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+Project Gutenberg's Catastrophe and Social Change, by Samuel Henry Prince
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Catastrophe and Social Change
+       Based Upon a Sociological Study of the Halifax Disaster
+
+Author: Samuel Henry Prince
+
+Release Date: September 30, 2011 [EBook #37580]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
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+
+  [ Transcriber's Notes:
+
+    Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully
+    as possible, including inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation
+    and non-standard punctuation. Some corrections of spelling and
+    punctuation have been made. They are listed at the end of the text.
+
+    Some of the entries in the index are not in alphabetical order; they
+    have been kept as printed.
+
+    Italic text has been marked with _underscores_.
+  ]
+
+
+
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE
+
+  BASED UPON A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF
+  THE HALIFAX DISASTER
+
+  BY
+  SAMUEL HENRY PRINCE, M. A. (Tor.)
+
+  SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
+  FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
+  IN THE
+  FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
+  COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
+
+  NEW YORK
+  1920
+
+
+
+
+  Halifax
+  is not a large city
+  but there are those who love it
+  who would choose to dwell therein
+  before all cities beneath
+  the skies
+
+  To
+  All Such
+  CITIZENS, PAR EXCELLENCE,
+  I COUNT IT AN HONOR TO DEDICATE
+  THESE LINES
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The following pages embody the result of an observational study of the
+social phenomena attendant upon one of the greatest catastrophies in
+history--the Halifax Disaster. The idea of the work was suggested while
+carrying out a civic community study of the disaster city under the
+direction of Professor F. H. Giddings of Columbia University.
+
+The account deals first with the shock and disintegration as the writer
+observed it. Individual and group reactions are next examined in the
+light of sociological theory. The chapters on Social Organization are an
+effort to picture that process as it actually occurred.
+
+The writer has also tried faithfully to record any important
+contribution which Social Economy was able to make in the direction of
+systematic rehabilitation. Special reference is made to private
+initiative and governmental control in emergency relief. This monograph
+is in no sense, however, a relief survey. Its chief value to the
+literature of relief will lie in its bearing upon predictable social
+movements in great emergencies.
+
+Nor is the book a history of the disaster. It is rather, as the title
+suggests, an intensive study of two social orders, between which stands
+a great catastrophe, and its thesis is the place of catastrophe in
+social change.
+
+In the preparation of this work, which the author believes to be the
+first attempt to present a purely scientific and sociological treatment
+of any great disaster, he has received invaluable assistance. A few
+grateful lines can ill-express his obligation to his Professors of the
+Department of Sociology. To Professor F. H. Giddings the volume owes its
+inspiration and much of its social philosophy. To Professor A. A. Tenney
+it owes its present form and structure and any literary excellence it
+may possess. Professor R. E. Chaddock has read the manuscript throughout
+and has contributed many helpful suggestions. Professor S. M. Lindsay
+has read the chapter on Social Legislation, and Professor R. S.
+Woodworth of the Department of Psychology, that on Disaster Psychology.
+The author is under special tribute to Professor H. R. Seager, and to
+Professor Tenney, who most cheerfully sacrificed part of a summer
+vacation to read and revise the manuscript and proof.
+
+Without the walls of the University there are also those who have given
+aid. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Dr. Edward T.
+Devine of New York, of Mr. C. C. Carstens of Boston, of Mr. Thomas
+Mackay, of Ottawa, and of Miss E. M. A. Vaughan, of the St. John Public
+Library. He has enjoyed the cooperation of many friends and
+fellow-townsmen of Halifax. He desires to thank particularly, Miss L. F.
+Barnaby, of the Halifax Citizens' Library, Miss J. B. Wisdom, of the
+Halifax Welfare Bureau, Rev. W. J. Patton of St. Paul's Church, Mr.
+W. C. Milner, of the Public Archives of Canada, Mr. L. Fred. Monaghan,
+Halifax City Clerk, Mr. G. K. Butler, Supervisor of Halifax Schools, Mr.
+R. M. Hattie, Secretary of the Halifax Town-Planning Commission, Dr.
+Franklin B. Royer, Director of the Massachusetts-Halifax Health
+Commission, Mr. E. A. Saunders, Secretary of the Halifax Board of Trade,
+Mr. E. H. Blois, Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children,
+and last of all and most of all his friend of many years, Mr. A. J.
+Johnstone, editor of the _Dartmouth Independent_.
+
+                                                                S. H. P.
+
+COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NEW YORK, OCTOBER, 1920.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+  INTRODUCTION
+                                                                   PAGE
+
+  The "catastrophe" in sociological literature                       13
+
+  The "catastrophic view" _vs._ progress in evolution                14
+
+  Factors in social change                                           15
+
+  The stimuli factors                                                16
+
+  What crises mean                                                   16
+
+  Communities and great vicissitudes                                 19
+
+  Causes of immobility                                               19
+
+  Catastrophe and progress                                           21
+
+  Historic cases suggested for study                                 23
+
+
+  CHAPTER I
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION
+
+  The City of Halifax                                                25
+
+  Terrific nature of the explosion                                   26
+
+  Destruction of life and property                                   26
+
+  The subsequent fire and storms                                     29
+
+  Annihilation of homes                                              31
+
+  Arresting of business                                              31
+
+  Disintegration of the social order                                 32
+
+
+  CHAPTER II
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
+
+  Shock reaction                                                     36
+
+  Hallucination                                                      37
+
+  Primitive instincts                                                39
+
+  Crowd psychology                                                   41
+
+  Phenomena of emotion                                               44
+
+  How men react when bereft completely                               47
+
+  Post-catastrophic phenomena                                        48
+
+  Human nature in the absence of repression by conventionality,
+  custom and law                                                     49
+
+  Fatigue and the human will                                         52
+
+  The stimuli of heroism                                             55
+
+  Mutual aid                                                         56
+
+
+  CHAPTER III
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+  The organization of relief                                         59
+
+  The disaster protocracy                                            60
+
+  The transition from chaos through leadership                       61
+
+  Utility of association                                             62
+
+  Vital place of communication                                       62
+
+  Imitation                                                          63
+
+  Social pressure                                                    63
+
+  Consciousness of kind                                              63
+
+  Discussion                                                         64
+
+  Circumstantial pressure                                            64
+
+  Climate                                                            65
+
+  Geographic determinants                                            67
+
+  Classification of factors                                          67
+
+
+  CHAPTER IV
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (CONTINUED)
+
+  The reorganization of the civil social order                       69
+
+  Division of labor                                                  69
+
+  Resumption of normal activities                                    70
+
+  State and voluntary associations                                   71
+
+  Order of reestablishment                                           71
+
+  Effects of environmental change                                    75
+
+  The play of imitation                                              77
+
+  The stimulus of lookers-on                                         78
+
+  Social conservation                                                79
+
+
+  CHAPTER V
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
+
+  The contribution of social service                                 80
+
+  Its four-fold character                                            83
+
+  The principles of relief                                           85
+
+  Rehabilitation                                                     86
+
+  Phases of application                                              87
+
+  Criticisms                                                         92
+
+  A new principle                                                    95
+
+  Social results                                                     96
+
+  Summary for future guidance                                        97
+
+
+  CHAPTER VI
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION
+
+  Governmental agencies in catastrophe                              102
+
+  What seems to be expected of governments                          103
+
+  What they actually do                                             103
+
+  Social legislation                                                104
+
+  A permanent contribution                                          109
+
+
+  CHAPTER VII
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS
+
+  Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities
+  recover from disaster                                             111
+
+  The case of San Francisco                                         111
+
+  The case of Halifax                                               112
+
+  Social surplus                                                    112
+
+  The equipmental factors                                           113
+
+  Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe with generosity of
+  public response                                                   114
+
+  Catastrophe insurance                                             116
+
+  A practical step                                                  117
+
+
+  CHAPTER VIII
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE
+
+  The unchanging Halifax of the years                               118
+
+  The causes of social immobility                                   119
+
+  The new birthday                                                  122
+
+  The indications of change--appearance, expansion of business,
+  population, political action, city-planning, housing, health,
+  education, recreation, community spirit                           123
+
+  Carsten's prophecy                                                140
+
+
+  CHAPTER IX
+
+  CONCLUSION
+
+  Recapitulation                                                    141
+
+  The various steps in the study presented in propositional form    142
+
+  The role of catastrophe                                           145
+
+  Index                                                             147
+
+
+
+
+  "This awful catastrophe is not the end but the beginning. History does
+  not end so. It is the way its chapters open."--_St. Augustine._
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+The "catastrophe" in sociological literature--The "catastrophic view"
+_vs._ progress in evolution--Factors in social change--The stimuli
+factors--What crises mean--Communities and great vicissitudes--Causes of
+immobility--Catastrophe and progress--Historic cases suggested for
+study.
+
+
+There are many virgin fields in Sociology. This is one of the
+attractions the subject has for the scientific mind. But of all such
+fields none is more interesting than the factor of catastrophe in social
+change.
+
+And strangely enough, if there are but few references to the problem in
+all our rapidly-growing literature, it is not because catastrophies are
+few. Indeed it would seem that with the advent of the industrial age,
+disasters grow more frequent every year.[1] Many are small, no doubt,
+touching but the life of a village or a borough--a broken dyke, a bridge
+swept out by ice, a caved-in mine. Others again write themselves on the
+pages of History--an Ohio flood, an Omaha tornado, a Chicago fire, a San
+Francisco earthquake, a Halifax explosion. Each in its own way inscribes
+its records of social change--some to be effaced in a twelve-month--some
+to outlast a generation. Records they are, for the most part unread. How
+to read them is the problem. And it may be that when readers have grown
+in number and the script is better known, we shall be able to seize the
+moment of catastrophe and multiply immeasurably its power for social
+good.
+
+  [1] "Within a score of years disasters ... have cost thousands of
+  lives, have affected by personal injury, or destruction of property no
+  fewer than a million and a half persons and have laid waste property
+  valued at over a billion dollars ... the expectation based on past
+  experience is that each year no less than half a dozen such
+  catastrophies will occur." (Deacon J. Byron, _Disasters_, N. Y., 1918,
+  p. 7.) This quotation refers to the United States alone.
+
+To define the term catastrophe is scarcely necessary. The dictionary
+calls catastrophe "an event producing a subversion of the order or
+system of things," and such as "may or may not be a cause of misery to
+man."[2] It is desirable however to limit the use of the term, in
+primary investigations at least, to those disasters which affect
+communities rather than states or nations, for restricted areas are more
+amenable to study. National cataclysms, such as war, famine, and
+financial panic are too general in character, and function on too grand
+a scale for satisfactory treatment, at least until the ground is
+cleared. It is necessary also to limit this investigation to those
+social changes which follow upon catastrophies, rather than precede
+them. For there are social effects which result from living in
+anticipation of disaster, such as are observable among communities in
+volcanic areas. Interesting as a broad study might be, it would be
+likely to lead the investigator too far afield into the realm of
+speculation. Nevertheless a general point of view is necessary to give
+meaning to even a limited treatment of the theme. For this purpose there
+may be contrasted the catastrophic view of history, as illustrated by
+that of the Hebrew peoples, and the modern conception of progress
+through evolution. The former looks upon history as a series of
+vicissitudes mercifully ending one day in final cataclysm. The spirit of
+apocalyptic expectancy prevails. Social conditions rest hopelessly
+static. Faith is pinned to a spiritual kingdom which can grow and can
+endure. Against this has been set an optimistic evolution, pictured like
+an escalade with resident forces lifting the world to better days.
+Progress becomes a smooth continuous growth. On the other hand the newer
+philosophy sees in history not necessarily the operation of progressive
+evolution but also of retrogressive evolution and cataclysm.[3] There
+are great stretches of smooth and even current in the stream, but always
+along the course are seen the rapid and the water-fall, the eddy and
+reversing tide. The latter is the general subject of this dissertation,
+and its thesis is the place of the water-fall. Only a very small, and
+specialized treatment is attempted; the great Niagaras must be left to
+abler hands.
+
+  [2] Catastrophies are those unforeseen events which the Wells-Fargo
+  express receipts used to call quaintly "Acts of God, Indians and other
+  public enemies of the government."
+
+  [3] If nature abhors a vacuum, she also abhors stagnation. Is there
+  not reason behind all this action and reaction, these cycles and
+  short-time changes which her observers note? May it not well be that
+  the ever-swinging pendulum has a stir-up function to perform and that
+  the miniature daily catastrophies of life are the things which keep it
+  wholesome and sweet?
+
+      "The old order changeth yielding place to the new.
+       And God fulfils Himself in many ways
+       Lest one good custom should corrupt the world."
+           --Tennyson, Alfred, _The Passing of Arthur_.
+
+The conception of social change as used in this monograph also needs
+definition. By social change is meant those rapid mutations which
+accompany sudden interferences with the equilibrium of society, break up
+the _status-quo_, dissipate mental inertia and overturn other tendencies
+resistant to structural modification. The various forces which initiate
+such disturbances are factors in social change. These factors may be
+intra-social,--within the group--such factors as operate in the regular
+social process, imitation and adaptation, for example; or they may be
+extra-social, "stimuli" factors--from without the group--such as,
+accidental, extraneous or dramatic events. Of the latter conquest may be
+one, or the sudden intrusion of a foreign element, or rapid changes of
+environment.[4]
+
+  [4] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905),
+  ch. viii, p. 189.
+
+These sudden changes are fully worthy of careful study by scientific
+method. However important the accumulation of impulses toward social
+transformation may be, there is often a single "precipitating factor"
+which acts as the "igniting spark" or "the knocking away of the
+stay-block," or "the turning of a lever."[5] It is among such
+extra-social or "stimuli" factors that catastrophe falls as a
+precipitating agent in social change.
+
+  [5] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 198.
+
+The significance of crisis in social change likewise requires attention,
+and it will be clarifying to our thought at this point to distinguish
+carefully between crisis and catastrophe, and to inquire what the nature
+of the former really is. The word "crisis" is of Greek origin, meaning a
+point of culmination and separation, an instant when change one way or
+another is impending. Crises are those critical moments which are, as we
+say, big with destiny. Battles have crisis-hours when the tide of
+victory turns. Diseases have them--the seventh day in pneumonia, or the
+fourteenth day in typhoid fever. Social institutions afford numerous
+illustrations, such as the eighth year of marriage.[6] There are
+critical years of stress and strain--the ages of fourteen and forty in
+life-histories, the latter being according to Sir Robertson Nicoll the
+most dangerous hour of existence. Other crises are "hours of insight" in
+the world of thought, and hours of opportunity in the world of
+action,--that "tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the flood
+leads on to fortune," hours of doubt in religion "when all the gods are
+dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more
+than a relative term. It describes a situation which is no ordinary
+member of a line of antecedents and consequents, but one that assures
+radical change in the immediate future." He distinguishes between a
+crisis and a revolution. "The difference between a revolution and a
+crisis is the difference between the fire and the moment when someone
+with a lighted match in hand pauses to decide whether a fire shall be
+lighted." The term covers the situation preceding change, whether this
+situation be the culmination of a process or the result of some
+particular stimulus. "It is not necessarily precipitated by great
+issues. Quite as often it is occasioned by events .... which are so
+related to a new situation as to set in motion an entire group of forces
+as a match kindles a huge bonfire when once the fuel is laid."[7] The
+failure to distinguish between that which occasions the crisis and the
+crisis itself has been the source of some confusion in thinking. "Defeat
+in battle, floods, drought, pestilence and famine," are not strictly
+crises, but they super-induce the crisis-situation, as does anything
+which brings about "a disturbance of habit," though it be simply "an
+incident, a stimulation or a suggestion." In short, crises are the
+result either of a slowly maturing process or of sudden strain or shock;
+and the nature of the reaction in the crisis-hour is nothing more than
+the effort towards the reestablishment of habits, new or old, when the
+former functioning has been disturbed. The situation, as has been
+pointed out, is closely correlated with attention.
+
+  [6] Jeune, Sir Francis, a celebrated judge in divorce cases.
+
+  [7] Mathews, Shailer, _The Church in the Changing Order_ (N. Y.,
+  1907), ch. i, p. 1.
+
+    When the habits are running smoothly the attention is relaxed; it is
+    not at work. But when something happens to disturb the run of habit,
+    the attention is called into play, and devises a new mode of
+    behavior which will meet the crisis. That is, the attention
+    establishes new and adequate habits, or it is its function so to
+    do.[8]
+
+  [8] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago,
+  1909), Introduction, p. 17.
+
+What appears to take place is analogous to what is known as the
+reconditioning of instincts in psychology. Professor Giddings has been
+the first to make the sociological application:
+
+    Folk-ways of every kind, including mores and themistes are the most
+    stable syntheses of pluralistic behavior; yet they are not
+    unchanging. Under new and widening experience they suffer attrition
+    and are modified. Instincts and with them emotion and imagination
+    which largely fills the vast realm between instinct and reason are
+    reconditioned. The word means simply that reflexes and higher
+    processes subjected to new experiences are in a degree or entirely
+    detached from old stimuli and associated with new ones. From time to
+    time also traditions are invaded and habits are broken down by
+    crisis. Pluralistic behavior then is scrutinized, criticized,
+    discussed. It is rationally deliberated.[9]
+
+  [9] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal
+  of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 401.
+
+Crises often, perhaps most often, precede catastrophies, as when
+revolutions break. The alternate truth that the catastrophies themselves
+are re-agents to generate the crisis-situation has not been so commonly
+noted. Nevertheless the disintegration of the normal by shock and
+calamity is an increasingly familiar spectacle.
+
+Heretofore it has been in the life-histories and careers of individual
+men rather than in the case of communities that the observations have
+been recorded. Our biographies teem with instances of personal crises
+precipitated by a great shock or disappointment--Hawthorne's dismissal
+from the custom house, Goldsmith's rejection from Civil Service, the
+refusal of Dickens's application for the stage, the turning back of
+Livingstone from China, the bankruptcy of Scott.
+
+Now examination reveals that the one thing characteristic of the
+crisis-period in the individual is a state of fluidity[10] into which
+the individual is thrown. Life becomes like molten metal. It enters a
+state of flux[11] from which it must reset upon a principle, a creed, or
+purpose. It is shaken perhaps violently out of rut and routine. Old
+customs crumble, and instability rules. There is generated a state of
+potentiality for reverse directions. The subject may "fall down" or he
+may "fall up." The presence of dynamic forces in such a state means
+change. But the precise role of the individual mind in a period of
+crisis is a problem not for sociology but for psychology.
+
+  [10] The phrases "The world in a welter," "nations in the melting
+  pot," "life in the smelting oven," are commonly heard and suggest a
+  solution stage prior to the hardening process, or antecedent to
+  crystallization.
+
+  [11] Following the French Revolution Wordsworth wrote:
+
+                                    I lost
+      All feeling of conviction and in fine
+      Sick, wearied out with contrarieties
+      Yielded up moral questions in despair.
+          --_Prelude_, bk. xi.
+
+The principle that fluidity is fundamental to social change is also
+true, however, of the community. Fluidity is not the usual state of
+society.
+
+    Most of the "functions" of society have no tendency to disturb the
+    _status quo_. The round of love, marriage and reproduction, so long
+    as births and death balance, production so far as it is balanced by
+    consumption, exchange so long as the argosies of commerce carry
+    goods and not ideas, education so far as it passes on the
+    traditional culture, these together with recreation, social
+    intercourse, worship, social control, government and the
+    administration of justice are essentially statical. They might
+    conceivably go on forever without producing change.[12]
+
+  [12] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 200.
+
+Indeed the usual condition of the body politic is immobility,
+conservatism and "determined resistance to change." The chief reason for
+this immobility is habit:[13]
+
+    When our habits are settled and running smoothly they most resemble
+    the instincts of animals. And the great part of our life is lived in
+    the region of habit. The habits like the instincts are safe and
+    serviceable. They have been tried and are associated with a feeling
+    of security. There consequently grows up in the folk mind a
+    determined resistance to change ... a state of rapid and constant
+    change implies loss of settled habits and disorganization. As a
+    result, all societies view change with suspicion, and the attempt to
+    revise certain habits is even viewed as immorality. Now it is
+    possible under such conditions for a society to become stationary or
+    to attempt to remain so. The effort of attention is to preserve the
+    present status, rather than to re-accommodate. This condition is
+    particularly marked among savages. In the absence of science and a
+    proper estimate of the value of change they rely on ritual and magic
+    and a minute unquestioning adhesion to the past. Change is
+    consequently introduced with a maximum of resistance ... Indeed the
+    only world in which change is at a premium and is systematically
+    sought is the modern scientific world.[14]
+
+But when there comes the shattering of the matrix of custom by
+catastrophe, then mores are broken up and scattered right and left.
+Fluidity is accomplished at a stroke. There comes a sudden chance for
+permanent social change.
+
+  [13] To this cause of immobility may be added others, such as: (1)
+  Narrow experience and few interests. (2) Large percentage of
+  population owning property. (3) Oriental pride in permanence. (4)
+  Fatalistic philosophies. (5) Over-emphasis of government.
+
+  [14] Thomas, _op. cit._, pp. 20, 21.
+
+Social changes follow both minor and major disasters. The destruction of
+a mill may change the economic outlook of a village. The loss of a
+bridge may result in an entirely different school system for an isolated
+community; a cloud-burst may move a town. Great visitations, like the
+Chicago fire or the San Francisco earthquake, reveal these social
+processes in larger and more legible scale. Take as a single instance
+the latter city. Its quick recovery has been called one of the wonders
+of the age. In the very midst of surrounding desolation and business
+extinction, the Californian city projected a Panama-Pacific exposition,
+and its citizens proceeded to arrange for one of the greatest of all
+world fairs. On the other hand, the social changes which succeed
+relatively small disturbances are often such as to elude an estimate.
+The reason has been well suggested that "big crises bring changes about
+most easily because they affect all individuals alike at the same time."
+In other words a more general fluidity is accomplished. We see,
+therefore, a second principle begin to emerge. Not only is fluidity
+fundamental to social change, but the degree of fluidity seems to vary
+directly as the shock and extent of the catastrophe.
+
+There yet remains to notice the bearing of catastrophe upon social
+progress. The following words are quotable in this connection:
+
+    It is quite certain that the degree of progress of a people has a
+    certain relation to the number of disturbances encountered, and the
+    most progressive have had a more vicissitudinous life. Our proverb
+    "Necessity is the mother of invention" is the formulation in
+    folk-thought of this principle of social change.[15]
+
+We cannot, however, remain long content with this suggestion as to the
+principle concerned--namely, that progress is a natural and an assured
+result of change. The point is that catastrophe always means social
+change. There is not always progress. It is well to guard against
+confusion here. Change means any qualitative variation, whereas progress
+means "amelioration, perfectionment." The latter will be seen to depend
+on other things--the nature of the shock, the models presented, the
+community culture and morale, the stimulus of leaders and lookers-on.
+The single case of Galveston, Texas,[16] is sufficient to disprove the
+too optimistic hypothesis that the effects of catastrophies are uniform.
+Here a city lost heart by reason of the overwhelming flood, and in spite
+of superior commercial advantages was outgrown by a rival fifty miles
+away. At the same time the case of Dayton, Ohio, should be borne in
+mind. Here also was a flood-stricken city and she became "the Gem City
+of the West." The principle[17] thus appears to be that progress in
+catastrophe is a resultant of specific conditioning factors, some of
+which are subject to social control.
+
+  [15] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 18.
+
+  [16] "It has one of the finest, if not the finest, ports in North
+  America. In 1900 a great tidal wave swept over the city, causing
+  enormous damage and loss of life. While the city has had a certain
+  growth since that time, it has been far outstripped by Houston,
+  Dallas, and other Texas cities."--Kirby Page, formerly of Texas, in a
+  letter to the author.
+
+  [17] Another principle is suggested for study by the following
+  sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk
+  revolution in the conditions of life or thought produces not sudden,
+  but gradual changes in society." This might easily be elaborated.
+
+It is indeed this very thing which makes possible the hope of eventual
+social control over disaster-stricken cities, and the transmutation of
+seeming evil into tremendous good. And this is in addition to the many
+practical social lessons which we have already been intelligent enough
+to preserve, such as those of better city-planning, and a more efficient
+charity organization.
+
+How much of man's advancement has been directly or indirectly due to
+disaster?[18] The question asks itself and it is a question as yet
+without an answer. When the answer is at last written, will there not be
+many surprises? Pitt-Rivers tells us that "the idea of a large boat
+might have been suggested in the time of floods when houses floated down
+the rivers before the eyes of men."[19] A terrible storm at sea gave
+America its first rice.[20] City-planning may be said to have taken its
+rise in America as a result of the Chicago fire, and the role of
+catastrophe in the progress of social legislation is a study in itself.
+The impetus thus received is immeasurable. Historically,
+labor-legislation took its rise with the coming of an infectious fever
+in the cotton-mills of Manchester in 1784. After the Cherry mine
+disaster legislation ensued at once. Again it was the Triangle fire
+which led to the appropriation of funds for a factory investigation
+commission in the State of New York. The sinking of the Titanic has
+greatly reduced the hazards of the sea.
+
+  [18] The relationship of poetry and disaster is of interest. In a
+  recent article on Disaster and Poetry a writer asks "whether often, if
+  not always, suffering, disease and disaster do not bring to him [the
+  poet] the will to create."--Marks, Jeanette, "Disaster and Poetry,"
+  _North American Review_, vol. 212, no. 1 (July, 1920), p. 93.
+
+  [19] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 23.
+
+  [20] In this storm a ship from Madagascar was driven into a South
+  Carolina port. In gratitude the Captain gave the Governor a sack of
+  seed.
+
+It may easily prove true that the prophets of golden days to come who
+invariably arise on the day of disaster, are not entirely without ground
+for the faith which is in them; and that catastrophies are frequently
+only re-agents of further progress. But this is merely introductory.
+Thought becomes scientific only when its conclusions are checked up and
+under-written by observation or experiment. Prior to such procedure it
+must still remain opinion or belief.
+
+The whole subject is, it must be repeated, a virgin field in sociology.
+Knowledge will grow scientific only after the most faithful examination
+of many catastrophies. But it must be realized that the data of the
+greatest value is left ofttimes unrecorded, and fades rapidly from the
+social memory. Investigation is needed immediately after the event. It
+is, therefore, of the utmost importance that sociological studies of
+Chicago, Galveston, Baltimore, San Francisco, and other disaster cities
+should be initiated at once.[21]
+
+  [21] It is perhaps due to the reader to say that while this volume
+  treats specifically of Halifax, the writer has studied the records of
+  many disasters and these have been kept in mind in drawing his
+  conclusions. He participated in the rescue and relief work at Halifax
+  in 1917, and at the time of the Titanic disaster accompanied one of
+  the expeditions to the scene. He was in New York when the Wall Street
+  explosion occurred, and made a first hand study of its effects.
+
+Of such a series--if the work can be done--this little volume on Halifax
+is offered as a beginning. It is hoped that the many inadequacies of
+treatment will receive the generous allowances permitted a pioneer.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION
+
+The City of Halifax--Terrific nature of the explosion--Destruction of
+life and property--The subsequent fire and storms--Annihilation of
+homes--Arresting of business--Disintegration of the social order.
