah, the Amir (Spanish Umayyad), <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. -‘Abbas, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. Hamdan, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. Ibad, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. Mas‘ud, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. Maymun al-Qaddah, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>-274, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah. b. Muhammad b. Adham, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. -Mu‘tazz. See <i>Ibnu ’l-Mu‘tazz</i></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. Saba, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. Tahir, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. Ubayy, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li><li> + +‘Abdullah b. Yasin al-Kuzuli, <a href="#Page_430"><b>430</b></a></li><li> + +Abdullah b. -Zubayr, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-‘Aziz (Marinid), <a href="#Page_436">436</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-‘Aziz, brother of ‘Abdu ’l-Malik, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-‘Aziz, son of Muhammad b. Sa‘ud, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Ghani al-Nabulusi, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Hamid, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Malik (Umayyad Caliph), <b><a href="#Page_200">200</a>-202</b>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li><li> + +‘Abd Manaf, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu, ’l-Mu’min (Almohade), <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Muttalib, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>-68, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Qadir al-Baghdadi, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Qadir al-Jili, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +‘Abd al-Qays (tribe), <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Rahman I, the Umayyad, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <b><a href="#Page_405">405</a>-407</b>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Rahman II (Spanish Umayyad), <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Rahman III (Spanish Umayyad), <b><a href="#Page_411">411</a>-412</b>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Rahman V (Spanish Umayyad), <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Rahman b. ‘Awf, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Razzaq-Kashani, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +‘Abd Shams, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li><li> + +‘Abd Shams Saba, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-‘Uzza, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Wahhab, founder of the Wahhabite sect. See <i>Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahhab</i>.</li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Wahhab al-Sha‘rani. See <i>-Sha‘rani</i></li><li> + +‘Abdu ’l-Wahid of Morocco (historian), <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +‘Abid b. -Abras (poet), <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li><li> + +‘Abid b. Sharya, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> + +‘Abida b. Hilal, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li><li> + +‘Abir, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a></li><li> + +‘Abla, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li><li> + +-Ablaq, (name of a castle), <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li><li> + +Ablutions, the ceremonial, incumbent on Moslems, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li><li> + +-Abna, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li><li> + +Abraha, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_28"><b>28</b></a>, <b><a href="#Page_65">65</a>-8</b> + +Abraham, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li><li> + +Abraham, the religion of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li><li> + +‘Abs (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-117</li><li> + +Absal, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-‘Abbas (Marinid), <a href="#Page_436">436</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al-Marsi, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-‘Abbas al-Nami (poet), <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-‘Abbas-Saffah, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Saffah</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Abu ‘Abdallah Ibnu ’l-Ahmar (Nasrid), <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li><li> + +Abu ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Sulami, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +Abu Ahmad al-Mihrajani, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-‘Ala al-Ma‘arri, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <b><a href="#Page_313">313</a>-324</b>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li><li> + +Abu ‘Ali al-Qali, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Abu ‘Ali b. Sina, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Ibn Sina</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Abu ‘Amir, the Monk, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li><li> + +Abu ‘Amr b. al-‘Ala, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_343"><b>343</b></a> + +Abu ’l-Aswad al-Du’ili, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-‘Atahiya (poet), <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <b><a href="#Page_296">296</a>-303</b>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li><li> + +Abu Ayman (title), <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li><li> + +Abu Bakr (Caliph), <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_183"><b>183</b></a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Abu Bakr b. Abi ’l-Azhar, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li><li> + +Abu Bakr Ibnu ’l-‘Arabi of Seville, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li><li> + +Abu Bakr b. Mu‘awiya, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Abu Bakr al-Nabulusi, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +Abu Bakr al-Razi (physician), <a href="#Page_265">265</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Razi</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Abu Bakr b. ‘Umar, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Darda, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li><li> + +Abu Dawud al-Sijistani, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Faraj of Isfanan, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_347"><b>347</b></a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Kitabu ’l-Aghani</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Abu ’l-Faraj al-Babbagha (poet), <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Fida (historian), <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_454"><b>454</b></a></li><li> + +Abu Firas al-Hamdani (poet), <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li><li> + +Abu Ghubshan, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li><li> + +Abu Hanifa, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Hasan ‘Ali b. Harun al-Zanjani, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Hasan al-Ash‘ari, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Ash‘ari</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_488" id="Page_488" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>488</a></span> + +Abu Hashim, the Imam, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li><li> + +Abu Hashim, the Sufi, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li><li> + +Abu Hudhayl -‘Allaf, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Husayn al-Nuri, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +Abu ‘Imran al-Fasi, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Abu Ishaq al-Farisi. See <i>-Istakhri</i></li><li> + +Abu Ja‘far -Mansur, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Mansur, the Caliph</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Abu Jahl, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li><li> + +Abu Karib, the Tubba‘, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>As‘ad Kamil</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Abu Lahab, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Mahasin b. Taghribirdi (historian), <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_454"><b>454</b></a></li><li> + +Abu Marwan Ghaylán, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> + +Abu Ma‘shar, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Abu Mihjan (poet), <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li><li> + +Abu Mikhnaf, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li><li> + +Abu Musa al-Ash‘ari, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li><li> + +Abu Muslim, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <b><a href="#Page_251">251</a>-252</b>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Abu Nasr al-Isma‘ili, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +Abu Nasr al-Sarraj, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +Abu Nu‘aym al-Isfahani, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +Abu Nuwas (poet), <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_286"><b>286</b></a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <i><a href="#Page_292">292</a>-296</i>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Abu Qabus, <i>kunya</i> of -Nu’man III, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Qasim Ahmad. See <i>-Mustansir</i></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Qasim Muhammad, the Cadi, <a href="#Page_421">421</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Qasim b. -Muzaffar, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Qasim al-Zahrawi, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Abu Qays b. Abi Anas, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li><li> + +Abu Qurra, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li><li> + +Abu Sa’id b. Abi ’l-Khayr, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li><li> + +Abu Salama, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li><li> + +Abu Salih Mansur b. Ishaq (Samanid), <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Salt b. Abi Rabi’a, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li><li> + +Abu Shaduf, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Abu Shamir the Younger, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +Abu Shamir, <i>kunya</i> of -Harith b. ’Amr Muharriq, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +Abu Shuja’ Buwayh, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +Abu Sufyan, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li><li> + +Abu Sulayman al-Darani, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li><li> + +Abu Sulayman Muhammad b. Ma‘shar al-Bayusti, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li><li> + +Abu Talib, uncle of the Prophet, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li><li> + +Abu Talib al-Makki, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +Abu Tammam, author of the <i>Hamasa</i>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <i><a href="#Page_129">129</a>-130</i>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Hamasa</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Abu ’Ubayda (philologist), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <i>344</i>, <i>345</i>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +Abu ‘Ubayda b. al-Jarrah, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li><li> + +Abu ’l-Walid al-Baji, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Abu Yazid al-Bistami, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Bayazid of Bistam</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Abu Yusuf, the Cadi, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +Abu Zayd of Saruj, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a></li><li> + +Abu Zayd Muhammad al-Qurashi, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li><li> + +Abusir, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +Abyssinia, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li><li> + +Abyssinians, the, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>; +<ul><li>in -Yemen, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>-29; +</li><li>invade the Hijaz, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>-68 +</li></ul></li><li> +Academy of Junde-shapur, the, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Academy of Sabur, the, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li><li> + +‘Ad (people), <a href="#Page_1"><b>1</b></a>, <a href="#Page_2"><b>2</b></a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +<i>adab</i>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +<i>Adabu ’l-Katib</i>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +Adam, <a href="#Page_xxvi">xxvi</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li><li> + +‘Adana (river), <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li><li> + +‘Adawi dervishes, the, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +Adharbayjan, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li><li> + +‘Adi (tribe), <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li><li> + +‘Adi b. ‘Amr, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li><li> + +‘Adi al-Hakkari, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +‘Adi b. Marina, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li><li> + +‘Adi b. Nasr, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li><li> + +‘Adi b. Zayd, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <b><a href="#Page_45">45</a>-48</b>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_138"><b>138</b></a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li><li> + +‘Adiya, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li><li> + +Adler, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li><li> + +‘Adnán, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> + +‘Adudu ’l-Dawla (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li><li> + +ælius Gallus, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li><li> + +æthiopic language, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a></li><li> + +Afghanistan, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li><li> + +Africa, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a> + +Africa, North, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Afshin, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +-Afwah al-Awdi (poet), <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li><li> + +<i>-Aghani.</i> See <i>Kitabu ’l-Agfhani</i></li><li> + +Aghlabid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Aghmat, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li><li> + +-Ahlaf, at -Hira, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li><li> + +Ahlu ’l-Kitab, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li><li> + +Ahlu ’l-Taswiya, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Shu‘ubites, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Ahlu ’l-tawhid wa-’l-‘adl, a name given to the Mu‘tazilites, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> + +Ahlwardt, W., <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>,133, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +Ahmad (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +Ahmad, brother of Ghazali, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +Ahmad, father of Ibn Hazm, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li><li> + +Ahmad b. Hanbal, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +Ahmad al-Nahhas, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li><li> + +Ahmad b. Tulun, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +Ahmar of Thamud, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Ahnum, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li><li> + +Ahqafu ’l-Raml (desert), <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li><li> + +<i>Ahsanu ’l-Taqasim fi ma‘rifati ’l-Aqalim</i>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +<i>ahwal</i>, mystical term, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li><li> + +-Ahwas (poet), <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li><li> + +-Ahwaz, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li><li> + +A‘isha, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li><li> + +<i>‘Aja ’ibu ’l-Maqdur</i>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +-‘Ajam (the non-Arabs), <a href="#Page_277">277</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Mawali</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-‘Ajjaj (poet), <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li><li> + +<i>-Ajurrumiyya</i>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Akbar (Mogul Emperor), <a href="#Page_xxx">xxx</a></li><li> + +<i>Akhbaru ’l-Zaman</i>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li><li> + +-Akhtal (poet), <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <b><a href="#Page_239">239</a>-242</b>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></li><li> + +<i>akhu ’l-safa</i>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li><li> + +Akilu ’l-Murar (surname), <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li><li> + +-A‘lam (philologist), <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +Alamut, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +‘Ala’u ’l-Din Muhammad Khwarizmshah, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Albategnius, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Albucasis, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Albumaser, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Alchemists, the, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li><li> + +Alchemy, works on, translated into Arabic, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Aleppo, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +Alexandria, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li><li> + +Alexandrian Library, the, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li><li> + +<i>Alf Layla wa-Layla</i>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Thousand Nights and a Night</i> and <i>Arabian Nights</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>-Alfiyya</i>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Alfraganus, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Algeria, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li><li> + +Algiers, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Alhambra, the, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li><li> + +‘Ali (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +‘Ali, grandson of ‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Farid, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li><li> + +‘Ali b. Abi Talib, the Prophet's son-in-law, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <b><a href="#Page_190">190</a>-193</b>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>-211, <b><a href="#Page_213">213</a>-218</b>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>-222, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a></li><li> + +‘Ali b. Abi Talib, public cursing of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li><li> + +‘Ali b. -Mansur, Shaykh, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li><li> + +‘Ali b. Musa b. Ja‘far al-Rida, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li><li> + +‘Alids, the, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>‘Ali b. Abi Talib</i> and <i>Shi‘ites, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Allah, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +Allah, the Muhammadan conception of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li><li> + +Almaqa, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +Almeria, <a href="#Page_421">421</a></li><li> + +Almohades, the, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <b><a href="#Page_431">431</a>-434</b> + +Almoravides, the, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>-431</li><li> + +Alp Arslan (Seljuq), <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_489" id="Page_489" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>489</a></span> + +Alphabet, the South Arabic, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li><li> + +Alphonso VI of Castile, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li><li> + +‘Alqama b. ‘Abada (poet), <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125"><b>125</b></a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +‘Alqama b. Dhi Jadan (poet), <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li><li> + +Alvaro, Bishop of Cordova, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li><li> + +Amaj, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li><li> + +-Amali, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Kitabu ’l-Amali</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Amaliq (Amalekites), <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3"><b>3</b></a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li><li> + +‘Amidu ’l-Mulk al-Kunduri, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li><li> + +-Amin, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_262"><b>262</b></a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +Amina, mother of the Prophet, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li><li> + +‘Amir b. Sa‘sa‘a (tribe), <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li><li> + +‘Amir b. Uhaymir, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li><li> + +Amiru ’l-Mu‘minin (Commander of the Faithful), <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li><li> + +Amiru ’l-Umara (title), <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li><li> + +‘Amr, the Tubba‘ <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. ‘Adi b. Nasr, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. Amir (tribe), <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. ‘Amir Ma’ al-Sama al-Muzayqiya, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. -‘As, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. -Harith (Ghassanid), <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. Hind (Lakhmite), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. Kulthum (poet), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <b><a href="#Page_109">109</a>-113</b>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. Luhayy, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. Ma‘dikarib, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. Mas‘ud, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. ‘Ubayd, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li><li> + +‘Amr b. Zarib, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li><li> + +Amul, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li><li> + +Anas, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> + +<i>‘anatira</i>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +‘Anaza (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a> + +-Anbar, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li><li> + +-Anbari (philologist), <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +-Anbat, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Nabatæans, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Ancient Sciences, the, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li><li> + +-Andarin, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li><li> + +Angels, the Recording, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li><li> + +Angora, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li><li> + +-Ansar (the Helpers), <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li><li> + +<i>‘Antar, the Romance of</i>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +‘Antara (poet), <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <b><a href="#Page_114">114</a>-116</b>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +<i>‘antari</i>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +Anthologies of Arabic poetry, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>-130, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li><li> + +Anthropomorphism, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li><li> + +Antioch, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li><li> + +Anushirwan (Sasanian king). See <i>Nushirwan</i></li><li> + +Anushirwan b. Khalid, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li><li> + +Aphrodite, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li><li> + +<i>-‘Aqida</i>, by ‘Izzu ’l-Din b. ‘Abd al-Salam, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +‘Aqil, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li><li> + +Arab horses, the training of, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li><li> + +Arab singers in the first century <span class="smcap">a.h.</span>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li><li> + +<i>a‘rabi</i> (Bedouin), <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li><li> + +Arabia, in the ‘Abbasid period, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li><li> + +Arabia Felix, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Yemen</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Arabian History, three periods of, <a href="#Page_xxvi">xxvi</a> + +<i>Arabian Nights, the</i>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <b><a href="#Page_456">456</a>-459</b></li><li> + +Arabic language, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>-xxv, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>-280, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li><li> + +Arabic literature, largely the work of non-Arabs, <a href="#Page_xxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#Page_xxxi">xxxi</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>-278</li><li> + +Arabic Press, the, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Arabic writing, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>; +<ul><li>oldest specimens of, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Arabs, the Ishmaelite, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a></li><li> + +Arabs of Khurasan, the, thoroughly Persianised, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li><li> + +Arabs, the Northern. See <i>Arabs, the Ishmaelite</i></li><li> + +Arabs, the Northern and Southern, racial enmity between, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a></li><li> + +Arabs, the Southern, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Arabs, the Yemenite</i> +</li></ul></li><li> + +Arabs, the Yemenite, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Sabæans, the</i>; +</li><li><i>Himyarites, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> + +Arabs, the Yoqtanid, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Arabs, the Yemenite</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Aramæans, the, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a></li><li> + +Aramaic language, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +-Araqim, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li><li> + +Arbela, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li><li> + +Ardashir Babakan, founder of the Sasanian dynasty, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li><li> + +Ἀρέθας τοῦ Γαβάλα, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li><li> + +Arhakim, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li><li> + +<i>‘arif</i> (gnostic), <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li><li> + +‘Arifu ’l-Zanadiqa, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li><li> + +Aristocracy of Islam, the, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li><li> + +Aristotle, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +-‘Arji (poet), <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li><li> + +Armenia, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +Arnaud, Th., <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li><li> + +Arnold. F. A., <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li><li> + +Arnold, T. W., <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li><li> + +Arsacids, the, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li><li> + +Aryat, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li><li> + +-‘Asa (name of a mare), <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li><li> + +<i>‘asabiyya</i>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li><li> + +Asad (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li><li> + +Asad Kamil, the Tubba‘, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <b><a href="#Page_19">19</a>-23</b>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li><li> + +Asad b. Musa, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> + +Asal, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +<i>asalib</i>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li><li> + +Ascalon, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Ascension of the Prophet, the, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +Asd (tribe), <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li><li> + +-A‘sha (poet), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <b><a href="#Page_123">123</a>-125</b>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li><li> + +-Ash‘ari (Abu ’l-Hasan), <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <b><a href="#Page_376">376</a>-379</b>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li><li> + +Ash‘arites, the, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +<i>Ash‘aru ’l-Hudhaliyyin</i>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +-Ashram (surname of Abraha), <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li><li> + +Asia, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li><li> + +Asia, Central, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li><li> + +Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +Asia, Western, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +Asin Palacios, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li><li> + +<i>aslama</i>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li><li> + +-Asma‘i (philologist), <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345"><b>345</b></a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +Assassins, the, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Assyrian language, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a> + +Assyrians, the, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a></li><li> + +Astrologers