+
+
+Halifax is the ocean terminal of the Dominion of Canada on her Atlantic
+seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on
+the southeastern shoreline of Nova Scotia. It is endowed by nature with
+a magnificent harbor, which as a matter of fact is one of the three
+finest in the world. In it a thousand vessels might safely ride at
+anchor. The possession of this harbor, together with ample defences, and
+a fortunate situation with regard to northern Europe established the
+Garrison City, early in the year 1914 as the natural war-base of the
+Dominion. Its tonnage leaped by millions, and it soon became the third
+shipping port in the entire British Empire. Hither the transports came,
+and the giant freighters to join their convoy. Cruisers and men-of-war
+put in to use its great dry-dock, or take on coal. Here too, cleared the
+supply and munition boats--some laden with empty shells, others with
+high explosives destined for the distant fields of battle. How much of
+the deadly cargo lay in the road-stead or came and went during those
+fateful years is not publicly known.[22] Certainly there was too much to
+breed a sense of safety, but no one gave the matter second thought. All
+were intent upon the mighty task of the hour. Sufficient unto each day
+was each day's evil. Each night the great war-gates were swung across
+the channels. Powerful searchlights swept unceasingly the sea and sky.
+The forts were fully manned. The gunners ready. The people knew these
+things, and no one dreamed of danger save to loved ones far away. Secure
+in her own defences the city lay unafraid, and almost apathetic.
+
+  [22] During the month of December, 1915, alone, 30,000 tons of
+  munitions passed over the railroad piers of Halifax.
+
+About midway in the last two years of war--to be exact December,
+1917,--a French munitioner[23] heavily laden with trinitrotoluol, the
+most powerful of known explosives, reached Halifax from New York. On the
+early morning of the sixth of that month, she was proceeding under her
+own steam up the harbor-length toward anchorage in the basin--an oval
+expansion half-hidden by a blunt hill called Turple Head. Suddenly an
+empty Belgian relief ship[24] swept through the Narrows directly in her
+pathway. There was a confusion of signals; a few agonized manoeuvers.
+The vessels collided; and the shock of their colliding shook the world!
+
+  [23] The _Mont Blanc_, St. Nazaire, Captain Lemedec, Pilot Francis
+  Mackay, owners La Compagnie General Transatlantique 3,121 tons gross,
+  2252 net register, steel, single screw, 330 ft. long, 40 ft. beam,
+  speed 7-1/2 to 8 knots, inward bound, from New York to await convoy.
+  Cargo 450,000 lbs. trinitrotoluol, 2300 tons picric acid, 35 tons
+  benzol, employed in carrying munitions to France.
+
+  [24] The _Imo_, Christiania, Captain Fron, Pilot William Hayes, owners
+  Southern Pacific Whaling Company, 5,041 tons gross, 3161 tons
+  register, steel, single screw, 430 ft. long, 45 ft. beam, speed 11 to
+  12 knots, outward bound to New York, in ballast, employed in carrying
+  food to Belgium.
+
+War came to America that morning. Two thousand slain, six thousand
+injured, ten thousand homeless, thirty-five millions of dollars in
+property destroyed, three hundred acres left a smoking waste, churches,
+schools, factories blown down or burned--such was the appalling havoc of
+the greatest single explosion in the history of the world.[25] It was an
+episode which baffles description. It is difficult to gain from words
+even an approximate idea of the catastrophe and what followed in its
+trail.
+
+  [25] The greatest previous explosion was when 500,000 pounds of
+  dynamite blew up in Baltimore Harbor.
+
+It was all of a sudden--a single devastating blast; then the sound as of
+the crashing of a thousand chandeliers. Men and women cowered under the
+shower of debris and glass. There was one awful moment when hearts sank,
+and breaths were held. Then women cried aloud, and men looked dumbly
+into each other's eyes, and awaited the crack of doom. To some death was
+quick and merciful in its coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to
+and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+themselves forth into the light--naked, blackened, unrecognizable human
+shapes. They lay prone upon the streetside, under the shadow of the
+great death-cloud which still dropped soot and oil and water. It was
+truly a sight to make the angels weep.
+
+Men who had been at the front said they had seen nothing so bad in
+Flanders. Over there men were torn with shrapnel, but the victims were
+in all cases men. Here father and mother, daughter and little child, all
+fell in "one red burial blent." A returned soldier said of it: "I have
+been in the trenches in France. I have gone over the top. Friends and
+comrades have been shot in my presence. I have seen scores of dead men
+lying upon the battlefield, but the sight .... was a thousand times
+worse and far more pathetic."[26] A well-known relief worker who had
+been at San Francisco, Chelsea and Salem immediately after those
+disasters said "I am impressed by the fact that this is much the saddest
+disaster I have seen." It has been compared to the scenes pictured by
+Lord Lytton in his tale of the last days of Pompeii:
+
+    True there was not that hellish river of molten lava flowing down
+    upon the fleeing people; and consuming them as feathers in fierce
+    flames. But every other sickening detail was present--that of
+    crashing shock and shaking earth, of crumbling homes, and cruel
+    flame and fire. And there were showers, not it is true of ashes from
+    the vortex of the volcano, but of soot and oil and water, of
+    death-dealing fragments of shrapnel and deck and boiler, of glass
+    and wood and of the shattered ship.[27]
+
+Like the New Albany tornado, it caused loss "in all five of the ways it
+is possible for a disaster to do so, in death, permanent injury,
+temporary injury, personal property loss, and real property loss."[28]
+Here were to be found in one dread assembling the combined horrors of
+war, earthquake, fire, flood, famine and storm--a combination seen for
+the first time in the records of human disaster.
+
+  [26] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.).
+
+  [27] McGlashen, Rev. J. A., _The Patriot_ (Dartmouth, N. S.).
+
+  [28] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. ii, p. 158.
+
+It was an earthquake[29] so violent that when the explosion occurred the
+old, rock-founded city shook as with palsy. The citadel trembled, the
+whole horizon seemed to move with the passing of the earth waves. These
+were caught and registered, their tracings[30] carefully preserved, but
+the mute record tells not of the falling roofs and flying plaster and
+collapsing walls which to many an unfortunate victim brought death and
+burial at one and the same time.
+
+  [29] "The effect of the vast, sudden interference with the air was
+  practically the same as if an earthquake had shaken Halifax to the
+  ground." (MacMechan, Archibald, "Halifax in Ruins," _The Canadian
+  Courier_, vol. xxiii, no. 4, p. 6.)
+
+  [30] The tracings on the seismograph show three distinct shocks at the
+  hours 9.05, 9.10 and 10.05.
+
+It was a flood, for the sea rushed forward in a gigantic tidal wave,
+fully a fathom in depth. It swept past pier and embankment into the
+lower streets, and receding, left boats and wreckage high and dry, but
+carried to a watery doom score upon score of human lives. Nearly two
+hundred men were drowned.
+
+It was a fire or rather a riot of fires, for the air was for a second
+filled with tongues of igneous vapour hiding themselves secretly within
+the lightning discharge of gas, only to burst out in gusts of sudden
+flame. Numberless buildings were presently ablaze. Soon there was naught
+to the northward but a roaring furnace. Above, the sky was crimson;
+below, a living crematorium--church and school, factory and home burned
+together in one fierce conflagration; and the brave firemen knew that
+there were men and women pinned beneath the wreckage, wounded past
+self-help. Frantic mothers heard the cries of little children, but in
+vain. Fathers desperately tore through burning brands, but often failed
+to save alive the captives of the flame. And so the last dread process
+went on,--earth to earth, ashes to ashes, dust to dust. And when the
+fires at last abated, the north end of the City of Halifax looked like
+some blackened hillside which a farmer had burned for fallow in the
+spring.
+
+But perhaps the most terrible of all the terrible accompaniments was the
+tornado-like gas-blast from the bursting ship. It wrought instant havoc
+everywhere. Trees were torn from the ground. Poles were snapped like
+toothpicks. Trains were stopped dead. Cars were left in twisted masses.
+Pedestrians were thrown violently into the air, houses collapsed on all
+sides. Steamers were slammed against the docks. Then followed a
+veritable air-raid, when the sky rained iron fragments upon the helpless
+city. Like a meteoric shower of death, they fell piercing a thousand
+roofs, and with many a mighty splash bore down into the sea.
+
+Nor yet did this complete the tale of woes of this _Dies Irae_. Scarce
+was the catastrophe an hour old when the news was flashed around that a
+second explosion was approaching. It was the powder magazine in the
+Navy-yard, and the flames were perilously near. Through the crowded
+streets raced the heralds like prophets of wrath to come. "Flee!....
+Flee!.... Get into the open ground" was the cry. Shops were abandoned
+unguarded, goods laid open on every side. No key was turned, no till was
+closed, but all instanter joined the precipitant throng, driven like
+animals before a prairie fire--yet this was not all; for "the plight of
+the aged, the sick, the infants, the bed-ridden, the cripples, the
+nursing mothers, the pregnant can not be described."
+
+It was like the flight from Vesuvius of which Pliny the Younger tells:
+
+    You could hear the shrieks of women, the crying of children and the
+    shouts of men. Some were seeking their children; others their
+    parents, others their wives and husbands ... one lamenting his own
+    fate, another that of his family. Some praying to die from the very
+    fear of dying, many lifting their hands to the gods, but the greater
+    part imagining that there were no gods left anywhere, and that the
+    last and eternal night was come upon the world.[31]
+
+It has been said that "Moscow was no more deserted before Napoleon than
+were the shattered streets of Halifax when this flight had been carried
+out."[32] And when the hegira was over, and when there had ensued a
+partial recovery from the blow and gloom, a still lower depth of agony
+had yet to be undergone--a succession of winter storms. Blizzards, rain,
+floods and zero weather were even then upon the way. They came in close
+procession and as if to crown and complete the terrors of the great
+catastrophe thunder rumbled, lightning broke sharply and lit up weirdly
+the snow-clad streets. Such was the catastrophe of Halifax--"a calamity
+the appalling nature of which stirred the imagination of the world."[33]
+
+  [31] Pliny, _Letters_ (London, 1915), vol. i, bk. vi, p. 495.
+
+  [32] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. ii,
+  p. 24.
+
+  [33] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax,
+  1918), p. 57.
+
+The description here concluded, brief and inadequate as it is, will
+sufficiently indicate the terrific nature of the catastrophic shock, and
+explain how utter and complete was the social disintegration which
+followed.
+
+There was the disintegration of the home and the family,--the
+reproductive system of society--its members sundered and helpless to
+avert it. There was the disintegration of the regulative
+system--government was in perplexity, and streets were without patrol.
+There was the disintegration of the sustaining system--a dislocation of
+transportation, a disorganization of business while the wheels of
+industry ceased in their turning. There was a derangement of the
+distributive system[34]--of all the usual services, of illumination,
+water-connections, telephones, deliveries. It was impossible to
+communicate with the outside world. There were no cars, no mails, no
+wires. There was a time when the city ceased to be a city, its citizens
+a mass of unorganized units--struggling for safety, shelter, covering
+and bread. As Lytton wrote of Pompeii; "The whole elements of
+civilization were broken up .... nothing in all the varied and
+complicated machinery of social life was left save the primal law of
+self preservation."[35]
+
+  [34] Spencer, Herbert, _The Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1908),
+  pt. ii, p. 499 _et seq._
+
+  [35] Lytton, Lord, _The Last Days of Pompeii_ (London, 1896), p. 405.
+
+A writer has given a vivid word picture of the social contrasts of the
+disaster night and the beautiful evening before.
+
+    What a change from the night before! No theatres open, no happy
+    throngs along the street, no cheery gatherings around the fire-side.
+    The houses were all cold, and dark and silent. Instead of laughter,
+    weeping; instead of dancing, agonizing pain; instead of Elysian
+    dreams, ominous nightmares. Fears and sorrow were in the way and all
+    the daughters of music were brought low ... Halifax had become in a
+    trice a city of dead bodies, ruined homes and blasted hopes.[36]
+
+To have looked in upon one of the great makeshift dormitories that first
+night, to have seen men, women and children, of all stations, huddled
+together on the stages of theatres, the chancels of churches, in
+stables, box-cars and basements was to have beheld a rift in the social
+structure such as no community had ever known. Old traditional social
+lines were hopelessly mixed and confused. The catastrophe smashed
+through strong walls like cobwebs, but it also smashed through fixed
+traditions, social divisions and old standards, making a rent which
+would not easily repair. Rich and poor, debutante and chambermaid,
+official and bellboy met for the first time as victims of a common
+calamity.
+
+  [36] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+Even on the eighth, two days after the disaster, when Mr. Ratshesky of
+the Massachusetts' Relief arrived he could report: "An awful sight
+presented itself, buildings shattered on all sides--chaos apparent." In
+a room in the City Hall twelve by twenty, he found assembled "men and
+women trying to organize different departments of relief, while other
+rooms were filled to utmost capacity with people pleading for doctors,
+nurses, food, and clothing for themselves and members of their families.
+Everything was in turmoil."[37] This account faithfully expresses the
+disintegration which came with the great shock of what had come to pass.
+It is this disintegration and the resultant phenomena which are of
+utmost importance for the student of social science to observe. To be
+quite emotionally free in the observation of such phenomena, however, is
+almost impossible. It has been said of sociological investigations that
+
+    observation is made under bias because the facts under review are
+    those of human life and touch human interest. A man can count the
+    legs of a fly without having his heart wrung because he thinks there
+    are too many or too few. But when he observes the life of the
+    society in which he moves, lives and has his being, or some other
+    society nearby, it is the rule that he approves or disapproves, is
+    edified or horrified, by what he observes. When he does that he
+    passes a moral judgment.[38]
+
+Sociology has suffered because of this inevitable bias. In our present
+study it is natural that our sympathy reactions should be especially
+strong. "_Quamquam animus meminisse horret, incipiam_" must be our
+motto. As students we must now endeavor to dissociate ourselves from
+them, and look upon the stricken Canadian city with all a chemist's
+patient detachment. In a field of science where the prospect of
+large-scale experimental progress is remote, we must learn well when the
+abnormal reveals itself in great tragedies and when social processes are
+seen magnified by a thousand diameters. Only thus can we hope for
+advances that will endure.
+
+  [37] Ratshesky, A. C., "Report of Halifax Relief Expedition," _The
+  State_ (Boston, 1918), p. 11.
+
+  [38] Keller, A. G., "Sociology and Science," _The Nation_ (N. Y., May
+  4, 1916), vol. 102, no. 2653, p. 275.
+
+In this spirit then let us watch the slow process of the reorganization
+of Halifax, and see in it a picture of society itself as it reacts under
+the stimulus of catastrophe, and adjusts itself to the circumstantial
+pressure of new conditions.
+
+Before doing so, however, we shall pause, in the next chapter, to glance
+at a number of social phenomena which should be recorded and examined in
+the light of social psychology. But we must not lose the relationship of
+each chapter to our major thesis. It is sufficient for our purpose if
+thus far it has been shown that at Halifax the shock resulted in
+disintegration of social institutions, dislocation of the usual methods
+of social control and dissolution of the customary; that through the
+catastrophe the community was thrown into the state of flux which, as
+was suggested in the introduction, is the logical and natural
+prerequisite for social change; and finally that the shock was of a
+character such as "to affect all individuals alike at the same time,"
+and to induce that degree of fluidity most favorable to social change.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
+
+Shock reaction--Hallucination--Primitive instincts--Crowd
+psychology--Phenomena of emotion--How men react when bereft
+completely--Post-catastrophic phenomena--Human nature in the absence of
+repression by conventionality, custom and law--Fatigue and the human
+will--The stimuli of heroism--Mutual aid.
+
+
+Social Psychology is a subject of primary importance to the student of
+society. Like Sociology itself its field is far from being exhausted.
+One looks in vain for a treatment of disaster psychology. In such a
+study the diverse phenomena involved would be of interest to the
+psychologist. Their effects in retarding or promoting social
+organization would concern the sociologist. With such possible effects
+in mind we are now to proceed to an examination of the major subjective
+reactions as they were to be seen in the Halifax catastrophe.
+
+It is improbable that any single community has ever presented so
+composite a picture of human traits in such bold relief as appeared in
+the City of Halifax upon the day of the explosion. Human phenomena which
+many knew of only as hidden away in books, stood out so clearly that he
+who ran might read. Besides the physiological reactions there was
+abundant illustration of hallucination, delusion, primitive instincts,
+and crowd psychology as well of other phenomena all of which have
+important sociological significance tending either to prolong
+disintegration, or to hasten social recovery.
+
+The first of these phenomena was the "stun" of the catastrophe itself.
+The shock reaction at Halifax has been variously described. It has been
+graphically likened "to being suddenly stricken with blindness and
+paralysis." It was a sensation of utter helplessness and disability. "We
+died a thousand horrible deaths" ran one description, "the nervous shock
+and terror were as hard to bear as were the wounds." "The people are
+dazed," wrote another observer, "they have almost ceased to exercise the
+sensation of pain." This physiological reaction animals and men shared
+alike. The appearance of the terror-stricken horses was as of beasts
+which had suddenly gone mad.
+
+A physiological accompaniment of shock and distraction is the abnormal
+action of the glands. The disturbance of the sympathetic nervous system
+produced by the emotional stress and strain of a great excitement or a
+great disappointment is reflected in the stimulation or inhibition of
+glandular action. Much physical as well as nervous illness was
+precipitated by the grief, excitement and exposure of the disaster.[39]
+Among cases observed were those of diabetes, tuberculosis and
+hyper-thyroidism, as well as the nervous instability to which reference
+is subsequently made. Such an epidemic of hyper-thyroidism--exaggerated
+action of the thyroid gland--is said to have followed the Kishineff
+massacres, the San Francisco earthquake and the air-raids on London.[40]
+As to diabetes, it has been shown that
+
+    emotions cause increased output of glycogen. Glycogen is a step
+    toward diabetes and therefore this disease is prone to appear in
+    persons under emotional strain ... so common is this particular
+    result in persons under prolonged emotion that someone has said that
+    "when stocks go down in New York, diabetes goes up."[41]
+
+  [39] For a full discussion of nervous disorders induced by an
+  explosion at short range, _vide_ Roussy and Llermette, _The
+  Psychoneuroses of War_ (London, 1918), ch. x.
+
+  [40] Brown, W. Langden, Presidential address to Hunterian Society,
+  London.
+
+  [41] Crile, George W., _The Origin and Nature of the Emotions_
+  (Phila., 1915), p. 163.
+
+Turning now to other psychological aspects, we have to note the presence
+of hallucination in disaster.
+
+    Hallucination may be roughly defined as false sense impression. For
+    example, the patient sees an object which has no real existence, or
+    hears an imaginary voice. Hallucinations are termed visual,
+    auditory, tactile, _etc._ according to the sense to which the false
+    impression appears to belong.[42]
+
+Hallucination is induced by the unusual suggesting the expected. It is
+sense-perception colored by association. It is the power of a dominant
+idea that, unbidden, enters the field of consciousness and takes
+possession of even the senses themselves. In Halifax one idea seemed to
+dominate most minds and clothe itself in the semblance of reality--the
+expected Germans. For a long time there had been under public discussion
+the question as to whether or not the city would be shelled by Zeppelin
+raiders, or possibly by a fleet at sea. All street-lights had been
+darkened by military orders. The failure to draw window shades had been
+subject to heavy penalty. It is no wonder eyes looked upward when there
+came the crash, and when seeing the strange unusual cloud beheld the
+Zeppelin of fancy. A man residing on the outskirts of the town of
+Dartmouth "heard" a German shell pass shrieking above him. Dartmouth
+Heights looks out over Halifax harbor, and here perhaps the vista is
+most expansive, and the eye sees furthest. The instant after the
+explosion a citizen standing here "saw" clearly a German fleet
+manoeuvering in the distance.[43] That shells had actually come few on
+the instant doubted. The head of one firm advised his employees not to
+run elsewhere, as "two shots never fall in the same place."
+
+  [42] Hart, Bernard, _The Psychology of Insanity_ (Cambridge, 1916),
+  ch. iii, p. 30.
+
+  [43] "So hypochondriac fancies represent
+        Ships, armies, battles in the firmament
+        Till steady eyes the exhalations solve
+        And all to its first matter, cloud, resolve."
+            --Defoe, _Journal of the Plague Year_.
+
+This--a German assault--was the great mental explanation that came into
+the majority of minds. There was one other--that of the end of the
+world. Many fell to their knees in prayer. One woman was found in the
+open yard by her broken home repeating the general confession of the
+church. Few would have been surprised if out of the smoky cloud-ridden
+skies there should have appeared the archangels announcing the
+consummation of mundane affairs. Indeed there were instances, not a few,
+of those who "saw" in the death-cloud "the clear outlines of a face."
+Thus both auditory and visual hallucination were manifested to a degree.
+
+Hallucination has been described as "seeing" something which has no
+basis in reality. Thus it differs from delusion, which is rather a
+misinterpretation of what is seen. "Delusions are closely allied to
+hallucinations and generally accompany the latter. The distinction lies
+in the fact that delusions are not false sensations but false
+beliefs."[44] Anxiety, distraction by grief and loss, as well as nervous
+shock play freely with the mind and fancy and often swerve the judgment
+of perception. This was especially noticeable at Halifax in the hospital
+identification, particularly of children. A distracted father looked
+into a little girl's face four different times but did not recognize her
+as his own which, in fact, she was. The precisely opposite occurrence
+was also noted. A fond parent time and time again "discovered" his lost
+child, "seeing" to complete satisfaction special marks and features on
+its little body. But often there were present those who knew better, and
+the better judgment prevailed. Again this phenomenon was repeated in
+numberless instances at the morgue. Wearied and white after frantic and
+fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the
+overwrought searchers would walk through the long lines of dead, and
+suddenly "recognize" a missing relative or friend.[45] Regretfully the
+attendant fulfilled the same thankless task from day to day. There had
+been no recognition at all. The observer had seen "not the object itself
+but the image evoked in the mind."[46]
+
+  [44] Hart, _op. cit._, ch. iii, p. 31.
+
+  [45] For parallel cases of erroneous recognition of the dead, _vide_
+  Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd, a Study of the Popular Mind_ (London),
+  bk. i, ch. i, p. 51.
+
+  [46] _Ibid._, p. 51.
+
+The primitive instincts of man were for a long time vaguely and loosely
+defined, until James and later McDougall essayed to give them name and
+number. But only with Thorndike's critical examination has it become
+clear how difficult a thing it is to carry the analysis of any situation
+back to the elemental or "primal movers of all human activity."
+Thorndike is satisfied to describe them as nothing save a set of
+original tendencies to respond to stimuli in more or less definite
+directions. When he speaks of instincts it is to mean only a "series of
+situations and responses" or "a set of tendencies for various situations
+to arouse the feelings of fear, anger, pity, _etc._ with which certain
+bodily movements usually go." Among them, there are those resulting in
+"food-getting and habitation," in "fear, fighting and anger" and in
+"human intercourse."[47] But McDougall's classification preserves the
+old phrases, and men are likely to go on speaking of the "instinct of
+flight," the "instinct of pugnacity," "parental instinct," "gregarious
+instinct" and the others.[48] For the sociologist it is enough that all
+agree that men are held under some powerful grip of nature and driven at
+times almost inevitably to the doing of acts quite irrespective of their
+social effects.
+
+  [47] Thorndike, Edward L., _The Original Nature of Man_ (N. Y., 1913),
+  ch. v, p. 43 _et seq._
+
+  [48] McDougall, William, _An Introduction to Social Psychology_
+  (Boston, 1917), ch. iii, p. 49 _et seq._
+
+In catastrophe these primitive instincts are seen most plainly and less
+subject to the re-conditioning influences of ordinary life. This was
+especially noticeable at Halifax. The instinct of flight for
+self-preservation was reflected in the reaction of thousands. "Almost
+without thought, probably from the natural instinct of self-preservation
+I backed from the window to a small store-room and stood there
+dazed."[49] The experience so described may be said to have been
+general. This instinct was to be seen again in the action of the crew of
+the explosives-laden ship. Scarcely had the collision occurred when the
+whole complement lowered away the boats, rowed like madmen to the
+nearest shore--which happened to be that opposite to Halifax--and
+"scooted for the woods." As the ship, although set on fire immediately
+after the impact, did not actually blow up until some twenty minutes
+later, much might have been done by men less under the domination of
+instinct, in the way of warning and perhaps of minimizing the inevitable
+catastrophe.[50]
+
+  [49] Sheldon, J., _The Busy East_ (Sackville, N. B. Can.), March,
+  1918.
+
+  [50] The judgment of the court of enquiry ran as follows: "The master
+  and pilot of the Mont Blanc are guilty of neglect of public safety in
+  not taking proper steps to warn the inhabitants of the city of a
+  probable explosion." (Drysdale Commission, _Judgment of_, sec. viii.)
+
+The instinct of pugnacity was to be seen in many a fine example of
+difficulty overcome in the work of rescue; as also in other instances,
+some suggestive of that early combat when animals and men struggled for
+mere physical existence.
+
+The parental instinct was everywhere in evidence, and was reflected not
+only in the sacrifices made and the privations endured by parents for
+their young, but in every act of relief, which arose in involuntary
+response to the cry of the distressed. It perhaps partially explains the
+phenomenon often noticed in disasters that "immediately and
+spontaneously neighbors and fellow-townsmen spring to the work of rescue
+and first aid."[51]
+
+  [51] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. vi, p. 151.
+
+The gregarious instinct--the instinct to herd--showed itself in the
+spontaneous groupings which came about and which seemed somehow to be
+associated with feelings of security from further harm. The refugees
+found comfort in the group. They rarely remained alone.
+
+These and other instinctive responses in a greater or less degree of
+complication were to be remarked of the actions not only of individuals
+but of groups as well. In the latter the typical phenomena of crowd
+psychology were manifested upon every hand. The crowd was seen to be
+what it is--"the like response of many to a socially inciting event or
+suggestion such as sudden danger." Out of a mere agglomeration of
+individuals and under the stress of emotional excitement there arose
+that mental unity, which Le Bon emphasizes.[52] There was noticeable the
+feeling of safety associated with togetherness which Trotter
+suggests.[53] There was the suggestibility, with its preceding
+conditions which Sidis[54] has clarified, namely, expectancy,
+inhibition, and limitation of the field of consciousness. There were the
+triple characteristics which Giddings notes: "Crowds are subject to
+swift contagion of feeling, they are sensitive to suggestion .... and
+always manifest a tendency to carry suggested ideas immediately into
+action."[55]
+
+  [52] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 26.
+
+  [53] Trotter, William, _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_
+  (London, 1919), p. 31.
+
+  [54] Sidis, Boris, _The Psychology of Suggestion_ (N. Y., 1919),
+  ch. vi, p. 56 _et seq._
+
+  [55] Giddings, Franklin H., _Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1916),
+  bk. ii, ch. ii, p. 136.
+
+Of illustrations of impulsive social action there are none more apt than
+those furnished by the reactions following the Halifax tragedy. Only
+Pliny's narrative of the flight from the eruption of Vesuvius, or the
+story of the "Day of Fear" in France,[56] or that depicting the days of
+the comet[57] are comparable thereto.
+
+  [56] Stephens, Henry M., _A History of the French Revolution_ (N. Y.,
+  1886), vol. i, p. 179.
+
+  [57] Wells, H. G., _In the Days of the Comet_ (N. Y., 1906).
+
+At first all was confusion. Some ran to the cellars. Some ran to the
+streets. Some ran to their shops. Those in the shops ran home. This was
+in the area of wounds and bruises. Farther north was the area of death.