and Astronomers, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Astronomy, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +Aswad b. -Mundhir, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li><li> + +<i>-Athar al-Baqiya</i>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +<i>Atharu ’l-Bilad</i>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li><li> + +Athens, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +‘Athtar, ‘Athtor (Sabæan divinity), <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +<i>Atlal</i>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li><li> + +‘Attar (Persian mystic). See <i>Faridu’ddin ‘Attar</i></li><li> + +‘Atwada, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li><li> + +Aurelian, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li><li> + +Aurora, <a href="#Page_412">412</a></li><li> + +Avempace. See <i>Ibn Bajja</i></li><li> + +Avenzoar, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Averroes. See <i>Ibn Rushd</i></li><li> + +Avicenna. See <i>Ibn Sina</i></li><li> + +<i>awa’il</i> (origins), <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> + +<i>‘Awarifu ’l-Ma‘arif</i>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +-‘Awfi, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li><li> + +<i>awliya</i> (saints), <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +Awrangzib (Mogul Emperor), <a href="#Page_xxx">xxx</a></li><li> + +Aws (tribe), <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li><li> + +Aws b. Hajar (poet), <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li><li> + +Awwam Dhú ‘Iran Alu, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li><li> + +<i>a‘yan thabita</i>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +<i>ayat</i> (verse of the Koran, sign, miracle), <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li><li> + +Ayatu ’l-Kursi (the Throne-verse), <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li><li> + +Aybak, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li><li> + +-Ayham b. -Harith (Ghassanid), <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +‘Ayn Jalut, battle of, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +‘Ayn Ubagh, battle of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li><li> + +<i>ayyamu ’l-‘Arab</i>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_490" id="Page_490" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>490</a></span> + +Ayyubid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li><li> + +Azd (tribe), <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li><li> + +-Azhar, the mosque, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li><li> + +Azraqites (-Azariqa), the, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> + +<li><h3>B</h3></li> +<li> + +Baalbec, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li><li> + +Bab al-Mandab, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Babak, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Babur (Mogul Emperor), <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Babylon, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li><li> + +Babylonia, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-‘Iraq</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a></li><li> + +Babylonians, the, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a></li><li> + +Badajoz, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></li><li> + +Badis, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Badi‘u ’l-Zaman ai-Hamadhánú, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li><li> + +Badr, battle of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li><li> + +Badr, freedman of ‘Abdu ’l-Rahman the Umayyad, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a></li><li> + +-Baghawi, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Baghdad, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <b><a href="#Page_255">255</a>-256</b>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>-293, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_314"><b>314</b></a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <b><a href="#Page_444">444</a>-446</b>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +Baghdad, history of its eminent men, by -Khatib, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Baha’u ’l-Dawia (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li><li> + +Bahdala (tribe), <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li><li> + +Bahira, the monk, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li><li> + +Bahman (Sasanian), <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +Bahram Gor (Sasanian), <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li><li> + +-Bahrayn (province), <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li><li> + +Bahri Mamelukes, the, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li><li> + +Baju, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +-Bakharzi, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +Bakil (tribe), <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li><li> + +Bakr (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>-60, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li><li> + +-Bakri (geographer), <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Balaam, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li><li> + +-Baladhuri (historian), <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +<i>-balagh al-akbar</i>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li><li> + +Balak, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li><li> + +-Bal‘ami, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +Balaq (mountain), <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li><li> + +Balkh, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li><li> + +-Balqa, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li><li> + +<i>Banat Su‘ad</i>, the opening words of an ode, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li><li> + +Banu ’l-Ahrar, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li><li> + +Banu Hind, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li><li> + +Banu Khaldun, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li><li> + +Banu Musa, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li><li> + +Banu Nahshal, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li><li> + +Baptists, name given to the early Moslems, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li><li> + +<i>baqa</i>, mystical term, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li><li> + +Baqqa, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li><li> + +-Baramika, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Barmecides, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Barbier de Meynard, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +Bardesanes, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li><li> + +Barmak, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li><li> + +Barmakites, the. See <i>Barmecides, the</i></li><li> + +Barmecides, the, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <b><a href="#Page_259">259</a>-261</b>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li><li> + +Barquq, Sultan (Mameluke), <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li><li> + +Bashama, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li><li> + +Bashshar b. Burd, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <b><a href="#Page_373">373</a>-374</b>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +<i>-basit</i> (metre), <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li><li> + +-Basra, <a href="#Page_xxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_189"><b>189</b></a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343"><b>343</b></a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li><li> + +Basset, R., <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li><li> + +-Basus, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li><li> + +-Basus, the War of, <b><a href="#Page_55">55</a>-60</b>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li><li> + +-Batiniyya (Batinites), <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Isma‘ilis, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Battani, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +<i>-bayan</i>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +<i>-Bayan al-Mughrib</i>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li><li> + +Bayard, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li><li> + +Bayazid of Bistam, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Abu Yazid al-Bistami</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Baybars, Sultan (Mameluke), <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li><li> + +-Baydawi, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li><li> + +<i>bayt</i> (verse), <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></li><li> + +Baytu ’l-Hikma, at Baghdad, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li><li> + +-Bazbaz, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li><li> + +Bedouin view of life, the, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li><li> + +Bedouin warfare, character of, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li><li> + +Bedouin women, Mutanabbi's descriptions of, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li><li> + +Benu Marthad<sup>im</sup>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li><li> + +Berber insurrection in Africa, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +Berbers, the, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>-409, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>-432, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li><li> + +Berbers, used as mercenaries, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li><li> + +Berlin Royal Library, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li><li> + +Bevan, Prof. A. A., <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Beyrout, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +<i>Bibliographical Dictionary</i>, by Hajji Khalifa, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +<i>Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum</i>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +<i>Bidpai, the Fables of</i>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +Bilqis, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +-Bimaristan al-‘Adudi, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +Biographies of poets, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +Birnam Wood, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li><li> + +-Biruni (Abu Rayhan), <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_361"><b>361</b></a></li><li> + +Bishr b. Abi Khazim (poet), <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li><li> + +Bishr al-Hafi, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li><li> + +Bishr b. -Mu‘tamir, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li><li> + +Bistam, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li><li> + +Blick, J. S., <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> + +Black, the colour of the ‘Abbasids, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li><li> + +Black Stone in the Ka‘ba, the, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li><li> + +Blunt, Lady Anne, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li><li> + +Blunt, Wilfrid, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li><li> + +Bobastro, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li><li> + +Boer, T. J. de, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +Bohlen, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></li><li> + +Bokhara, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +<i>Book of Examples, the</i>, by Ibn Khaldun, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li><li> + +<i>Book of Sibawayhi, the</i>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +<i>Book of the Thousand Tales, the.</i> See <i>Hazar Afsan</i></li><li> + +<i>Book of Viziers, the</i>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li><li> + +Books, the Six Canonical, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Boswell, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li><li> + +Brethren of Purity, the, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>-372</li><li> + +British Museum, the, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +Brockelmann, C., <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Browne, Prof. E. G., <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Bruuml;nnow, R. E., <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li><li> + +Brutus, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li><li> + +Bu‘ath, battle of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li><li> + +Buddha, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li><li> + +Buddhism, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Nirvana</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Buhturi (poet), <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li><li> + +Bujayr b. ‘Amr, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li><li> + +Bukhara. See <i>Bokhara</i></li><li> + +-Bukhari, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Bulaq, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Bunyan, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li><li> + +Burckhardt, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li><li> + +Burd, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li><li> + +<i>-Burda</i>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li><li> + +<i>-burda</i> (the Prophet's mantle), <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></li><li> + +Burji Mamelukes, the, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li><li> + +Burns, Robert, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +<i>burnus</i>, the, a mark of asceticism, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li><li> + +Burton, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_491" id="Page_491" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>491</a></span> + +Busir, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +-Busiri (poet), <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li><li> + +Buthayna, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li><li> + +Butrites, the, a Shi‘ite sect, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Buwayhid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <b><a href="#Page_266">266</a>-268</b>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +Byzantine Empire, the, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li> + +<li><h3>C</h3></li> + +<li> +Cadiz, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +Cæsar, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li><li> + +Cætani, Prince, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li><li> + +Cairo, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Caliph, the, must belong to Quraysh, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li><li> + +Caliph, name of the, mentioned in the Friday sermon, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>; +<ul><li>stamped on the coinage, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>; +</li><li>title of, assumed by the Fatimids, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>; +</li><li>by the Umayyads of Spain, <a href="#Page_412">412</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Caliphs, the, -Mas‘udi's account of, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +Caliphs, the ‘Abbasid. See <i>‘Abbasids, the</i> + +Caliphs, the Orthodox, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-193</li><li> + +Caliphs, the Umayyad. See <i>Umayyad dynasty, the</i></li><li> + +Calpe, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> + +Campbell, D., <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +Canaanites, the, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Canonical Books, the Six, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Capuchins, the, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li><li> + +Carmathians, the, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_274"><b>274</b></a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Fatimid dynasty</i>; <i>Isma‘ilis</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Carmona, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li><li> + +Casanova, P., <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li><li> + +Caspian Sea, the, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li><li> + +Castile, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li><li> + +Castles of -Yemen, the, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li><li> + +Catharine of Siena, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li><li> + +Cathay, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a></li><li> + +Caussin de Perceval, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li><li> + +Cave-dwellers of Khurasan, the, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li><li> + +Celibacy condemned by Muhammad, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> + +Cemetery of the Sufis, the, at Damascus, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li><li> + +Ceuta, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ceylon, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +Chagar Beg, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li><li> + +Charles the Hammer, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> + +Charter, the, drawn up by Muhammad for the people of Medina, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li><li> + +Chaucer, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li><li> + +Chauvin, Victor, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li><li> + +Chenery, T., <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li><li> + +Chihrazad, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +China, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Chingiz Khan, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Christian poets who wrote in Arabic, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li><li> + +Christianity in Arabia, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>-140; +<ul><li>in Ghassán, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>; +</li><li>at -Hira, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>; +</li><li>in Najran, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>; +</li><li>in Moslem Spain, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <b><a href="#Page_414">414</a>-415</b>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +Christianity, influence of, on Muhammadan culture, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li><li> + +Christians, Monophysite, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li><li> + +Christians, supposed by Moslems to wear a girdle, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Christians at the Umayyad court, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li><li> + +<i>Chronology of Ancient Nations, the</i>, by -Biruni, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Church and State, regarded as one by Moslems, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li><li> + +Chwolsohn, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Classicism, revolt against, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>-289</li><li> + +Cleopatra, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li><li> + +Coinage, Arabic, introduced by ‘Abdu ’l-Malik, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li><li> + +Commercial terms derived from Arabic, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li><li> + +Companions of the Prophet, biographies of the, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Confession of faith, the Muhammadan, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +Conquests, the early Muhammadan, work on the, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +Constantinople, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a></li><li> + +Cordova, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>-411, <a href="#Page_412"><b>412</b></a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>-415, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>-426, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li><li> + +Cordova, the University of, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Courage, Arabian, the nature of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li><li> + +Criticism of Ancient and Modern Poets, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>-289</li><li> + +Cromwell, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li><li> + +Crusade, the Third, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li><li> + +Crusaders, the, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li><li> + +Cruttenden, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li><li> + +Ctesiphon, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Mada’in</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cureton, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li> + +<li><h3>D</h3></li> +<li> + +Dabba (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a> + +-Dahab al-‘Ijli, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li><li> + +Dahis (name of a horse), <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li><li> + +Dahis and -Ghabrá, the War of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li><li> + +<i>-dahriyyun</i>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li><li> + +<i>da‘i</i> (missionary), <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li><li> + +-Daja‘ima, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +-Dajjal (the Antichrist), <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li><li> + +<i>dakhil</i>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li><li> + +Damascus, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li><li> + +<i>-Damigh</i>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Daniel, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li><li> + +Dante, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li><li> + +<i>dapir</i> (Secretary), <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li><li> + +Daqiqi, Persian poet, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +Daraya, <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li><li> + +Darius, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li><li> + +Darmesteter, J., <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li><li> + +Daru ’l-Rum (Constantinople), <a href="#Page_362">362</a></li><li> + +Daughters, the birth of, regarded as a misfortune, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li><li> + +Daughters of Allah, the, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li><li> + +Davidson, A. B., <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li><li> + +<i>dawidar</i> (<i>dawadar</i>), <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Daws Dhu Tha‘laban, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li><li> + +-Daylam, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +Dead Sea, the, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li><li> + +Decline of the Caliphate, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li><li> + +Derenbourg, H., <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +Dervish orders, the, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +Desecration of the tombs of the Umayyad Caliphs, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li><li> + +-Dhahabi (Shamsu ’l-Din), historian, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +Dhamar‘ali Dhirrih, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li><li> + +Dhu ’l-Khalasa, name of an idol, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li><li> + +Dhu ’l-Khursayn (name of a sword), <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li><li> + +Dhu ’l-Majaz, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li><li> + +Dhu Nafar, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></li><li> + +Dhu ’l-Nun al-Misri, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>-388, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +Dhu ’l-Nusur (surname), <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li><li> + +Dhu Nuwas, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <b><a href="#Page_26">26</a>-27</b>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li><li> + +Dhu Qar, battle of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li><li> + +Dhu l-Qarnayn, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +Dhu ’l-Quruh (title), <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li><li> + +Dhu Ru‘ayn, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li><li> + +Dhu ’l-Rumma (poet), <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li><li> + +Dhu ’l-‘Umrayn, nickname of Ibnu ’l-Khatib, <a href="#Page_436">436</a></li><li> + +Dhu ’l-Wizaratayn (title), <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li><li> + +Dhubyan (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li><li> + +Diacritical points in Arabic script, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li><li> + +Di‘bil (poet), <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Dictionaries, Arabic, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Didactic poem by Abu ’l-‘Atahiya, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li><li> + +Diercks, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +Dieterici, F., <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li><li> + +<i>dihqan</i>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li><li> + +Diminutives, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_492" id="Page_492" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>492</a></span> +<i>din</i> (religion), <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></li><li> + +Dinarzad, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +Dinarzade, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +-Dinawar, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +-Dinawari (historian), <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +Dinazad, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +Diodorus Siculus, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Dionysius the Areopagite, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li><li> + +-Dira‘iyya, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +Dirge, the Arabian, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li><li> + +<i>dithar</i>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li><li> + +<i>Divan-i Shams-i Tabriz</i>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li><li> + +Divine Right, the Shi‘ite theory of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li><li> + +<i>diwan</i> (collection of poems), <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +Diwan (Register) of ‘Umar, the, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li><li> + +<i>Diwans of the Six Poets, the</i>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +<i>diya</i> (blood-wit), <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li><li> + +-Diyárbakri (historian), <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Dog, the, regarded by Moslems as unclean, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Doughty, E. M., <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Dozy, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li><li> + +Drama, the, not cultivated by the Semites, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li><li> + +Drinking parties described in Pre-islamic poetry, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li><li> + +Droit du seigneur, le, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li><li> + +<i>dubayt</i> (a species of verse), <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Dubeux, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +Duka, T., <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li><li> + +Dumas, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li><li> + +<i>Dumyatu ’l-Qasr</i>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +Duns Scotus, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></li><li> + +Durayd b. -Simma, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li><li> + +Durayd b. Zayd b. Nahd, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li><li> + +<i>Durratu ’l-Ghawwas</i>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li><li> + +<i>Duwalu ’l-Islam</i>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +Dvorak, R., <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li><li> + +Dyke of Ma’rib, the, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <b><a href="#Page_14">14</a>-17</b>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li><li> + +Dynasties of the ‘Abbasid period, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>-276</li> + +<li><h3>E</h3></li> +<li> + +Eber, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a></li><li> + +Ecbatana, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Hamadhan</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Ecstasy, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li><li> + +Edessa, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Egypt, <a href="#Page_xxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_xxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>-390, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Egypt, conquest of, by the Moslems, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li><li> + +<i>Egypt, History of</i>, by Ibn Taghribirdi, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +Eichhorn, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a></li><li> + +Elegiac poetry, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li><li> + +<i>Elephant, the Sura of the</i>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li><li> + +Elephant, the year of the, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li><li> + +Eloquence, Arabian, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a></li><li> + +Emanation, Plotinus's theory of, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +Emessa, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li><li> + +Emigrants, the. See <i>-Muhajirun</i></li><li> + +Encomium of the Umayyad dynasty, by -Akhtal, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li><li> + +Epic poetry not cultivated by the Arabs, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li><li> + +Equality of Arabs and non-Arabs maintained by the Shu‘ubites, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li><li> + +Equites