+Thither the rescuers turned. Automobiles sped over broken glass and
+splintered boards toward the unknown. Then came the orders of the
+soldiers, whose barracks were situated in the very heart of the danger
+district, for the people to fly southward, Common-ward, to the open
+spaces--anywhere. Another explosion was imminent. Then came further
+outbreaks of the flight impulse. Runs a graphic account:
+
+    The crowd needed no second warning. They turned and fled. Hammers,
+    shovels and bandages were thrown aside. Stores were left wide open
+    with piles of currency on their counters. Homes were vacated in a
+    twinkling. Little tots couldn't understand why they were being
+    dragged along so fast. Some folks never looked back. Others did,
+    either to catch a last glimpse of the home they never expected to
+    see again or to tell if they could from the sky how far behind them
+    the Dreaded Thing was.... They fled as they were.... Some carried
+    children or bundles of such things as they had scrambled
+    together.... Many were but scantily clad. Women fled in their night
+    dresses. A few were stark naked, their bodies blackened with soot
+    and grime. These had come from the destroyed section of the North
+    End. What a storm-tossed motley throng, and as varied in its aspect
+    and as poignant in its sufferings as any band of Belgian or Serbian
+    refugees fleeing before the Hun.... A few rode in autos, but the
+    great majority were on foot. With blanched faces, bleeding bodies
+    and broken hearts, they fled from the Spectral Death they thought
+    was coming hard after, fled to the open spaces where possibly its
+    shadow might not fall. Soon Citadel Hill and the Common were black
+    with terrified thousands. Thousands more trudged along St.
+    Margaret's Bay road, seeking escape among its trees and winding
+    curves.... Many cut down boughs and made themselves fires--for they
+    were bitterly cold. Here they were--poorly clad, badly wounded, and
+    with not one loaf of bread in all their number, so hastily did they
+    leave, when galloping horsemen announced the danger was over and it
+    was safe to return.[58]
+
+  [58] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.).
+
+The ever-shifting responsiveness to rumor which distinguishes a crowd
+was noted.
+
+    The entrance to the Park was black with human beings, some massed in
+    groups, some running anxiously back and forth like ants when their
+    hill has been crushed. There were blanched faces and trembling
+    hands. The wildest rumors were in circulation and every bearer of
+    tidings was immediately surrounded.[59]
+
+  [59] _St. John Globe_, Correspondence, Dec., 1917.
+
+Not only here but when the crowd trekked back, and in the subsequent
+scenes which were witnessed in supply stations and shelters, the
+association which Sidis draws between calamity and hyper-suggestibility
+in the body politic was abundantly endorsed.
+
+We must now endeavor to understand the phenomena of emotion which
+accompany a great catastrophe. This is not the less difficult because
+the term emotion is not given consistent use even by psychologists. One
+interprets it as merely the affective side of the instinctive
+process--those "modes of affective experience," such as "anger, fear,
+curiosity," which accompany the excitement of "the principal powerful
+instincts."[60] Another sees it as also an impulsive, not merely a
+receptive state. It is "the way the body feels when it is prepared for a
+certain reaction," and includes "an impulse toward the particular
+reaction."[61]
+
+  [60] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 46.
+
+  [61] Woodworth, Robert S., _Dynamic Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918),
+  ch. iii, p. 54.
+
+It will be accurate enough for our purpose to think of the emotions as
+complicated states of feeling more or less allied to one another and to
+the human will.[62] Among them are jealousy and envy--"discomfort at
+seeing others approved and at being out-done by them."[63] This appeared
+repeatedly in the administration of relief and should be included in
+disaster psychology. Again greed[64]--more strictly a social instinct
+than an emotion--was common. How common will receive further
+exemplification in a later chapter.
+
+  [62] "Anger, zeal, determination, willing, are closely allied, and
+  probably identical in part. Certainly they are aroused by the same
+  stimulus, namely, by obstruction, encountered in the pursuit of some
+  end." (_Ibid._, p. 149.)
+
+  [63] Thorndike, _op. cit._, p. 101.
+
+  [64] "To go for attractive objects, to grab them when within reach, to
+  hold them against competitors, to fight the one who tries to take them
+  away. To go for, grab and hold them all the more if another is trying
+  to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._,
+  p. 102.)
+
+Fear has already been referred to. Anger, shame, resentment while
+evident, were of less significance. Gratitude was early shown and there
+were many formal expressions of it. Later on, it seemed to be replaced
+by a feeling that as sufferers they, the victims, were only receiving
+their due in whatever aid was obtained.
+
+Of special interest is the role of the tender emotions, kindliness,
+sympathy and sorrow, as well as the reactions which may be expected when
+these occur in unusual exaltation through the repetition of stimuli or
+otherwise. Whatever may be the nature of the process whereby the
+feelings of his fellows affect a man, that which chiefly concerns us
+here, is how these reactions differ when the stimulation is multiplex.
+Of this multiplex stimulation in collective psychology Graham Wallas has
+written:
+
+    The nervous exaltation so produced may be the effect of the rapid
+    repetition of stimuli acting as repetition acts, for instance, when
+    it produces seasickness or tickling.... If the exaltation is extreme
+    conscious control of feeling and action is diminished.[65] Reaction
+    is narrowed and men may behave, as they behave in dreams, less
+    rationally and morally than they do if the whole of their nature is
+    brought into play.[66]
+
+  [65] M. Dide, a French psychologist, regards "the hypnosis produced by
+  emotional shock--and this occurs not only in war but in other great
+  catastrophies as well--as genetically a defence reaction, like natural
+  sleep whose function according to him is primarily prophylactic
+  against exhaustion and fatigue, ... it is comparable to the so-called
+  death-shamming of animals." (Dide, M., _Les emotions et la guerre_
+  (Paris, 1918), Review of, _Psychological Bulletin_, vol. xv, no. 12,
+  Dec., 1918, p. 441.)
+
+  [66] Wallas, Graham, _The Great Society_ (N. Y., 1917), p. 136.
+
+What Wallas has said of the additional stimulation which the presence of
+a crowd induces may be given wider application, and is indeed a most
+illuminating thought, describing exactly the psycho-emotional reactions
+produced by the stimulation of terrifying scenes, such as were witnessed
+at Halifax.
+
+A case in point was that of the nervous exaltation produced upon a young
+doctor who operated continuously for many hours in the removal of
+injured eyes. The emotional tension he went through is expressed in his
+words to a witness: "If relief doesn't come to me soon, I shall murder
+somebody."
+
+Another instance where conscious control of feeling and action was
+diminished was that of a soldier. He was so affected by what he passed
+through during the explosion and his two days' participation in relief
+work, that he quite unwittingly took a seat in a train departing for
+Montreal. Later in a hospital of that city after many mental wanderings
+he recovered his memory. Over and over again he had been picturing the
+dreadful scenes which he had experienced. This condition includes a
+hyperactivity of the imagination "characterized by oneirism [oneiric
+delirium] reproducing most often the tragic or terrible scenes which
+immediately preceded the hypogenic shock."[67]
+
+  [67] _Ibid._, p. 440.
+
+The nature of sympathy[68] may not be clearly comprehended but of its
+effects there is no doubt. It may lead to the relief of pain or induce
+the exactly opposite effect; or it may bring about so lively a distress
+as to quite incapacitate a man from giving help. Again it may lead to
+the avoidance of disaster scenes altogether. Thus some could on no
+account be prevailed upon to go into the hospitals or to enter the
+devastated area. Others by a process understood in the psychology of
+insanity secured the desired avoidance by suicide. The association of
+suicide with catastrophe has been already remarked in the case of San
+Francisco. A Halifax instance was that of a physician who had labored
+hard among the wounded. He later found the reaction of his emotional
+experiences too strong. He lost his mental balance and was discovered
+dead one morning near his office door. He had hanged himself during the
+night. Still another, a railroad man, driven to despair by loneliness
+and loss, his wife and children having perished, attempted to follow
+them in death.
+
+  [68] Classed by William James as an emotion, but considered by
+  McDougall a pseudo-instinct.
+
+Joy and sorrow are pleasure-pain conditions of emotional states. Sorrow
+is painful because "the impulse is baffled and cannot attain more than
+the most scanty and imperfect satisfaction in little acts, such as the
+leaving of flowers on the grave;"[69] although the intensity is
+increased by other considerations. Here again the unusual degree of
+stimulation which catastrophe induces brings about a behavior other than
+that which commonly attends the experience of grief. A phenomenon
+associated with wholesale bereavement is the almost entire absence of
+tears. A witness of the San Francisco disaster said it was at the end of
+the second day that he saw tears for the first time.[70] At Halifax,
+where the loss of life was many times greater, there was little crying.
+There seemed to be indeed a miserable but strong consolation in the fact
+that all were alike involved in the same calamity.[71]
+
+  [69] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 152.
+
+  [70] O'Connor, Chas. J., _San Francisco Relief Survey_ (N. Y., 1913),
+  pt. i, p. 6.
+
+  [71] "The cutting edge of all our usual misfortunes comes from their
+  character of loneliness."--(James, William, _Memories and Studies_,
+  N. Y., 1911, p. 224.)
+
+There was "no bitterness, no complaint, only a great and eager desire to
+help some one less fortunate." Another observer said: "I have never seen
+such kindly feeling. I have never seen such tender sympathy. I have
+never heard an impatient word." And this was amongst men "who were
+covered with bruises, and whose hearts were heavy, who have not had a
+night's sleep, and who go all day long without thought of food." Another
+visitor remarked "there is not a more courageous, sane and reasonable
+people. Everyone is tender and considerate. Men who have lost wives and
+children, women whose sons and husbands are dead, boys and girls whose
+homes have been destroyed, are working to relieve the distress." A
+Montreal clergyman reported that "Halifax people have been meeting with
+dry eyes and calm faces the tragedies, the horrors, the sufferings and
+the exposures which followed the explosion." Grief is after all "a
+passive emotion," a "reaction of helplessness." It is "a state of mind
+appropriate to a condition of affairs where nothing is to be done"--[72]
+and there was much to be done at Halifax.
+
+  [72] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 58.
+
+There are also to be added the phenomena of emotional parturition. As
+was to be expected the shock meant the immediate provision of a
+maternity hospital. Babies were born in cellars and among ruins.
+Premature births were common, one indeed taking place in the midst of
+the huddled thousands of refugees waiting in anguish upon the Common for
+permission to return to their abandoned homes. Nor were all the ills for
+which the shock was responsible immediately discernible. There were many
+post-catastrophic phenomena. Three months after the explosion many found
+themselves suffering an inexplicable breakdown, which the doctors
+attributed unquestionably to the catastrophe. It was a condition closely
+allied to "war-neurasthenia." Another disaster after-effect also may be
+here recorded. This was the not unnatural way in which people "lived on
+edge," for a long period after the disaster. There was a readiness and
+suggestibility to respond to rumor or to the least excitant. Twice at
+least the schools were emptied precipitately, and citizens went forth
+into pell-mell flight from their homes upon the circulation of reports
+of possible danger. No better illustration is afforded of the
+sociological fact that "the more expectant, or overwrought the public
+mind, the easier it is to set up a great perturbation. After a series of
+public calamities .... minds are blown about by every gust of passion or
+sentiment."[73]
+
+  [73] Ross, Edward A., _Social Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. iv,
+  p. 66.
+
+There are also to be included a few miscellaneous observations of
+behavior associated with the psychology of disaster relief. (1) The
+preference upon the part of the refugee for plural leadership and
+decision. (2) The aggravation of helplessness through the open
+distribution of relief. (3) The resentment which succeeds the intrusion
+of strangers in relief leadership. (4) The reaction of lassitude and
+depression after a period of strain. (5) The desire for privacy during
+interviews. (6) The vital importance of prompt decision in preventing an
+epidemic of complaint.[74]
+
+  [74] A list compiled by the author from suggestions in Deacon's
+  discussion of disasters. All were to be observed at Halifax.
+
+Analytic psychology is becoming increasingly interested in the phenomena
+of repression, inhibition and taboo. The real motives of action are
+often very different from the apparent motives which overlie them.
+Instinctive tendencies are buried beneath barriers of civilization, but
+they are buried alive. They are covered not crushed. These resistances
+are either within our minds or in society. The latter are summed up in
+conventionality, custom and law, all so relatively recent[75] in time as
+to supply a very thin veneer over the primitive tendencies which have
+held sway for ages. Few realize the place which conventionality, custom
+and law possess in a community until in some extraordinary catastrophe
+their power is broken, or what is the same thing the ability to enforce
+them is paralyzed. This fact is especially true of repressive
+enactments, and most laws fall within this category. Catastrophe
+shatters the unsubstantial veneer. When the police of Boston went on
+strike it was not only the signal for the crooks of all towns to repair
+to the unguarded center, but an unexpected reserve of crookedness came
+to light within the city itself. Lytton discovered at Pompeii signs of
+plunder and sacrilege which had taken place "when the pillars of the
+world tottered to and fro." At the time of the St. John Fire "loafers
+and thieves held high carnival. All night long they roamed the streets
+and thieved upon the misfortunes of others."[76]
+
+  [75] It has been said that were the period of man's residence on earth
+  considered as having covered an hundred thousand years, that of
+  civilization would be represented by the last ten minutes.
+
+  [76] Stewart, George, _The Story of the Great Fire in St. John_
+  (Toronto, 1877), p. 35.
+
+With the possibility of apprehension reduced to a minimum in the
+confusion at Halifax, with the deterrent forces of respectability and
+law practically unknown, men appeared for what they were as the
+following statement only too well discloses:
+
+    Few folk thought that Halifax harbored any would-be ghouls or
+    vultures. The disaster showed how many. Men clambered over the
+    bodies of the dead to get beer in the shattered breweries. Men
+    taking advantage of the flight from the city because of the
+    possibility of another explosion went into houses and shops, and
+    took whatever their thieving fingers could lay hold of. Then there
+    were the nightly prowlers among the ruins, who rifled the pockets of
+    the dead and dying, and snatched rings from icy fingers. A woman
+    lying unconscious on the street had her fur coat snatched from her
+    back.... One of the workers, hearing some one groaning rescued a
+    shop-keeper from underneath the debris. Unearthing at the same time
+    a cash box containing one hundred and fifty dollars, he gave it to a
+    young man standing by to hold while he took the victim to a place of
+    refuge. When he returned the box was there, but the young man and
+    the money had disappeared.
+
+    Then there was the profiteering phase. Landlords raised their rents
+    upon people in no position to bear it. The Halifax Trades and Labor
+    Council adopted a resolution urging that the Mayor be authorized to
+    request all persons to report landlords who "have taken advantage of
+    conditions created by the explosion." ... Plumbers refused to hold
+    their union rules in abeyance and to work one minute beyond the
+    regular eight hours unless they received their extra rates for
+    overtime; and the bricklayers assumed a dog-in-the-manger attitude
+    and refused to allow the plasterers to help in the repair of the
+    chimneys. And this during days of dire stress ... when many men and
+    women were working twelve and fourteen hours a day without a cent or
+    thought of remuneration. One Halifax newspaper spoke of these men as
+    "squeezing the uttermost farthing out of the anguished necessities
+    of the homeless men, women and children." Truckmen charged
+    exorbitant prices for the transferring of goods and baggage.
+    Merchants boosted prices. A small shopkeeper asked a little starving
+    child thirty cents for a loaf of bread.
+
+    On Tuesday, December the twelfth, the Deputy Mayor issued a
+    proclamation warning persons so acting that they would be dealt with
+    under the provisions of the law.[77]
+
+  [77] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+Slowly the arm of repression grew vigorous once more. The military
+placed troops on patrol. Sentries were posted preventing entrance to the
+ruins to those who were not supplied with a special pass. Orders were
+issued to shoot any looter trying to escape. The Mayor's proclamation,
+the warning of the relief committee, the storm of popular indignation
+gradually became effectual.
+
+The stimulus of the same catastrophe, it thus appears, may result in two
+different types of responses--that of greed on the one hand or
+altruistic emotion on the other. One individual is spurred to increased
+activity by the opportunity of business profit, another by the sense of
+social needs. Why this is so--indeed the whole field of
+profiteering--would be a subject of interesting enquiry. Whether it is
+due to the varying degrees of socialization represented in the different
+individuals or whether it is not also partly due to the fact that
+philanthropy functions best in a sphere out of line with a man's own
+particular occupation, the truth remains that some display an altogether
+unusual type of reaction in an emergency to the actions of others; and
+perhaps exhibit behavior quite different from that which appears normal
+in a realm of conduct where associations based on habit are so strongly
+ingrained.
+
+The human will as we have seen is in close association with the
+emotions. We are now to notice the dynamogenic value of the strong
+emotions aroused by catastrophe. It is first of all essential to
+remember the role of adrenin in counteracting the effects of fatigue.
+Wonderful phenomena of endurance in disaster might well be anticipated
+for "adrenin set free in pain and in fear and in rage would put the
+members of the body unqualifiedly at the disposal of the nervous
+system." This is "living on one's will" or on "one's nerve." There are
+"reservoirs" of power ready to pour forth streams of energy if the
+occasion presents itself. Strong emotions may become an "arsenal of
+augmented strength." This fact William James was quick to see when he
+said "on any given day there are energies slumbering within us which the
+incitements of that day do not call forth."[78] But it was left to
+Cannon to unfold the physiological reasons,[79] and for Woodworth to
+explain how the presence of obstruction has power to call forth new
+energies.[80] Indeed the will[81] is just the inner driving force of the
+individual and an effort of will is only "the development of fresh motor
+power."[82] Following the lines of least resistance the will experiences
+no unusual exercise. Catastrophe opposes the tendency to eliminate from
+life everything that requires a calling forth of unusual energies.
+
+  [78] James, William, _The Energies of Men_ (N. Y., 1920), p. 11.
+
+  [79] Cannon, Walter B., _Bodily changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and
+  Rage_, ch. xi, p. 184, _et seq._
+
+  [80] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 147.
+
+  [81] Will is indeed the supreme faculty, the whole mind in action, the
+  internal stimulus which may call forth all the capacities and powers.
+  (Conklin, Edwin G., _Heredity and Environment in the Development of
+  Man_ [Princeton], ch. vi, p. 47.)
+
+  [82] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 149.
+
+The energizing influence of an emotional excitant was shown at Halifax
+in the remarkable way in which sick soldiers abandoned their beds and
+turned them over to the victims rushed to the military hospitals. It was
+seen again in the sudden accession of strength displayed by the invalids
+and the infirm during the hurried evacuation of the houses--a behavior
+like that of the inhabitants of Antwerp during the bombardment of that
+city in October 1914, when those who fled to Holland showed
+extraordinary resistance to fatigue.[83] The resistance to fatigue and
+suffering received more abundant illustration at Halifax in the work of
+rescue and relief. Often men themselves were surprised at their own
+power for prolonged effort and prodigious strain under the excitement of
+catastrophe. It was only on Monday (the fifth day) that collapses from
+work began to appear. Among the more generally known instances of
+unusual endurance was that of a private, who with one of his eyes
+knocked out, continued working the entire day of the disaster. Another
+was that of a chauffeur who with a broken rib conveyed the wounded trip
+after trip to the hospital, only relinquishing the work when he
+collapsed. An unknown man was discovered at work in the midst of the
+ruins although his own face was half blown off. Those who escaped with
+lesser injuries worked day and night while the crisis lasted. Many did
+not go home for days, so manifold and heavy were the tasks. There was no
+pause for comment. Conversation was a matter of nods and silent signs,
+the direction of an index finger. Weeks later the workers were surprised
+to find themselves aged and thin. The excitement, the stimulus of an
+overwhelming need had banished all symptoms of fatigue. During the
+congestion which followed the arrival of the relief trains there were
+men who spent seventy-two hours with scarcely any rest or sleep. One of
+the telephone terminal room staff stuck to his post for ninety-two
+hours, probably the record case of the disaster for endurance under
+pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was
+the work of the search parties who, facing bitterest cold and in the
+midst of blinding storms, continued their work of rescue; and the
+instance of the business girls who in the same weather worked for many
+hours with bottles of hot water hung about their waists. An effect which
+could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+on the part of many of the victims themselves. Men, women and little
+children endured the crudest operations without experiencing the common
+effects of pain. They seemed to have been anaesthetized by the general
+shock. Sidewalk operations, the use of common thread for sutures, the
+cold-blooded extracting of eyes were carried on often without a tremor.
+This resistance to suffering was due not only to the increase of energy
+already described but also to the fact that the prostrating effect of
+pain is largely relative to the diversion of attention,--as "headaches
+disappear promptly upon the alarm of fire" and "toothaches vanish at the
+moment of a burglar's scare." Much pain is due to the super-sensitivity
+of an area through hyperaemia, or increased blood supply, following
+concentrated attention. Thus it is actually possible by volition to
+control the spread of pain, and the therapeutic virtues of an electric
+shock or a slap in the face are equally demonstrable. This reasoning is
+also applicable to the absence of sympathetic reactions among many
+disaster workers. They were found often to be "curiously detached and
+not greatly moved by the distressing scenes in morgue, in hospital, in
+the ruins and at the inquiry stations."[84]
+
+  [83] Sano, F., "Documenti della guerra: Osservazioni psicologiche
+  notate durante il bombardamento di Anversa," _Rivista di psichologia_,
+  anno xi, pp. 119-128.
+
+  [84] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. iv,
+  p. 44.
+
+Catastrophe and the sudden termination of the normal which ensues become
+the stimuli of heroism and bring into play the great social virtues of
+generosity and of kindliness--which, in one of its forms, is mutual aid.
+The new conditions, perhaps it would be more correct to say, afford the
+occasion for their release. It is said that battle does to the
+individual what the developing solution does to the photographic
+plate,--brings out what is in the man. This may also be said of
+catastrophe. Every community has its socialized individuals, the
+dependable, the helpful, the considerate, as well as the "non-socialized
+survivors of savagery," who are distributed about the zero point of the
+social scale. Calamity is the occasion for the discovery of the
+"presence of extraordinary individuals in a group." The relation of them
+to a crisis is one of the most important points in the problem of
+progress.
+
+At Halifax there were encountered many such individuals as well as
+families who refused assistance that others might be relieved.
+Individual acts of finest model were written ineffaceably upon the
+social memory of the inhabitants. There was the case of a child who
+released with her teeth the clothes which held her mother beneath a pile
+of debris. A wounded girl saved a large family of children, getting them
+all out of a broken and burning home. A telegraph operator at the cost
+of his life stuck to his key, sent a warning message over the line and
+stopped an incoming train in the nick of time.
+
+Group heroism was no less remarkable. For the flooding of the powder
+magazine in the naval yard an entire battery volunteered. This was why
+the second explosion did not actually occur. Freight handlers too, as
+well as soldiers, revealed themselves possessors of the great spirit. A
+conspicuous case was that of the longshoremen working on board of a ship
+laden with explosives. Fully realizing the impending danger, because of
+the nearness of the burning munitioner, they used what precious minutes
+of life remained them to protect their own ship's explosives from
+ignition. A fire did afterwards start upon the ship but a brave captain
+loosed her from the pier, and himself extinguished the blaze which might
+soon have repeated in part the devastations already wrought.
+
+No disaster psychology should omit a discussion of the psychology of
+helpfulness--that self-help to which the best relief workers always
+appeal, as well as of the mutual aid upon which emergency relief must
+largely depend. Mutual aid while not a primary social fact is inherent
+in the association of members of society, as it also "obtains among
+cells and organs of the vital organism." As it insured survival in the
+earlier stages of evolution[85] so it reveals itself when survival is
+again threatened by catastrophe.
+
+  [85] Kropotkin, Prince, _Mutual Aid_ (N. Y., 1919), ch. i, p. 14.
+
+The illustrations of mutual aid at Halifax would fill a volume. Not only
+was it evidenced in the instances of families and friends but also in
+the realm of business. Cafes served lunches without charge. Drug stores
+gave out freely of their supplies. Firms released their clerks to swell
+the army of relief. A noteworthy case of community service was that of
+the Grocers' Guild announcing that its members would
+
+    fill no orders for outside points during the crisis, that they would
+    cooperate with the relief committee in delivering foodstuffs free of
+    charge to any point in the city, and that their stocks were at the
+    disposal of the committee at the actual cost to them.[86]
+
+By incidents such as these, Halifax gained the appellation of the City
+of Comrades.
+
+  [86] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+Catastrophe becomes also the excitant for an unparalleled opening of the
+springs of generosity.[87] Communication has transformed mutual aid into
+a term of worldwide significance. As at San Francisco, when from all
+directions spontaneous gifts were hurried to the stricken city, when in
+a period of three months seventeen hundred carloads and five
+steamerloads of relief goods arrived, in addition to millions of cash
+contributions, so was it at Halifax. So it has always been, as is proven
+by Chicago, Dayton, Chelsea as well as by numbers of other instances.
+The public heart responds with instantaneous and passionate sympathy.
+Halifax specials were on every railroad. Ships brought relief by sea.
+Cities vied with each other in their responses. Every hour brought
+telegraphed assistance from governments and organizations. In about
+fifteen weeks approximately eight millions had been received, aside from
+the Federal grant. But it was not the totality of the gifts, but the
+number of the givers which gives point to our study. So many rushed with
+their donations to the Calvin Austin before she sailed from Boston on
+her errand of relief that "the police reserves were called out to
+preserve order." A great mass of the contributions involved much
+personal sacrifice upon the part of the contributors, as accompanying
+letters testified. It could be written of Halifax as it was of San
+Francisco that:
+
+    all the fountains of good fellowship, of generosity, of sympathy, of
+    good cheer, pluck and determination have been opened wide by the
+    common downfall. The spirit of all is a marvelous revelation of the
+    good and fine in humanity, intermittent or dormant under ordinary
+    conditions, but dominant and all pervading in the shadow of
+    disaster.[88]
+
+Abridged and sketchy as the foregoing necessarily is, it is perhaps full
+enough to have at least outlined the social phenomena of the major sort
+which a great disaster presents. These are found to be either abnormal
+and handicapping, such as, emotional parturition; or stimulative and
+promotive, such as the dynamogenic reactions. In propositional form it
+may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social
+psychology, which may either retard or promote social organization.
+
+  [87] There is no better evidence of the response of the public heart
+  to a great tragedy than the fact that at Halifax upwards of a thousand
+  offers were received for the adoption of the orphaned children.
+
+  [88] Bicknell, Ernest P., "In the Thick of the Relief Work at San
+  Francisco," _Charities and the Commons_, vol. xvi (June, 1906),
+  p. 299.
+
+In addition this chapter has discussed the role of catastrophe in
+stimulating community service, in presenting models of altruistic
+conduct, in translating energy into action, in defending law and order,
+and in bringing into play the great social virtues of generosity,
+sympathy and mutual aid.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+The organization of relief--The disaster protocracy--The transition from
+chaos through leadership--Vital place of communication--Utility of
+association--Imitation--Social pressure--Consciousness of
+kind--Discussion--Circumstantial pressure--Climate--Geographic
+determinants--Classification of factors.
+
+
+We have seen something of the disintegration which followed what has
+been called the "stun of the explosion." It included the abrupt flight
+from, and the emptying of, all the houses and centers of employment, the
+division of families in the haste of the running and the rescue, and the
+utter helplessness of thousands in the three basic necessities of
+life--food, raiment and a roof. There was the dislocation of
+transportation, the disorganization of business, and the problem of
+unemployment aggravated because not only was the work gone, but also
+with it the will to work.
+
+Social organization comes next in order and because its process was
+associated with the organization of relief--the first social
+activity--the sociological factors observed in the latter call for
+descriptive treatment. When the human organism receives an accident to
+one of its parts, automatic relief processes from within spring at once
+into being, and it is so with the body politic. This "_vis medicatrix
+naturae_" assumes sovereign power over all the resources of the
+community. That part of the social sensorium which is most closely
+organized in normal hours, first recovers consciousness in disaster. In
+the case of Halifax it was the army. So was it in San Francisco, and in
+Chelsea. The army has the intensive concentration, the discipline, the
+organization and often the resource of supplies instantly available. Its
+training is of the kind for the endurance of shock.[89] It so happened
+that at Halifax large numbers of men in uniform were stationed where
+they could quickly respond to call. They were very soon under orders.
+The military authorities realized before midday, the part which the army
+should play. The firemen too were a social group which largely remained
+organized, and responded to the general alarm soon after the explosion.
+Their chief and deputy-chief had been instantly killed so they were
+leaderless, until one of the city controllers assumed command, and in
+spite of the wild exodus when the alarm of a second explosion spread,
+these men remained at their posts.
+
+  [89] What has been said of soldiers is of course equally true of
+  sailors.
+
+Play actors also display similar traits of collective behavior. They are
+accustomed to think quickly, to live in restricted spaces, and to meet
+emergencies. Than the stage there is no better school. Each actor does
+his or her part and it alone. The Academy Stock Company, forsaking the
+school of Thespis for that of Esculapius, organized the first relief
+station established at Halifax. This was in operation about noon on the
+day of the disaster.
+
+Thus it came about that the soldiers, firemen and play actors may be
+called the disaster protocracy.[90] They were "the alert and effective,"
+the most promptly reacting units in emergency. And it would appear that
+the part of society which is most closely organized and disciplined in
+normal periods first recovers social consciousness in disaster.
+
+  [90] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal
+  of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 539.
+
+It is the events of the first few hours which are of special interest to
+the sociologist. The word most descriptive of the first observable
+phenomenon was leadership. The soldiers were foremost in the work of
+rescue, of warning, of protection, of transportation and of food
+distribution. But the earliest leadership that could be called social,
+arising from the public itself, was that on the part of those who had no
+family ties, much of the earliest work being done by visitors in the
+city. The others as a rule ran first to their homes to discover if their
+own families were in danger. From this body in a short while however
+many came forward to join in the activities of relief.
+
+As already said those with no social, family or property ties were among
+the first to begin relief work. But many of these started early simply
+because they were present where need arose. Many indeed of the uninjured
+folk at a distance seemed unable to realize the terribleness of the
+immediate need in the stricken area. In fact, owing to the collapse of
+communication they did not for an appreciable time discover that there
+was an area more stricken than their own, and devoted themselves to
+cleaning up glass and the like. But within a quarter of an hour a
+hospital ship had sent ashore two landing parties with surgeons and
+emergency kits. With almost equal dispatch the passengers of an incoming
+train--the railroad terminal at the time being in the north end of the
+city--were on hand, and were among the earliest first-aid workers. One,
+a Montreal man, was known individually to have rendered first aid to at
+least a half hundred of the wounded.
+
+It was early afternoon, perhaps five hours after the catastrophe, when a
+semblance of cooperative action in rescue work began. Previous to this
+the work had been done in a rapid and random fashion, a single ruin
+being dug through a second or even a third time. Then came the
+recognition of the utility of association.[91] Thereafter the searchers
+became parties each of which was detailed to go over a definite area.
+When a particular section had been covered it was so recorded. This
+process considerably expedited the work in hand. Meanwhile relief was
+organized in other important directions.
+
+  [91] Tenney, Alvan A., Unpublished lectures on Social Organization.
+
+The vital place of communication in society was recognized at once. It
+is a major influence in association, and upon it in disaster depends the
+immediacy as well as the adequacy of relief. Connections had been cut by
+the explosion and the outside world could only wait and wonder. How
+little real information filtered through is shown by the fact that at
+Truro, only sixty-two miles distant, the announcement was made three
+hours after the explosion that the death roll would not bear more than
+fifty names. Nevertheless within an hour after the explosion a telegraph
+company had a single line established, and with news of the disaster,
+communities everywhere took up the role of the Samaritan.
+
+While the great hegira was in progress another leader, a railroad
+official, drove rapidly out the Bedford Road and commandeered the first
+unbroken wire to Moncton. Thereafter all that the government railroad
+equipment could do was at the community's service. Meanwhile the
+dislocated railroad yards were being combed for a live engine and
+coaches in commission. A hospital train was put together and in less
+than four hours after the explosion a large number of injured people
+were being transported to Truro.
+
+Even before the rushing of the wounded to the hospitals a few began to
+realize the great human needs which would soon be manifest among the
+concourse of thousands who waited in helpless suspense upon the Common
+and the hill. Here they were _en masse_, a typical social aggregation,
+responding to the primitive, gregarious instinct of the herd. "Like
+sheep they had flocked together too bewildered for consecutive
+thought."[92] Yet here ministrations of one sort or another came into
+spontaneous operation. Soon the military began raising white tents upon
+the field. One after another they rose, presenting the appearance of an
+huge encampment. The idea spread by imitation,[93] the repetition of a
+model,--"the imitative response of many minds to the suggestive
+invention of one." One or two here and one or two there began to prepare
+the big church halls and other roomy institutional buildings for
+occupancy. Hastily the windows were patched up, the glass swept out, and
+no sooner had the danger of a second explosion passed, and the rumor of
+a possible roof reached the homeless, than they began to repair thither.
+At first each improvised shelter became a miniature clothing and food
+depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
+refugees into such private homes as had fared less badly. Imitation is
+the foundation of custom. It became the thing to do. The thing to do is
+social pressure. It may be unwilled and unintended but it is inexorable.
+It worked effectively upon all who had an unused room. Many sheltered
+upwards of a dozen for weeks; some, more.
+
+  [92] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax,
+  1918).
+
+  [93] Tarde, Gabriel, _Les lois de l'imitation_ (N. Y., 1903),
+  translation by E. C. Parsons, ch. i, p. 14.
+
+In the homes and shelters association of the like-minded soon came about
+through consciousness of kind. At first it was a very general
+consciousness which seemed to draw all together into a fellowship of
+suffering as victims of a common calamity. There was neither male nor
+female, just nor unjust, bond nor free. Men, women and little children
+lay side by side in the large sleeping rooms and "shared each other's
+woes," for "the consciousness of kind allays fear and engenders
+comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
+dormitories, and for changes of seats at the dining tables. As various
+shelters sprang up, the religious element appeared. Applications came
+for transfers from Roman Catholic institutions to Protestant stations
+and _vice versa_. Even the politically congenial were only too ready to
+segregate when occasion offered.
+
+  [94] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 396.
+
+Discussion and agreement must precede all wise concerted volition. There
+must be "common discussion of common action."[95] Propositions must be
+"put forth" and talked over. There must be a "meeting of minds" and a
+"show of hands," and decisions made. There had been no preparedness. The
+city possessed not even a paper organization for such a contingency as a
+sudden disaster; so that during the most precious hours citizens and
+civic officials had to consult and map out a program as best the
+circumstances allowed. It was late afternoon on the day of the disaster
+when a tentative plan had been formulated in the City Hall. The newly
+formed committees could do but little until the following dawn.
+
+  [95] Bagehot, Walter, _Physics and Politics_ (N. Y., 1884), p. 159,
+  _et seq._
+
+Men at best are largely creatures of circumstance. Innumerable causes,
+small and great, conspire to incite social action. But in catastrophe
+the control of circumstantial pressure[96] becomes almost sovereign in
+extent. The conditions it brings about, while often delaying measures of
+individual relief, account very largely for the rapidity of
+organization. While they limit they also provoke effort. The common
+danger constrains great numbers to "overlook many differences, to
+minimize many of their antagonisms and to combine their efforts." At
+Halifax the pressure of indescribable suffering precipitated the medical
+and hospital arrangements which were the earliest forms of communal
+service. But it was the meteorological conditions which commanded the
+most prompt attention to the consideration of shelter and clothing. The
+months appeared to have lost station and February to have come out of
+season. The following table gives the weather record for the seven days
+which followed the catastrophe.[97] It is the record of a succession of
+snow, wind, cold and blizzard.
+
+Thursday, Dec. 6th.
+
+9 a. m. Fair. Frozen ground. Light N. W. wind. No precipitation.
+Temperature: max. 39.2, min. 16.8.
+
+Friday, Dec. 7th.
+
+9 a. m. N. E. wind, velocity 19. Snow falling. At noon N. W. gale.
+Afternoon, blizzard conditions. 9 p. m. N. W. wind, velocity 34.
+Precipitation 16.0 in. snow. Temperature: max. 32.2, min. 24.8.
+
+Saturday, Dec. 8th.
+
+9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity 20. Intermittent sunshine. 9 p. m. N. W.
+wind, velocity 11. Precipitation 1.2 snow (in a. m.). Temperature: max.
+29.8, min. 15.
+
+Sunday, Dec. 9th.
+
+9 a. m. S. E. gale, velocity 39. Streets icy and almost impassable.
+9 p. m. S. W. wind, velocity 27. Precipitation .99 rainfall (1.40 a. m.
+till noon). Temperature: max. 50.41, min. 14.6.
+
+Monday, Dec. 10th.
+
+9 a. m. S. W. wind, velocity 11. Afternoon, blizzard (worst in years).
+Knee-deep drifts. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 20. Precipitation 5.6
+snowfall (2 p. m. till 5.40 p. m.). Temperature: max. 34.2, min. 16.8.
+
+Tuesday, Dec. 11th.
+
+9 a. m. Clear. W. wind, velocity 18. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 11. No
+precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6.
+
+Wednesday, Dec. 12th.
+
+9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity, 15. 9 p. m. N. E. wind, velocity 3. No
+precipitation. Temperature: max. 17, min. 2.
+
+  [96] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 390.
+
+  [97] From information kindly supplied by D. L. Hutchinson, director of
+  the St. John (N. B.) observatory, and F. B. Ronnan, Halifax Station.
+
+In consequence of otherwise unendurable conditions, the most rapid
+repairs were made to all habitable houses or those possible of being
+made so. The same was true of public buildings, hospitals, factories and
+warehouses. Moreover the same explanation accounts for the exodus of
+many who sought for shelter to the countryside nearby; and the many more
+who accepted the invitation of, and entrained for various Nova Scotian
+towns which became veritable "cities of refuge" to hundreds. The
+climate[98] decided the question of reconstruction in favor of temporary
+structures; for it was a time of year when prompt rebuilding was out of
+the question. Climatic conditions also seriously delayed the arrival of
+relief supplies, allowed but scanty provision for many, kept some from
+the depots of relief, or from surgical aid; and others standing in line
+in the bitter cold. It also added seriously to the sanitation and
+shelter problem. But it speeded and spurred the workers to prevent the
+maximum of exposure and neglect. It called imperatively for the most
+effective system, and many of the workable methods were hit upon under
+the stress of storm. An illustration of this may be found in the
+adoption of many food depots instead of one central station. Regional
+influence thus "fixes the possibilities of organization and collective
+effectiveness."[99] The sociologist must study maps of lands and plans
+of cities. The location of the food stations at Halifax was a matter of
+topography as were the later administration districts. The city is
+widely spread out. It has fifty more miles of street than a city of
+similar population in a neighboring province. Six depots were
+established for the public distribution of supplies,[100] situated so as
+to touch the entire needy population most effectively, and to equalize
+the groups to some degree. So too, in the matter of dressing stations,
+accessibility was a deciding factor. But even this system had to be
+supplemented. Bread vans were driven hither and thither and when halted
+in the center of a street were usually immediately surrounded. Thus
+social reorganization in catastrophe witnesses to an urgency resident no
+less in space than in time and reemphasizes the importance placed upon
+the physical factors in sociology.
+
+  [98] Semple, Ellen, _Influences of Geographic Environment_ (N. Y.,
+  1911), p. 607, _et seq._
+
+  [99] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 389.
+
+  [100] For a period of two weeks meals for 15,000 people were
+  distributed every day.
+
+Thus may be said to have come about the transition from chaos to a
+semblance of community organization. Not the normal civil social order
+of pre-disaster days, but the establishment of a species of collective
+behavior, and the organization of relationships apparently of a quite
+different character. The difference was one which might be compared to
+that between a great relief camp and a city. But the difference was only
+superficial. Fundamentally there were to be seen the factors underlying
+all social organization. These have been already illustrated, and are
+classified as psychological, such as leadership, gregarious instinct,
+imitation, consciousness of kind, discussion, recognition of utility of
+association and custom; and as physical, including climate and
+topography.[101] The conclusion was drawn that the part of society which
+is most closely organized and disciplined in normality, first recovers
+consciousness in catastrophe, and the value of a militia organization in
+every community is a practical corollary. This follows not only because
+of the imperturbability and the promptitude of reaction, of an army in
+crisis, but also because of the rapidity with which it can be mobilized,
+its value in preserving law and order, its authoritative control and
+power to punish, and because of the attending psychological effects of
+orderly bearing and coolness in a time of general chaos, bespeaking a
+care that is at once paternal and sympathetic.
+
+  [101] Other sociological factors might also be illustrated, namely,
+  (a) the biological, including, besides the density of population, the
+  heredity and the physical and mental health of the inhabitants. (b)
+  the equipmental factor, including available economic resources,
+  general enlightenment, social surplus and institutional facilities for
+  re-education, _etc._ (_Vide_ ch. vii.)
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd)
+
+The reorganization of the civil social order--Division of
+labor--Resumption of normal activities--State and voluntary
+associations--Order of reestablishment--Effects of environmental
+change--The play of imitation--The stimulus of lookers-on--Social
+conservation.
+
+
+It is not necessary to repeat the fact, which the reader has already
+seen, that the process of complete social organization was largely
+expedited by the organization of relief, and materially reacted upon by
+it. The community's "big men," the men of prominence, the men of broad
+experience in civic and philanthropic work, the men who knew the
+resources of the city and had the prestige to command them, were deeply
+immersed in the relief work while the businesses and the departments of
+the shattered body politic waited or went forward in a more or less
+indifferent way.
+
+But this could be both economically and socially of a temporary nature
+only. "Business and industry must be set agoing. Church and school must
+resume the ordinary routine. One by one the broken threads of the former
+everyday life, the life of custom and habit must be reconnected." The
+division of social labor[102] is a law of society. It is traceable back
+to the primitive household itself, and is a result of underlying
+differences. The great "cause which determines the manner by which work
+is divided is diversity of capacity." With the advent of the social
+specialists at Halifax a major division of function began. The
+responsibility for the relief work having been delegated to a special
+social group, public thought and public men were free to turn their
+energies to the restoration of a normal society.
+
+  [102] Durkheim, Emile, _De la division du travail social_ (Paris,
+  1893).
+
+But it was the reorganization rather than the organization of relations
+which the sociologist observes to have first taken place. The stage was
+all laid. It was necessary only for the actors in the drama to resume
+their places. The old "parts" awaited them, although many of the
+"properties" were no more. Or to use the more sociological jargon one
+might say, there was still the homogeneity of stock, still a dominating
+like-mindedness, still a protocracy, still a group of mores to serve as
+media of social self-control. Indeed most of the former complexities of
+social structure remained. But this was only potentially true. The
+social relations based upon the underlying factors had to be resumed.
+Moreover the resumption was accompanied by various changes the
+significance of which will appear in later discussion. The order of the
+resumption of normal activities is of unusual social interest as are
+also the influences which were in play and the changes which ensued. It
+may be objected that such a tabulation is unfair to the various socially
+component groups and that the special exigencies of each preclude
+comparison. But at least one index of the bent of the social mind is the
+separation of those activities which must needs be first rehabilitated,
+from those which can wait. Organizing genius was not entirely occupied
+with relief in the ordinary sense of the term.
+
+Economic vigor is one of the most vital things in a community's life. It
+is in a sense fundamental not only to happiness and general well-being
+but accompanies and conditions the cultural institutions, religious,
+educational and aesthetic. It is not surprising then that commercial
+activity was in actual fact the earliest aspect of life to resume a
+semblance of normality. Naturally public utilities were first on the
+list, for these include systems of communication without which society
+can hardly be. Reference has already been made to the speed with which a
+makeshift service was established, but our purpose here is to record the
+resumption of normal activity.
+
+Wire communication is led out from the city by pole lines. Many of these
+had been demolished, or broken at the crossbeam. Clerks had been injured
+and instruments damaged. In spite of these odds one was reconnected
+within an hour, and by the evening of the day of the disaster six direct
+multiplex wires to Montreal, three to St. John and one each to Boston
+and New York, had been established. Upwards of a thousand messages an
+hour went forth the first week. The work became normal about December
+twentieth.
+
+The telephone system suffered the loss of the entire northern exchange
+and of the harbor cable--broken through ships dragging anchor--a total
+material damage of one hundred thousand dollars. Its personnel was also
+depleted. Nevertheless telephone business may be said to have been
+generally resumed on the seventh, the day after the disaster, and the
+load of local traffic soon attained over one hundred and twenty percent
+above its average figure. Telephone service was absolutely suspended for
+only about two hours,--the period of prohibition from buildings,--and
+the cable telephone for about three days. Messages of a social character
+were tabooed for several weeks, when the work again became normal.
+
+The illumination service was quickly restored. The company was able to
+give partial light and some service from noon on the sixth. Periods of
+intermittent darkness however, were not unusual. Gas service was off
+until December the ninth--the top of the gasometer having been broken
+and two hundred thousand cubic feet deflected from the mains into the
+air--when repairs were completed and on the tenth the service resumed.
+On the fourteenth gas and electric light service became normal.
+
+Railroad communication had been dislocated. The explosion occurred in
+the vicinity of the principal sidings and vital portions of the system.
+Three miles of the main road were buried in debris, the station wrecked,
+equipment damaged, and crews scattered searching for their dead. In
+spite of this, as already noted, a hospital train was sent out in the
+early afternoon of the disaster day and incoming trains were switched to
+their new tracks leading to the south end terminal. On the evening of
+the day following the disaster--Friday--the first regular train for
+Montreal left the city. Two days later the main lines were clear and the
+first train left the old passenger station on Saturday evening. By
+Monday the full passenger service was resumed, to and from the station.
+Eight days after the catastrophe all branches of the service were
+working and conditions were fairly normal.
+
+The rolling stock of the street-car system sustained much damage. Some
+of the employees were injured and others were unavailable. A scant
+service was restored at noon on December the sixth. By six o'clock of
+the seventh, tram lines in the north section were able to resume an
+eight-car service. Then the blizzard came and tied up all lines. It was
+not until Sunday, December ninth, that it was possible to resume any
+semblance of car service. On the twenty-second of December, twenty-two
+cars were operating--twenty-seven is the normal number,--but the
+shortage of men made it difficult to operate the full number. The
+service was not entirely normal for some months owing to the severe
+storms all winter which tied up the lines and caused delays, and to the
+shortage of men to handle the cars.
+
+The newspaper offices by the employment of hand compositors were able to
+produce papers on December seventh but in limited editions and of
+reduced size. This was owing to the dependency of the linotypes upon the
+gas service which had failed. The normal-size production recommenced in
+a week's time.[103]
+
+  [103] In the great Baltimore fire of 1904 the _Baltimore Sun_, by
+  remarkable enterprise was gotten out at Washington, 45 miles distant,
+  and did not miss a single issue.
+
+The postal service was completely disorganized and was not restored to
+any extent until Monday the tenth of December. Owing to the innumerable
+changes of address, as well as many other reasons, it was weeks before
+there was a normal and reliable distribution of mails.
+
+The banks were open for business the morning following the catastrophe,
+just as soon as the doors and windows were put in. Traffic of relief
+trains coming in affected the ordinary trade for three months, more or
+less, but principally outside of the city. In the city all business in
+the banks went on as usual the day after the explosion.
+
+Two instances are selected at random to illustrate the resumption of
+general business activity. Out of much wreckage and a forty-thousand-dollar
+loss one company restarted paint and varnish making on January
+second. A large clothing establishment, had been badly damaged.
+The factory and all branches of the business were running in
+five weeks--January tenth. Machines were in operation with shortened
+staffs at an earlier date.
+
+The regular meetings of the City Council recommenced on December
+twentieth, and were held regularly from that time on. The Board of Trade
+rooms were not badly damaged and there was no cessation of work or
+meetings. The theatres were speedily repaired and resumed business on
+Friday, December the twenty-eighth. The Citizen's Library was a few
+weeks closed for the circulation of books, and used in relief service as
+a food depot, thus ministering to a hunger which is more imperious than
+that of mind in the hour of catastrophe.
+
+Of the churches several were entirely destroyed. In all cases the
+edifices were injured, organs disordered and windows shattered. Parishes
+were in some instances almost wiped out. In a single congregation four
+hundred and four perished. In another nearly two hundred were killed,
+the remainder losing their property. In a third, of the one hundred and
+eight houses represented in the congregation only fourteen were left
+standing. Hurried efforts were made to safeguard church property, but
+church services were not generally resumed until the second Sunday.[104]
+Even then the congregations were small and the worshipping-places were
+not in all cases churches. Theatres, halls and other buildings housed
+many a religious gathering. While the restoration of churches waited,
+clergy and church workers gave themselves unremittingly to the relief of
+the needy, the succor of the injured and the burial of the dead. Their
+intimate knowledge of family conditions was of inestimable value in the
+relief administration. Sunday schools were reassembled as accommodations
+permitted, but it was many months before the attendances approximated
+the normal.
+
+  [104] On the first Sunday, December ninth at eleven o'clock Archdeacon
+  Armitage conducted Divine service in St. Paul's Church, and the same
+  afternoon this edifice was used by the congregation of All Saints
+  Cathedral.
+
+The school system was badly disorganized. Three buildings were totally
+destroyed, and all were rendered uninhabitable for some time. The loss
+was approximately eight-hundred thousand dollars. The members of the
+staff were given over to relief committees, registration, nursing and
+clothing service. Early in March, about three months after the
+explosion, arrangements were completed whereby nearly all the children
+in the city could attend classes. The double-session system was
+introduced to accomplish this. Rooms were necessarily over-crowded and
+ventilation impaired. By May eighth, fifteen school buildings were in
+use.[105]
+
+  [105] Quinn, J. P., _Report of Board of School Commissioners for City
+  of Halifax_, 1918.
+
+Progress in reopening schools is indicated by the following schedule.
+
+  Dec. 10 ................ classes in one institution
+  Jan.  7 ................    "    "  three emergency shelters
+  Jan.  8 ................    "    "  a church hall
+  Jan. 14 ................    "    "  five school buildings
+  Jan. 17 ................    "    "  one institution
+  Jan. 21 ................    "    "  two school buildings
+  Jan. 22 ................    "    "  one school building
+  Jan. 24 ................    "    "  one school building
+  Feb.  1 ................    "    "  one institution
+  Feb. 25 ................    "    "  two school buildings
+  Mar. 16 ................    "    "  one school building
+  Apr.  8 ................    "    "  one school building
+  May   8 ................    "    "  one school building
+  May  20 ................    "    "  two portable schools
+
+The community as finally reorganized differed materially from that which
+had preceded. The picture of the conditions at a considerably later
+period will be fully presented elsewhere. Here will be noted only a few
+social effects immediately apparent and due to the temporary
+environmental conditions.
+
+Owing to the number of men required for reconstruction work the Tramway
+Company found it very difficult to get a full complement of men back
+into the service. As a result they took into consideration the
+advisability of employing women conductors, and finally adopted this
+plan.
+
+At the time of the explosion a heated election campaign was in progress.
+Then representative men of both political parties urged their followers
+to drop the election fight and the election was deferred and later
+rendered unnecessary by the withdrawal of one of the candidates.
+
+The darkening of the water-front, the shading of windows, and other
+war-protective measures against the submarine menace, were given little
+attention for many weeks, and the coming into operation of the Military
+Service Act was postponed.
+
+The establishment of relief stations, and later, of the temporary relief
+houses in the central and southern portion of the city brought about a
+very unusual commingling of classes, as well as a readjustment of
+membership in schools, parishes and various institutions.
+
+Club life, social life, lodge and society "evenings" were for a
+considerable period tabooed, because of a general sentiment against
+enjoyment under the existing conditions as well as to lack of
+accommodation and of time.
+
+The clamor for arrests, for the fixing of responsibility for the
+disaster, and for the meting out of punishment was for a long time in
+evidence, but never received complete satisfaction.
+
+The difficulties of restoration of school attendance repeated the
+experience of the Cherry disaster, and the Truant Officer had a very
+strenuous time owing to the fact that so many people had changed their
+addresses.
+
+A number of "special policemen" were recruited from citizens of all
+ranks, and this force materially assisted the members of the regular
+department. Owing to the large influx of workmen following the
+catastrophe, as well as for other reasons the work of the detectives was
+greatly increased.[106]
+
+  [106] Hanrahan, F., _Report of Chief of Police_, Halifax, 1918.
+
+The survivors of two neighboring congregations, although belonging to
+different denominations, united in erecting a temporary church
+building--their respective churches having been destroyed--and have
+since worshipped together--a demonstration of the practicability of
+church union under circumstantial pressure.
+
+The display apartments of a furniture concern were utilized as actual
+living rooms by refugees for a period, while at the same time business
+was in operation throughout the rest of the establishment.
+
+The necessary functioning of relief activities, seven days in the week,
+the keeping of stores open on Sundays and the general disorganization of
+the parishes was reflected for a long period in a changed attitude upon
+the part of many towards Sabbath observance.
+
+German residents of the city were immediately placed under arrest when
+the disaster occurred, but all were later given their freedom.
+
+The citizens of Halifax were almost entirely oblivious to the progress
+of the war and other matters of world interest, for many days after the
+disaster.
+
+The reversion to the use of candles, oil lamps and lanterns was an
+interesting temporary effect.
+
+The rapidity of the reorganization, as well as the subsequent expansion,
+noted later, was largely effected by the social law of imitation already
+noticed. Many of the conditions affecting the rate of imitation were
+present. There was a crisis, there was necessity, there was trade and
+business advantage, social pressure, public demand, shibboleths--"a new
+Halifax" for example--but above all there was a multitude of models. The
+extent and scale of the rebuilding program in one area, the
+civic-improvement plans which accompanied the work in that district, the
+record time in which relief houses were completed, the marvellous speed
+at which the demolition companies cleared away the debris acted as
+models and stimuli to all inhabitants. The process of speeding-up spread
+like a great contagion, until the most hardened pessimist began to
+marvel at the recuperation daily enacted before his eyes.
+
+Among the models thus presented may be mentioned that of the rapid
+establishment of the morgue. This, the largest ever organized in Canada,
+was fitted up by forty soldiers and mechanics in the brief period of a
+day and a half. Another instance was that of the American Hospital. "At
+nine a. m. Bellevue was an officer's mess. By ten p. m. the same day it
+was a first-class sixty-six bed hospital, stocked with food and medicine
+and, in charge of Major Giddings;" it expressed a veritable "triumph of
+organizing ability." In the record time of three months, Messrs.
+Cavicchi and Pagano, with a maximum strength of nine hundred and fifty
+men and two hundred and seventy horses working ten hours a day removed
+every vestige of the debris in the devastated area. Apartments were
+built at the rate of one an hour. Motor lorries multiplied so rapidly
+that visitors said there had been an outbreak of "truck fever" in the
+place.
+
+By the stimulus of models, such as these, fresh vitality and motive were
+imparted to the members of the community. Halifax became busy as never
+before. New homes, new stores, new piers, new banks, replaced the old as
+if by magic. Men worked desperately hard.
+
+An influence which must not be left unrecorded because of its continuity
+of functioning is that of the stimulus of lookers-on. More than two
+hundred cities in all parts of the world had contributed to the
+reconstruction, and citizens of Halifax knew they were not unobserved.
+Articles, lectures and sermons were telling forth to interested
+thousands how a city blown to pieces, swept by fire, buried under ice
+and snow, and deluged by rain, was a city courageous beyond words.
+During the month of December, five leading periodicals in Canada and
+twelve in the United States arranged for articles and photographs
+descriptive of the city's advantages commercial and residential.[107]
+Halifax became a world-known city. This added still further spur to
+action. Halifax simply had to make good. She was bonded to the world.