Thamudeni, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Erotic prelude, the. See <i>nasib</i></li><li> + +Erpenius, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Essenes, the, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> + +Euphrates, the, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li><li> + +Euting, Julius, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> + +<li><h3>F</h3></li> +<li> + +Fables of beasts, considered useful and instructive, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li><li> + +-Fadl, the Barmecide, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li><li> + +-Fadl b. al-Rabi‘, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li><li> + +-Fahl (surname), <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li><li> + +Fahm (tribe), <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li><li> + +Fairs, the old Arabian, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li><li> + +<i>-Fakhri</i>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_454"><b>454</b></a></li><li> + +Fakhru ’l-Dawla (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +Fakhru ’l-Mulk, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li><li> + +Falcon of Quraysh, the, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li><li> + +<i>-falsafa</i> (Philosophy), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +<i>fana</i> (dying to self), <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li><li> + +<i>fanak</i>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li><li> + +<i>faqih</i>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li><li> + +<i>faqir</i> (fakir), <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li><li> + +<i>faqr</i> (poverty), <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li><li> + +Farab, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +-Farábi (Abu Nasr), <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_360"><b>360</b></a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +-Farazdaq (poet), <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <b><a href="#Page_242">242</a>-244</b>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li><li> + +-Farghani, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Faridu’ddin ‘Attar, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li><li> + +-Farqadan (name of two stars), <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li><li> + +-Farra, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +Farrukh-mahan, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li><li> + +Fars (province), <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +Fathers, the Christian, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li><li> + +<i>-Fatiha</i>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li><li> + +Fatima, daughter of -Khurshub, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> + +Fatima, daughter of the Prophet, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li><li> + +Fatima (mother of Qusayy), <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> + +Fatima, a woman loved by Imru’u ’l-Qays, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li><li> + +Fatimid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <b><a href="#Page_271">271</a>-275</b>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a></li><li> + +-Fatra, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li><li> + +<i>Fawatu ’l-Wafayat</i>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li><li> + +Fayiasufu ’l-‘Arab (title), <a href="#Page_360">360</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Kindi</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Faymiyun (Phemion), <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li><li> + +Ferdinand I of Castile, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></li><li> + +Ferdinand III of Castile, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ferdinand V of Castile, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Fez, <a href="#Page_436">436</a></li><li> + +Fihr (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a></li><li> + +<i>-Fihrist</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <b><a href="#Page_361">361</a>-364</b>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +-Find, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li><li> + +<i>-fiqh</i> (Jurisprudence), <a href="#Page_283">283</a>; +<ul><li>denoting law and theology, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Firdawsi, Persian poet, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li><li> + +Firuz (Firuzan), father of Ma‘ruf al-Karkhi, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li><li> + +Firuz, a Persian slave, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li><li> + +-Fúrúzábádí (Majdu ’l-Din), <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Fleischer, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li><li> + +Flint, Robert, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Fluegel, G., <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +Folk-songs, Arabic, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>-417, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>-450</li><li> + +<i>Fons Vitæ</i>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Foreigners, Sciences of the, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +Forgery of Apostolic Traditions, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li><li> + +Forgery of Pre-islamic poems, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li><li> + +France, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Free schools, founded by Hakam II, <a href="#Page_419">419</a></li><li> + +Free-thought in Islam, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Mu‘tazilites</i> and <i>Zindiqs</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Free-will, the doctrine of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> + +Freytag, G. W., <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li><li> + +Friedlaender, I., <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Frothingham, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li><li> + +-Fudayl b. ‘Iyad, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li><li> + +<i>-fuhul</i>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li><li> + +Fukayha, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li><li> + +<i>-funún al-sab‘a</i> (the seven kinds of poetry), <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Fuqaym (tribe), <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li><li> + +<i>-Fusul wa-’l-Ghayat</i>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li><li> + +<i>Fususu ’l-Hikam</i>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +<i>-Futuhat al-Makkiyya</i>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_493" id="Page_493" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>493</a></span> +Future life, Pre-islamic notions of the, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li> + +<li><h3>G</h3></li> +<li> + +Gabriel, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +Galen, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Galland, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li><li> + +Gallienus, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li><li> + +Gaulonitis, the, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li><li> + +Gaza, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Geber, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Geiger, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li><li> + +Genealogy, Muhammadan, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a></li><li> + +Genealogy, treatise on, by Ibn Durayd, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +<i>Genesis, Book of</i>, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a></li><li> + +Geographers, the Moslem, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +George -Makin, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Georgians, the, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Germany, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a></li><li> + +Gesenius, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li><li> + +-Ghabrá (name of a mare), <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li><li> + +-Gharid, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li><li> + +-Ghariyyan, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li><li> + +Ghassán, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li><li> + +Ghassanid court, the, described by Hassan b. Thabit, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li><li> + +Ghassanids, the, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <b><a href="#Page_49">49</a>-54</b>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li><li> + +Ghatafan (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li><li> + +-Ghawl, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li><li> + +<i>ghayba</i> (occultation), <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li><li> + +Ghayman (castle), <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li><li> + +Ghayz b. Murra, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li><li> + +Ghazala, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +-Ghazali, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <b><a href="#Page_338">338</a>-341</b>, <b><a href="#Page_380">380</a>-383</b>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li><li> + +Ghazan, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +Ghaziyya (tribe), <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li><li> + +Ghazna, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>-269, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Ghaznevid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <b><a href="#Page_268">268</a>-269</b>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li><li> + +<i>ghiyar</i>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Ghiyathu ’l-Din Mas‘ud (Seljuq), <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li><li> + +<i>-Ghulat</i> (the extreme Shi‘ites), <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li><li> + +Ghumdán (castle), <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li><li> + +Gibb, E. J. W., <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +Gibb, H. A. R., <a href="#Page_470">470</a></li><li> + +Gibbon, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li><li> + +Gibraltar (Jabal Tariq), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li><li> + +Glaser, E., <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li><li> + +Gnosis, the Sufi doctrine of, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li><li> + +Gnosticism, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li><li> + +Gobineau, Comte de, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li><li> + +Goeje, M. J. de, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li><li> + +Goethe, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li><li> + +Gog and Magog, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +<i>Golden Meadows, the.</i> See <i>Muruju ’l-Dhahab</i> and -Mas‘udi</li><li> + +Goldziher, Ignaz, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +Gospel, the, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li><li> + +Grammar, Arabic, the origin of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>-343, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Grammars, Arabic, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Granada, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <b><a href="#Page_435">435</a>-437</b>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li><li> + +Gray, T., <a href="#Page_77">77</a></li><li> + +Greece, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Greece, the influence of, on Muhammadan thought, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <b><a href="#Page_358">358</a>-361</b>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li><li> + +Greek Philosophers, the, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Green, the colour of the ‘Alids, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li><li> + +Grimme, H., <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li><li> + +Gruuml;nert, M., <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +Guadalquivir, the, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></li><li> + +Guest, A. R., <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li><li> + +Guillaume, A., <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +Guirgass, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li><li> + +Guyon, Madame, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li> + +<li><h3>H</h3></li> +<li> +Haarbruuml;cker, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Habib b. Aws. See <i>Abu Tammam</i></li><li> + +<i>hadarat</i>, mystical term, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +-Hadi, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li><li> + +<i>Hadiqatu ’l-Afrah</i>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li><li> + +<i>-hadith</i> (Traditions of the Prophet), <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <b><a href="#Page_143">143</a>-146</b>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Traditions of the Prophet</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Hadramawt (province), <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li><li> + +Hadrian, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li><li> + +Hafsa, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li><li> + +Hafsid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_442">442</a></li><li> + +Hagar. See <i>Hajar, wife of Abraham</i></li><li> + +Hajar (in -Bahrayn), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li><li> + +Hajar, wife of Abraham, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li><li> + +-Hajjaj b. Yusuf, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <b><a href="#Page_201">201</a>-203</b>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li><li> + +Hajji Khalifa, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +-Hakam I (Spanish Umayyad), <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li><li> + +-Hakam II (Spanish Umayyad), <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a></li><li> + +<i>hakim</i> (philosopher), <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li><li> + +<i>hal</i>, mystical term, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li><li> + +<i>Halbatu ’l-Kumayt</i>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li><li> + +Halévy, Joseph, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li><li> + +Halila, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li><li> + +Halima, daughter of -Harith al-A‘raj, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +Halima, the battle of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li><li> + +Halima, the Prophet's nurse, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li><li> + +-Hallaj. See <i>-Husayn b. Mansur</i></li><li> + +Halle, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li><li> + +Ham, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a></li><li> + +<i>hama</i> (owl or wraith), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li><li> + +Hamadhan (Ecbatana), <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li><li> + +-Hamadhánú, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Badi‘u ’l-Zaman</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Hamal b. Badr, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> + +<i>-Hamasa</i>, of Abu Tammam, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-61, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <b><a href="#Page_129">129</a>-130</b>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li><li> + +<i>-Hamasa</i>, of -Buhturi, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li><li> + +<i>hamasa</i> (fortitude), <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +Hamat, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +-Hamaysa‘ b. Himyar, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li><li> + +Hamdan, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li><li> + +Hamdan Qarmat, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li><li> + +-Hamdani (geographer), <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li><li> + +Hamdanid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <b><a href="#Page_269">269</a>-271</b>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li><li> + +Hamilton, Terrick, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +Hammad al-Rawiya, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <b><a href="#Page_132">132</a>-134</b>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li><li> + +Hammer, J. von, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +Hamza of Isfahan (historian), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li><li> + +Hanbalites, the, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li><li> + +<i>handasa</i> (geometry), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +Hani’, a chieftain of Bakr, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li><li> + +Hanifa (tribe), <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li><li> + +Hanifs, the, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_149"><b>149</b></a>, <a href="#Page_150"><b>150</b></a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li><li> + +Hanzala of Tayyi’, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li><li> + +<i>haqiqat</i>, mystical term, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +<i>haqiqatu ’l-haqa’iq</i>, mystical term, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +<i>-haqiqatu ’l-Muhammadiyya</i>, mystical term, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +<i>-haqq</i>, mystical term, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +Haram (tribe), <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li><li> + +Harim b. Sinan, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li><li> + +-Hariri, author of the <i>Maqamat</i>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>-336</li><li> + +-Harith al-Akbar. See <i>-Harith b. ‘Amr Muharriq</i></li><li> + +-Harith b. ‘Amr (Kindite), <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li><li> + +-Harith b. ‘Amr Muharriq (Ghassanid), <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +-Harith al-A‘raj (Ghassanid), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Harith b. Jabala</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Harith b. ‘Awf, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li><li> + +-Harith b. Hammam, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li><li> + +-Harith b. Hilliza (poet), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>-114, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_494" id="Page_494" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>494</a></span> +-Harith b. Jabala (Ghassanid), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51"><b>51</b></a>, <a href="#Page_52"><b>52</b></a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Harith al-A‘raj</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Harith al-Ra’ish, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li><li> + +-Harith b. Surayj, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li><li> + +-Harith b. ‘Ubad, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +-Harith the Younger (Ghassanid), <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +-Harith b. Zalim, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li><li> + +<i>-harj</i>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li><li> + +Harran, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li><li> + +Harran, the bilingual inscription of, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a> + +Hartmann, M., <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Harun al-Rashid, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <b><a href="#Page_260">260</a>-261</b>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +Harura, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li><li> + +Harwat, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li><li> + +<i>hasab</i>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></li><li> + +Hasan (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +-Hasan of -Basra, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <b><a href="#Page_225">225</a>-227</b>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li><li> + +-Hasan b. Ahmad al-Hamdani, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Hamdani</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Hasan b. ‘Ali, the Nizamu ’l-Mulk, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Nizamu ’l-Mulk</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Hasan b. ‘Ali b. Abi Talib, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +-Hasan al-Burini, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li><li> + +-Hasan b. -Sabbah, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Hashid (tribe), <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li><li> + +Hashim, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li><li> + +-Hashimiyya (Shi‘ite sect), <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li><li> + +Hassan b. Thabit (poet), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li><li> + +Hassan (son of As‘ad Kamil), the Tubba‘, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li><li> + +Hatim of Tayyi’, <b><a href="#Page_85">85</a>-87</b>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li><li> + +Hawazin (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a> + +<i>Hayy b. Yaqzan</i>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +Hayyum, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li><li> + +<i>Hazar Afsan</i> (<i>Hazar Afsana</i>), <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>-458</li><li> + +-Haziri (Abu ’l-Ma‘ali), <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +<i>Hazzu ’l-Quhuf</i>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Hebrew language, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a></li><li> + +Hebrews, the, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a></li><li> + +Hellespont, the, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a></li><li> + +Helpers, the. See <i>-Ansar</i></li><li> + +Hengstenberg, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li><li> + +Heraclius, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li><li> + +Heresies of the Caliph -Ma’mun, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li><li> + +Herodotus, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li><li> + +Hierotheus, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li><li> + +hija (satire), <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li><li> + +-Hijaz, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_62"><b>62</b></a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +-Hijr, the inscriptions of, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +-Hijra (Hegira), <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li><li> + +-Hilla, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li><li> + +<i>Hilyatu ’l-Awliya,</i> <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +<i>himaq</i> (a species of verse), <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Hims, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li><li> + +Himyar (person), <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li><li> + +Himyar (people), <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Himyarite kings, the, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-27. +<ul><li>See <i>Tubba‘s, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Himyarite language, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>-11</li><li> + +<i>Himyarite Ode, the</i>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li><li> + +Himyarites, the, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5"><b>5</b></a>, <a href="#Page_6"><b>6</b></a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li><li> + +Hind, mother of Bakr and Taghlib, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li><li> + +Hind (a Bedouin woman), <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li><li> + +Hind, daughter of -Nu‘man III, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li><li> + +Hind, wife of -Mundhir III, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li><li> + +Hinwam (hill), <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li><li> + +-Hira, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <b><a href="#Page_37">37</a>-49</b>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li><li> + +Hira, Mount, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li><li> + +Hirran, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li><li> + +Hirschfeld, H., <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li><li> + +Hisham (Umayyad Caliph), <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li><li> + +Hisham I (Spanish Umayyad), <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li><li> + +Hisham II (Spanish Umayyad), <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a></li><li> + +Hisham b. Muhammad al-Kalbi, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +Hisn Ghurab, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li><li> + +Historians, Arab, <b><a href="#Page_11">11</a>-14</b>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <b><a href="#Page_348">348</a>-356</b>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>-440, <b><a href="#Page_452">452</a>-454</b></li><li> + +Historical studies encouraged by the Umayyads, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> + +History, the true purpose of, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>; +<ul><li>subject to universal laws, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>; +</li><li>evolution of, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +<i>History of the Berbers</i>, by Ibn Khaldun, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li><li> + +<i>History of the Caliphs</i>, by -Suyuti, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +<i>History of Islamic Civilisation</i>, by Jurji Zaydan, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li><li> + +<i>History of Old and New Cairo</i>, by -Suyuti, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +Holy Ghost, the, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li><li> + +Holy War, the, enjoined by the Koran, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li><li> + +Homer, the Iliad of, translated into Arabic verse, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Homeritæ, the, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Hommel, F., <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li><li> + +Honour, Pre-islamic conception of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>-100</li><li> + +Horace, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +Hospitality, the Bedouin ideal of, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li><li> + +House of the Prophet, the, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>. +<ul><li>See ‘<i>Ali b. Abi Talib</i>; <i>‘Alids</i>; <i>Shi‘ites</i>. +</li></ul></li><li> +Houtsma, Th., <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +Huart, C., <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Hubal (name of an idol), <a href="#Page_64"><b>64</b></a> + +Hubba, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> + +Hud (prophet), <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li><li> + +Hudhalites (Hudhaylites), <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Hudhayl</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Hudhayla b. Badr, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li><li> + +Hudhayta b. al-Yaman, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li><li> + +Hudhayl (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></li><li> + +Hughes, G., <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li><li> + +Hujr (Kindite), <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li><li> + +Hujr, father of Imru’u ’l-Qays, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li><li> + +Hulagu, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>-446</li><li> + +Hulayl b. Hubshiyya, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> + +<i>-Hullat al-Siyara</i>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li><li> + +Hulton, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li><li> + +<i>hulul</i> (incarnation), <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +Hulwan, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li><li> + +Humani, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +-Humayma, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li><li> + +Hunayn b. Ishaq, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li><li> + +<i>hur</i> (houris), <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li><li> + +Hurmuz (Sasanian), <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li><li> + +Hurufis, the, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +-Husayn, son of ‘Ali b. Abi Talib, <a href="#Page_196"><b>196</b></a>, <a href="#Page_197"><b>197</b></a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +-Husayn b. Damdam, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li><li> + +-Husayn b. Mansur -Hallaj, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li><li> + +<i>Husnu ’l-Muhadara</i>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +-Hutay’a (poet), <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li><li> + +Huzwa, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li><li> + +Hypocrites, the. See <i>-Munafiqun</i></li> + +<li><h3>I</h3></li> + +<li> +Iamblichus, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li><li> + +‘Ibad, the, of -Hira, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li><li> + +Ibadites (a Kharijite sect), the, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li><li> + +<i>-‘Ibar</i>, by -Dhahabi, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Abbar, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li><li> + +Ibn ‘Abdi Rabbihi, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_347"><b>347</b></a>, <a href="#Page_420"><b>420</b></a></li><li> + +Ibn Abi Du’ad, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li><li> + +Ibn Abi Usaybi‘a, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Ibn Abi Ya‘qub al-Nadim, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></li><li> + +Ibn Abi Zar‘, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Ahmar (Nasrid), <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li><li> + +Ibn ‘A’isha, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-‘Alqami, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-‘Amid, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +Ibn ‘Ammar (poet), <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-‘Arabi. See <i>Muhyi ’l-Din Ibnu ’l-‘Arabi</i></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-‘Arabi, the Cadi, of Seville, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-A‘rabi (philologist), <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +Ibn ‘Arabshah, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Athir, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <b><a href="#Page_355">355</a>-356</b>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Ibn Bajja, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibn Bashkuwal, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibn Bassam, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Baytar, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibn Durayd, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_343"><b>343</b></a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_495" id="Page_495" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>495</a></span> +Ibnu ’l-Farid. See <i>‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Farid</i></li><li> + +Ibn Hajar, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Hanafiyya. See <i>Muhammad Ibnu ’l-Hanafiyya</i></li><li> + +Ibn Hani (poet), <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Ibn Hawqal, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +Ibn Hayyan, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Ibn Hazm, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <b><a href="#Page_423">423</a>-428</b></li><li> + +Ibn Hisham, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_144"><b>144</b></a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_349"><b>349</b></a></li><li> + +Ibn Humam, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-‘Idhari, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Ibn Ishaq, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_144"><b>144</b></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_349"><b>349</b></a></li><li> + +Ibn Jahwar, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Jawzi, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Ibn Jubayr, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibn Kabsha, nickname of Muhammad, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li><li> + +Ibn Khalawayh, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li><li> + +Ibn Khaldun, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <b><a href="#Page_437">437</a>-440</b>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li><li> + +Ibn Khallikan, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <b><a href="#Page_451">451</a>-452</b></li><li> + +Ibn Khaqan, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Khatib, the Vizier, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li><li> + +Ibn Khidham, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li><li> + +Ibn Khurdadbih, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +Ibn Maja, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Ibn Malik of Jaen, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Ibn Mukarram (Jamalu ’l-Din), <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Ibn Muljam, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_346"><b>346</b></a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Mu‘tazz (poet), <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li><li> + +Ibn Nubata (man of letters), <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li><li> + +Ibn Nubata, the preacher, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Qifti, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li><li> + +Ibn Qutayba, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_286"><b>286</b></a>, <a href="#Page_287"><b>287</b></a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346"><b>346</b></a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Qutiyya, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Ibn Quzman, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li><li> + +Ibn Rashiq, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Rawandi, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Ibn Rushd, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibn Sab‘in, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibn Sa‘d, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Sammak, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Sikkit, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +Ibn Sina (Avicenna), <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_360"><b>360</b></a>, <a href="#Page_361"><b>361</b></a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +Ibn Sirin, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li><li> + +Ibn Surayj, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li><li> + +Ibn Taymiyya, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_462"><b>462</b></a>, <a href="#Page_463"><b>463</b></a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Tiqtaqa, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +Ibn Tufayt, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibn Tumart, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>-432</li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Wahshiyya, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a></li><li> + +Ibnu ’l-Wardi, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +Ibn Zaydun (poet), <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>-426</li><li> + +Ibn Zuhr, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Ibrahim (Abraham), <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Abraham</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Ibrahim (‘Alid), <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> + +Ibrahim b. Adham, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li><li> + +Ibrahim b. Hilal al-Sabi, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li><li> + +Ibrahim of Mosul, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li><li> + +Idol-worship at Mecca, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-64</li><li> + +Idris, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li><li> + +-Idrisi (geographer), <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Idrisid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li><li> + +<i>Ihya’u Ulum al-Din</i>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li><li> + +-Iji (Adudu ’l-Din), <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +<i>ijma‘</i>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +<i>ikhlas</i>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li><li> + +Ikhmim, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li><li> + +<i>-Ikhtiyarat</i>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +Ikhwánu ’l-Safa, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>-372, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li><li> + +<i>-Iklil</i>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li><li> + +<i>-ilahiyyun</i>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li><li> + +<i>Iliad, the</i>, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Il-Khans, the, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +Il-Makah, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li><li> + +<i>‘ilmu ’l-hadith</i> (Science of Apostolic Tradition), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +<i>‘ilmu ’l-kalam</i> (Scholastic Theology), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +<i>‘ilmu ’l-nujum</i> (Astronomy), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +<i>‘ilmu ’l-qira’at</i> (Koranic Criticism), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +<i>‘ilmu ’l-tafsir</i> (Koranic Exegesis), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +<i>‘ilq</i>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li><li> + +‘Imadu ’l-Dawla (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +‘Imadu ’l-Din al-Katib al-Isfahani, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Imam (head of the religious community), <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li><li> + +Imam, the Hidden, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>-217, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>; +<ul><li>the Infallible, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Imam-Husayn, a town near Baghdad, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Karbala</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>-imam al-ma‘sum</i>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li><li> + +Imamites, the, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li><li> + +Imams, the Seven, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li><li> + +Imams, the Shi‘ite, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>-220</li><li> + +Imams, the Twelve, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li><li> + +Imamu ’l-Haramayn, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li><li> + +<i>iman</i> (faith), <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li><li> + +Imru’u ’l-Qays (poet), <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <b><a href="#Page_103">103</a>-107</b>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li><li> + +India, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li><li> + +<b>India, History of</b>, by -Biruni, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +India, the influence of, on Moslem civilisation, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li><li> + +India, Moslem conquests in, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li><li> + +Indian religion, described by -Shahrastani, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li><li> + +Indus, the, <a href="#Page_xxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li><li> + +Infanticide, practised by the pagan Arabs, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li><li> + +Initiation, the Isma‘ilite degrees of, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li><li> + +Inquisition (<i>mihna</i>) established by -Ma’mun, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li><li> + +<i>-Insan al-Kamil</i>, the Perfect Man, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +Inscriptions, the Babylonian and Assyrian, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li><li> + +Inscriptions, Himyarite. See <i>Inscriptions, South Arabic</i></li><li> + +Inscriptions, Nabatæan, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Inscriptions, South Arabic, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvi">xxvi</a>, <b><a href="#Page_6">6</a>-11</b></li><li> + +Inspiration, views of the heathen Arabs regarding, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li><li> + +Intellectual and Philosophical Sciences, the, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li><li> + +Ionia, the dialect of, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a></li><li> + +<i>-‘Iqd al-Farúd</i>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_347"><b>347</b></a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Iram, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li><li> + +-‘Iraq, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <i>350</i>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Babylonia</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>-Isaba fi tamyiz al-Sahaba</i>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Isabella of Castile, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Isaiah, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li><li> + +Isfahan, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a></li><li> + +Isfandiyar, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Ishaq b. Ibrahim al-Mawsili, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li><li> + +Ishaq b. Khalaf, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li><li> + +Ishmael. See <i>Isma‘il</i></li><li> + +Isidore of Hispalis, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li><li> + +Islam, meaning of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>; +<ul><li>cardinal doctrines of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>-168; +</li><li>formal and ascetic character of, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>; +</li><li>derived from Christianity and Judaism, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>; +</li><li>pagan elements in, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>; +</li><li>opposed to the ideals of heathendom, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>; +</li><li>identified with the religion of Abraham, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>; +</li><li>a world-religion, <a href="#Page_184">184</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +Isma‘il (Ishmael), <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> + +Isma‘il (Samanid), <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +Isma‘il b. ‘Abbad, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Sahib Isma‘il b. ‘Abbad</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Isma‘il b. Naghdala, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Isma‘ilis, the, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <b><a href="#Page_272">272</a>-274</b>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_371"><b>371</b></a>, <a href="#Page_372"><b>372</b></a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +<b>isnad</b>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +-Isnawi, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +Israel, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li><li> + +Istakhr, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +-Istakhri, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +<i>istifa</i>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_496" id="Page_496" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>496</a></span> + +Italy, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Ithamara (Sabæan king), <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li><li> + +-Ithna -‘ashariyya (the Twelvers), <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li><li> + +I‘timad, name of a slave-girl, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></li><li> + +<i>-Itqan</i>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +<i>ittihad</i>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +<i>‘iyar</i>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Iyas b. Qabisa, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li><li> + +‘Izzu ’l-Din b. ‘Abd al-Salam, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li> + +<li><h3>J</h3></li> +<li> +Jabal Tariq (Gibraltar), <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> + +Jabala b. -Ayham (Ghassanid), <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li><li> + +-Jabariyya (the Predestinarians), <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> + +Jabir b. Hayyan, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li><li> + +<i>jabr</i> (compulsion), <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Jacob, G., <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></li><li> + +Jadala (tribe), <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Jadhima al-Abrash, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li><li> + +Jadis (tribe), <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li><li> + +Jaen, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Ja‘far, the Barmecide, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li><li> + +Ja‘far, son of the Caliph -Hadi, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li><li> + +Jafna, founder of the Ghassanid dynasty, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +Jafnites, the. See <i>Ghassanids, the</i></li><li> + +Jaghbub, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Jahdar b. Dubay‘a, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li><li> + +<i>-jahiliyya</i> (the Age of Barbarism), <a href="#Page_xxvi">xxvi</a>, <a href="#Page_30"><b>30</b></a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></li><li> + +-Jahiz, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <b><a href="#Page_346">346</a>-347</b>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +<i>jahiz</i>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +-Jahiziyya (Mu‘tazilite sect), <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +<i>jahl</i>, meaning 'barbarism', <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li><li> + +Jahm b. Safwan, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li><li> + +-Jahshiyari (Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. ‘Abdus), <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li><li> + +Jalalu ’l-Din Khwarizmshah, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Jalalu ’l-Din al-Mahalli, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +Jalalu ’l-Din Rumi, Persian poet, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li><li> + +Jallaban, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li><li> + +<i>-Jamhara fi ’l-Lugha</i>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +<i>Jamharatu Ash‘ari ’l-‘Arab</i>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li><li> + +-Jami (‘Abdu ’l-Rahman), Persian poet, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +<i>-Jami‘</i>, by -Tirmidhi, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +<i>-Jami‘a</i>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li><li> + +Jamil, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li><li> + +Jandal, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li><li> + +Janissaries, the, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li><li> + +-Jannabi, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +-Jaradatan (name of two singing girls), <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li><li> + +Jarir (poet), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <b><a href="#Page_244">244</a>-246</b></li><li> + +Jassas b. Murra, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li><li> + +-Jawf, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li><li> + +Jawhar, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +-Jawlan, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li><li> + +Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +Jesus, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li><li> + +Jews, the, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Judaism</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Jibal (province), <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Jibril (Gabriel), <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li><li> + +<i>jihad</i>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li><li> + +Jinn, the, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li><li> + +<i>jinni</i> (genie), <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li><li> + +Jirjis -Makin (historian), <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +John of Damascus, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li><li> + +John of Ephesus, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li><li> + +Johnson, Dr., <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li><li> + +Joktan, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a></li><li> + +Jones, E. R., <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +Jones, Sir William, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li><li> + +Jong, P. de, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></li><li> + +Jordan, the, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +-Jubba’i, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li><li> + +Judaism, established in -Yemen, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>; +<ul><li>zealously fostered by Dhu Nuwas, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>; +</li><li>in Arabia, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>-140, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>-172, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>; +</li><li>in Spain, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>; +</li><li>in Sicily, <a href="#Page_441">441</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +Judaism, influence of, on Muhammadan thought, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li><li> + +<i>-ju‘iyya</i> (the Fasters), <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li><li> + +Juliana of Norwich, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li><li> + +Junayd of Baghdad, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li><li> + +Junde-shapur, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Jurhum (tribe), <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li><li> + +Jurjan, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +Jurji Zaydan, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li><li> + +Justinian, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Justinus (Byzantine Emperor), <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li><li> + +-Juwayni (Abu ’l-Ma‘ali), <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li><li> + +Juynboll, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li> + +<li><h3>K</h3></li> +<li> +Ka‘b (tribe), <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li><li> + +Ka‘b b. Zuhayr (poet), <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li><li> + +-Ka‘ba, <a href="#Page_63"><b>63</b></a>, <a href="#Page_64"><b>64</b></a>, <a href="#Page_65"><b>65</b></a>, <a href="#Page_67"><b>67</b></a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li><li> + +Ka‘bu ’l-Ahbar, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li><li> + +-Kadhdhab (title of Musaylima), <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li><li> + +Kafur (Ikhshidite), <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li><li> + +Kahlan, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li><li> + +-Kalabadhi, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +<i>-kalam</i> (Scholasticism), <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li><li> + +Kalb (tribe), <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +<i>kalb</i>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +<i>Kalila and Dimna, the Book of</i>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +-Kamala (title), <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> + +<i>-kamil</i> (metre), <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li><li> + +<i>-Kamil</i> of Ibnu ’l-Athir, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Ibnu ’l-Athir</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>-Kamil</i> of -Mubarrad, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +<i>kanwakan</i> (a species of verse), <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Karbala, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +Kariba’il Watar, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li><li> + +-Karkh, a quarter of Baghdad, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li><li> + +<i>kasb</i>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li><li> + +<i>Kashfu ’l-Zunun</i>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +<i>-Kashshaf</i>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li><li> + +<i>katib</i> (secretary), <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +Kawadh (Sasanian), <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li><li> + +Kerbogha, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +Khadija, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li><li> + +<i>-khafif</i> (metre), <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li><li> + +Khalaf, <a href="#Page_421">421</a></li><li> + +Khalaf al-Ahmar, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li><li> + +Khalid b. -Mudallil, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li><li> + +Khalid b. -Walid, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li><li> + +Khalid b. Yazid, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +<i>khalifa</i> (Caliph), <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li><li> + +-Khalil b. Ahmad, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_343"><b>343</b></a></li><li> + +Khamir (village), <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li><li> + +<i>-Khamriyya</i>, by Ibnu ’l-Farid, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li><li> + +<i>khamriyyat</i>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li><li> + +<i>khanaqah</i> (monastery), <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li><li> + +-Khansa (poetess), <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li><li> + +<i>Kharidatu ’l-Qasr</i>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +<i>khariji</i> (Kharijite), <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li><li> + +Kharijites, the, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <b><a href="#Page_208">208</a>-213</b>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Kharmaythan, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +-Khasib, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li><li> + +<i>khatib</i>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li><li> + +-Khatib, of Baghdad, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +-Khatim b.‘Adi, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li><li> + +-Khawarij. See <i>Kharijites, the</i></li><li> + +-Khawarnaq (castle), <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li><li> + +-Khaybar, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +-Khayf, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li><li> + +Khazaza, battle of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +-Khazraj (tribe), <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li><li> + +Khedivial dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Khidash b. Zuhayr, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li><li> + +Khindif, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a></li><li> + +<i>-Khitat</i>, by -Maqrizi, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li><li> + +Khiva, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +<i>Khizanatu ’l-Adab</i>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li><li> + +Khuda Bukhsh, S., <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li><li> + +<i>Khuday-nama</i>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +Khulafa al-Rashidun, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Caliphs, the Orthodox</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Khurasan, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_249"><b>249</b></a>, <a href="#Page_250"><b>250</b></a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Khurasan, dialect of, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +<i>khuruj</i> (secession), <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li><li> + +Khusraw Parwez. See <i>Parwez</i></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_497" id="Page_497" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>497</a></span> + +<i>khutba</i>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li><li> + +Khuza‘a (tribe), <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li><li> + +Khuzayma (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a></li><li> + +Khuzistan, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Khwarizm, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +-Khwarizmi (Abu ‘Abdallah), <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +<i>-kibrit al-ahmar</i>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li><li> + +Kilab (tribe), <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li><li> + +Kilab b. Murra, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> + +<i>-kimiya</i> (the Philosophers' Stone), <a href="#Page_401">401</a></li><li> + +<i>Kimiya’u ’l-Sa‘adat</i>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li><li> + +<i>-kimiya’un</i> (the Alchemists), <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li><li> + +Kinana (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> + +Kinda (tribe), <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +-Kïndi, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +-Kisa’i (philologist), <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +Kisra (title), <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Aghani</i> (the Book of Songs), <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32"><b>32</b></a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_270"><b>270</b></a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_347"><b>347</b></a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_419"><b>419</b></a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya</i>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Akhbar al-Tiwal</i>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Amali</i>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu Ansabi ’l-Ashraf</i>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +<i>-Kitab al-Awsat</i>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-‘Ayn</i>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Badi‘</i>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Bayan wa-’l-Tabyin</i>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Falahat al-Nabatiyya</i>, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a> + +<i>Kitabu Futuhi ’l-Buldan</i>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Hayawan</i>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-‘Ibar</i>, by Dhahabi, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-‘Ibar</i>, by Ibn Khaldun, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu, ’l-Ibil</i>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Ishtiqaq</i>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Kamil fi ’l-Ta’rikh</i>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Kamil of Ibnu ’l-Athir</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Kitabu Khalq al-Insan</i>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Khayl</i>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Luma‘</i>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Ma‘arif</i>, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346"><b>346</b></a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Maghazi</i>, by Musa b. ‘Uqba, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Maghazi</i>, by -Waqidi, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li><li> + +<i>-Kitab al-Mansuri</i>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Masalik wa-’l-Mamalik</i>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Milal wa-’l-Nihal</i>, by Ibn Hazm, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Milal