+
+  [107] Saunders, E. A., _Report of Halifax Board of Trade_, 1918.
+
+There are two considerations which may appropriately bring this chapter
+to a close. The first arises naturally from what has been said, namely,
+that in catastrophe it is only after division of function delegates to a
+special group the responsibility for relief work that public thought is
+directed to the resumption of normal society. The second is a practical
+deduction--that of social conservation. Every community should possess a
+permanent vigilance committee. There should be an emergency procedure on
+paper with duties outlined to which pledged men may be immediately
+drafted. Only in this way can social economy be preserved until the
+arrival of experienced disaster authorities from a distance.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
+
+The contribution of social service--Its four-fold character--The
+principles of relief--Rehabilitation--Phases of application--Criticisms--A
+new principle--Social results--Summary for future guidance.
+
+
+We have already seen that there are certain determining factors in
+catastrophe and its social results. There is not only the level of the
+general capability and culture of the community, its power to meet
+crises and to readjust itself, the scarcity or plenitude of its
+resources, but also the presence or absence of "men skilled in dealing
+with crises."[108] In the past, disaster-stricken communities have had
+such men or have had them not. The disasters of the future--with the
+exception of those far remote from civilization--may depend on the
+presence of such leaders. They will come from near and far. The
+contribution of social service is the contribution of men skilled in
+dealing with crises. Relief thus becomes "an incident of progress and a
+social policy." We are now to notice this further determining factor in
+catastrophe as it applied itself to Halifax.
+
+  [108] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago,
+  1909), Introduction, p. 18.
+
+During the first week at Halifax not only did each day bring its
+contribution of relief supplies in the way of food and clothing, but
+each day brought also men and women of skill and experience in social
+work to place freely their vision and ability at the service of the
+community.[109]
+
+  [109] J. H. Falk, an expert in charge of the social welfare work in
+  Winnipeg; Miss Rathburn of Toronto, Mrs. Burrington of the
+  Y. W. C. A., Toronto. Christopher Lanz, under whose guidance the
+  rehabilitation work after the Salem fire was brought to a successful
+  conclusion; Katherine McMahon, Head worker of the Social Service
+  Department of the Boston Dispensary, Lucy Wright, formerly
+  Superintendent for the Mass. Commission for the Blind; Elizabeth
+  Richards Day, Organizer and for many years Head Worker of the Social
+  Service Department of the Boston Dispensary; E. E. Allen,
+  Superintendent of the Perkins Institute for the Blind, C. C. Carstens,
+  Superintendent of the Mass. Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to
+  Children; John F. Moors, president of the Associated Charities of
+  Boston, who was in charge of the Red Cross relief following the Salem
+  and Chelsea fires; William H. Pear, Agent of the Boston Provident
+  Association; J. Prentice Murphy, General Secretary of the Boston
+  Children's Aid Society; A. C. Ratshesky, Vice-chairman of the Public
+  Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts.
+
+The Halifax disaster was one of the first of great extent which has
+occurred since the principles of relief have been authoritatively
+written. No other community has experienced their application so fully
+or so promptly. One of the workers publicly stated that "Halifax was
+further ahead in relief work in two weeks than Lynn had been in a
+month." It was said that:
+
+    Never before in any extensive disaster were the essential principles
+    of disaster relief so quickly established as at Halifax. In less
+    than twelve hours from the time the American Unit from Boston
+    arrived, the necessary features of a good working plan were accepted
+    by the local committee.[110]
+
+This was, it is true, sixty hours after the disaster, but nevertheless
+the advent of the social specialists brought to Halifax that something
+which was wanting when the citizens, astounded at the magnitude of their
+task, wondered just how and where to begin. When Mr. Ratshesky[111] of
+the Public Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts, came into the
+room in the City Hall where a dozen or so were gathered in counsel,
+already overwrought with fatigue, it was the coming of a friend in need.
+It was soon clear that the new-comers had had unusual experience in
+dealing with other disasters. At once everyone took new heart. Only nine
+hours later, the Citizens' Relief Committee was ready, and a working
+plan adopted; and from it grew up a wonderful system worthy of study by
+all students of emergency relief. Thus social service broke into the
+midst of the great calamity not as a mere adjunct to what was already
+well devised, but as a central and deciding element, justifying its
+faith by its work, and its presence by its wisdom in grappling with an
+inexorable need.
+
+  [110] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_,
+  vol. xxxix, no. 13 (Dec. 28, 1917), p. 361.
+
+  [111] With Mr. Ratshesky were Mr. John F. Moors, and Major Giddings.
+
+Of course there had already been a commendable essay toward the solution
+of what had to be done. Applications for relief came pouring in two
+hours after the explosion, and industrious workers had already been
+dispensing to hundreds. On Friday morning volunteers were early at the
+City Hall, among them many of the public school teachers. A species of
+organization had already begun, but under congested and the least
+favorable conditions. A large number of investigators had gone forth,
+giving information and relief and bringing back reports of the missing,
+needy, helpless and injured. The Salvation Army had commenced a program
+of visits to follow up appeals. Clothing of all kinds was pouring into
+every station where the refugees were gathered together. The Canadian
+Red Cross was already active. But with the coming of the American
+Unit,[112] the transfer of the work to a new headquarters upon their
+advice, and the adoption of a complete plan of organization,[113] the
+systematic relief work may be said to have in reality begun.
+
+  [112] The Public Safety Committee of Massachusetts and the Boston Unit
+  of the American Red Cross.
+
+  [113] The scheme as finally decided upon consisted of a small managing
+  committee with sub-committees in control of food, clothing, shelter,
+  fuel, burial, medical relief, transportation, information, finance and
+  rebuilding.
+
+There was a four-fold contribution made by those experienced in relief
+and disaster organization. The initial service was the establishment of
+a policy of centralization of authority and administration into one
+official relief organization. This policy comprised first the
+coordination of the relief work into one central relief committee,
+second the placing of the relief funds from all sources into the hands
+of one finance committee, third the granting of relief by one central
+management, all records being cleared through one registration bureau,
+fourth the giving of emergency relief in food, clothing and other things
+immediately without waiting for the perfection of the relief
+organization, and fifth, the appointing of a small managing committee to
+carry out and interpret the general policy determined upon by the
+executive committee.
+
+If the first great service rendered was that of centralization, the
+second was that of effecting cooperation. The latter was only partially
+successful. There was at first an inevitable overlapping, especially in
+the matter of visiting, some families being visited and subjected to
+interview a dozen times. Failing to achieve complete coordination, the
+central committee endeavored to limit duplication so far as possible. An
+invitation extended to the Salvation Army about December eleventh, to
+place their visitors at the disposal of the general staff of visitors
+was declined and it was not until January first that this organization
+fully coordinated with the rehabilitation committee. It was about this
+time also that the Roman Catholic clergy agreed to cooperate in the
+registration plans. On December eighteenth the School Board gave
+official cooperation by assigning fifteen school teachers as volunteer
+visitors under the direction of the rehabilitation committee. Another
+obstacle to the complete systematization of the relief work was the most
+generous but independent distribution of clothing and supplies from the
+Eaton Center, and from the station established by a charitable Boston
+lady. The Protestant and Roman Catholic clergy, as well as the Salvation
+Army and other organizations received supplies in bulk and distributed
+to their constituents often with hasty or inadequate investigation.
+
+There was also at times lack of cooperation among the official
+committees themselves. Friction and crises arose from time to time,
+which were only stopped short of scandal. They were the consequence
+either of assumption of authority upon the part of the under-committees,
+of ineffectiveness of leadership, or of unfamiliarity with the
+principles of relief. There were also other problems, some of which it
+may be useful to note. One of these was the problem of the wisest use of
+local leaders who knew and could interpret the local point of view and
+method of doing things. Another that of the absorption of volunteers,
+many of whom could not be expected to understand the nature of
+scientific relief service.
+
+A third great contribution of social service was that of education in
+the principles of disaster relief. It was the problem of getting the
+idea of social conservation understood and established in a community
+which had not given the subject any thought, and which was quite
+unfamiliar with the ideals and purposes in view. This was the cause of
+much delaying of plans, overlapping in giving relief, and giving without
+substantial inquiry. It explained also the reason for the abundant
+criticism which arose. When criticism came there was, consequently, no
+well-informed body of public opinion to which to anchor the committee's
+work.
+
+Educational effort on this subject may be said to have begun with a
+masterful presentation of the nature of rehabitation at the meeting of
+the managing committee six days after the disaster. Here was set forth
+and illustrated the kind of service required and the desirability of
+such work was at once recognized and inaugurated. Thus the idea of
+rehabilitation filtered through to the various departments. Trained
+leaders imparted it to the untrained volunteers. Church, school and club
+caught something of its spirit and one of the permanent social results
+of the disaster remains in the partial socialization of institutions. It
+was this original absence of socialization, this lack of understanding
+of the true nature of disaster psychology and of the accepted methods of
+relief that at first made the community so utterly dependent upon the
+visiting social workers. It may be safely concluded as a fundamental
+principle that the self-dependence of a community in adversity is
+furthered by the socialization of existing institutions.
+
+The principles of disaster relief cover three stages, first, that of the
+emergency period; second, that of the period of transition; and third,
+that of rehabilitation. These principles in order of application may be
+thus briefly summarized:
+
+1. The coordination of all the relief agencies arising, into one central
+relief service.
+
+2. The directing of relief funds from all sources to one bonded finance
+committee.
+
+3. The establishment of a temporary committee only, at first,--the more
+permanent organization to await the counsel of specialists in disaster
+relief, an early call having been sent for experienced workers.
+
+4. The avoidance of, or the early abolition of mass treatment, _e. g._
+bread lines, food depots, _etc._, as detrimental to a psychology of
+helpfulness and as calculated to delay a return to self-support.
+
+5. The issuing of orders for supplies on local merchants to follow
+mass-provisioning.
+
+6. The establishment of a policy of renewable cash grants for short
+periods until temporary aid is discontinued.
+
+7. Continuance of relief upon a temporary basis until all claimants are
+registered and the aggregate of available aid ascertained, and the
+needs, resources and potentialities of self-help studied.
+
+8. An early effort to influence public opinion as to the wisdom of
+careful policies and critical supervision.
+
+9. The family to be considered the unit of treatment.[114]
+
+10. A substitution of local workers wherever wise, and the use of local
+leaders in responsible positions.
+
+11. The publication of a report, including a critical survey of policies
+and methods employed, and a discriminating record of the social results
+arising therefrom, the mistakes made and other information of value for
+future emergencies. This report in justice to contributors to include a
+financial statement.
+
+  [114] "During the emergency stage of relief the people are dealt with
+  in large groups with little attention to the special needs of
+  individuals ... in the rehabilitation stage the family or the
+  individual becomes the unit of consideration."--(Bicknell, E. P.,
+  "Disaster Relief and its Problems," _National Conference of Charities
+  and Corrections_, sess. xxxvi, 1909, p. 12.)
+
+The fourth great service rendered was that of the establishment of
+rehabilitation policies and methods. The work of organizing for
+rehabilitation, as noted above, did not begin until the sixth day after
+the disaster. On the eighteenth of December the first chairman was
+appointed. There followed a developmental period during which little
+progress was made, save in the familiarizing of committees with the
+object of rehabilitation. "The object of rehabilitation" says J. Byron
+Deacon "is to assist families to recover from the dislocation induced by
+the disaster, and to regain their accustomed social and economic status.
+Emergency aid takes into account only present needs; rehabilitation
+looks to future welfare."[115] This was the purpose constantly kept in
+view. The division of work indicates the nature of the task attempted.
+The division provided for an advisor, a chief of staff, a supervisor of
+home visitors, a bureau of application and registration, an emergency
+department, a department of medical social service and a visitor in
+children's work. Later a children's sub-committee was included.
+
+  [115] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 137.
+
+There was first the record and registration made and verified of all the
+sufferers and those in need. Over six thousand names of registrants
+resulted. Five districts or divisional areas were arranged for
+convenience and thoroughness of administration. One of these covered all
+cases outside of the city itself.[116] In charge of each district was a
+supervisor, and under the supervisor the various department heads.
+Trained workers were drawn into the service and their work and that of
+the volunteer visitors was directed by capable supervisors. The
+administration of relief was put upon a discriminating "case system."
+
+  [116] The town of Dartmouth on the Eastern side of Halifax harbor also
+  suffered very seriously in the explosion. It had its own relief
+  organization under the very capable chairmanship of ex-mayor A. C.
+  Johnstone. The nature of the relief work there did not differ
+  essentially from that in Halifax.
+
+There were four important phases in which the work developed; the work
+of general rehabilitation, the medical social work, the children's
+problem and the problem of the blind.
+
+The general rehabilitation service was carried on with varied success.
+It secured valuable intelligence for all committees and gradually
+increased in working power and efficiency. How many were put upon their
+feet again through its kindly counsel and careful cooperation cannot be
+estimated or told in figures.
+
+The problem of medical social service is to learn the social condition
+of the patient, and to relate that knowledge to his medical condition in
+order that restoration to health and return to normal family and
+community relationships shall go hand in hand. A division of medical
+social service became active a week after the disaster, its workers
+becoming attached to the several emergency hospitals within the city
+itself and those established in nearby towns. It had as well a working
+relationship with the military and the permanent Halifax hospitals.
+Three thousand patients were cared for in twelve Halifax hospitals
+alone. Trained medical social workers interviewed eight hundred. The one
+question to which they sought an answer was: "How shall these patients
+be brought back again as fully as possible into normal lives and
+relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
+was made to help and relieve to the fullest extent that service and
+science made possible.
+
+The contribution of medical social service was two-fold, immediate
+assistance and education. By the latter service, which represents the
+more permanent value to the community, very valuable information and
+guidance was given to the Halifax Medical Society and the children's and
+nursing interests. The improvements resulting from these efforts cannot
+fail to make "follow-up" and "after-care" important considerations in
+the public health and dispensary work of the future.
+
+Immediate assistance was given by the medical social service in six
+ways:
+
+1. Arranging for clothing and shelter prior to discharge from hospital.
+
+2. Interviews to understand medical social needs.
+
+3. Arranging about eye problems with the committee on the blind,
+children's problems with the children's committee, family problems with
+the rehabilitation committee, _etc._
+
+4. Making a census of the handicapped, and classifying the returns.
+
+5. Placing responsibility for follow-up and after-care.
+
+6. Intensive case work where social problems involved a medical
+situation.
+
+Dr. M. M. Davis, Jr. Director of the Boston Dispensary, writes of the
+medical social service as follows:
+
+    It may well be concluded that no organization or "unit" formed to
+    deal with a flood, fire or explosion or disaster, can hereafter be
+    regarded as complete unless in addition to doctors, nurses, relief
+    workers and administrators there is also a due proportion of trained
+    medical social workers. If twelve years ago medical social service
+    received its baptism, Halifax has been its confirmation day.[117]
+
+  [117] Davis, Michael M., Jr., "Medical Social Service in a Disaster,"
+  _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 25 (March 23, 1918), p. 675.
+
+The children's service was thorough, as it should have been. If the
+measure of success in disaster relief is the treatment which the
+children receive, Halifax relief was above reproach. The children's laws
+of the province are carefully drawn and adequate, the Superintendent of
+Neglected and Delinquent Children is a man of singular ability and has
+wide powers. He became chairman of a strong children's committee with
+which were associated, besides representatives of the children's
+institutions, two child-welfare workers of high reputation. This
+committee came in contact with upwards of five hundred families,
+including more than fifteen hundred children. Their work dealt with the
+special problems listed below. More permanent supervision was assumed by
+the Government Commission about five months after the disaster. The
+modern principle of the widest possible child-placing was encouraged,
+the effort being to keep children with parents and wherever necessary to
+subsidize families rather than institutions.
+
+The work of the children's committee consisted of
+
+1. Getting urgent temporary repairs made to existing children's
+institutions.
+
+2. Investigating cases to ascertain if children were in proper custody
+and receiving proper care.
+
+3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children.
+
+4. Hunting for "missing" children, identifying "unclaimed" children, and
+restoring children to their parents.
+
+5. Interviewing hundreds of people who were: (a) hunting for lost
+children; (b) wishing to adopt homeless children; (c) arranging for the
+care of children.
+
+6. Attending to a large correspondence, mostly regarding the adoption of
+children, for which upwards of a thousand applications were received.
+
+7. Arranging for and supervising the transfer of children from
+hospitals, shelters, _etc._, the committee in most cases having sent
+some one to accompany the children.
+
+8. Arranging for temporary maintenance, permanent care, pensions and
+compensations or allowances for children, including the finding of
+permanent homes.
+
+9. Locating and referring to the proper agencies a number of wounded
+children.
+
+10. Getting possession of children unlawfully taken possession of by
+improper persons.
+
+11. Arranging for the proper guardianship of certain children.[118]
+
+  [118] Blois, Ernest H., _Report of Superintendent of Neglected and
+  Delinquent Children_ (Halifax, 1918), p. 110.
+
+The problem of the blind, was a special feature of the Halifax disaster.
+Blindness frequently resulted from the blizzard of glass which caused so
+great a percentage of the wounds. In large proportion the wounded were
+women who were engaged in their household duties. The rehabilitation of
+the blind presented problems of care and retraining upon which was
+concentrated the skill of three superintendents of important
+institutions for the blind as well as other specialists and workers. The
+presence in Halifax of a school for the blind with a capable president
+facilitated greatly an early grappling with the problem. The
+contributions of the social workers were chiefly of the character
+already indicated such as that of general medical social service. There
+were reported on March first, six hundred and thirty-three
+registrants,[119] but owing to the difficulties of registration this
+figure remains inexact.
+
+  [119] Fraser, Sir Frederick, _Report of_.
+
+Rehabilitation "takes into account the feelings as well as the material
+requirements of the bereaved families." An additional phase for social
+workers is therefore mortuary service. Here is required an exceedingly
+delicate ministry for which few are qualified. It includes quiet
+cooperation in the painful process of identification, a sympathetic care
+for those who succumb to shock or grief, and helpful direction regarding
+the necessary steps to be taken, in interment. At Halifax this presented
+a remarkable opportunity for service, and an experienced Young Women's
+Christian Association worker from Toronto attended in such capacity.
+
+There is still another secondary phase which must be referred to as not
+being without social and moral results,--that of relief of animals. For
+the sheltering of homeless animals, the dressing of wounds, and the
+humane dispatch of the badly injured, specially designated gifts had
+been received. This work received the attention of the Society for the
+Prevention of Cruelty.
+
+It will be useful as reference data to present here the nature of the
+criticism to which careful supervision gave rise. It was of the most
+trenchant character, and it centered about the alleged over-emphasis
+which seemed to be placed on system[120] and detailed investigations
+inflicted upon persons of whom many were still suffering from
+deprivation and from shock, and who were unused to the cross-examination
+methods of expert social diagnosticians. Often the thoroughness of the
+records seemed to the sufferers to be the more emphasized part of the
+proceedings. When all classes of people found themselves in need, there
+were naturally many who deeply resented being treated so palpably as
+"cases." But theirs was a choice which left but little regard for
+personal wishes or sensibilities. It is regrettable however to have to
+say that the cause of social service did not receive in the community
+the much larger repute which its magnificent work justified, chiefly
+because the innumerable "typewriters, card catalogues, involved indexes,
+and multifarious office equipment"[121] were not made less obtrusive.
+The merest touch of "cold professionalism" soon became fuel for the
+burning disapproval which spread through the city regarding the methods
+of relief.[122] Letters to the press gave vent to the indignation of the
+sufferers. One of the judges of the Supreme Court was as outspoken as
+anyone. In criticizing the food-distribution system he wrote very
+plainly of the "overdose of business efficiency and social service
+pedantry." Why should needy families be required, he asked, to go
+through a personal visit and reexamination at the office every week,
+before receiving a renewal order for food. Such things were not easily
+understood or explained. It became increasingly felt that such
+discriminating and tardy administration of provisions was not the will
+of the innumerable donors who so spontaneously forwarded the generous
+aid. It was not, so the criticism ran, for the committee to detain and
+delay the needy recipients for the mere sake of preventing duplication
+and for the sake of the niceties of case records. At a public meeting in
+Wards Five and Six, it was charged that "too much red tape had been
+insisted upon by those in charge of the relief and in consequence of
+this and other objectionable features of management, there had been many
+cases of hardship and much unnecessary suffering."
+
+  [120] The reader may contrast with this the early days of the relief
+  at the Johnstown flood "where two windows were set apart from which
+  clothing and boots were being thrown over the heads of the crowd, and
+  those having the longest arms and the stoutest backs seemed to be
+  getting the most of it"; and where almoners passed through the streets
+  handing "ten dollar bills to everyone whom they met."
+
+  [121] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.).
+
+  [122] There was however no definite organization of the dissatisfied
+  as actually took place at the Slocum Disaster.
+
+As to the justice of this it has been already indicated that criticism
+was inevitable because there existed no well-grounded body of public
+opinion to which could be anchored the wisdom of sound and thorough
+social methods. The passing of time has reenforced the rightness of the
+course taken, and not a few former critics would now be ready to condemn
+the methods used as not having been radical enough. Still there was an
+element of justice in what was said, and social workers of the future
+when thrown into a similar situation should curtain their machinery a
+little closer, at least until the community can realize the principles
+which organization must conserve.
+
+The principle on which rigid procedure is justified is based upon
+disaster psychology itself, and is the fruit of a long series of trials
+and errors. On the first few days after disaster the finer sensibilities
+of human nature appear. Men and women say "others have lost more, we
+will get on with a minimum of help." About the fifth day when the
+poignancy of the horrors has passed and the dead are buried, these same
+people suddenly discover that there are thousands of dollars available.
+Then another aspect of human nature comes into evidence. Every device is
+utilized by each to out-distance the other in the scramble. There has
+not been a single disaster where this state of mind has not shown
+itself. The way to deal with it without complete records as yet has not
+been suggested. The only way a committee can protect itself against
+disgruntled criticism is to know what it is doing. This is the
+justification of rigid desk procedure. It is a way to detect and to
+defeat imposture; though it serves also many other purposes. It was not,
+however, all adverse criticism which developed at Halifax. There were
+many who were able to see the beneficent purpose behind the careful
+service, and as months passed on the value of this experienced
+administration came to be more generally realized. Indeed
+
+    so large a place did the Social Service workers eventually fill in
+    the community that many reestablished families begged for the
+    continuance of the department's supervision even though its aid was
+    no longer required. No greater testimony to the value of this
+    rehabilitation work could be given.[123]
+
+  [123] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+When on January twenty-first the Federal Relief Commission took charge
+of the entire system, it may be said that there was a change not only of
+hands, but of policy as well. The large amounts made available by the
+Imperial and Dominion governments and by public subscription made it
+possible to substitute for rehabilitation the principle of modified
+restitution. This change of policy the government adopted because of the
+conviction upon the part of the people that they were suffering from the
+vicissitudes of war, and that full restoration was in law and equity of
+national obligation. The step is of special social significance for
+Halifax is the first instance where on any large scale[124] the
+principle of restitution became the guide, rather than that of
+rehabilitation. This principle of indemnity
+
+    implies the reinstatement of the beneficiary as nearly as possible
+    into the position from which he was hurled by the calamity which has
+    befallen him. It implies that to the householder shall be given the
+    use of a house, to the mechanic his tools, to the family its
+    household furniture. For the community as a whole it means a speedy
+    restoration of such economical and industrial activities as have
+    been temporarily suspended, the rebuilding of bridges, the reopening
+    of streets, the reestablishment of banks, business houses, churches,
+    schools. It requires that protection shall be given the defenseless,
+    food and shelter to the homeless, suitable guardianship to the
+    orphan and as nearly as possible normal social and industrial
+    conditions to all.[125]
+
+It must be made clear that while in no case was the Halifax policy
+denominated restitution, but rather "generous relief," in actual
+practice a large proportion of claims were verified and paid on a
+percentage basis of the loss suffered, rather than that of ascertained
+need. The Commission was granted power to "pay in full all personal
+property and real estate claims duly established to an amount not
+exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims
+of churches, schools, business properties and manufacturing
+establishments, and the property of the more prosperous classes, there
+was a policy of just and adequate relief declared, the agitation
+continued and continues that "every dollar of loss shall be paid in
+full."
+
+  [124] Both in Chicago and Johnstown many families were placed in a
+  position practically as good as that which they had occupied before.
+  Carnegie once completely reimbursed the sufferers from a bank failure.
+
+  [125] Devine, Edward T., _Principles of Relief_ (N. Y., 1904), pt. iv,
+  p. 462.
+
+Of such a policy in disaster relief Deacon writes: "It is not the policy
+of disaster relief to employ its funds in restoring losses and
+compensating for death or personal injury." Commenting on this statement
+John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
+latest scene of serious disaster, such full compensation is
+intended."[126]
+
+  [126] Moors, John F., Book Review, _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 17 (Jan.
+  26, 1918), p. 472.
+
+What were the social results of this policy? This question is one of no
+less interest to the community itself than to the student of sociology.
+It is perhaps too early for adequate examination and comparison with the
+policy which formerly held sway. While still a vital question there are
+observers who have grown dubious, if not of restitution certainly of the
+lump-sum method of restoration.[127] They assert that for many it proved
+simply a lesson in extravagance and did not safeguard the economic
+future of the recipients. Unused to carrying all their worldly goods in
+their vest pockets, these same pockets became empty again with uncommon
+rapidity. Victrolas, silk shirts and furbelows multiplied. Merchants'
+trade grew brisk with "explosion money." There seemed to be a temporary
+exchange of positions by the social classes. The following statement
+made by one closely associated with social conditions in Halifax and
+written over two years after the disaster, shows only too well the
+danger involved in the application of such a principle. After referring
+to "the spirit of passive criticism directed chiefly against the few who
+have borne the burden of restoration" the statement continues:
+
+    The individuals who after all make up a community have been blinded
+    to the bigger interests by their own individual material losses, and
+    the idea of material compensation on a dollar for dollar basis. As
+    some of us earlier foresaw, the disaster wrought much moral damage,
+    for which no "claims" were even presented, even by those to whom we
+    might look for special moral teaching in such an experience. In the
+    course of our work we come daily upon evidences of this condition
+    lingering in our midst.
+
+  [127] The courts of small claims devoted ten minutes to each case. The
+  amount awarded was paid on the day the case was heard.
+
+Upon the whole disaster-study inclines to the unwisdom of "the
+disposition to proceed as though the relief committee were a
+compensation board or an insurance society, and to indemnify for loss."
+But as already said it is early to appraise. What in ordinary times
+might be condemned might conceivably under the abnormal conditions of
+war be less morally dangerous. The system may have been at fault and not
+the principle.[128] Partly for reasons connected with the war it was
+desired to conclude the business with dispatch, and not to set up a
+banking house or a training school in thrift. There remains also the
+final test, the residuum of relief, the number of those who will remain
+permanently upon the charity list of the community. Will it be said of
+Halifax as formerly of Johnstown, that "probably so large a sum never
+passed into a community of equal size with so little danger to the
+personal character of the citizens and so complete an absence of any
+pauperizing or demoralizing influences?"
+
+  [128] The policy to be pursued in disaster relief cannot yet be
+  finally stated. It may ultimately be found necessary to distinguish
+  between the loss of property socially owned, and that of private
+  ownership.
+
+The lessons which come out of this experience at Halifax may easily be
+summarized.
+
+1. The socialization of all communities should be promoted if for no
+other reason than for protection.
+
+2. More technical methods of coordination are desirable.
+
+3. To display the machinery of organization is unwise.
+
+4. The supervision of voluntary services should be in the hands of one
+vocationally trained for the purpose.
+
+5. Further consideration is required as to the policy of restitution and
+its administration.
+
+6. The wisdom should be considered of establishing a secret relief
+distribution service, such as fraternal societies conduct for those who
+though in need will not publicly accept assistance.
+
+7. The necessity of using trained searchers for the dead, who will note
+the precise spot where bodies are recovered, the centralization of all
+morgue service, the use of metal tags instead of paper, the
+sterilization and preservation of clothing and effects for purposes of
+identification, and in addition the development of a morgue social
+service with training and qualifications of a special character.
+
+8. The complete organization of a social relief reserve with members
+beforehand definitely assigned to special tasks, with requisite printed
+supplies in readiness would render the most effective social economy in
+emergency. This reserve should be trained in the general organization of
+shelter, food and clothing, in the shaping of a policy of general
+rehabilitation, in medical social service, in children's work and in the
+use of volunteers.
+
+To answer the requirements of what could be called in any sense a
+sociological treatment of the disaster, the foregoing chapter on the
+contribution of social service could with difficulty be omitted. Social
+service introduces a relatively new element of leadership and control
+upon which disaster sufferers of the future may rely and which assures
+to any community the presence of those who have special skill in dealing
+with crises. The "relation of the great man to the crisis is indeed one
+of the most important points in the problem of progress"[129] in
+catastrophe. The subject also assumes special importance in the
+development of the thesis itself. No accounting for social changes which
+may hereafter be enumerated can be accurately undertaken without full
+consideration of the major influences which were present. Thus by
+elimination we may be able to better gauge the strength of the factor of
+catastrophe itself. The place of government and other social factors,
+however, has yet to be discussed.[130]
+
+  [129] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 19.
+
+  [130] The author regrets that it has been necessary to omit special
+  mention of the many institutions, societies and voluntary agencies,
+  which were actively engaged in the relief work, and to confine the
+  chapter to the principles employed by those mainly responsible for
+  relief and administration.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION
+
+Governmental agencies in catastrophe--What seems to be expected of
+governments--What they actually do--Social legislation--A permanent
+contribution.
+
+
+We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are
+brought to bear upon a community when, after having been overtaken by
+catastrophe, it is settling back into its former habitistic
+channels,--channels which not even catastrophe can altogether efface.
+Some of these influences are intra-communal and self-generating, such as
+the reconstructive impulses already examined. Others are ultra-communal,
+such as those vigorous social forces which sweep in upon a disaster city
+with the suddenness of catastrophe itself.
+
+There is a further influence which is of a community yet in a sense not
+of it alone, but of all communities--government--that institution of
+society which expresses its will by legislation, a will which may or may
+not be the will of the community concerned. And because legislative
+action is responsible action, and precedent-setting action, it is apt to
+be deliberative action. Perhaps this is especially true of the new and
+less familiar field of social legislation. While it may be that the
+latest group to function effectively at Halifax was government, social
+legislation when forthcoming contributed an important and deciding
+influence, and was in turn itself enriched by the calamity.
+
+The boundaries of social legislation are still in the making and daily
+enclosing a wider and wider field. But not all governments are
+sympathetic with this process. There are two standards of
+legislation--the one conserves above all things the rights and
+privileges of the individual, the other considers first the community as
+a whole. The superiority of the new ideals of legislation rests here,
+that it is the general interest which is primarily consulted and becomes
+the norm, rather than the rights of the individual citizen. Progress in
+legislation includes its extension into all the affairs of life,
+retaining as much as may be the liberty of the individual while
+progressively establishing the interests of all.[131] Its evolution is
+traceable from the first poor laws, all down the long succeeding line of
+those dealing with education, health, labor and recreation. However much
+agreement or disagreement there may be and is as to the wisdom of this
+mutable sphere of ameliorative legislation, changing just as one ideal
+or the other happens to be in the ascendancy, there is at least no doubt
+as to the duty of the government to protect and safeguard its citizens.
+
+  [131] Lindsay, Samuel M., Unpublished Lectures on Social Legislation.
+
+    The one duty of the state, that all citizens, except the
+    philosophical anarchists, admit, is the obligation to safeguard the
+    commonwealth by repelling invasion and keeping the domestic peace.
+    To discharge this duty it is necessary to maintain a police force
+    and a militia, and a naval establishment. Such dissent from this
+    proposition as we hear now and then is negligible for practical
+    purposes.[132]
+
+In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal,
+provincial or municipal, according to their respective powers.
+
+  [132] Giddings, Franklin H., _The Responsible State_ (N. Y., 1918),
+  ch. iv, p. 81.
+
+At Halifax authoritative control following the disaster was not wholly
+municipal or wholly martial, but rather an admixture of authorities.
+Policeman and soldier joined hands as agents of general protection. This
+service government did and did at once.
+
+One of the activities of the disaster relief first taken[133] was that
+by the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Nova Scotia, when he sent
+to the Chief of Police of Halifax the following order:
+
+    You are hereby authorized to commandeer and make use of any vehicle
+    of any kind that you find necessary for the purpose of removing the
+    injured and the dead of this city.
+
+  [133] Reference has already been made to the good work of the
+  Government railroad officials in the quick restoration of service.
+
+The service of the police of Halifax was highly commendable. They worked
+for long periods with little rest to maintain public peace and order.
+The splendid service of the King's soldiers and sailors has already been
+considered. They were first and foremost in the work of rescue and of
+warning. Military orders to vacate the North End district as a
+precautionary measure followed hard upon the explosion. Military orders
+permitted the people to return. Within a few hours after the disaster
+the military established a cordon around the devastated district which
+no one was allowed to pass without an order, which citizens having
+business obtained at the City Hall. This was to prevent looting as well
+as to facilitate the search for the wounded pinned under the debris, and
+to permit the removal of the bodies of the killed. The burned and
+devastated area was policed by the military for about two months with
+the concurrence of civic authority.
+
+But catastrophe calls for much more than protection. It calls for a
+procedure, a guidance, a paternal care, and it calls for it at once. If
+we ask whether it be the function of government to take the foremost
+step of leadership in this care, the question is one for Political
+Science. If we ask the more sociological question whether governments
+actually and always do so, the answer is unhesitatingly--they do not.
+Says Cooley: "Like other phases of organization, government is merely
+one way of doing things, fitted by its character for doing some things,
+and unfitted for doing others."[134] This proved one of the things for
+which it was unfitted. Not one of the governmental authorities, civic,
+provincial, or federal, at once assumed and held authoritatively and
+continuously the relief leadership. Indeed it is a peculiar commentary
+that they were scarcely thought of as likely immediately to do so. It
+should be said, however, that the Deputy-mayor--the Mayor being absent
+from the city--was very active personally. While one of the controllers
+was himself replacing the dead fire-chief, the Deputy-mayor called an
+emergency meeting of citizens on the morning of the disaster, and
+another at three in the afternoon to consider what to do. This meeting
+of citizens was presided over by the Lieutenant-Governor, and at it, as
+already noticed, a beginning in relief organization was made. The
+committees, it will be remembered, were afterwards reformed upon a new
+basis on the advice of the American unit. But no civic resources were
+pledged to the people as was done at the Chicago fire. No moneys were
+then or subsequently appropriated. The Board of Health did not assert or
+assume the leadership in the unprecedented situation. The City Hall was
+indeed set up as the relief center temporarily, but the advice to remove
+it elsewhere was not successfully opposed. How little civic authority
+was retained under the disaster circumstances is evidenced by the
+following complaint. The Board of Control which was then the legal
+representative body of the city had no member on the executive committee
+of the disaster administration. One of these controllers publicly
+criticised the method of the Citizens' Committee as autocratic. He
+"almost had to have a page to reach the Committee as representative of
+the Board of Control." When the cabinet ministers from Ottawa were
+sitting in session in the legislative council room, and giving a hearing
+to a representative public gathering, the Mayor entered a complaint that
+the City Council and Corporation had been ignored by the acting
+committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They
+were entrusted with the special grants and the civic authorities, Board
+of Health, police, _etc._, so far as emergency matters went, cooperated
+with them. But the various civic officers were not idle. No one was idle
+at Halifax. They were occupied with the rehabilitation of the various
+departments at City Hall and with individual programs of relief. What
+the civic government continued to do officially was rather in the way of
+providing the stiff formality of proclamation to the carefully weighed
+suggestions of the Citizens' Committee. Several of these proclamations
+were issued. Among them was one urging all people excepting those on
+relief work or upon especially urgent business to stay away from Halifax
+for two weeks. Another proclamation was a warning to merchants with
+regard to demanding exorbitant prices. Over the Mayor's signature went
+out the nation-wide appeal for aid that "a sorely afflicted people
+should be provided with clothing and food." The subsequent time, thought
+and help which City Hall contributed is of less sociological importance
+to this study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described
+municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
+service, rather than direction.[135]
+
+  [134] Cooley, Charles H., _Social Organization_ (N. Y., 1912),
+  ch. xxxv, p. 403.
+
+  [135] This is not to be considered as without exception in
+  catastrophies. A special Citizens' Committee led the operations at the
+  Paterson fire and flood, but at the Chicago fire the City government
+  took immediate and responsible action. This was also the case at
+  Baltimore when the Mayor was the "key to the situation." It should
+  however be added that both at Halifax and Dartmouth the chairmen of
+  the Citizens' Committees were ex-mayors.
+
+Turning briefly to the provincial and federal spheres of activity in
+disaster we note that no special session of the provincial legislature
+was called, as was done by the Governor of Illinois after the calamity
+which overtook Chicago in 1871. Yet when the legislature of Nova Scotia
+convened a fully considered and detailed act was passed incorporating
+the Halifax Relief Commission, and designating and defining its
+powers.[136] The several articles defined its establishment as a
+rehabilitation and reconstruction committee, a town-planning board, as
+well as its powers of expropriation, its relationship to the city
+charter, certain parts of which it could amend or repeal; its powers to
+enforce attendance at its courts and boards; its relationship to the
+Workmen's Compensation Act and to the insurance problem. Besides, the
+Commission was also invested with full and adequate discretion regarding
+schools, churches and business properties.
+
+  [136] _An Act to Incorporate the Halifax Relief Commission_, Halifax,
+  1918.
+
+Some of the disaster legislative powers and procedures are of special
+interest to social legislation. Among these were the power to repair,
+rebuild or restore buildings, the power to repair and carry out a
+town-planning scheme, the power to amend, repeal, alter or add to
+provisions in the city charter, the automatic assumption of rights of
+owner to insure to the extent of the amount expended in repair, and the
+automatic cancellation of workmen's compensation claims. The act
+incorporating the commission with powers to make investigation, and
+administer all funds and properties constitutes Chapter VI of the year
+1918. The local legislature also passed Chapter XVIII authorizing the
+provincial loan of one hundred thousand dollars for the benefit of the
+sufferers; and Chapter XIX authorizing cities, towns and municipalities
+to contribute for the relief of sufferers.
+
+The action of Premier Borden of Canada for promptitude and wisdom is
+comparable to that of President Harrison of the United States at the
+time of the Johnstown flood. The Canadian Premier at the time of the
+disaster was in Prince Edward Island, an island province lying near Nova
+Scotia. He at once left for Halifax and arrived the following day. He
+immediately placed resources from the Federal government at the disposal
+of the local authorities to assist them in coping with the situation.
+The third day after the disaster he attended an important meeting
+regarding the harbor, and strengthened greatly the morale of the city by
+assuring a complete and rapid restoration of the harbor. Following the
+Premier came the Minister of Public Works and he too gave much
+administrative assistance. Then came five members of the Federal
+Cabinet, each announcing such programs of restoration as to give the
+community new heart and inspiration. Among these announcements was that
+of the establishment of a large ship-building plant upon the explosion
+area. The Canadian government had already as its first act made a grant
+of one million dollars, toward the sufferers' relief. It was then
+forcibly urged upon the government that it assume a responsibility
+towards Halifax such as the British government accepts in "its policy of
+holding itself responsible for loss and damage by air-raids and
+explosions." Public opinion seemed to demand that the work of
+restoration and reparation be undertaken by the government of Canada as
+a national enterprise. The government while disclaiming all legal
+liability, acceded to the request. On January twenty-first there was
+announced the formation of a Federal Halifax Relief Commission to take
+over the whole work of rehabilitation and reconstruction,--an
+announcement which brought a feeling of relief to the already
+discouraged workers.
+
+Another interesting contrast may be noted in the fact that while the
+Governor of Ohio appointed the Ohio Flood Commission to receive and
+administer relief funds and supplies, the Halifax Relief Commission was
+appointed by the Governor-General of Canada in Council. This was done
+under the "Enquiries Act of Canada, being Chapter CIV of the Revised
+Statutes of Canada, 1906, and under the War Measures Act, 1914, being
+Chapter II of the Acts of Canada for the year 1914." The Federal grant
+was later increased to five million dollars, and subsequently to
+eighteen millions.
+
+There should also be here recorded the timely succour afforded by the
+Imperial Government at Westminster. Following the King's gracious cable
+of sympathy, the sum of five million dollars was voted by the British
+Government to the relief of Halifax. The King's words were:
+
+    Most deeply regret to hear of serious explosion at Halifax resulting
+    in great loss of life and property. Please convey to the people of
+    Halifax, where I have spent so many happy times, my true sympathy in
+    this grievous calamity.
+
+Reference has already been made to the policy to which the Commission
+was committed. This policy may be more exactly stated by an extract from
+the act incorporating the commission:
+
+    _Whereas_, the said Halifax Relief Commission as heretofore
+    constituted has recommended to the Governor-General of Canada in
+    Council, that reasonable compensation or allowance should be made to
+    persons injured in or by reason of the said disaster and the
+    dependents of persons killed or injured in or by reason of the said
+    disaster and the Governor-General of Canada in Council has been
+    pleased to adopt said recommendation; _etc._
+
+In the provision of material assistance, the strengthening of morale and
+the eventual establishment of a Relief Commission, government may be
+said to have contributed an important and deciding influence in the
+reorganization of the community of Halifax and its restoration to normal
+conditions.
+
+Not only must social legislation be acknowledged to have had a very
+direct determining influence upon whatever picture of the community is
+subsequently drawn, but social legislation itself was enriched by the
+catastrophe. The association of catastrophe with progress in social
+legislation has already been noticed in our introduction, the mass of
+facts in support of which no writer has yet compiled. In this
+introduction we noted how on many occasions disasters have been the
+preceding reagents in effecting legislation of permanent social value.
+It is instanced that city-planning in America took its rise from the
+Chicago fire, that the origin of labor legislation is traceable to a
+calamitous fever at Manchester and that the Titanic disaster
+precipitated amendment to the Seamen's laws.[137] It has been said that
+"the vast machinery of the Public Health Department in England has
+rapidly grown up in consequence of the cholera visitations in the middle
+of the last century;"[138] and also that public health work in America
+practically began with yellow fever epidemics. Writing of mining
+disasters, J. Byron Deacon says in this connection
+
+    If it can be said that any circumstance attending such disasters is
+    fortunate, it was that they exercised a profound influence upon
+    public opinion, to demand new effort and legislation both for the
+    prevention of industrial accidents and for the more equitable
+    distribution of the burden of individual loss and community relief
+    which they involved.[139]
+
+Again E. A. Ross writes:
+
+    A permanent extension to the administration of the state has often
+    dated from a calamity,--a pestilence, a famine, a murrain, a flood
+    or a tempest--which, paralyzing private efforts has caused
+    application for state aid.[140]
+
+  [137] Parkinson, Thomas I., "Problems growing out of the Titanic
+  Disaster," _Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science_, vol. vi,
+  no. 1.
+
+  [138] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905),
+  ch. viii, p. 254.
+
+  [139] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), p. 43.
+
+  [140] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 253.
+
+The student of social legislation who reads this book will turn first to
+this chapter, and ask what permanent legislation will the future
+associate with so dire a calamity as that suffered at Halifax. It may be
+said that not only has special disaster legislation of precedent-setting
+value been enacted serving in a measure to standardize relief
+legislative procedure, but social legislation of wider application and
+more general character ensued. And this was along the line which the
+student of social law should be led to expect.
+
+As calamitous epidemics bring forth regulations of sanitation; as marine
+disasters foster regulations ensuring greater safety at sea, it might
+well be expected that a great explosion would bring about regulations
+controlling the handling of explosives. And this is in reality what has
+occurred. There were approved on the twenty-fifth day of June, 1919, by
+the Parliament of Canada, regulations respecting the loading and
+handling of explosives in harbors, applicable to all public harbors in
+Canada, to which the provisions of Part XII of the Canada Shipping Act
+apply; and to all other public harbors insofar as the same are not
+inconsistent with regulations already or hereafter made applicable.[141]
+They cover
+
+1. The provision of special areas for berth, for explosives-carriers.
+
+2. Regulations of ship control to be observed in the navigation in
+harbors of explosives-laden vessels.
+
+3. Regulations to be observed upon vessels carrying explosives.
+
+4. Regulations governing the handling of explosives.
+
+"The enactment of these regulations" writes the Under-Secretary of State
+for Canada[142] "was suggested in large measure by the Halifax
+disaster." Had these regulations been in effect and observed in Halifax
+Harbor it is hardly conceivable that the great disaster of 1917 could
+have occurred.
+
+  [141] _Regulations for the Loading and Handling of Explosives in the
+  Harbors of Canada_ (Ottawa, June, 1919).
+
+  [142] In a letter to the author.
+
+It should be borne in mind that the recommendation for this general
+legislation of social utility originated with the Drysdale commission--a
+board of enquiry appointed by the Federal Government to determine the
+cause of the disaster and whose judgment, was issued on February fourth,
+1918. In Section XIII of this judgment, the following occurs:
+
+    that the regulations governing the traffic in Halifax harbor in
+    force since the war were prepared by competent naval authorities;
+    that such traffic regulations do not specifically deal with the
+    handling of ships laden with explosives, and we recommend that such
+    competent authority forthwith take up and make specific regulations
+    dealing with such subject.
+
+We, therefore, conclude that the function of government in disaster is
+of primary importance, and that social legislation when forthcoming
+constitutes an important and deciding influence and is itself in turn
+enriched by calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed
+facts the statement in the Introduction, that catastrophe is in close
+association with progress in social legislation receives abundant
+justification.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS
+
+Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities recover from
+disaster--The case of San Francisco--The case of Halifax--Social
+surplus--The equipmental factors--Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe
+with generosity of public response--Catastrophe insurance--A practical
+step.
+
+
+John Stuart Mill offers a very interesting explanation
+
+    of what has so often created wonder, the great rapidity with which
+    countries recover from a state of devastation, the disappearance in
+    a short time of all traces of the mischiefs done by earthquakes,
+    floods, hurricanes and the ravages of war.[143]
+
+This "_vis medicatrix naturae_" he explains on an economic principle.
+All the wealth destroyed was merely the rapid consumption of what had
+been produced previously, and which would have in due course been
+consumed anyway. The rapid repairs of disasters mainly depends, he says,
+on whether the community has been depopulated.
+
+  [143] Mill, John Stuart, _Principles of Political Economy_ (London,
+  1917), ch. v, p. 74.
+
+But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies
+particularly to countries which have not been bereft of the raw
+materials of industrial machinery. San Francisco recovered exceedingly
+rapidly from her terrible experience of 1906. Indeed her quick recovery
+has been called one of the wonders of the age. San Francisco was not
+depopulated. Her actual losses of life were but four hundred and
+ninety-eight, and those injured four hundred and fifteen. The loss of
+life on the other hand was about two thousand in Halifax, a city of
+fifty thousand population--but one-eighth that of San Francisco--and her
+list of injured ran into many thousands. And yet the same phenomenon
+appeared.
+
+There are other factors both social and economic which must not be
+omitted from an account of the influences of recuperation, namely the
+equipmental and other factors which produce social surplus.
+Disaster-stricken communities cannot survive unless their "surplus
+energy exceeds their needs." They cannot become normal until the social
+surplus is restored. The social surplus, according to Professor Tenney,
+is "merely the sum-total of surplus energy existing in the individuals
+composing a social group, or immediately available to such
+individuals."[144] It includes not only "bodily vigor" but "such
+material goods also as are immediately available for the restoration of
+depleted bodily vigor." It is not only physiological, as life energy,
+and social, as conditions of knowledge and institutional facilities, but
+also socio-economic, as equipment for the maintenance or restoration of
+physiological and social needs. In catastrophe bodily vigor may have
+been depleted, and material goods been consumed. No period of
+recuperation or rapid gain can ensue unless such equipment is in some
+degree replaced and a balance of social surplus restored. This is the
+_conditio sine qua non_ of recuperation, and of the transition from a
+pain-economy to a pleasure-economy,[145] after disaster. Certainly the
+maintenance of the standard of living demands it. The standard of living
+has been defined as the "mode of activity and scale of comfort which a
+person has come to regard as indispensable to his happiness and to
+secure and retain which he is willing to make any reasonable sacrifice."
+Following Professor Seager's association of the standard of living with
+population, the reduction of population in catastrophe of a certain
+character might conceivably operate to automatically heighten the
+standard of living, just as the growth of population often brings about
+its fall. But catastrophe often consumes great quantities of material
+goods and brings about a change in incomes and in occupations.[146]
+Seager notes that:
+
+    Actual starvation confronts more rarely those belonging to the class
+    of manual workers, but for them also under-nutrition is a
+    possibility which prolonged illness or inability to obtain
+    employment may at any time change into a reality. The narrow margin
+    which their usual earnings provide above the bare necessaries of
+    life, coupled with their lack of accumulated savings, makes them
+    especially liable, when some temporary calamity reduces their
+    incomes, to sink permanently below the line of self-support and
+    self-respect.[147]
+
+  [144] Tenney, Alvan A., "Individual and Social Surplus," _Popular
+  Science Monthly_, vol. lxxxii (Dec., 1912), p. 552.
+
+  [145] Patten, Simon N., _Theory of the Social Forces_ (Phil., 1896),
+  p. 75.
+
+  [146] At San Francisco "after the fire, the proportion of families in
+  the lower income groups was somewhat larger, and the proportion in the
+  higher income groups somewhat smaller than before the fire." (Motley,
+  James M., _San Francisco Relief Survey_, New York, 1913, pt. iv,
+  p. 228.)
+
+  [147] Seager, Henry R., _Economics, Briefer Course_ (N. Y., 1909),
+  ch. xiii, p. 210.
+
+It must be remembered that at Halifax while the equipmental damage was
+stupendous, still the heart of the downtown business section remained
+sound. The banking district held together, and the dislocation of
+business machinery was less protracted on that account. To this it is
+necessary to add how to a very considerable extent the material losses
+were replaced by communities and countries which not only supplied the
+city with the material of recuperation but with men and means as well.
+Were her own workmen killed and injured? Glaziers, drivers, repair men
+and carpenters came by train-loads bringing their tools, their food and
+their wages with them. The city's population was increased by
+thirty-five hundred workmen, twenty-three hundred of whom were
+registered with the committee at one time. Was her glass destroyed?
+Eighty acres of transparences came for the temporary repairs and had
+been placed by January the twenty-first. Were her buildings gone? Seven
+million, five hundred thousand feet of lumber were soon available to
+house the homeless. Were her people destitute? Food and clothing were
+soon stacked high. Were her citizens bankrupt because of losses? Fifty
+thousand dollars came from Newfoundland, another fifty thousand from New
+Zealand, one hundred thousand from Quebec, one hundred thousand from
+Montreal, two hundred and fifty thousand from Australia, five million
+from Great Britain. In merchandise, clothing and cash a million came
+from Massachusetts. In about fifteen weeks, aside from the Federal
+grant, eight millions were contributed. The total contributions from all
+sources amounted finally to twenty-seven million dollars.
+
+Factors such as these must not be omitted in examining the sociological
+recuperation of a smitten city. And when the experience of Halifax is
+set side by side with the related experiences of other cities a
+conclusion may be drawn that disaster-stricken communities can always
+count upon public aid, for the reasons which have already been
+discussed. But there is found to be strongly suggested a correlation
+between the striking character or magnitude of a disaster and the
+generosity of the relief response,[148] as there is also with the
+immediacy of the appeal. "It is not the facts themselves which strike
+the popular imagination" says Le Bon, "but the way in which they take
+place."[149] There have been disasters relatively serious, such as the
+St. Quentin forest fire, where repeated appeals met with astonishingly
+little response from the people. "A single great accident" continues Le
+Bon, "will profoundly impress them even though the results be infinitely
+less disastrous than those of a hundred small accidents put together."
+It was in recognition of this principle that "it was decided to transfer
+the residue of the amount contributed [after the Triangle fire] to the
+contingent fund of the American Red Cross, to be used in disasters,
+which in their nature do not evoke so quick or generous public response,
+but where the suffering is as grievous."[150]
+
+  [148] At the time of the tragic Martinique disaster the New York
+  committee received $80,000 more than it could disburse. (Devine,
+  Edward T., _The Principles of Relief_, N. Y., 1904, pt. iv, ch. vii,
+  p. 468.)
+
+  [149] Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind_
+  (London), ch. iii, p. 79.
+
+  [150] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 120.
+
+Besides the relation of the tragic in catastrophe to generosity and
+other expressions of sympathy, the experience at Halifax suggests also a
+relationship between the aid furnished by a contributing community and
+that community's own previous history in regard to calamity. As an
+instance may be cited the quick and splendid response which came from
+St. John and Campbellton, two New Brunswick cities with unforgettable
+memories of great disasters which they themselves had suffered. It is
+also not improbable that the study of comparative catastrophe would
+reveal a correlation between the relative amount of aid given and the
+distance of those who give. Indeed there are reasons which suggest that
+the relationship might be written thus: that relief in disaster varies
+inversely as the square of the cost distance. The association here
+suggested is given additional plausibility from the fact that attention
+to certain types of news seems to vary according to this principle, and
+news notice is no inconsiderable factor in disaster aid.
+
+Enough has been said to make it clear that at the present time, in the
+absence of any scientific method of socially ameliorating the
+consequences of catastrophe, relief is a fluctuating quantity, and is
+poorly apportioned from the point of view of need. While such conditions
+obtain, disasters must inevitably contribute to the inequalities which
+break the hearts of men. It is alas true, that after all our
+generosities and philanthropies
+
+    many people lose their normal position in the social and economic
+    scale through earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, droughts, railway
+    wrecks, fires, and the common accidents of industrial life. These
+    accidents naturally have a vast influence over the lives of their
+    victims; for they often render people unfit to struggle along in the
+    rank and file of humanity.[151]
+
+  [151] Blackmar and Gillin, _Outlines of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1915),
+  pt. iv, ch. v, p. 402.
+
+The only socially defensible way of doing is to spread the economic
+results of these disasters over the entire community in some form of
+intra-city catastrophe insurance administered by the Federal government.
+This alone will overcome the irrationality of an inequitable levy upon
+the more sympathetic, and the fluctuations of disproportionate relief.
+And even beyond this step is there not the possibility of an
+international system in which each nation will insure the other?
+Certainly at Halifax the aid contributed came from many nations and
+tongues. But while we are discussing what ought to be and eventually
+will be done, one very practical step remains which may be taken at
+once. At the Halifax disaster, we have seen that much of the direction
+and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as
+it did, yet came from without rather than from within the country. There
+is no Canadian who will close these pages without asking whether this
+must always be. May it not be respectfully suggested, as a concluding
+result of this study, that the Canadian government, take immediate steps
+to develop a staff of experts, a reserve fund, and stations of relief
+strategically located in Canada--these stations to have in their keeping
+left-over war-material, such as tents, stores, and other equipment
+together with records of available experts who have had experience in
+disasters and who may be subject to call when emergencies arise.