wa-’l-Nihal</i>, by -Shahrastani, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Shahrastani</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Kitabu ’l-Muluk wa-akhbar al-Madin</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ara</i>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Ta‘arruf li-Madhhabi ahli ’l-Tasawwuf</i>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Tabaqat al-Kabir</i>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Tanbih wa-’l-Ishraf</i>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +<i>-Kitab al-Yamini</i>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +<i>Kitabu ’l-Zuhd</i>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> + +<i>Koran, the</i>, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>-xxv, <a href="#Page_xxvi">xxvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <b><a href="#Page_141">141</a>-143</b>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>-152, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>-156, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <b><a href="#Page_159">159</a>-168</b>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175"><b>175</b></a>, <a href="#Page_176"><b>176</b></a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>-212, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235"><b>235</b></a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li><li> + +<i>Koran, the</i>, derivation of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>; +<ul><li>collection of, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>; +</li><li>historical value of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; +</li><li>arrangement of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>; +</li><li>style of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>; +</li><li>not poetical as a whole, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>; +</li><li>held by Moslems to be the literal Word of God, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>; +</li><li>heavenly archetype of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>; +</li><li>revelation of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-152, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>; +</li><li>designed for oral recitation, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>; +</li><li>commentaries on, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>; +</li><li>imitations of, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>; +</li><li>dispute as to whether it was created or not, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Koran-readers (<i>-qurra</i>), the, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></li><li> + +Kosegarten, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +Krehl, L., <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +Kremer, Alfred von, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li><li> + +-Kufa, <a href="#Page_xxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_189"><b>189</b></a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>-210, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343"><b>343</b></a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li><li> + +-Kulab, battle of, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li><li> + +Kulayb (tribe), <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li><li> + +Kulayb b. Rabi‘a, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li><li> + +Kulayb b. Wa’il, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Kulayb b. Rabi‘a</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Kulthum b. Malik, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li><li> + +-Kumayt (poet), <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li><li> + +<i>kunya</i> (name of honour), <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></li><li> + +-Kusa‘i, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li><li> + +Kuthayyir (poet), <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li><li> + +<i>-kutub al-sitta</i> (the Six Books), <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +-Kutubi, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li> + +<li><h3>L</h3></li> +<li> +La Fontaine, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Labid (poet), <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <b><a href="#Page_119">119</a>-121</b>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li><li> + +Lagrange, Grangeret de, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li><li> + +Lahore, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li><li> + +Lakhmites, the, of -Hira, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <b><a href="#Page_39">39</a>-49</b>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li><li> + +Lamis (name of a woman), <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li><li> + +<i>Lamiyyatu ’l-‘Ajam</i>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +<i>Lamiyyatu ’l-‘Arab</i>, <a href="#Page_79"><b>79</b></a>, <a href="#Page_80"><b>80</b></a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +Lamta (tribe), <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Lamtuna (tribe), <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Lane, E. W., <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +Lane-Poole, Stanley, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li><li> + +-Lat (goddess), <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li><li> + +<i>Lata’ifu ’l-Minan</i>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li><li> + +Latifi (Turkish biographer), <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +Laus duplex (rhetorical figure), <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li><li> + +Law, Muhammadan, the schools of, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>; +<ul><li>the first corpus of, <a href="#Page_337">337</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Lawaqihu ’l-Anwar</i>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +-Lawh al-Mahfuz, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li><li> + +Layla, mother of ‘Amr b. Kulthum, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li><li> + +Layla, the beloved of -Majnun, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li><li> + +Le Strange, G., <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +Learning, Moslem enthusiasm for, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li><li> + +Lees, Nassau, <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li><li> + +Leo the Armenian, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li><li> + +Letter-writing, the art of, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +Lexicon, the first Arabic, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +Library of Nuh II, the Samanid, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>; +<ul><li>of Hakam II, the Spanish Umayyad, <a href="#Page_419">419</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Linguistic Sciences, the, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li><li> + +Lippert, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li><li> + +<i>Lisanu ’l-Arab</i>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Lisanu ’l-Din Ibnu ’l-Khatib. See <i>Ibnu ’l-Khatib</i></li><li> + +Literary culture despised by the Arabs, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li><li> + +<i>litham</i>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></li><li> + +Littmann, Enno, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li><li> + +Logos, the, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +Lollards, the, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li><li> + +Longland, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Loth, O., <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li><li> + +Lourdes, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li><li> + +Love, Divine, the keynote of Sufiism, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>; +<ul><li>two kinds of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>; +</li><li>an ineffable mystery, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>; +</li><li>hymn of, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>; +</li><li>in Sufi poetry, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Loyalty, as understood by the heathen Arabs, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>-85</li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_498" id="Page_498" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>498</a></span> + +Lucian, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li><li> + +<i>-lugha</i> (Lexicography), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +Luhayy, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li><li> + +Lull, Raymond, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li><li> + +Lu’lu’, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li><li> + +Luqman b. ‘Ad (king), <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li><li> + +<i>-Luzumiyyat</i>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li><li> + +<i>Luzumu ma la yalzam</i>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Luzumiyyat</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Lyall, Sir Charles, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> + +<li><h3>M</h3></li> +<li> +Ma’ al-Sama (surname), <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li><li> + +Ma’ab, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li><li> + +<i>ma‘ad</i> (place of return), <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li><li> + +Ma‘add, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></li><li> + +Ma‘arratu ’l-Nu‘man, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li><li> + +-Ma‘arri (Abu ’l-‘Ala), <a href="#Page_448">448</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Abu ’l-‘Ala al-Ma‘arri</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Ma‘bad (singer), <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li><li> + +Ma‘bad al-Juhani, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> + +<i>Macbeth</i>, Arabian parallel to an incident in, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li><li> + +Macdonald, D. B., <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +Macedonia, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li><li> + +Machiavelli, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li><li> + +Macoraba, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li><li> + +Madagascar, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +-Mada’in (Ctesiphon), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Ctesiphon</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Mada’in Salih, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +<i>-madh al-muwajjah</i>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li><li> + +<i>-madid</i> (metre), <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li><li> + +<i>madih</i> (panegyric), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li><li> + +Madinatu ’l-Salam, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Baghdad</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Madrid, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +<i>mafakhir</i>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></li><li> + +<i>maghazi</i>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> + +-Maghrib, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +Magi (Magians), the. See <i>Zoroastrians, the</i></li><li> + +Magian fire-temple at Balkh, the, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li><li> + +Mahaffy, J. P., <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li><li> + +Mahdi, the, <a href="#Page_216"><b>216</b></a>, <a href="#Page_217"><b>217</b></a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li><li> + +-Mahdi, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li><li> + +-Mahdiyya, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li><li> + +Mahmud (Ghaznevid), <a href="#Page_268">268</a>-269, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Mahra, dialect of, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a></li><li> + +Maimonides, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Majdu ’l-Din al-Fúrúzábádú. See <i>-Fúrúzábádú</i> + +<i>-Majmu‘ al-Mubarak</i>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +-Majnun, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li><li> + +<i>majnun</i>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li><li> + +Malaga, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Malik (boon companion of Jadhima), <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li><li> + +Malik (brother of Qays b. Zuhayr), <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li><li> + +Malik the Azdite, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li><li> + +Malik, the slayer of -Khatim b. ‘Adi, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li><li> + +Malik b. Anas, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_337"><b>337</b></a>, <a href="#Page_366"><b>366</b></a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li><li> + +-Malik al-Dillil (title of Imru’u ’l-Qays), <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li><li> + +-Malik al-Kamil (Ayyubid), <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +-Malik al-Salih Najmu’l-Din (Ayyubid), <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li><li> + +Malik Shah (Seljuq), <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li><li> + +-Malik al-Zahir (Ayyubid), <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li><li> + +-Malik al-Zahir Baybars. See <i>Baybars, Sultan</i></li><li> + +Malikite books burned by the Almohades, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +Malikite school of Law, the, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li><li> + +Mameluke dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_447"><b>447</b></a>, <a href="#Page_448"><b>448</b></a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li><li> + +Mamelukes, the, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li><li> + +<i>mamluk</i>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li><li> + +-Ma’mun, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_262"><b>262</b></a>, <a href="#Page_283"><b>283</b></a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <b><a href="#Page_358">358</a>-359</b>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_368"><b>368</b></a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li><li> + +Manat (goddess), <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li><li> + +Mandeville, Sir John, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a></li><li> + +Manfred, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +-Manfuha, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li><li> + +Mani (Manes), <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Manichæans, the, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>-375. +<ul><li>See <i>Zindiqs, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Mansur, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <b><a href="#Page_258">258</a>-259</b>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li><li> + +Mansur I (Samanid), <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +-Mansur Ibn Abi ‘Amir, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li><li> + +<i>Mantle Ode (-Burda), the</i>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li><li> + +<i>maqama</i>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li><li> + +<i>-Maqamat</i>, of Badi‘u ’l-Zaman al- Hamadhani, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li><li> + +<i>-Maqamat</i>, of -Hariri, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>-336</li><li> + +Maqamu Ibrahim, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li><li> + +-Maqdisi. See <i>-Muqaddasi</i></li><li> + +-Maqqari, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_413"><b>413</b></a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +-Maqrizi (Taqiyyu ’l-Din), <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li><li> + +<i>-Maqsura</i>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +Marabout, modern form of <i>murabit</i>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li><li> + +<i>Marasidu ’l-Ittila‘</i>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +<i>marathi</i>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li><li> + +Marathon, battle of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li><li> + +Marcion, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li><li> + +Margoliouth, Prof. D. S., <a href="#Page_xxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Mariaba, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Ma’rib, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Dyke of Ma’rib</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Maridin, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li><li> + +<i>ma‘rifat</i> (gnosis), <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li><li> + +Marinid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_442">442</a></li><li> + +Mariya, mother of -Mundhir III, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li><li> + +Mariya (name of a handmaiden), <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li><li> + +Mariya of the Ear-rings, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +Marj Rahit, battle of, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li><li> + +Marr al-Zahran, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li><li> + +Marriage, a loose form of, prevailing among the Shi‘ites, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li><li> + +Ma‘ruf al-Karkhi, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li><li> + +Marwan I (Umayyad Caliph), <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li><li> + +Marwan II (Umayyad Caliph), <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a></li><li> + +-Marzuqi (philologist), <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +<i>Masabihu ’l-Sunna</i>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +<i>Masaliku ’l-Mamalik</i>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +<i>-mashaf</i>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li><li> + +Mashhad -Husayn, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +Maslama b. Ahmad, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Masruq, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li><li> + +Mas‘ud, Sultan, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Ghiyathu ’l-Din Mas‘ud</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Mas‘udi, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <b><a href="#Page_352">352</a>-354</b>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +<i>Materia Medica</i>, by Ibnu ’l-Baytar, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +<i>mathalib</i>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li><li> + +<i>Mathnawi, the</i>, by Jalalu ’l-Din Rumi, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li><li> + +<i>-Matin</i>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +<i>matla‘</i>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li><li> + +<i>matn</i>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li><li> + +Mauritania, <a href="#Page_412">412</a></li><li> + +<i>-Mawa‘iz wa ’l-I‘tibar fi dhikri ’l-Khitat wa ’l-Athar</i>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li><li> + +-Mawali (the Clients), <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_219"><b>219</b></a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_248"><b>248</b></a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_278"><b>278</b></a>, <a href="#Page_279"><b>279</b></a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li><li> + +-Mawali (the Clients), coalesce with the Shi‘ites, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>; +<ul><li>treated with contempt by the Arabs, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>; +</li><li>their culture, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>; +</li><li>their influence, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>mawaliyya</i>, a species of verse, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +-Mawardi, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +Mawiyya, mother of -Mundhir III, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li><li> + +Mawiyya, wife of Hatim of Tayyi’, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li><li> + +-Maydani, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Proverbs, Arabic</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Maymun b. Qays. See <i>-A‘sha</i> + +Maysun, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li><li> + +Mazdak, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li><li> + +Mazyar, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Mecca, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvi">xxvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_62"><b>62</b></a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>-68, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>-156, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_499" id="Page_499" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>499</a></span> + +Mecca, Pre-islamic history of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>; +<ul><li>attacked by the Abyssinians, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>-69; +</li><li>submits to the Prophet, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Mecca, the dialect of, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a></li><li> + +<i>Meccan Revelations, the</i>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Futuhat al-Makkiyya</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Meccan <i>Suras</i> of the Koran, the, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>-168</li><li> + +Media, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +Medina (-Madina), <a href="#Page_xxvi">xxvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Medina, <i>Suras</i> of the Koran revealed at, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li><li> + +Mediterranean Sea, the, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Merv, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +Merx, A., <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li><li> + +Mesopotamia, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +Messiah, Moslem beliefs regarding the, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>-217, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Mahdi, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Metempsychosis, the doctrine of, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +Metres, the Arabian, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li><li> + +Mevlevi dervish order, the, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +<i>mihna</i>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></li><li> + +-Mihras, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li><li> + +Mihrgan, Persian festival, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li><li> + +Milton, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li><li> + +Mina, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li><li> + +Minæan language, the, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a></li><li> + +Minæans, the, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li><li> + +<i>minbar</i> (pulpit), <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li><li> + +Minqar, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li><li> + +Miqlab (castle), <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li><li> + +Miracles demanded by the Quraysh from Muhammad, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>; +<ul><li>falsely attributed to Muhammad, <a href="#Page_166">166</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>-Mi‘raj</i> (the Ascension of the Prophet), <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +<i>Mir’atu ’l-Zaman</i>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +<i>Mishkatu ’l-Masabih</i>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +<i>Misr</i> (Old Cairo), <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li><li> + +<i>misra‘</i> (hemistich), <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li><li> + +<i>-Mishar</i>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Muzhir</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Moguls, the Great, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Moliere, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Monasticism, alien to Islam, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li><li> + +Mongol Invasion, the, <a href="#Page_xxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_xxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <b><a href="#Page_444">444</a>-446</b></li><li> + +Mongols, the, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Mongol Invasion, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Monte Cristo</i>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Montrose, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li><li> + +Mordtmann, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li><li> + +Morocco, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a></li><li> + +Moses, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li><li> + +Moslem, meaning of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li><li> + +Moslems, the first, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li><li> + +Moslems, the non-Arabian. See <i>-Mawali</i></li><li> + +Mosul (-Mawsil), <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +<i>-Mu‘allaqat</i>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <b><a href="#Page_101">101</a>-121</b>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +Mu‘awiya b. Abi Sufyan (Caliph), <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <b><a href="#Page_194">194</a>-195</b>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li><li> + +Mu‘awiya b. Bakr (Amalekite prince), <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li><li> + +Mu‘awiya, brother of -Khansa, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li><li> + +Mu’ayyidu ’l-Dawla (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +-Mubarrad (philologist), <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_343"><b>343</b></a>, <a href="#Page_344"><b>344</b></a></li><li> + +Mudar b. Nizar, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li><li> + +Mudar, the tribes descended from, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a></li><li> + +<i>-Mudhhabat, -Mudhahhabat</i>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li><li> + +-Mutaddal al-Dabbi (philologist), <a href="#Page_128"><b>128</b></a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_343"><b>343</b></a></li><li> + +Mufaddal b. Salama, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li><li> + +<i>-Mufaddaliyyat</i>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_128"><b>128</b></a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +-Mughammas, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li><li> + +<i>muhajat</i> (scolding-match), <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li><li> + +-Muhajirun (the Emigrants), <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li><li> + +Muhalhil b. Rabi‘a, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li><li> + +-Muhallab b. Abi Sufra, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li><li> + +-Muhallabi, the Vizier, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a></li><li> + +Muhammad, the Prophet, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvi">xxvi</a>-xxviii, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <b><a href="#Page_141">141</a>-180</b>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-183, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>-188, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>-193, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>-209, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>-218, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_235"><b>235</b></a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_467"><b>467</b></a></li><li> + +Muhammad, question whether he could read and write, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>; +<ul><li>his attitude towards the heathen poets, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>; +</li><li>his aim in the Meccan <i>Suras</i>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>; +</li><li>his death, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>; +</li><li>his character, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>; +</li><li>biographies of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>; +</li><li>poems in honour of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>; +</li><li>mediæval legend of, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>; +</li><li>identified with the Logos, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>; +</li><li>pilgrimage to the tomb of, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>; +</li><li>his tomb demolished by the Wahhabis, <a href="#Page_467">467</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Muhammad (‘Alid), <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> + +Muhammad (Seljuq), <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahhab, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>-467</li><li> + +Muhammad b. ‘Ali (‘Abbasid), <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li><li> + +Muhammad ‘Ali Pasha, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. -Sanusi, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Muhammad Ibnu ’l-Hanafiyya, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li><li> + +Muhammad b. -Hasan, the Imam, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li><li> + +Muhammad b. Isma‘il, the Imam, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>-274</li><li> + +Muhammad al-Kalbi, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +Muhammad b. Sa‘ud, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +-Muhtadi, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li><li> + +Muhyi ’l-Din Ibnu ’l-‘Arabi, <b><a href="#Page_399">399</a>-404</b>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li><li> + +Muhyi ’l-Maw’udat (title), <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li><li> + +Muir, Sir W., <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +-Mu‘izz (Fatimid Caliph), <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Mu‘izzu ’l-Dawla (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a></li><li> + +-Mujammi‘ (title), <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li><li> + +<i>Mu‘jamu ’l-Buldan</i>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +<i>Mu‘jamu ’l-Udaba</i>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +Mukarrib (title), <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li><li> + +-Mukhadramun (a class of poets), <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li><li> + +-Mukhtar, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <b><a href="#Page_218">218</a>-220</b>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li><li> + +<i>-Mukhtarat</i>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +-Muktafi, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li><li> + +-Mulaththamun, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></li><li> + +Müller, A., <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Muuml;ller, D. H., <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li><li> + +Multan, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li><li> + +Muluku ’l-Tawa’if (the Party Kings of Spain), <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li><li> + +-Munafiqun (the Hypocrites), <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li><li> + +-Munakhkhal (poet), <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li><li> + +-Mundhir I (Lakhmite), <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li><li> + +-Mundhir III (Lakhmite), <b><a href="#Page_41">41</a>-44</b>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li><li> + +-Mundhir IV (Lakhmite), <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li><li> + +-Mundhir b. -Harith (Ghassanid), <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li><li> + +-Mundhir b. Ma’ al-sama, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Mundhir III</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Munjibat (title), <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> + +Munk, S., <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +<i>-Munqidh mina ’l-Dalal</i>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a></li><li> + +<i>munshi</i>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +-Muqaddasi (geographer), <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li><li> + +<i>-Muqaddima</i>, of Ibn Khaldun, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <b><a href="#Page_437">437</a>-440</b>. +<ul><li>See <i>Ibn Khaldun</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Muqanna‘, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_500" id="Page_500" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>500</a></span> + +-Muqattam, Mt., <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li><li> + +<i>-Muqtabis</i>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +-Muqtadir, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li><li> + +<i>-murabit</i>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li><li> + +-Murabitun, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Almoravides, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>murid</i>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +<i>murji’</i> (Murjite), <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li><li> + +Murjites, the, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <b><a href="#Page_221">221</a>-222</b>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Murra, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li><li> + +Mursiya (Murcia), <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li><li> + +<i>Muruju ’l-Dhahab</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_349"><b>349</b></a>, <a href="#Page_353"><b>353</b></a>, <a href="#Page_354"><b>354</b></a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +<i>muruwwa</i> (virtue), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></li><li> + +Musa b. Maymun (Maimonides), <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Musa b. Nusayr, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +Musa b. ‘Uqba, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> + +Mus‘ab, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li><li> + +Musaylima, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li><li> + +<i>-Mushtarik</i>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +Music in Pre-Isiamic Arabia, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li><li> + +Musicians, Arab, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li><li> + +<i>-musiqi</i> (Music), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +Muslim (Moslem), meaning of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li><li> + +Muslim (author of <i>-Sahih</i>), <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Muslim b. ‘Aqil, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li><li> + +Muslim b. -Walid (poet), <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li><li> + +<i>musnad</i> (inscriptions), <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li><li> + +-Mustakfi (Spanish Umayyad), <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li><li> + +-Mustakfi, ‘Abbasid Caliph, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +-Mustansir (‘Abbasid), <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li><li> + +-Mustarshid Billah, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li><li> + +-Musta‘sim, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +-Mustawrid b. ‘Ullifa, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li><li> + +<i>-mut‘a</i>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li><li> + +-Mu‘tadid (‘Abbadid), <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li><li> + +-Mu‘tadid (‘Abbasid Caliph), <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li><li> + +-Mu‘tamid (‘Abbadid), <a href="#Page_421">421</a>-424</li><li> + +-Mutajarrida, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li><li> + +-Mutalammis (poet), <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li><li> + +Mutammim b. Nuwayra, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li><li> + +-Mutanabbi (poet), <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270"><b>270</b></a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <b><a href="#Page_304">304</a>-313</b>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li><li> + +<i>mutasawwifa</i> (aspirants to Sufiism), <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li><li> + +-Mu‘tasim, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +-Mutawakkil, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_375"><b>375</b></a>, <a href="#Page_376"><b>376</b></a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li><li> + +<i>mutawakkil</i>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li><li> + +Mu‘tazilites, the, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <b><a href="#Page_222">222</a>-224</b>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <b><a href="#Page_367">367</a>-370</b>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li><li> + +-Mu‘tazz, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li><li> + +-Muti‘, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li><li> + +Muti‘ b. Iyas (poet), <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li><li> + +<i>muwahhid</i>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li><li> + +-Muwalladun, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li><li> + +<i>muwashshah</i>, verse-form, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li><li> + +<i>-Muwatta’</i>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li><li> + +Muzaffar Qutuz (Mameluke), <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +Muzayna (tribe), <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li><li> + +-Muzayqiya (surname), <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li><li> + +<i>-Muzhir</i>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +Mystical poetry of the Arabs, the, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>-398, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +Mysticism. See <i>Sufiism</i></li> + +<li><h3>N</h3></li> +<li> +-Nabat, the Nabatæans, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li><li> + +Nabatæan, Moslem use of the term, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a></li><li> + +<i>Nabatæan Agriculture, the Book of</i>, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a></li><li> + +Nabatæan inscriptions, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +-Nabigha al-Dhubyam (poet), <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_54"><b>54</b></a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <b><a href="#Page_121">121</a>-123</b>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li><li> + +<i>nadhir</i> (warner), <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li><li> + +Nadir (tribe), <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li><li> + +-Nadr b. -Harith, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li><li> + +<i>Nafahatu ’l'Uns</i>, by Jami, <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li><li> + +<i>Nafhu ’l-Tib</i>, by -Maqqari, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a></li><li> + +Nafi‘ b. -Azraq, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li><li> + +-Nafs al-zakiyya (title), <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> + +-Nahhas (philologist), <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li><li> + +-Nahrawan, battle of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li><li> + +<i>-nahw</i> (grammar), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +Na’ila, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li><li> + +-Najaf, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li><li> + +-Najashi (the Negus), <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li><li> + +Najd, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +Najda b. ‘Amir, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li><li> + +Najdites (a Kharijite sect), the, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li><li> + +Najran, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li><li> + +Na‘man, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li><li> + +Namir (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a> + +Napoleon, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +<i>-Naqa’id</i>, of -Akhtal and Jarir, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li><li> + +<i>-Naqa’id</i>, of Jarir and -Farazdaq, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li><li> + +Naqb al-Hajar, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li><li> + +-Nasafi (Abu ’l-Barakat), <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +-Nasa’i, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Nashwan b. Sa‘id al-Himyari, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li><li> + +<i>nasib</i> (erotic prelude), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li><li> + +Nasim, a place near Baghdad, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +-Nasimi (the Hurufi poet), <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Nasir-i Khusraw, Persian poet, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li><li> + +Nasiru ’l-Dawla (Hamdanid), <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li><li> + +Nasr b. Sayyar, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li><li> + +Nasr II (Samanid), <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +Nasrid dynasty of Granada, the, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a></li><li> + +<i>nat‘</i>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li><li> + +-Nawaji (Muhammad b. -Hasan), <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li><li> + +Nawar, wife of -Farazdaq, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li><li> + +Nawar, the beloved of Labid, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li><li> + +Nawruz, Persian festival, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li><li> + +Naysabur, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +<i>Nazmu ’l-Suluk</i>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li><li> + +-Nazzam, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li><li> + +Neo-platonism, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li><li> + +Neo-platonist philosophers welcomed by Nushirwan, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Nero, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li><li> + +Nessus, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li><li> + +Nicephorus, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li><li> + +Niebuhr, Carsten, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li><li> + +Night journey of Muhammad, the, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +Night of Power, the, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li><li> + +<i>Nihayatu ’l-Aráb</i>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +Nile, the, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +Nirvana, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li><li> + +-Nizamiyya College, at Baghdad, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li><li> + +-Nizamiyya College, at Naysabur, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li><li> + +Nizamu ’l-Mulk, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li><li> + +Nizar, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a></li><li> + +Noah, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li><li> + +Nöldeke, Th., <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-60, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li><li> + +Nomadic life, characteristics of, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li><li> + +Nominalists, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></li><li> + +Normans, the, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Nubia, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li><li> + +Nuh I (Samanid), <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +Nuh II (Samanid), <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +<i>-Nujum al-Záhira</i>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_454"><b>454</b></a></li><li> + +-Nu‘man I (Lakhmite), <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li><li> + +-Nu‘man III (Lakhmite), <b><a href="#Page_45">45</a>-49</b>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li><li> + +-Nu‘man al-Akbar. See <i>Nu‘man I</i></li><li> + +-Nu‘man al-A‘war (Lakhmite). See <i>-Nu‘man I</i></li><li> + +-Nu‘man b. -Mundhir Abu Qabus. See <i>-Nu‘man III</i></li><li> + +Numayr (tribe), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_501" id="Page_501" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>501</a></span> + +-Nuri (Abu ’l-Husayn), <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +Nushirwan (Sasanian king), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +-Nuwayri, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +Nyberg, H. S., <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li> + +<li><h3>O</h3></li> +<li> +Occam, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></li><li> + +Ockley, Simon, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +Ode, the Arabian, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-78. +<ul><li>See <i>qasida</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Odenathus, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li><li> + +<i>Odyssey, the</i>, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a></li><li> + +O'Leary, De Lacy, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +Ordeal of fire, the, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li><li> + +Orthodox Caliphs, the, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-193</li><li> + +Orthodox Reaction, the, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Ash‘ari</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Osiander, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li><li> + +Ottoman Turks, the, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>-467</li><li> + +Oxus, the, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li> + +<li><h3>P</h3></li> +<li> +Pahlavi (Pehlevi) language, the, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Palermo, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Palestine, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li><li> + +Palmer, E. H., <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li><li> + +Palms, the Feast of, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li><li> + +Palm-tree, verses on the, by ‘Abd al-Rahman I, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li><li> + +Palm-trees of Hulwan, the two, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li><li> + +Palmyra, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li><li> + +Panegyric, two-sided (rhetorical figure), <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li><li> + +Panjab (Punjaub), the, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li><li> + +Pantheism, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_390"><b>390</b></a>, <a href="#Page_391"><b>391</b></a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_402"><b>402</b></a>, <a href="#Page_403"><b>403</b></a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +Paracelsus, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li><li> + +Paradise, the Muhammadan, burlesqued by Abu’l -‘Ala al-Ma‘arri, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li><li> + +Parthian kings, the, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +Parwez, son of Hurmuz (Sasanian), <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li><li> + +Passion Play, the, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li><li> + +<i>Paul and Virginia</i>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Pavet de Courteille, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +Pearl-fishing in the Persian Gulf, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +Pedro of Castile, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li><li> + +Penitents, the (a name given to certain Shi‘ite insurgents), <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li><li> + +Pentateuch, the, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li><li> + +Perfect Man, doctrine of the, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +Persecution of the early Moslems, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>; +<ul><li>of heretics, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>-375, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Persepolis, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +Persia, <a href="#Page_xxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +Persia, the Moslem conquest of, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li><li> + +Persia, the national legend of, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +Persian divines, influence of the, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li><li> + +Persian Gulf, the, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +Persian influence on Arabic civilisation and literature, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <b><a href="#Page_276">276</a>-281</b>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li><li> + +Persian influence on the Shi‘a, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li><li> + +<i>Persian Kings, History of the</i>, translated by Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +Persian literature, fostered by the Samanids and Buwayhids, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li><li> + +Persian Moslems who wrote in Arabic, <a href="#Page_xxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#Page_xxxi">xxxi</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>-278</li><li> + +Persians, the, rapidly became Arabicised, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li><li> + +Persians, the, in -Yemen, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li><li> + +Petra, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Petrarch, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li><li> + +Pharaoh, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +Pharaohs, the, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Philip III, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Philistines, the, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Philologists, the Arab, <a href="#Page_xxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <b><a href="#Page_341">341</a>-348</b> + +Philosophers, the Greeks <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Philosophers, the Moslem, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>-434</li><li> + +<i>Philosophers and scientists, Lives of the</i>, by Ibnu ’l-Qifti, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +<i>Philosophus Autodidactus</i>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +Phœnician language, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a></li><li> + +Phœnicians, the, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a></li><li> + +<i>Physicians, History of the</i>, by Ibn Abi Usaybi‘a, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Piers the Plowman, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Pietists, the, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li><li> + +Pilgrimage to Mecca, the, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li><li> + +Pilgrimage, of the Shi‘ites, to the tomb of -Husayn at Karbala, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +<i>pir</i> (Persian word), <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +Plato, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> + +Plutarch, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Pocock, E., <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +<i>Poems of the Hudhaylites, the</i>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li><li> + +Poems, the Pre-islamic, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <b><a href="#Page_71">71</a>-140</b>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>-289, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>; +<ul><li>chief collections of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>-131; +</li><li>the tradition of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>-134; +</li><li>first put into writing, <a href="#Page_132">132</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Poems, the Suspended.</i> See <i>-Mu‘allaqat</i></li><li> + +Poetics, work on, by Ibnu ’l-Mu‘tazz, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li><li> + +Poetry, Arabian, the origins of, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>-75; +<ul><li>the decline of, not due to Muhammad, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>; +</li><li>in the Umayyad period, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>-246; +</li><li>in the ‘Abbasid period, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>-336; +</li><li>in Spain, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>-417, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>; +</li><li>after the Mongol Invasion, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>-450 +</li></ul></li><li> +Poetry, conventions of the Ancient, criticised, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li><li> + +Poetry, Muhammadan views regarding the merits of, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>-312; +<ul><li>intimately connected with public life, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; +</li><li>seven kinds of, <a href="#Page_450">450</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Poetry, the oldest written Arabic, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li><li> + +<i>Poetry and Poets, Book of</i>, by Ibn Qutayba. See <i>Kitabu ’l-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ara</i></li><li> + +Poets, the Modern, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>-336; +<ul><li>judged on their merits by Ibn Qutayba, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>; +</li><li>pronounced superior to the Ancients, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Poets, the Pre-islamic, character and position of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>-73; +<ul><li>regarded as classical, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Politics, treatise on, by -Mawardi, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +Portugal, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li><li> + +Postal service, organised by ‘Abdu ’l-Malik, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li><li> + +Postmaster, the office of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li><li> + +Prætorius, F., <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li><li> + +Prayers, the five daily, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li><li> + +Predestination, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li><li> + +Preston, Theodore, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li><li> + +Prideaux, W. F., <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li><li> + +Primitive races in Arabia, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>-4</li><li> + +Proclus, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li><li> + +Procreation, considered sinful, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li><li> + +Prophecy, a, made by the Carmathians, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li><li> + +Prose, Arabic, the beginnings of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li><li> + +Proverbs, Arabic, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_31"><b>31</b></a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li><li> + +Ptolemies, the, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li><li> + +Ptolemy (geographer), <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li><li> + +Public recitation of literary works, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li><li> + +Pyramids, the, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +Pyrenees, the, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> + +Pythagoras, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li> + +<li><h3>Q</h3></li> +<li> +Qabus (Lakhmite), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li><li> + +<i>qadar</i> (power), <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> + +-Qadariyya (the upholders of free-will), <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> + +<i>qaddah</i> (oculist), <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_502" id="Page_502" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>502</a></span> + +<i>qadú ’l-qudat</i> (Chief Justice), <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li><li> + +Qadiri dervish order, the, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +-Qahira, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Cairo qahramana</i>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Qahtan, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li><li> + +<i>Qala’idu ’l-‘Iqyan</i>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li><li> + +<i>-Qamus</i>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +<i>-Qanun</i>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +<i>qara’a</i>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li><li> + +-Qarafa cemetery, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li><li> + +-Qaramita, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Carmathians, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>qarawi</i>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li><li> + +<i>qarn</i>, meaning 'ray', <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +<i>qasida</i> (ode), <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-78, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li><li> + +<i>qasida</i> (ode), form of the, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>; +<ul><li>contents and divisions of the, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>; +</li><li>loose structure of the, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>; +</li><li>unsuitable to the conditions of urban life, <a href="#Page_288">288</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Qasidatu ’l-Burda</i>. See <i>-Burda</i> + +<i>Qasidatu ’l-Himyariyya,</i> <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li><li> + +Qasir, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li><li> + +Qasirin, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li><li> + +Qasiyun, Mt., <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li><li> + +-Qastallani, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +Qatada, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li><li> + +Qatari b. -Fuia’a, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li><li> + +-Qayrawan, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Qays ‘Aylan (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +Qays b. -Khatim, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>-97, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li><li> + +Qays b. Zuhayr, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li><li> + +Qaysar (title), <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li><li> + +Qazwin, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +-Qazwini (geographer), <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li><li> + +Qift, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +<i>qiyas</i>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Qoniya, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li><li> + +Quatremère, M., <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li><li> + +Qudar the Red, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Qumis (province), <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li><li> + +<i>-Qur’an</i>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Koran, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Quraysh (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_64"><b>64</b></a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>-68, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>-158, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_237"><b>237</b></a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li><li> + +Quraysh, the dialect of, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>; +<ul><li>regarded as the classical standard, <a href="#Page_xxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Qurayza (tribe), <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li><li> + +<i>qurra</i> (Readers of the Koran), <a href="#Page_277">277</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Koran-readers, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Qusayy, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li><li> + +-Qushayri, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_338"><b>338</b></a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li><li> + +Quss