+
+And now to return to our thesis, and its special enquiry, namely,
+wherein is the specific functioning of catastrophe in social change? We
+have thus far concerned ourselves with the major factors of
+recuperation, intra-social forces, social service, and legislation.
+
+We find it necessary now to add that the socio-economic constitutes a no
+less important factor. But the effects may not stop with mere
+recuperation. Suppose a city becomes in a trice more prosperous and
+progressive than ever. Suppose she begins to grow populous with uncommon
+rapidity; her bank clearings do not fail but rather increase; her
+industries rebuild and grow in numbers; new companies come looking for
+sites as if dimly conscious that expansion is at hand! Suppose a city
+rises Phoenix-like from the flames, a new and better city, her people
+more kind, more charitable, more compassionate to little children, more
+considerate of age! Suppose there come social changes which alter the
+conservatism and civic habits of many years--changes which foster a
+spirit of public service, and stimulate civic pride! Then there is
+clearly some further influence associated with the day of disaster.
+Perhaps we shall find progress innate in catastrophe itself.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE
+
+The unchanging Halifax of the years--The causes of social
+immobility--The new birthday--The indications of change: appearance,
+expansion of business, population, political action, city-planning,
+housing, health, education, recreation, community spirit--Carsten's
+prophecy.
+
+
+Halifax has had her fair proportion of tribute in her time. Kipling has
+called her "the Warden of the Honor of the North." Pauline Johnston
+sings of her pride of situation. As Edinburgh, "it is a city of many
+charms; beautiful for situation, beyond most of the cities of the world;
+vocal with history beyond most, for at every turn of its streets some
+voice from the past 'comes sounding through the toon.'" Her public
+gardens are the envy of all. Her vistas of the sea are without compare.
+Her Northwest Arm is a veritable joy. Birds sing in her homes. Cheery
+wood-fires burn brightly in her open grates. No city of her size is more
+hospitable than she.
+
+But she has always been a city which has never quite entered into her
+heritage commercially. Situated where by nature she might well be great,
+she has always been small. Unambitious, wealthy[152] and little jealous
+of the more rapidly-growing cities, she has prided herself on being a
+lover of better things. Commerce and industry were things alien[153] and
+secular. She devoted herself to standards of art, music, learning,
+religion and the philanthropies. Charitable and philanthropic
+institutions abounded. She has had her own conservative English ways.
+She affected homage to "old families," and to that illusory element
+"social prestige." She welcomed each new knight which the favor of the
+king conferred, and grew careless of civic prosperity and growth. She
+had leaned "too long upon the army and the navy" and her citizens had
+become "anaemic," "lethargic" and standstill; their "indifference" and
+"inertia" were a commonplace. Halifax had been complacent and academic
+rather than practical in her outlook upon the world and her general
+attitude toward life.
+
+  [152] Halifax is the wealthiest city per capita in the Dominion of
+  Canada.
+
+  [153] For years real estate was marketed "quietly." In fact, real
+  property was in the hands of one or two specialists only.
+
+Geographically she suffered by her situation on the rim of the
+continent. She experienced not a little neglect and isolation because
+she was an undeveloped terminal, and not a junction point. Travellers
+and commercial men could not visit her _en route_ but only by special
+trip.
+
+Again "the government has had altogether too many interests in Halifax
+for the good of the place." "Government-kept towns" are not as a rule
+"those which have achieved the greatest prosperity." Halifax as a
+civil-service headquarters and a government military depot was perhaps
+open to the charge of being at least "self-satisfied." Valuable acres of
+non-taxable land have been far from stimulating to civic enterprise.
+
+An historic city too, Halifax fell under the blight of overmuch looking
+backward, and sociologically the back look has been always recognized as
+the foe of progress. But she has had a past to be proud of--one which
+throbs with incident and interest. Born as a military settlement, she
+has been a garrison city and naval station for more than a hundred and
+fifty years. She has been called "the stormy petrel among the
+cities--always to the front in troublous times." She has served and
+suffered in four hard wars. She has gloried in this wealth of years and
+storied past. Her traditions have been traditions of royalty, blue
+blood, dashing officers, church parades, parliamentary ceremonies,
+fetes, levees and all the splendor and spirit of old colonial times. A
+newspaper has published daily items of a generation before, and weekly
+featured a reverie in the past.[154] Old in her years she remained old
+in her appearance, old in her ways, and in her loves. She boasted old
+firms which have kept their jubilees, old churches wherein was cradled
+the religious life of Canada, an old university with a century of
+service. Each noon a cannon boomed the mid-day hour, and like a curfew
+sounded in the night.
+
+  [154] _The Acadian Recorder_, C. C. Blackadar, editor.
+
+Search where one will, it would be difficult to find another city which
+has more completely exhibited the causes of social immobility as set
+forth by sociology. For there are, it must be remembered, causes of
+immobility as well as factors of social change. They may be geographical
+difficulties, or elements more distinctively social--an over-emphasis of
+government, discouraging innovation, too great a "volume of suggestion,"
+the drag of "collective customs and beliefs," a "traditionalist
+educational system," the "inheritance of places and functions" tending
+to arrest development, "government, law, religion and ceremony, hallowed
+by age."[155] All these reenforce the conservative tendencies in society
+and preserve the _status quo_.[156]
+
+  [155] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905),
+  ch. viii, p. 197.
+
+  [156] There are other causes of conservatism. A comparative freedom
+  from disasters in the past is one. Halifax has suffered few in her
+  entire history. Indeed the cholera epidemic is the only one of any
+  consequence. She remained one of the last large wooden cities. Her
+  sister city, St. John, was stricken by a disastrous fire and stands
+  to-day safer, more substantial, more progressive in every way.
+
+  Again communities are generally conservative in character when a large
+  percentage are property-holding people. It was one of the surprises of
+  the Halifax catastrophe that so large a number of citizens were found
+  to own at least in part the homes they lived in.
+
+  There are other questions which the sociologist would ask if it were
+  possible to carry the investigation further. Is the community loath to
+  disturb the existing relations or to resort to extreme means to
+  achieve desired ends? Or is it eager to sweep away the old, to indulge
+  in radical experiment and to try any means that give promise of
+  success? He would study too the distribution of people relative to
+  their interests. Is there a majority of those whose experiences are
+  narrow and whose interests are few? Or is there a majority of those
+  who have long enjoyed varied experiences and cultivated manifold
+  interests, that yet remain harmonious? He studies the character of the
+  choices, decisions, selections in a people's industry, law-making,
+  educational and religious undertakings. It is thus that he proceeds in
+  diagnosing a population as to the degree of conservatism and to
+  discover what the ideal community should be.--Giddings, Franklin H.,
+  _Inductive Sociology_ (N. Y., 1909), p. 178, _et seq._
+
+Diagnosis in detail is not essential here. Up to the time of the
+disaster Halifax had certainly preserved the _status quo_. We need not
+labor the how and why. Tourists had returned year after year and found
+her unaltered. "Dear, dirty old Halifax" they had called her. They had
+found business as usual,--old unpainted wooden houses on every side,
+unswept chimneys, an antiquated garbage system and offensive gutters;
+the best water and the poorest water system an inspector ever examined;
+the purest air but the most dust-laden in a storm; an obsolete
+tramway,[157] a "green market," ox-carts on the main streets, crossings
+ankle-deep with mud, a citizenship given over to late rising. Instead of
+making the city they had been "letting it happen." The "transient, the
+good-enough, the cheapest possible" had been the rule of action.
+
+  [157] Halifax has now one of the best equipped tramway systems to be
+  found anywhere. There has recently been appropriated the sum of
+  $200,000 for sewers, $150,000 for water, $300,000 for street paving.
+
+Such has been the unchanging Halifax of the years. But the old order
+changeth. The spell of the past is broken. A change has come over the
+spirit of her dreams. There are signs that a new birthday has come. The
+twenty-first day of June was the old Natal Day, kept each year with
+punctilious regularity. But Halifax is now just beginning to realize
+that there was a new nativity, and that it dates from December--that
+fatal Sixth. "Sad as was the day, it may be the greatest day in the
+city's history."
+
+Almost instinctively since the disaster Halifax has come to see the
+sources of her weakness and of her strength. Her geographical position
+which once meant isolation[158] will henceforth be her best asset. Just
+as the geographical expansion of Europe made the outposts of the Old
+World the entrepots of the New, so the expansion of Canada and of Nova
+Scotia--the province with the greatest number of natural resources of
+any in the Dominion--to the newly awakening city appears full of
+substantial promise. It will be largely hers to handle the water-borne
+commerce of a great country. Henceforth the ocean will become a link and
+not a limit. World-over connections are the certainties of the future,
+bound up inevitably with the economic and social solidarity of nations.
+Closer to South America than the United States, closer to South Africa
+than England, closer to Liverpool than New York, Halifax sees and
+accepts her destiny, forgets the inconvenience and loss she has
+undergone and the many annoyances of blasting and of digging, that the
+facilities of her "triple haven" might be multiplied and the march of
+progress begin. "The new terminals with their impressive passenger
+station, will not only be an attractive front door for Halifax, but will
+fit her to be one of the great portals of the Dominion."
+
+  [158] Halifax long felt herself to have been commercially a martyr to
+  Confederation.
+
+There has come upon the city a strange impatience of unbuilt spaces and
+untaxed areas sacred for decades to military barracks and parades. She
+has urged for some immediate solution, with the result that military
+property will be concentrated and many acres released to the city for
+its own disposal.
+
+Whether the pendulum will swing so far as to imperil the retention of
+old historic buildings, time-stained walls, and century-old church-yards
+is not yet apparent; although suggestions have been made which would
+have astounded the Halifax of a generation ago. Certain it is that a
+period of orientation is at hand. There is a stirring in the wards and
+clubs for progressive administration and modern policies. "Here as
+elsewhere the time has now come for clear thinking and the rearrangement
+of traditional thought."
+
+Indications of change are already abundant. The first to note is that of
+appearance. For illustration may be quoted an editorial published near
+the second anniversary of the explosion:
+
+    Halifax has been improving in appearance since the explosion,
+    exhibiting very sudden changes at particular points. One almost
+    forgets what the city was like about ten years ago. Still there is a
+    great deal to be done in the way of improvement to our streets. The
+    move in the direction of permanent streets is an excellent one and
+    if carried out as designed will be an improvement and saving to the
+    city.
+
+The report of the Secretary of the Board of Trade makes the following
+reference to the change in appearance of the city:
+
+    One of the pleasing features in reference to both the wholesale and
+    retail business of Halifax is the improved condition of premises
+    over a few years ago; retail stores are now having up-to-date and
+    attractive fronts, while wholesalers are improving their show-rooms
+    and thereby increasing their sales.
+
+The Mayor writes regarding the sidewalk improvement:
+
+    Some twenty miles of concrete sidewalks to be constructed are on the
+    order paper to be taken in turn so as to be as uniform as possible.
+    This will go a long way toward improving the appearance of the city.
+
+As to the change in the style of houses the Mayor states:
+
+    A pleasing feature of the new construction is the departure from the
+    former square box style of dwelling, also the method of placing rows
+    of houses exactly in the same style. Today homelike houses of modern
+    design, set back from the street with lawns in front are the order
+    of the day--bungalows are particularly in favor.
+
+Fine new residences are being built, apartment ideas are spreading, new
+lights are being tried out, a new tram company has taken hold. Indeed
+one citizen is credited with the words: "It is almost a sacrilege that
+Halifax should be so changed."
+
+The consciousness of change is seen in an altered public opinion and the
+beginnings of a new civic outlook. Evidence of the new note is a
+statement by one of the progressive Halifax firms:
+
+    Halifax is going to make good. Outside firms are taking up valuable
+    sites in our business districts. The banks are increasing their
+    activities. Some of the biggest industries are coming our way.
+    Surely everything points toward prosperity.
+
+Another feature indicative of the changing consciousness, which has
+infected a much wider region than Halifax itself is the plan now making
+rapid progress for an Old Home Summer, to be held from June to October,
+1924. The project has already received legislative recognition. An
+effort will be made to recall former residents on a scale such as has
+never been attempted before. The committee in charge is made up of many
+prominent citizens and the "1924 Club" grows. One may observe still
+another indication of the determination to progress in the recent
+completion of a system linking-up Halifax by telephone with Montreal,
+Toronto, New York and Chicago.
+
+Indices of business conditions are far from satisfactory, yet the items
+used in their computations are the only ones upon which variations may
+be even roughly gauged. Roger Babson puts as the leading considerations:
+(1) Building and real estate; (2) bank clearings; (3) business failures.
+Other symptomatic facts are postal revenues, tramway receipts, exports,
+taxes, interest rates, insurance, wages and hours, commodity prices,
+unfilled orders, immigration and unemployment.[159]
+
+  [159] Chaddock, Robert E., Unpublished Material.
+
+With regard to the first the following statement issued by the Mayor is
+significant. He says:
+
+    The year 1919 has been one of exceptional prosperity in the City of
+    Halifax. It has been a record year for building. Permits to the
+    approximate value of $5,000,000 have been issued to the engineer's
+    office, the largest amount by far in its history, the amount being
+    practically ten times that of 1913, or the year before the Great War
+    commenced. A part of this only can be attributed to the terrible
+    explosion of 1917.
+
+He refers to the great amount of construction going on in the western
+and northwestern parts of the city which were relatively untouched by
+the disaster. The Mayor further states:
+
+    It must be remembered that it is only two years since the
+    devastation caused by the explosion and strangers in the city have
+    considered it wonderful that we are so far advanced in building up
+    that portion which only a year ago had not a house upon it.
+
+The following tabulation gives the building figures according to the
+permits issued at the City Hall. It shows a remarkable recent increase.
+
+  Building Permits
+
+  1910 ....................  $471,140
+  1911 ....................   508,836
+  1912 ....................   589,775
+  1913 ....................   839,635
+  1914 ....................   874,320
+  1915 .................... 1,066,938
+  1916 .................... 1,177,509
+  1917 ....................   844,079
+  1918 .................... 2,955,406
+  1919 .................... 5,194,806
+
+With regard to real estate the Mayor writes in December 1919
+
+    The increase in the selling values of properties is remarkable.
+    Business property has taken a jump in value, and it is difficult to
+    get for business purposes property well situated unless at very high
+    prices. Property has been known to change hands within a year at
+    approximately double the amount originally paid.
+
+The Secretary of the Board of Trade reports:
+
+    Real estate has been active, and prices have been obtained greatly
+    in excess of what properties were valued at in pre-war days.
+
+In the matter of bank clearings[160] the following table indicates a
+very considerable change:
+
+  Bank Clearings
+
+  1910 .................... $95,855,319
+  1911 ....................  87,994,043
+  1912 .................... 100,466,672
+  1913 .................... 105,347,626
+  1914 .................... 100,280,107
+  1915 .................... 104,414,598
+  1916 .................... 125,997,881
+  1917 .................... 151,182,752
+  1918 .................... 216,084,415
+  1919 .................... 241,200,194
+
+  [160] The reader will of course remember the general inflation of
+  currency.
+
+As to business failures the Secretary says:
+
+    Business failures have been few--practically the whole amount of the
+    liabilities will be made up of one failure, and it is believed the
+    loss to creditors in this particular case will be slight.
+
+  Additional Indices
+
+                   Gross Postal Revenue   Tramway Receipts (gross)
+
+  1910 ................ $114,318                  $477,109
+  1911 ................  119,561                   502,399
+  1912 ................  132,097                   539,853
+  1913 ................  140,102                   605,933
+  1914 ................  147,943                   645,341
+  1915 ................  154,499                   718,840
+  1916 ................  167,594                   559,513
+  1917 ................  255,815                   859,667
+  1918 ................  305,412                   998,702
+  1919 ................  349,507                 1,258,503
+
+Among other assurances at the new prosperity and the beginnings of fresh
+faith in the city's future is the coming of new large business interests
+into the city. Among the largest construction work is the building of
+the Halifax shipyards upon the explosion ground, involving an outlay of
+ten millions of dollars. There is the ever-extending plant of the
+Imperial Oil Company, which will eventually make of Halifax a great
+oil-distribution port. There is the continuation of the
+thirty-million-dollar scheme of modern terminal facilities, which have
+been constructed so close to the ocean that a ship may be out of sight
+of land within an hour after casting off from the quay.
+
+In short there has been, as has been said, an "impetus given to business
+generally." That the impetus will continue there is every prospect.
+Halifax may experience a temporary wave of depression when such waves
+are flowing elsewhere. But today there are fewer doubters and more
+believers. The day of new elevators, new hotels, harbor-bridges and
+electric trains is not very far away. The prophecy of Samuel Cunard made
+in 1840--when he inaugurated the first Trans-Atlantic line--that
+"Halifax would be the entering port of Canada"--seems destined to
+fulfilment.
+
+As regards population after disasters Hoffman writes:
+
+    Even an earthquake such as affected the city of San Francisco may
+    not materially change the existing numbers of the population after a
+    sufficient period of time has elapsed for a reassembling of the
+    former units, and a return to the normal conditions of life and
+    growth.[161]
+
+Yet as before remarked, the catastrophe at Halifax eclipsed all
+preceding disasters to single communities on the Continent of America in
+the toll of human life.[162] In the San Francisco earthquake the loss
+was four hundred and ninety-eight; at the Chicago fire three hundred; at
+the Iroquois theatre fire in the same city, five hundred and
+seventy-five; at the Chester explosion one hundred and twelve; at the
+Johnstown flood two thousand. It is now estimated that the disaster at
+Halifax probably passed this latter figure, decreasing the city's
+population by four per cent. Notwithstanding this heavy draught upon the
+population, the 1918 volume of the Halifax Directory contained six
+hundred and fifty more names than the previous year.
+
+  [161] Hoffman, Frederick L., _Insurance, Science and Economics_
+  (N. Y., 1911), ch. ix, p. 337.
+
+  [162] In the Texas flood of 1900 there were lost 5,000 lives, but they
+  cannot be said to have been all associated with a single community.
+
+In the light of this consideration the following indication of the
+growth of population is also of contributory interest.[163]
+
+  Table
+
+  1911 ...................... 46,619
+  1912 ...................... 46,619
+  1913 ...................... 47,109
+  1914 ...................... 47,109
+  1915 ...................... 47,473
+  1916 ...................... 50,000
+  1917 ...................... 50,000
+  1918 ...................... 50,000
+  1919 ...................... 55,000
+  1920 ...................... 65,000[164]
+
+  [163] Figures kindly supplied by Mr. John H. Barnstead, Registrar,
+  Halifax.
+
+  [164] The Directory of 1920 estimates the present population to be
+  85,000.
+
+An index of the growth of practical civic interest upon the part of
+citizens is revealed by the comparison of the numbers participating in
+political action by means of the vote. Recent figures for Halifax are:
+
+  Political Action
+
+  Year            Purpose  Eligible   No.      Percentage     Percentage
+                            voters   voting  of Indifference  of Interest
+
+  1918 ......... For Mayor   7,632    2,769         63.8         36.2
+  1919 .........  "    "     8,890    4,264         52.1         47.9
+  1920 .........  "    "    11,435    5,491         51.99        48.01
+
+Instead of the disaster resulting in disheartenment and a gradually
+diminishing civic interest, the percentage of indifference is smaller
+and the percentage of interest is larger for 1920 than for 1919, and the
+percentage of interest for 1919 is larger than that for the previous
+year. The number of eligible voters also shows increase. "The campaign
+[for 1920] has marked a new era .... and will make it easier to
+institute new reforms."[165]
+
+  [165] Halifax _Morning Chronicle_, April 29, 1920.
+
+Of further sociological interest is the change affecting city-planning,
+civic improvement, housing, health, education and recreation.
+
+In the realm of city-planning[166] and civic improvement, Halifax is
+awaking to the importance of taking advantage of an opportunity which
+comes to a city but seldom save through the avenue of disaster. The
+present Town-planning Board was formed as a result of the Town-planning
+Act of 1915. A board of four members, including the city engineer
+constitute the committee. The limits of the area to be brought under the
+scheme were still undecided when the explosion came. The disaster
+"hastened the resolution" of the Board. "When the disaster came it
+seemed that things would have to come to a head." Mr. Thomas Adams, the
+Dominion Housing and Town-planning Advisor, was brought to Halifax to
+help determine what should be done. "The disaster simply had the effect
+of bringing to a point certain things which were pending at the time. If
+that event had not occurred we would by this time be into a scheme,
+though possibly not so far as we are." Today the limits of the area have
+been defined and the scheme is nearly ready for presentation to the
+Council for adoption. The Dominion Town-planning Advisor's assistant
+reports that real progress has been made in the Halifax plan dealing
+with the proposed zoning of the city into factory, shopping and
+residential districts, the provision for future streets, street-widening
+and building lines, and suggestions for park and aerodrome sites. In the
+devastated area he has remarked progress in street-opening, in grading
+of the slope and in architectural treatment of the houses. Five hundred
+trees and three hundred shrubs have been ordered to be planted in this
+area. The whole area is under the control of the Relief Commission, for
+the Act appointing the Commission gave it the powers of a Town-planning
+Board.
+
+  [166] The earliest city-planning was mediaeval. Halifax was laid out
+  by military engineers with narrow streets--the "ideal was a fortified
+  enclosure designed to accommodate the maximum number of inhabitants
+  with the minimum of space." In 1813 a town-planning scheme was set on
+  foot for the purpose of straightening streets, the removal of
+  projections and banks of earth and stones which at that time existed
+  in the center of streets. Considerable betterment resulted but
+  unfortunately many fine trees were cut down.
+
+The disaster may thus be said not only to have hastened the resolution
+of the existing committee, but to have produced two planning-boards
+instead of one. Each must keep in mind the true ideal. For it is not the
+"City Beautiful" idea, but that of utility that is fundamental to
+city-planning. It is a principle to reduce to the minimum the social
+problems of community life, to accomplish Aristotle's ideal--"the
+welfare and happiness of everyone." In so doing civic beauty will not be
+neglected. "Scientific, sensible and sane city-planning" says an
+authority "with utility and public convenience as its primary
+consideration produces beauty--the beauty that is the result of adapting
+successfully a thing to its purpose." It is in accordance with this
+principle of civic art that the terminal area is being developed--a work
+designed by the same architect who planned the Chateau Laurier and the
+Ottawa Plaza with such aesthetic taste.
+
+To "deep cuttings, spanned by fine bridges, and bordered with trees and
+pleasant driveways, after the manner of Paris," and to a "waterfront as
+stately as Genoa's, a terminal station with a noble facade, overlooking
+a square and space of flowers,"[167] the future will also bring to
+Halifax
+
+    more street-paving, sidewalks, parks, fountains, hedges, driveways,
+    cluster-lighting, statuary, buildings of majesty, spaciousness and
+    beauty. Wires will be buried, unsightly poles will disappear....
+    With time will come all these things which stamp a city as modern,
+    as caring for the comfort of its people, their pleasure and rest,
+    and health and safety. All these things come with time, effort,
+    development of city pride, and the concentrated desire of a people
+    for them.[168]
+
+  [167] MacMechan, Archibald, "Changing Halifax," _Canadian Magazine_,
+  vol. xli, no. 4, pp. 328, 329.
+
+  [168] Crowell, H. C., _The Busy East_, vol. x, no. 7, p. 12.
+
+The question of housing is recognized as an old Halifax problem. It was
+already an acute one when the blow of the catastrophe fell and
+multiplied the difficulty a thousand-fold. The Relief Commission has
+grappled with its end of the problem, namely, the housing of the many
+refugees who were first accommodated in lodgings and in temporary
+shelters.[169] The old sombre frame-constructed buildings of the
+pre-disaster days are being replaced with attractive hydrostone. A
+hard-working wage-earning community is stepping out of indifferent
+structures into homes both comfortable and well-ordained.
+
+  [169] A model housing development of 346 houses in the new north end
+  has followed the disaster. "It is reasonable to assume," writes an
+  observer, "that the standard of living will ascend. Already the
+  influence of these new houses is showing itself in the homes that are
+  springing up all over the city."
+
+But the old problem would have still remained unsolved, had not the city
+authorities caught something of the reconstruction spirit and felt the
+sharp urge of increasing difficulties. Action has been at last
+precipitated. However, lacking in comprehensiveness the first attempts,
+the city has bestirred itself and has come to realize adequate housing
+to be a supreme need of the community and vitally associated with the
+city's health and welfare. A Housing Committee of five members has been
+formed, having as chairman a man of widely recognized building
+experience and as director of housing, a capable citizen. It is intended
+to make full use of the federal housing scheme, in a practical way, the
+City Council having reversed its former decisions and accepted by by-law
+the obligation which the government act requires. It is hoped in this
+way to promote the erection of modern dwellings and to "contribute to
+the general health and well-being of the community."
+
+Thus the principle of promotive legislation and government aid, which
+when finally accepted in 1890, began the remarkable housing reform in
+England, has entered the City of Halifax, and will eventually write a
+record of increased health, comfort and contentment. How soon that
+record is written will largely depend upon the citizens themselves and
+their response to a leadership that is forceful as well as wise.
+
+The matter of health organization in Halifax affords perhaps the most
+significant contrast with the pre-disaster days. Prior to the
+catastrophe public health organization was not a matter for civic pride.
+The dispensary, which is often regarded as the index of a city's care
+for health, had received scant support and could only perform
+indifferent service. Adequate sanitary inspection could not be carried
+out for want of inspectors. The death rate[170] had averaged about
+twenty percent for a period of ten years, and the infant and
+tuberculosis mortality had been tremendously high--the former reaching
+the figure of one hundred and eighty-two.[171] There was no spur to
+progressive administration. The city was too ill-equipped to cope with
+such conditions.
+
+  [170] London's is 14.6, New York's 13.6.
+
+  [171] New York's is 90, New Zealand's 60.
+
+Today Halifax has the finest public health program and most complete
+public health organization in the Dominion. The fact that this is so is
+in very close relation to the catastrophe inasmuch as an unexpended
+balance of relief moneys[172] has been redirected by request for health
+purposes in Halifax. A five-year policy has been inaugurated. Fifty
+thousand dollars per year of the relief money, fifteen thousand dollars
+per year of the Canadian government money and five thousand dollars per
+year each, of the city and provincial money are to be expended in the
+five-year campaign. The sum totals seventy-five thousand dollars per
+year, or practically one dollar per capita.
+
+  [172] These funds are from the munificent gift of Massachusetts. A
+  Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission has been formed--Dr.
+  B. Franklin Royer is the executive officer.
+
+A completely equipped health centre has been established including all
+the essential remedial and educational agencies, namely, pre-natal,
+pre-school-age, school-age, tuberculosis, venereal disease, eye, ear,
+nose and throat clinics. There will also be provision for the growth of
+health ideas through mother's classes, first-aid, and sanitary leagues.
+A public health course for nurses is included in the educational
+campaign.[173] A most successful baby-saving exhibit has been held, and
+the plan calls for a full-time tuberculosis specialist.
+
+  [173] Dalhousie University has recently graduated the first class of
+  nurses in Canada to receive the Diploma of Public Health.