b. Sa‘ida, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li><li> + +<i>qussas</i>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li><li> + +Qusta b. Luqa, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li><li> + +<i>Qutu ’l-Qulub</i>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li> + +<li><h3>R</h3></li> +<li> +<i>rabad</i>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li><li> + +Rabi‘, son of Fatima, the daughter of -Khurshub, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> + +Rabi‘a al-‘Adawiyya, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <b><a href="#Page_233">233</a>-234</b></li><li> + +Rabi‘a b. Nizar, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Rabi‘a (b. Nizar), the descendants of, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a></li><li> + +Racine, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +-Radi, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li><li> + +Radwa, Mount, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li><li> + +Rafidites, the, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Shi‘ites, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Ra‘i ’l-ibil (poet), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li><li> + +<i>raj‘a</i> (palingenesis), <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li><li> + +<i>-rajaz</i> (metre), <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></li><li> + +Rakhman, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li><li> + +Rakusians, the, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li><li> + +Ralfs, C. A., <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li><li> + +Ramadan, the Fast of, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Ramla, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li><li> + +Raqqada, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li><li> + +<i>Rasa’ilu Ikhwan al-Safa</i>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li><li> + +Rasmussen, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li><li> + +Rationalism. See <i>Mu‘tazilites</i> and <i>Free-thought</i></li><li> + +-Rawda, island on the Nile, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +<i>rawi</i> (reciter), <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li><li> + +Rawis, the, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>-134</li><li> + +Raydan, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li><li> + +-Rayy, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +-Rayyan, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li><li> + +-Razi (Abu Bakr), physician, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Abu Bakr al-Razi</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-Razi (Abu Bakr), historian, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li><li> + +Reading and writing despised by the pagan Arabs, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li><li> + +Realists, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></li><li> + +Red Sea, the, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li><li> + +Reformation, the, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Reforms of ‘Abdu ’l-Malik, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>; +<ul><li>of ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, <a href="#Page_205">205</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Register of ‘Umar, the, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li><li> + +Reiske, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li><li> + +Religion, conceived as a product of the human mind, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li><li> + +Religion of the Sabæans and Himyarites, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>; +<ul><li>of the Pagan Arabs, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>-140, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>; +</li><li>associated with commerce, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Religions and Sects, Book of, by -Shahrastam, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>; +<ul><li>by Ibn Hazm, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>. +</li><li>See <i>Kitabu ’l-Milal wa-’l-Nihal</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Religious ideas in Pre-islamic poetry, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>-140</li><li> + +Religious literature in the ‘Abbasid period, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>-341</li><li> + +Religious poetry, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>-302</li><li> + +Renaissance, the, <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li><li> + +Renan, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li><li> + +Renegades, the, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li><li> + +Resurrection, the, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li><li> + +Revenge, views of the Arabs concerning, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>; +<ul><li>poems relating to, <a href="#Page_97">97</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Rhages. See <i>-Rayy</i> + +Rhapsodists, the, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li><li> + +Rhazes, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Abu Bakr al-Razi</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Rhetoric, treatise on, by -Jahiz, <a href="#Page_347">347</a></li><li> + +Rhinoceros, the, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +Rhymed Prose. See <i>saj‘</i></li><li> + +Ribah b. Murra, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li><li> + +<i>ribat</i>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li><li> + +Richelieu, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li><li> + +Rifa‘i dervish order, the, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li><li> + +-Rijam, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li><li> + +<i>Risalatu ’l-Ghufran</i>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_318"><b>318</b></a>, <a href="#Page_319"><b>319</b></a>, <a href="#Page_375"><b>375</b></a></li><li> + +<i>-Risalat al-Qushayriyya</i>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +Roderic, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +Rödiger, Emil, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li><li> + +Roger II of Sicily, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li><li> + +Rome, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Byzantine Empire, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Ronda, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li><li> + +Rosary, use of the, prohibited, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li><li> + +Rosen, Baron V., <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Rothstein, Dr. G., <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li><li> + +-Rub‘ al-Khali, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a> + +Rubicon, the, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li><li> + +Ruuml;ckert, Friedrich, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li><li> + +Rudagi, Persian poet, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +Ruhu ’l-Quds (the Holy Ghost), <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li><li> + +<i>-rujz</i>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li><li> + +Ruknu ’l-Dawla (Buwayhid), <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +-Rumaykiyya, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></li><li> + +Rushayyid al-Dahdah, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li><li> + +Rustam, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Ruzbih, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘</i> +</li></ul></li> + +<li><h3>S</h3></li> +<li> +-Sa‘b Dhu ’l-Qarnayn, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li><li> + +<i>-Sab‘ al-Tiwal</i> (the Seven Long Poems), <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li><li> + +Saba (Sheba), <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_4"><b>4</b></a>, <a href="#Page_5"><b>5</b></a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Sabæans, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Saba (person), <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li><li> + +Sabæan language, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>South Arabic language, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Sabæans, the, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a>, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_4"><b>4</b></a>, <a href="#Page_5"><b>5</b></a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li><li> + +Saba’ites, the, a Shi‘ite sect, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li><li> + +Sabians, the, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li><li> + +-Sab‘iyya (the Seveners), <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li><li> + +Sabota, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Sabuktagin, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_503" id="Page_503" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>503</a></span> + +Sabur I, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li><li> + +Sabur b. Ardashir, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li><li> + +Sachau, E., <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Sacy, Silvestre de, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +Sa‘d (client of Jassas b. Murra), <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li><li> + +Sa‘d (tribe), <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li><li> + +Sa‘d b. Malik b. Dubay‘a, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li><li> + +<i>sada</i> (owl or wraith), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li><li> + +Sa‘d-ilah, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li><li> + +<i>sadin</i>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li><li> + +-Sadir (castle), <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li><li> + +Sadru ’l-Din of Qoniya, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li><li> + +<i>safa</i> (purity), <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li><li> + +Safa, the inscriptions of, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a></li><li> + +-Safadi, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +<i>Safar-Nama</i>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li><li> + +Safawid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a></li><li> + +-Saffah, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li><li> + +-Saffah b. ‘Abd Manat, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li><li> + +-Saffah, meaning of the title, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li><li> + +-Saffar (title), <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +Saffarid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +<i>safi</i> (pure), <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li><li> + +Safiyyu ’l-Din al-Hilli (poet), <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +<i>sag</i> (Persian word), <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +-Sahaba (the Companions of the Prophet), <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li><li> + +Sahara, the, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +-Sahib Isma‘il b. ‘Abbad, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a></li><li> + +Sahibu ’l-Zanadiqa (title), <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li><li> + +<i>-Sahih</i>, of -Bukhari, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +<i>-Sahih</i>, of Muslim, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Sahl b. ‘Abdallah al-Tustari, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +Sa‘id b. -Husayn, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li><li> + +St. John, the Cathedral of, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li><li> + +St. Thomas, the Church of, at -Hira, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li><li> + +Saints, female, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li><li> + +Saints, the Moslem, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li><li> + +<i>saj</i> (rhymed prose), <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li><li> + +Sakhr, brother of -Khansa, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li><li> + +Sal‘, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li><li> + +Saladin, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Salahu ’l-Din b. Ayyub, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Saladin</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Salama b. Khalid, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li><li> + +Salaman, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +Salaman (tribe), <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li><li> + +Salamya, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li><li> + +Salih (prophet), <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Salih (tribe), <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> + +Salih b. ‘Abd al-Quddus, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>-375</li><li> + +Salim al-Suddi, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> + +Saltpetre industry, the, at -Basra, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li><li> + +Sam b. Nuh, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>. See <i>Shem, the son of Noah</i> + +<i>sama‘</i> (oral tradition), <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +<i>sama‘</i> (religious music), <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li><li> + +Samah‘ali Yanuf, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li><li> + +-Sam‘ani <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +Samanid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_265"><b>265</b></a>, <a href="#Page_266"><b>266</b></a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li><li> + +Samarcand, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li><li> + +Samarra, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li><li> + +-Samaw’al b. ‘Adiya, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li><li> + +Samuel Ha-Levi, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +San‘a, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li><li> + +<i>sanad</i>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li><li> + +-Sanhaji, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Sanjar (Seljuq), <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li><li> + +-Sanusi (Muhammad b. Yusuf), <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Sanusiyya Brotherhood, the, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +-Saqaliba, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li><li> + +<i>Saqtu ’l-Zand</i>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li><li> + +Sarabi (name of a she-camel), <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li><li> + +Sargon, King, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li><li> + +Sari al-Raffa (poet), <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li><li> + +Sari al-Saqati, <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li><li> + +Saruj, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li><li> + +Sa‘sa‘a, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li><li> + +Sasanian dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +Sasanian kings, the, regarded as divine, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li><li> + +Satire, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li><li> + +Saturn and Jupiter, conjunction of, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li><li> + +Sa‘ud b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz b. Muhammad b. Sa‘ud, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +Sawa, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li><li> + +Sayf b. Dhi Yazan, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li><li> + +-Sayfiyya College, the, in Cairo, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li><li> + +Sayfu ’l-Dawla (Hamdanid), <b><a href="#Page_269">269</a>-271</b>, <b><a href="#Page_303">303</a>-307</b>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +Saylu ’l-‘Arim, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li><li> + +Schack, A. F. von, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Schefer, C., <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li><li> + +Scheherazade, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +Scholasticism, Muhammadan, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Ash‘ari</i>; <i>Ash‘arites</i>; <i>Orthodox Reaction</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Schreiner, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li><li> + +Schulthess, F., <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li><li> + +Sciences, the Foreign, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>-364</li><li> + +Sciences, the Moslem, development and classification of, <a href="#Page_282"><b>282</b></a>, <a href="#Page_283"><b>283</b></a></li><li> + +Scripture, People of the, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li><li> + +Sea-serpent, the, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +Sédillot, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li><li> + +Seetzen, Ulrich Jasper, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li><li> + +Seleucids, the, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li><li> + +Self, dying to (fana), the Sufi doctrine of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li><li> + +Selim I (Ottoman Sultan), <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li><li> + +Seljuq dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_275"><b>275</b></a>, <a href="#Page_276"><b>276</b></a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +Seljuq b. Tuqaq, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li><li> + +Seljuq Turks, the, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Sell, Rev. E., <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Semites, the, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li><li> + +Semitic languages, the, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a> + +Senegal, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li><li> + +Seville, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li><li> + +Shabib, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li><li> + +Shabwat, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Shaddad (king), <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li><li> + +Shaddad b. -Aswad al-Laythi, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li><li> + +<i>Shadharatu ’l-Dhahab</i>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +-Shadhili (Abu ’l-Hasan), <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Shadhili order of dervishes, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +-Shafi‘i, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li><li> + +Shafi‘ite doctors, biographical work on the, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +<i>Shahnama, the</i>, by Firdawsi, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li><li> + +-Shahrastani, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_341"><b>341</b></a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li><li> + +Shahrazad, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +<i>sha‘ir</i> (poet), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li><li> + +Shakespeare, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li><li> + +Shamir b. Dhi ’l-Jawshan, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li><li> + +Shams (name of a god), <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li><li> + +Shams b. Malik, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li><li> + +Shamsiyya, Queen of Arabia, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li><li> + +<i>Shamsu ’l-‘Ulum</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li><li> + +-Shanfara, <b><a href="#Page_79">79</a>-81</b>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +Shaqiq (Abu ‘Ali), of Balkh, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li><li> + +Sharahil (Sharahbil), <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +-Sha‘rani, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <b><a href="#Page_464">464</a>-465</b></li><li> + +<i>shari‘at</i>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +-Sharif al-Jurjani, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +-Sharif al-Radi (poet), <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li><li> + +Sharifs, of Morocco, the, <a href="#Page_442">442</a></li><li> + +Sharik b. ‘Amr, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li><li> + +Shas, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li><li> + +Shayban (clan of Bakr), <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li><li> + +-Shaykh al-Akbar, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Muhyi ’l-Din Ibnu ’l-‘Arabi</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Sheba, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li><li> + +Sheba, the Queen of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +Shem, the son of Noah, <a href="#Page_xv">xv</a>, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a></li><li> + +<i>shi‘a</i> (party), <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li><li> + +Shi‘a, the, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Shi‘ites, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>-Shifa</i>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Shihabu ’l-Din al-Suhrawardi. See <i>-Suhrawardi</i></li><li> + +-Shihr, dialect of, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a></li><li> + +Shi‘ites, the, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>. <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <b><a href="#Page_213">213</a>-220</b>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>-275, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +<i>shikaft</i> (Persian word), <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li><li> + +<i>-shikaftiyya</i> (the Cave-dwellers), <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li><li> + +Shilb, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li><li> + +Shiraz, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li><li> + +Shirazad, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_504" id="Page_504" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>504</a></span> + +-Shirbini, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +<i>-shurat</i> (the Sellers), <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li><li> + +Shu‘ubites, the, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>-280, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li><li> + +Sibawayhi, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li><li> + +Sicily, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +<i>siddiq</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +-Siddiq (title of Abu Bakr), <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li><li> + +Sidi Khalil al-Jundi, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +<i>Sifatu Jazirat al-‘Arab</i>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li><li> + +Siffin, battle of, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li><li> + +<i>-sihr wa-’l-kimiya</i> (Magic and Alchemy), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +<i>-Sila fi akhbari a’immati ’l-Andalus</i>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li><li> + +Silves, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li><li> + +Simak b. ‘Ubayd, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li><li> + +Sinbadh the Magian, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> + +<i>Sindbad, the Book of</i>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Sinimmar, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li><li> + +Siqadanj, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li><li> + +<i>Siratu ‘Antar</i>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +<i>Siratu Rasuli ’llah</i>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +<i>siyaha</i>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li><li> + +<i>Siyaru Muluk al-‘Ajam</i>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +Slane, Baron MacGuckin de, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li><li> + +Slaves, the, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li><li> + +Smith, R. Payne, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li><li> + +Smith, W. Robertson, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li><li> + +Snouck Hurgronje, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li><li> + +Socotra, dialect of, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a></li><li> + +Solecisms, work on, by -Hariri, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li><li> + +Solomon, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a></li><li> + +Solomon Ibn Gabirol, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Soothsayers, Arabian, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li><li> + +South Arabic inscriptions, the. See <i>Inscriptions, South Arabic</i></li><li> + +South Arabic language, the, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>-11</li><li> + +Spain, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_xxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <b><a href="#Page_405">405</a>-441</b>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +Spain, the Moslem conquest of, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +Spencer, Herbert, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li><li> + +Spitta, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li><li> + +Sprenger, A., <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Steiner, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li><li> + +Steingass, F., <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li><li> + +Stephen bar Sudaili, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li><li> + +Stones, the worship of, in pagan Arabia, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li><li> + +Stories, frivolous, reprobated by strict Moslems, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li><li> + +Street-preachers, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li><li> + +Stylistic, manual of, by Ibn Qutayba, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +-Subki (Taju ’l-Din), <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Suetonius, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +<i>suf</i> (wool), <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li><li> + +Sufi, derivation of, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>; +<ul><li>meaning of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Sufiism, <b><a href="#Page_227">227</a>-235</b>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <b><a href="#Page_383">383</a>-404</b>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>-465</li><li> + +Sufiism, Arabic works of reference on, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +Sufiism, origins of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>-231, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>-389; +<ul><li>distinguished from asceticism, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>; +</li><li>the keynote of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>; +</li><li>argument against the Indian origin of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>; +</li><li>composed of many different elements, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>; +</li><li>different schools of, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>; +</li><li>foreign sources of, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>; +</li><li>principles of, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>; +</li><li>definitions of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Sufis, the, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>-465. +<ul><li>See <i>Sufiism</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Sufyan b. ‘Uyayna, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></li><li> + +Suhaym b. Wathil (poet), <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li><li> + +-Suhrawardi (Shihabu ’l-Din Abu Hafs ‘Umar), <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li><li> + +-Suhrawardi (Shihabu ’l-Din Yahya), <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li><li> + +-Sukkari, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +-Sulayk b. -Sulaka, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li><li> + +Sulaym (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a> + +Sulayma, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li><li> + +Sulayman (Umayyad Caliph), <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li><li> + +Sulayman al-Bistani, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +-Suli, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +<i>-Suluk li-ma‘rifati Duwali ’l-Muluk</i>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li><li> + +-Sumayl b. Hatim, <a href="#Page_406">406</a></li><li> + +Sumayya, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li><li> + +<i>-Sunan</i>, of Abu Dawud al-Sijistani, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +<i>-Sunan</i>, of Ibn Maja, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +<i>-Sunan</i>, of, -Nasa’i, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +<i>-sunna</i>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li><li> + +<i>-sunna</i>, collections of traditions bearing on, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Sunnis, the, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li><li> + +Sunnis and Shi‘ites. not between the, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +<i>sura</i>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura of Abu Lahab, the</i>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura of Coagulated Blood, the</i>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura of the Elephant, the</i>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura of the Enwrapped, the</i>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura of the Morning, the</i>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura, the Opening</i>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura of Purification, the</i>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Suratu ’l-Ikhlas</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Sura of the Severing, the</i>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura of the Signs, the</i>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura of the Smiting, the</i>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li><li> + +<i>Sura of the Unbelievers, the</i>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li><li> + +<i>Suratu ’l-Fatiha</i> (the opening chapter of the Koran), <a href="#Page_168">168</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Sura, the Opening</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Suratu ’l-Ikhlas</i>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Sura of Purification, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Suratu ’l-Tahrim</i>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +Surra-man-ra’a, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li><li> + +Surushan, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li><li> + +-Sus, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li><li> + +Suwayqa, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li><li> + +Suyut, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +-Suyuti (Jalalu ’l-Din), <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_454"><b>454</b></a>, <a href="#Page_455"><b>455</b></a> + +Syria, <a href="#Page_xxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>-xxx, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Syria, conquest of, by the Moslems, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + +<li><h3>T</h3></li> +<li> +Ta’abbata Sharr<sup>an</sup> (poet), <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81"><b>81</b></a>, <a href="#Page_97"><b>97</b></a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li><li> + +Tabala, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li><li> + +<i>Tabaqatu 'l-Atibba</i>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li><li> + +<i>Tabaqatu ’l-Sufiyya</i>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li><li> + +Tabaran, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +-Tabari, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>-68, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_145"><b>145</b></a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_349"><b>349</b></a>, <a href="#Page_352"><b>352</b></a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li><li> + +-Tabari's <i>Annals</i>, abridgment of, by -Bal‘ami, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +Tabaristan, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li><li> + +<i>tabi‘iyyun</i>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li><li> + +-Tabi‘un (the Successors), <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li><li> + +Table, the Guarded, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li><li> + +Tabriz, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Tacitus, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li><li> + +<i>Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliya</i>, by Faridu’ddin ‘Attar, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li><li> + +<i>tadlis</i>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li><li> + +<i>Tafsiru ’l-Jalalayn</i>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +<i>Tafsiru ’l-Qur‘an</i>, by -Tabari, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li><li> + +-Taftazani, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +Taghlib (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>-60, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li><li> + +<i>Tahafutu ’l-Falasifa</i>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li><li> + +Tahir, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li><li> + +Tahirid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +<i>tahrimu ’l-makasib</i>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Ta’if, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li><li> + +<i>-Ta’iyyatu ’l-Kubra</i>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +<i>-Taiyyatu ’l-Sughra</i>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li><li> + +<i>tajrid</i>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li><li> + +Talha, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li><li> + +Ta‘limites, the, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li><li> + +<i>Talisman, the</i>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li><li> + +Tamerlane, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Timur</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Tamim (tribe), <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li><li> + +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_505" id="Page_505" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>505</a></span> + +Tamim al-Dari, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li><li> + +<i>tanasukh</i> (metempsychosis), <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +Tanukh (tribe), <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li><li> + +<i>taqlid</i>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +Tarafa (poet), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <b><a href="#Page_107">107</a>-109</b>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li><li> + +<i>tardiyyat</i>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li><li> + +<i>Ta’rikhu ’l-Hind</i>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +<i>Ta’rikhu ’l-Hukama</i>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li><li> + +<i>Ta’rikhu ’l-Khamis</i>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li><li> + +<i>Ta'rikhu ’l-Khulafa</i>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li><li> + +<i>Ta'rikhu ’l-Rusul wa-’l-Muluk</i>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li><li> + +<i>Ta'rikhu ’l-Tamaddun al-Islami</i>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li><li> + +Tariq, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +<i>Tarjumanu ’l-Ashwaq</i>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li><li> + +Tarsus, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Tartary, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +<i>tasawwuf</i> (Sufiism), <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li><li> + +Tasm (tribe), <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li><li> + +<i>tawaf</i>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li><li> + +<i>tawakkut</i>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li><li> + +<i>tawhid</i>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a></li><li> + +<i>ta’wil</i> (Interpretation), the doctrine of, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li><li> + +<i>-tawil</i> (metre), <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li><li> + +-Tawwabun (the Penitents), <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li><li> + +Tayma, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li><li> + +Tayyi’ (tribe), <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li><li> + +<i>ta‘ziya</i> (Passion Play), <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li><li> + +Teheran, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li><li> + +Temple, the, at Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li><li> + +Tennyson, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li><li> + +Teresa, St., <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li><li> + +Testament, the Old, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li><li> + +-Tha‘alibi, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <b><a href="#Page_308">308</a>-312</b>, <a href="#Page_348"><b>348</b></a></li><li> + +Thabit b. Jabir b. Sutyan, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Ta’abbata Sharr<sup>an</sup></i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Thabit b. Qurra, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li><li> + +Thabit Qutna, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li><li> + +Tha‘lab, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li><li> + +Thales, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Thamud, <a href="#Page_x">x</a>, <a href="#Page_3"><b>3</b></a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li><li> + +<i>thanawi</i>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li><li> + +Thapsus, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li><li> + +Thaqif (tribe), <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li><li> + +Theodore Abucara, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li><li> + +Theologians, influence of, in the ‘Abbasid period, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></li><li> + +Thoma (St. Thomas), <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li><li> + +Thomas Aquinas, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></li><li> + +Thorbecke, H., <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +<i>Thousand and One Nights, the</i>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>-459. +<ul><li>See <i>Arabian Nights, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>-tibb</i> (medicine), <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +Tiberius, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li><li> + +-Tibrizi (commentator), <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li><li> + +Tibullus, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li><li> + +Tides, a dissertation on, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +Tigris, the, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li><li> + +-Tihama, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li><li> + +Tihama, the, of Mecca, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> + +Tilimsan, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +Timur, <a href="#Page_xxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Tamerlane</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Timur, biography of, by Ibn ‘Arabshah, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +<i>tinnin</i>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +-Tirimmah (poet), <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li><li> + +-Tirmidhi (Abu ‘Isa Muhammad), <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Titus, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li><li> + +Tobacco, the smoking of, prohibited, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li><li> + +Toledo, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>-423</li><li> + +Toleration, of Moslems towards Zoroastrians, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>; +<ul><li>towards Christians, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Torah, the, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Pentateuch</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Tornberg, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li><li> + +Tours, battle of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> + +Trade between India and Arabia, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li><li> + +Trade, expansion of, in the ‘Abbasid period, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li><li> + +Traditional or Religious Sciences, the, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li><li> + +Traditions, the Apostolic, collections of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li><li> + +Traditions of the Prophet, <b><a href="#Page_143">143</a>-146</b>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li><li> + +Trajan, <a href="#Page_xxv">xxv</a></li><li> + +Translations into Arabic, from Pehlevi, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>; +<ul><li>from Greek, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>; +</li><li>from Coptic, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>; +</li><li>from English and French, <a href="#Page_469">469</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Translators of scientific books into Arabic, the, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li><li> + +Transoxania, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li><li> + +Transoxania, conquest of, by the Moslems, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li><li> + +Tribal constitution, the, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li><li> + +Tribes, the Arab, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_xx">xx</a> + +Tripoli, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li><li> + +Tubba‘s, the (Himyarite kings), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <b><a href="#Page_17">17</a>-26</b>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li><li> + +Tudih, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li><li> + +<i>tughra</i>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +<i>tughra’i</i> (chancellor), <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +-Tughra’i (poet), <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li><li> + +Tughril Beg, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li><li> + +<i>tului</i>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li><li> + +Tumadir, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li><li> + +Tunis, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li><li> + +Turkey, <a href="#Page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li><li> + +Turkey, the Sultans of, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li><li> + +Turks, the, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Ottoman Turks</i>; <i>Seljuq Turks</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Tus, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li><li> + +Tuwayli‘, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li><li> + +Tuways, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li><li> + +<i>Twenty Years After</i>, by Dumas, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li> + +<li><h3>U</h3></li> +<li> +‘Ubaydu’llah, the Mahdi, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li><li> + +‘Ubaydu’llah b. Yahya, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li><li> + +‘Ubaydu’llah b. Ziyad, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li><li> + +Udhayna (Odenathus), <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li><li> + +Uhud, battle of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li><li> + +‘Ukaz, the fair of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li><li> + +-‘Ulama, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Ultra-Shi‘ites, the, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>-Ghulat</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +‘Uman (province), <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li><li> + +‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (Umayyad Caliph), <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <b><a href="#Page_204">204</a>-206</b>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li><li> + +‘Umar b. Abi Rabi‘a (poet), <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li><li> + +‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Farid (poet), <a href="#Page_325"><b>325</b></a>, <b><a href="#Page_394">394</a>-398</b>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li><li> + +‘Umar b. Hatsun, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li><li> + +‘Umar b. al-Khattab (Caliph), <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <b><a href="#Page_185">185</a>-190</b>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li><li> + +‘Umar Khayyam, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li><li> + +‘Umara, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> + +Umayma (name of a woman), <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li><li> + +Umayya, ancestor of the Umayyads, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li><li> + +Umayya b. Abi ’l-Salt (poet), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <b><a href="#Page_149">149</a>-150</b></li><li> + +Umayyad dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <b><a href="#Page_193">193</a>-206</b>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li><li> + +Umayyad literature, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>-247</li><li> + +Umayyads (descendants of Umayya), the, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Umayyad dynasty, the</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Umayyads, Moslem prejudice against the, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li><li> + +Umayyads of Spain, the, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <b><a href="#Page_405">405</a>-414</b></li><li> + +<i>-‘Umda</i>, by Ibn Rashiq, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li><li> + +Umm ‘Asim, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> + +Umm Jamil, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li><li> + +Unays, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></li><li> + +-‘Urayd, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li><li> + +Urtuqid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li><li> + +<i>Usdu ’l-Ghaba</i>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li><li> + +‘Usfan, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li><li> + +<i>ustadh</i>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li><li> + +Ustadhsis, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> + +Usyut, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li><li> + +‘Utba, a slave-girl, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li><li> + +-‘Utbi (historian), <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li><li> + +‘Uthman b. ‘Affan, Caliph, <a href="#Page_xxvii">xxvii</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_190"><b>190</b></a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +<i>‘Uyunu ’l-Akhbar</i>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li><li> + +<i>‘Uyunu ’l-Anba fi Tabaqat al-Atibba</i>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Tabaqatu ’l-Atibba</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +-‘Uzza (goddess), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> +<li> +<span class='pagenum'><a class="tooltip" name="Page_506" id="Page_506" href="#"><span><i>INDEX</i></span>506</a></span> +</li> +<li><h3>V</h3></li> +<li> +Valencia, <a href="#Page_421">421</a></li><li> + +Valerian, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li><li> + +Van Vloten, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li><li> + +Vedanta, the, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li><li> + +Venus, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +Vico, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li><li> + +Victor Hugo, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></li><li> + +Villon, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li><li> + +Vizier, the office of, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>wazir</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Viziers of the Buwayhid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li><li> + +Vogué, C. J. M. de, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a></li><li> + +Vollers, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li><li> + +Vowel-marks in Arabic script, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li> + +<li><h3>W</h3></li> +<li> +Wadd, name of a god, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li><li> + +Wadi ’l-Mustad‘afin, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li><li> + +<i>Wafayatu ’l-A‘yan</i>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Ibn Khallikan</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>-Wafi bi ’l-Wafayat</i>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li><li> + +<i>-wafir</i> (metre), <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li><li> + +Wahb b. Munabbih, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li><li> + +<i>wahdatu ’l-wujud</i>, monism, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li><li> + +Wahhabis, the, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>-468</li><li> + +Wahhabite Reformation, the, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>-468</li><li> + +-Wahidi (commentator), <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li><li> + +<i>-wa‘id</i>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Wa’il, <a href="#Page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li><li> + +<i>wajd</i>, mystical term, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li><li> + +Wajra, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li><li> + +-Walid b. ‘Abd al-Malik (Umayyad Caliph), <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_203"><b>203</b></a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +-Walid b. Yazid (Umayyad Caliph), <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_206"><b>206</b></a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Wallada, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li><li> + +-Waqidi (historian), <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +Waraqa b. Nawfal, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li><li> + +<i>wasi</i> (executor), <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li><li> + +Wasil b. ‘Ata, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li><li> + +Wasit, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li><li> + +Water-diviners, honoured by the pagan Arabs, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li><li> + +-Wathiq, the Caliph, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li><li> + +<i>wazir</i>, an Arabic word, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Vizier</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Wellhausen, J., <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li><li> + +Well-songs, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li><li> + +Wellsted, J. R., <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li><li> + +West Gothic dynasty in Spain, the, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> + +Weyers, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li><li> + +Wine-songs, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li><li> + +Witches, Ballad of the Three, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li><li> + +Women famed as poets, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>; +<ul><li>as Sufis, <a href="#Page_233">233</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Women, position of, in Pre-islamic times, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>-92</li><li> + +Woollen garments, a sign of asceticism, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li><li> + +Wright, W., <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li><li> + +Writing, Arabic, the oldest specimens of, <a href="#Page_xxi">xxi</a></li><li> + +Writing, the art of, in Pre-islamic times, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li><li> + +Wuuml;stenfeld, F., <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li> + +<li><h3>X</h3></li> +<li> +Xerxes, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li><li> + +Ximenez, Archbishop, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li> + +<li><h3>Y</h3></li> +<li> +-Yahud (the Jews), <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li><li> + +Yahya b. Abi Mansur, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li><li> + +Yahya b. Khalid, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li><li> + +Yahya b. Yahya, the Berber, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li><li> + +Yaksum, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li><li> + +-Yamama, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li><li> + +-Yamama, battle of, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li><li> + +Ya‘qub b. -Layth, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li><li> + +Ya‘qub al-Mansur (Almohade), <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li><li> + +-Ya‘qubi (Ibn Wadih), historian, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li><li> + +Yaqut, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li><li> + +Ya‘rub, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li><li> + +Yatha‘amar (Sabæan king), <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li><li> + +Yatha‘amar Bayyin, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li><li> + +Yathrib, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Medina</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Yathrippa, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li><li> + +<i>-Yatima.</i> See <i>Yatimatu ’l-Dahr</i></li><li> + +<i>Yatimatu ’l-Dahr</i>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_308"><b>308</b></a>, <a href="#Page_348"><b>348</b></a></li><li> + +<i>-Yawaqit</i>, by -Sha‘rani, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +Yazdigird I (Sasanian), <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li><li> + +Yazid b. ‘Abd al-Malik (Umayyad Caliph), <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li><li> + +Yazid b. Abi Sufyan, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li><li> + +Yazid b. Mu‘awiya (Umayyad Caliph), <b><a href="#Page_195">195</a>-199</b>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li><li> + +Yazid b. Rabi‘a b. Mufarrigh, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li><li> + +-Yemen (-Yaman), <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li><li> + +Yoqtan, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a></li><li> + +Yoqtanids, the, <a href="#Page_xviii">xviii</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Arabs, the Yemenite</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Yusuf b. ‘Abd al-Barr, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li><li> + +Yusuf b. ‘Abd al-Mu’min (Almohade), <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li><li> + +Yusuf b. ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Fihri, <a href="#Page_406">406</a></li><li> + +Yusuf b. Tashifin (Almoravide), <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li> + +<li><h3>Z</h3></li> +<li> +Zab, battle of the, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li><li> + +Zabad, the trilingual inscription of, <a href="#Page_xxii">xxii</a></li><li> + +-Zabba, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Zenobia</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Zabdai, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li><li> + +<i>zaddiq</i>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Zafar (town in -Yemen), <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li><li> + +Zafar (tribe), <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li><li> + +<i>zahid</i> (ascetic), <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li><li> + +Zahirites, the, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li><li> + +-Zahra, suburb of Cordova, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li><li> + +<i>zajal</i>, verse-form, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li><li> + +Zallaqa, battle of, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li><li> + +-Zamakhshari, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li><li> + +<i>zandik</i>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +-Zanj, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li><li> + +Zanzibar, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +<i>Zapiski</i>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li><li> + +Zarifa, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li><li> + +Zarqa’u ’l-Yamama, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li><li> + +Zayd, son of ‘Adi b. Zayd, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li><li> + +Zayd b. ‘Ali b. -Husayn, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Zayd b. ‘Amr b. Nufayl, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li><li> + +Zayd b. Hammad, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li><li> + +Zayd b. Haritha, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li><li> + +Zayd b. Kilab b. Murra, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>. +<ul><li>See <i>Qusayy</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Zayd b. Rifa‘a, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li><li> + +Zayd b. Thabit, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li><li> + +Zaydites, the, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li><li> + +Zaynab (Zenobia), <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li><li> + +Zaynab, an Arab woman, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li><li> + +Zaynu ’l-‘Abidin, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li><li> + +Zenobia, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li><li> + +<i>Zinatu ’l-Dahr</i>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li><li> + +Zindiqs, the, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <b><a href="#Page_372">372</a>-375</b>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li><li> + +Ziryab (musician), <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li><li> + +Ziyad, husband of Fatima, the daughter of -Khurshub, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> + +Ziyad ibn Abihi, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a></li><li> + +Ziyad b. Mu‘awiya. See <i>-Nabigha al-Dhubvani</i></li><li> + +Ziyanid dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_442">442</a></li><li> + +Zone, the, worn by Zoroastrians, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Zoroaster, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> + +Zoroastrians, the, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li><li> + +Zotenberg, H., <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li><li> + +Zubayda, wife of Harun al-Rashid, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li><li> + +-Zubayr, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li><li> + +-Zuhara, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li><li> + +Zuhayr b. Abi Sulma (poet), <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <b><a href="#Page_116">116</a>-119</b>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></li><li> + +<i>zuhd</i> (asceticism), <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>. <a href="#Page_299">299</a></li><li> + +<i>zuhdiyyat</i>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li><li> + +Zuhra b. Kilab b. Murra, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> + +-Zuhri (Muhammad b. Muslim b. Shihab), <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> + +<i>zunnar</i>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li> +</ul> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Literary History of the Arabs, by +Reynold Nicholson + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ARABS *** + +***** This file should be named 37985-h.htm or 37985-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/7/9/8/37985/ + +Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Turgut Dincer, Sania Ali +Mirza and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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