+
+Upon the part of the civic authorities there has been a greater
+realization of responsibility. Progressive steps have been already taken
+including the appointment of a Doctor of Public Health, and the
+provision of district sanitary inspectors. Restaurants and all places
+where food is exposed for sale are being systematically inspected with a
+view of effecting improvements. A single instance of commendable
+activity along sanitary lines is the prohibition of movable lunch cars,
+which have been seen on the streets of Halifax for years. The removal of
+a lot of dwellings unfit for occupation is receiving the attention of
+the officials. In fact it is the intention of the present Council to
+improve conditions throughout the city generally as quickly as is
+feasible to do so. Another illustration of the direction of attention to
+modern social methods is the present discussion of plans for a
+psychiatric clinic for mental hygiene and the discovery of defectives,
+especially those attending the schools. Still another indication of
+interest in child welfare is the fact that a clinic for babies was
+established in a central locality and a nurse for babies regularly
+employed. The hitherto meager hospital facilities are being amplified by
+the building of a maternity hospital and the enlargement of the
+children's hospital,--a centralization plan of hospital service being a
+unique and distinctive feature. In the way of industrial hygiene a
+full-time nurse is employed in the ship-building plant and here also
+safety policies have been introduced and have reduced accidents to a
+minimum. The movement for the control of preventable disease is gaining
+impetus and a modern tuberculosis hospital is being established. The
+Victoria General Hospital is being enlarged and extended, the additions
+having an estimated cost of half a million dollars.
+
+But it is not alone the activities of the Health Commission but also the
+earlier vigorous policy of disaster medical relief, which is seen
+reflected in the growing sense of community-responsibility for health
+conditions. Halifax has come to see the principle fundamental to all
+health reform, that public health is a purchasable commodity and that
+improvement in vital statistics is in close correlation with the
+progress of health organization. It remains to be seen whether so
+favored a community will also lead the way in the registration and
+periodic health examination of every individual citizen which is the
+final goal of all policies of health reform.
+
+The standards of education have always been high in Halifax. She has
+been the educational center of the Maritime Provinces. Her academic
+attainments have brought to her much distinction and not a little glory.
+Her public schools boast many a fine record to furnish inspiration to
+each successive generation. To secure appointment to the Halifax
+teaching staff the applicant must possess the highest qualifications.
+But however much educational leaders may desire them, modern methods and
+up-to-date equipment await in large measure the public will. Only where
+there is a will is there a way. That the public will in Halifax is
+becoming awakened to the vital role her educators play is being proven
+by the response to the campaign for the expansion of Dalhousie
+University. That response has been most generous and general, while
+local contributions have been amplified by large benefactions from the
+Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation. Of the latter
+benefactions together amounting to one million dollars--four hundred
+thousand will be expended upon buildings and equipment. The modernizing
+process is shown again in the decision of the university to establish at
+once a Faculty of Commerce and to encourage the teaching of Spanish and
+Portuguese in the educational institutions of the city.
+
+In the old teaching methods all are given the same course of instruction
+regardless of the individual mental differences. Today the effort is to
+provide an education to fit the mind rather than to force the mind to
+fit the education. In the public schools of Halifax there are not
+lacking indications which herald the coming of the newer pedagogy. Among
+these may be mentioned the opening of sub-normal classes for retarded
+children, experimentation with the social-recitation system, the display
+of Safety-First League posters and the development of those departments
+already established, _viz._ vocational and domestic training, manual and
+physical education, medical inspection, supervised playgrounds, school
+nurses, dental clinics, and the wider use of school plants in evening
+technical classes.
+
+Halifax will sooner or later decide to employ to the fullest degree all
+the opportunities which child-training affords. The school system is an
+institution of society to mediate between a child and his environment.
+Children must learn to do and to be as well as to know. Their plastic
+minds must receive practice in resistance to domination by feeling and
+in the use of the intellect as the servant and guide of life. To the
+children of Halifax is due eventually a thorough training in
+citizenship. This is the last call of the new future in education. It
+rests upon the twin pillars of educational psychology and educational
+sociology.
+
+Recreation is still another sphere of civic life wherein the City of
+Halifax has taken a forward step. In making her plans for the future she
+has not forgotten that the rebuilt city should contain every facility
+for children to grow up with strong bodies and sane minds; as well as
+public provision for the leisure time of the adult population. A
+Recreation Commission has been formed made up of representatives of the
+various civic bodies and from the civic and provincial governments.[174]
+A playground expert was called in by the city government, who after
+study of the situation and conference with local groups, recommended a
+system of recreation as part of the general city plan. Already marked
+progress has resulted; indeed it has been said that the "municipal
+recreation system of Halifax has made a record for itself." A hill of
+about fifteen acres in the heart of the devastated area has been
+reserved for a park and playground. The city has built and turned over
+to the Commission a temporary bath-house, and has set aside the sum of
+ten thousand dollars for a permanent structure. The plans contain
+recommendations for minimum play-space for every school child, a central
+public recreation area, an open-air hillside stadium, as well as a
+community center with auditorium, community theatre, natatorium,
+gymnasium, and public baths. The real significance of this movement
+Halifax has not, herself, as yet fully realized. Just as there is a
+close relationship between health organization and mortality tables, so
+there is a close association between open spaces, street play, _etc._,
+and juvenile, as well as other forms of delinquency.[175] The moral
+value of organized recreation was itself demonstrated in the war, while
+the increasing menace of industrial fatigue, as well as the fact of the
+shorter working-day, call for public recreational facilities as a social
+policy. This policy is not however fully carried out with merely
+constructive and promotive action. It must be followed by restrictive
+and regulatory control of commercialized recreation, and wise and
+adequate systems of inspection for amusement in all its forms. This is
+the path of progress in socialized recreation.
+
+  [174] It should be stated that the supervised playground movement had
+  been developing in Halifax for a period of fourteen years, first under
+  the Women's Council, afterwards under a regularly incorporated
+  association with which the Women's Council merged.
+
+  [175] In view of the explosion and the resulting housing conditions,
+  an increase in juvenile delinquency might have been expected, but the
+  "playgrounds which were established immediately after the disaster,
+  and which adjoined both of the large temporary housing projects, are,
+  it is felt, responsible for the excellent conditions which exist. The
+  records of the Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children
+  show that there was an actual decrease in the number of juvenile
+  arrests in 1918 over 1917."--(Leland, Arthur, "Recreation as a Part of
+  the City Plan for Halifax, N. S., Canada," _Playground_, vol. xiii,
+  no. 10, p. 493.)
+
+Progress in cooperation has also to be noticed. There has been a new
+sense of unity in dealing with common problems. The number of things
+which perforce had to be done together during the catastrophe was great.
+This doing of things together will be continued. The establishment of
+the Halifax Cooperative Society is initial evidence of a movement
+towards cooperative buying. Cooperation for community ends even now is
+revealing itself in the new interest for the common control of
+recreation, health conditions, _etc._ "The disaster," runs an article in
+the press, "has given our social movement an impetus. The social workers
+of the different creeds and classes have discovered each other and are
+getting together."[176] The organization of social service which only a
+few years back took a beginning in the form of an unpretentious bureau
+has shot ahead with amazing rapidity and now exercises an influence of
+coordination upon the churches, charities and philanthropic societies of
+the city.
+
+  [176] Halifax _Evening Mail_, March 22, 1918.
+
+The unifying process is well illustrated by the increased cooperation
+upon the part of the churches. Following the disaster the churches of
+the city united into a single organization for relief service under the
+chairmanship of the Archbishop of Nova Scotia. Since then a Ministerial
+Association has been formed which has directed cooperative effort along
+various lines and has exercised pressure upon those in authority where
+the best interests of the city were involved.
+
+Thus the City of Halifax has been galvanized into life through the
+testing experience of a great catastrophe. She has undergone a civic
+transformation, such as could hardly otherwise have happened in fifty
+years. She has caught the spirit of the social age. This spirit after
+all means only that the community is just a family on a larger scale,
+and the interests of each member are interwoven with those of all. But
+merely to catch the spirit will not suffice. It must be cherished
+through an inevitable period of reaction and passivity, and then carried
+on still further into the relations of capital and labor, into the realm
+of socialized recreation and into those multiform spheres of social
+insurance whither all true social policies lead.
+
+All these converging lines taken not singly but together constitute a
+very real basis of faith in the city's future, and of hope for permanent
+changes for the better. Perhaps this attitude cannot be more fittingly
+expressed than in the words of Carstens:
+
+    The Halifax disaster will leave a permanent mark upon the city for
+    at least a generation, because so many of the living have been
+    blinded or maimed for life. But it is possible that the disaster may
+    leave a mark of another sort, for it is confidently believed by
+    those who took part in the relief work during the first few weeks
+    that Halifax will gain as well as lose. The sturdy qualities of its
+    citizens will bring 'beauty out of ashes.'
+
+But it is rather for social than for material progress that the
+sociologist will seek and Carstens continues:
+
+    It may reasonably be expected that through this Calvary, there may
+    be developed a program for the care, training and education of the
+    sightless as good if not better than any now existing, that medical
+    social service will be permanently grafted upon the hospital and
+    out-patient service of the community, and that the staff of teachers
+    of the stricken city, by direct contact with the intimate problems
+    of the families of the children they have in their class-rooms may
+    acquire a broader view of their work. If there should result no
+    other benefits, and there are likely to be many, as for example
+    city-planning, housing and health, the death and suffering at
+    Halifax will not have been in vain, will not have been all
+    loss.[177]
+
+  [177] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_,
+  vol. xxxix, no. 13, p. 61.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+CONCLUSION
+
+Recapitulation--The various steps in the study presented in
+propositional form--The role of catastrophe direct and indirect. (a)
+Directly prepares the ground-work for change by: (1) weakening social
+immobility; (2) producing fluidity of custom; (3) enhancing environal
+favorability for change--(b) Indirectly sets in motion factors
+determining the nature of the change such as: (1) the release of spirit
+and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of leaders and
+lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.
+
+
+If the preceding narrative has been successful in setting forth the
+facts as they were observed, the reader has now before him a fairly
+accurate picture of a community as it reacts under the stimulus of
+catastrophe and proceeds to adjust itself to the circumstantial pressure
+of new conditions. It will be well, however, for the sake of clearness
+in emphasizing our closing propositions to recapitulate one by one the
+various steps in our study. These steps while primarily intended to
+follow the natural order in point of time will also be seen to represent
+a definite sociological process of development.
+
+At first the shock of the catastrophe was seen to have been sufficiently
+terrific to affect every inhabitant of the city. This fact gives
+peculiar value to the investigation. The more a shock is limited in
+extent the more its analysis grows in complexity. In such cases
+consideration must necessarily be given to the frontiers of influence.
+The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
+have been a fairly general disintegration of social institutions, and of
+the usual methods of social control--in short, a dissolution of the
+customary. This turmoil into which society was thrown is sometimes
+called "fluidity," and, for lack of a better one, this term has been
+retained. It would thus appear that if it were later observed that
+essential social changes ensued, fluidity was one of the requisites of
+change; and this is indeed in perfect tally with previous thought upon
+the subject as set forth in our more theoretical introduction and
+expressed in the proposition that fluidity is fundamental to social
+change.
+
+The more general and preliminary treatment over, individual and group
+reactions were then examined in greater detail, and the phenomena of the
+major sort were singled out and classified. These were found to be
+either abnormal and handicapping such as emotional parturition; or
+stimulative and promotive, as dynamogenic reaction. This constituted the
+material of the second chapter. Put in propositional form it would be
+that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social psychology which may
+either retard or promote social reorganization.
+
+Social organization came next in order, and because its progress was
+largely expedited by the organization of relief,--the first social
+activity,--the sociological factors observed in the latter have been
+recorded. These factors were classified as physical, including climate
+and topography, and psychological, such as leadership, suggestion,
+imitation, discussion, recognition of utility and consciousness of kind.
+Reference was also made to biological and equipmental considerations.
+Two conclusions of interest are here deducible: first, that part of
+society which is most closely organized and disciplined in normality
+first recovers social consciousness in catastrophe; second, it is only
+after division of function delegates to a special group the
+responsibility for relief work that public thought is directed to the
+resumption of a normal society. These conclusions emphasize the
+conservation value to society of a militia organization in every
+community and also of a permanent vigilance committee.
+
+The fifth chapter introduced a relatively new element, the presence of
+which may be relied upon in all future emergencies, that of a disaster
+social service. Its contribution was that of skillful service and wise
+direction; its permanent effect, the socialization of the community. The
+value of the presence of visiting social specialists is in inverse
+proportion to the degree to which the socialization of a community has
+advanced. The practical conclusion is clearly that self-dependence of a
+community in adversity is furthered by the socialization of the existing
+institutions.
+
+The next and latest group to function effectively was that of
+government, but social legislation when forth-coming, contributed an
+important and deciding influence, and was itself in turn enriched by the
+calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed facts the
+statement in the introduction receives abundant justification; namely,
+that catastrophe is in close association with progress in social
+legislation.
+
+To the influences already mentioned an additional factor of recuperation
+is added,--the socio-economic one. Disaster-stricken communities cannot
+become normal until the social surplus is restored. They may however
+always count upon public aid. But there is found to be strongly
+suggested a correlation between the magnitude or striking character of a
+disaster and the generosity of the relief response.
+
+The last chapter is devoted to a cataloging of the indications of social
+change from the standpoint of the community as a whole. The old social
+order is contrasted with that obtaining two years subsequent to the
+disaster. It here appeared that the city of Halifax had as a community
+undergone and is undergoing an extraordinary social change. This
+implies, according to the theory of social causation, an extraordinary
+antecedent. Before finally accepting the factor of catastrophe as such,
+the scientific reader may very properly ask whether there are not
+alternatives.
+
+To this query the answer is that there are alternatives, other very
+considerable extra-social factors to be noted, but that catastrophe was
+itself the precipitating factor there is little room for doubt. Of the
+other factors two only are of sufficient weight for our present
+consideration. The earliest in order of time, and perhaps also in rank
+of importance is that which Halifax residents understand as the coming
+of the new ocean terminals. The coming was so sudden in the nature of
+its announcement, and meant for many so much depreciation in property
+values, that it had something of the nature of catastrophe within it. It
+altered very extensively the previously accepted ideas of residential
+and business and industrial sections of the city, and caused a jolt in
+the body politic, such as had not visited it for years--not since the
+middle of the nineteenth century brought the revolutionizing steam. It
+is not to be denied that this factor has contributed not a little to the
+weakening of immobility, and the preparation of the ground for an inrush
+of the spirit of progress.
+
+The other factor was the war. The war functioned mightily in community
+organization for service. It brought prosperity to many a door, and
+whetted the appetite of many a merchant to put the business of peace on
+a war basis. But it would be merely speculation to say that prosperity
+would have continued in peace. Indeed such a conclusion would not be
+historically justifiable. Halifax has been through three important wars.
+In each, "trade was active, prices were high, the population increased,
+industry was stimulated by the demand, rents doubled and trebled,
+streets were uncommonly busy." But in each case also Halifax settled
+back to her ante-bellum sluggishness. In 1816 Halifax began to feel the
+reaction consequent upon the close of a war. The large navy and army
+were withdrawn and Halifax and its inhabitants "bore the appearance of a
+town at the close of a fair. The sudden change from universal hustle and
+business to ordinary pursuits made this alteration at times very
+perceptible. Money gradually disappeared and the failure of several
+mercantile establishments added to the general distress." But the
+closing of the war, now a hundred years later, has exhibited no such
+relapse. On the other hand Halifax grows daily more prosperous and
+progressive than before. Her bank clearings do not fail, but rather
+increase. There is clearly some further influence associated with this
+change.
+
+But there is a very real sense in which the war may indeed be said to
+have been the factor,--if we mean by it the fact that through the war
+and as a direct result of war-service the city was laid half in ruins by
+possibly the greatest single catastrophe on the American Continent. If
+we mean this, we have named the all-precipitating and determining event.
+The catastrophe was an episode of the great war.
+
+It only remains to add by way of clearer definition that the role of
+catastrophe appears to be both direct and indirect. Functioning
+directly, it prepares the ground-work for social change by (1) weakening
+social immobility; (2) precipitating fluidity of custom; (3) forcing
+environal favorability for change. Indirectly, it sets in motion factors
+determining the nature of the social change, such as (1) the release of
+spirit and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of
+leaders and lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.
+
+Our final principle[178] thus appears to be that progress in catastrophe
+is a resultant of specific conditioning factors some of which are
+subject to social control. If there is one thing more than another which
+we would emphasize in conclusion it is this final principle. Progress is
+not necessarily a natural or assured result of change. It comes only as
+a result of effort that is wisely expended and sacrifice which is
+sacrifice in truth.
+
+  [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction,
+  namely, that the degree of fluidity seems to vary directly as the
+  shock of the catastrophe, and that brusk revolution in the conditions
+  of life accomplish not sudden, but gradual changes in society, require
+  a study of comparative catastrophic phenomena for verification or
+  rejection.
+
+That the nature of the social change in Halifax is one in the direction
+of progress we think to be based on reason and not alone on hope. That
+it is also our fervent hope, we need hardly add. But every Haligonian
+who cherishes for his city the vision which this book contains, may help
+mightily to bring it to pass by making effort his watchword and
+intelligence his guide. We do not say it will all come tomorrow. We do
+say a wonderful beginning has been made since yesterday. And this is
+bright for the future. In no better words can we conclude than in those
+of one of her greatest lovers: "Changes must come to Halifax. This is a
+world of change. But every true Haligonian hopes that the changes will
+not disfigure his beloved city, but only heighten and enhance the
+intimate and haunting charms she borrows from the sea."[179]
+
+  [179] MacMechan, _op. cit._, p. 336.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+A
+
+  Accidents, industrial, 116, 135
+
+  Advancement, human, _vide_ progress
+
+  Aesthetics, 70
+
+  Aggregation, social, 62
+
+  Altruism, 51, 58
+
+  Ameliorative legislation, _vide_ legislation
+
+  Analytic psychology, 49
+
+  Anxiety, 38
+
+  Anger, 39, 44, 45
+
+  Animal relief, 91
+
+  Army, _vide_ military
+
+  Association, 56, 63;
+    utility of, 62, 142
+
+  Associations, state and voluntary, 73, 99
+
+  Attention, 17, 20, 54, 55, 134
+
+  Authority, 101, 102, 103, 104
+
+
+B
+
+  Behavior, 17, 18, 52, 53, 60, 67
+
+  Beliefs, 23, 38, 120
+
+  Bereavement, 47
+
+  Biological factors in society, 67, 142
+
+  Body politic, 44, 69, 144
+
+  Bureau, welfare, 139
+
+  Business, disorganization of, 31, 59, 113;
+    expansion of, 77, 124;
+    indices of, 125;
+    relief, 105, 113;
+    resumption of, 69, 71, 72, 73
+
+
+C
+
+  Capital, 139
+
+  Catastrophe, and crisis, 16, 18;
+    and communication, 31;
+    definition of, 14;
+    and evolution, 14, 15;
+    and generosity, 57, 58, 115;
+    and heroism, 55;
+    and insurance, 116;
+    and poetry, 22;
+    and population, 128;
+    and progress, 21, 22, 23;
+    and social change, 118;
+    and social disintegration, 31;
+    and social economy, 80;
+    and social legislation, 23, 100;
+    and social organization, 59, 69;
+    and social psychology, 35;
+    and suicide, 46;
+    and social surplus, 111;
+    and survival, 56;
+    and tragedy, 114, 115;
+    and war, 14
+
+  Cataclysm, _vide_ catastrophe
+
+  Causation, social, 144
+
+  Centralization, policy of, 83
+
+  Ceremony, 120
+
+  Change, social, and catastrophe, 20, 21;
+    and crisis, 16, 21;
+    definition of, 15, 21;
+    factor of, 15, 16;
+    and fluidity, 21;
+    indications of, 123, 143;
+    and progress, 21;
+    resistance to, 19
+
+  Charity, 22, 97
+
+  Child welfare, 87, 88, 89, 90, 98, 135, 137
+
+  Churches, _vide_ religious institutions
+
+  Circumstantial pressure, 33, 64, 77
+
+  Civic authority, _vide_ municipal control
+
+  Civic improvement, 22, 77, 105, 108, 129, 130, 140
+
+  Civilization, 31, 49
+
+  Classes, social, 96, 139
+
+  Clergy, 74, 83, 84, 139
+
+  Clinics, 134
+
+  Climatic factors in society, 66, 67, 142
+
+  Clubs, 76, 123
+
+  Collective behavior, _vide_ behavior
+
+  Commerce, 70, 118, 122
+
+  Commercialized recreation, 138
+
+  Communication, 31, 57, 61, 62, 71, 72, 73
+
+  Community, 19, 21, 32, 49, 55, 62, 67, 78, 80, 84, 85, 88, 92, 95, 96,
+  97, 100, 101, 109, 115, 135, 138, 143
+
+  Comparative catastrophe, 146
+
+  Compensation, 90, 96, 97, 105, 107
+
+  Component groups, 70
+
+  Consciousness, 37, 42, 59, 60, 68, 124, 142
+
+  Consciousness of kind, 63, 67, 142
+
+  Consciousness of underlying difference, 69
+
+  Conservation, social, 79, 84, 143
+
+  Conservatism in society, 19, 117, 120
+
+  Contagion of feeling, 42
+
+  Control, social, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146
+
+  Conventionality, 49
+
+  Cooperation, 61, 83, 84, 97, 138
+
+  Crime, 50, 76
+
+  Criticism, 49, 84, 86, 92, 94
+
+  Crisis, and catastrophe, 16;
+    definition of, 16;
+    and fluidity, 18;
+    and great men, 55;
+    and progress, 55;
+    and revolution, 17;
+    significance of, 16
+
+  Crises, in battles, 16;
+    in communities, 18;
+    in diseases, 16;
+    in life-histories, 16, 18;
+    men skilled in dealing with, 83, 98;
+    power to meet, 80;
+    in religions, 16;
+    in social institutions, 16;
+    in world of thought, 16
+
+  Crowd, 41, 42, 43, 45
+
+  Crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45
+
+  Courts, 96
+
+  Culture, 19, 21, 80
+
+  Curiosity, 44
+
+  Custom, 15, 19, 34, 49, 63, 67, 69, 120, 142, 145
+
+  Cycles, 15
+
+
+D
+
+  Death rate, 133
+
+  Delinquency, 138
+
+  Delirium, oneiric, 46
+
+  Delusion, 35, 38
+
+  Determination, 44, 58
+
+  Diagnosis, social, 92, 121
+
+  Disaster, _vide_ catastrophe
+
+  Disaster psychology, _vide_ psychology
+
+  Disaster relief, _vide_ relief
+
+  Disease, 22, 36, 48, 134
+
+  Discussion, 37, 64, 67, 142
+
+  Disintegration of society, 18, 31, 33, 34, 35, 59
+
+  Dispensary, 88, 133
+
+  Distributive system of society, 31
+
+  Diversity of capacity, 69
+
+  Division of labor, 69, 79, 142
+
+  Dynamic forces, 19
+
+  Dynamogenic reactions, 52
+
+
+E
+
+  Economic factors in society, 68
+
+  Economy, social, 80, 98
+
+  Education, 19, 84, 101, 120, 121, 129, 134, 135, 136, 137
+
+  Educational institutions, 20, 69, 70, 74, 76, 82, 85, 91, 95, 135, 136
+
+  Educational psychology, 137
+
+  Educational sociology, 137
+
+  Emergency, 52, 60, 79, 82, 83, 87, 98, 143
+
+  Emotion, 33, 36, 44, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53
+
+  Endurance, 52, 53, 54, 60
+
+  Energies, 52, 58
+
+  Environmental effects, 15, 75, 136, 145
+
+  Envy, 44
+
+  Erroneous recognition, 39
+
+  Equipmental factors in society, 68, 142
+
+  Evolution, 14, 15, 56, 101
+
+  Exaltation, 45, 46
+
+  Expectancy, 41
+
+
+F
+
+  Factors in social change, 15, 16, 22, 144
+
+  Family, 59, 61, 74, 86, 88, 89, 140
+
+  Fatigue, 45, 52, 53, 54
+
+  Fear, 39, 44, 45, 64
+
+  First aid, 41, 61, 134
+
+  Flight instinct, 40
+
+  Fluidity, 18, 19, 20, 21, 34, 142, 145
+
+  Flux, 19, 34
+
+  Folkways, 18
+
+  Food-getting, 39, 92
+
+  Fraternal societies, 76, 98
+
+
+G
+
+  Generosity, 55, 57, 58, 115, 116, 143
+
+  Geographic determinants, 67, 119
+
+  Government, 19, 31, 100, 101;
+    agencies of, 100;
+    aid in disaster, 94, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107;
+    an institution of society, 100;
+    and leadership, 117;
+    officials, 62, 102, 106;
+    over-emphasis of, 19, 119, 120
+
+  Gratitude, 45
+
+  Great man, 55, 69
+
+  Greed, 44, 51, 94
+
+  Gregarious instinct, 40, 41, 63, 67
+
+  Grief, 38, 48
+
+  Group, 41, 55, 56, 60, 70, 142
+
+  Group heroism, 56
+
+
+H
+
+  Habit, 17, 19, 20, 52, 69, 117
+
+  Habitation, 39, 63
+
+  Hallucination, 35, 37, 38
+
+  Happiness, 70, 112
+
+  Health, public, 68, 88, 101, 108, 119, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 140
+
+  Helpfulness, psychology of, 56, 85
+
+  Herd instinct, 41, 63
+
+  Heroism, 55, 56
+
+  History, 14
+
+  Heredity, 67
+
+  Homes, 31, 32, 48, 63, 87, 114
+
+  Homogeneity, 70
+
+  Housing, 114, 129, 132, 140
+
+  Hospitals, 53, 66, 88, 90, 135, 140
+
+  Human nature, 93, 94
+
+  Hyperactivity of imagination, 46
+
+  Hyper-suggestibility, 44
+
+  Hypnosis, 45
+
+
+I
+
+  Imagination, 31, 37, 46, 114
+
+  Imitation, 15, 63, 67, 77, 142, 145
+
+  Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77
+
+  Immobility of society, 19, 20, 120, 144, 145
+
+  Impulsive social action, 42, 48
+
+  Indemnity, principle of, 95
+
+  Indications of social change, 123, 143
+
+  Indices of business, 125
+
+  Individual reactions, 41, 51, 53, 55
+
+  Industry, 31, 69, 118, 121, 144
+
+  Industrial, accidents, 116, 135;
+    fatigue, 138;
+    hygiene, 135
+
+  Inhibitions, 36, 41, 49
+
+  Insanity, 46
+
+  Instincts, 18, 20, 35, 39, 40, 44
+
+  Institutions, social, _vide_ religious, educational
+
+  Insurance, social, 105, 116, 125
+
+
+J
+
+  Jealousy, 44
+
+  Justice, 19
+
+  Juvenile delinquency, 138
+
+
+K
+
+  Kind, consciousness of, 63, 67, 142
+
+  Kindliness, 45, 55
+
+
+L
+
+  Labor, 139;
+    division of, 69, 79;
+    legislation, 23, 101, 108
+
+  Law, 49, 50, 58, 120
+
+  Leadership, 21, 61, 67, 80, 84, 86, 145
+
+  Legislation, ameliorative, 101;
+    boundaries of, 101;
+    and catastrophe, 23, 110, 143;
+    health, 108;
+    ideals of, 101;
+    labor, 23, 101, 108;
+    mining, 23, 108;
+    marine, 23, 108, 109;
+    promotive, 133;
+    progress in, 101, 108, 110, 143;
+    social, 23, 100
+
+  Like-mindedness, 63, 70
+
+  Like response, 41
+
+  Limitation of field of consciousness, 42
+
+  Lookers-on, stimulus of, 21, 78, 145
+
+
+M
+
+  Magic, 20, 78
+
+  Martial law, 101
+
+  Maternity, 48, 135
+
+  Mass relief, 85
+
+  Medical inspection, 136
+
+  Medical social service, 87, 88, 89, 98, 140
+
+  Mental hygiene, 134
+
+  Mental unity, 41
+
+  Meteorological pressure, 65
+
+  Military and naval organization, 51, 60, 63, 68, 88, 101, 102, 122,
+  143, 145
+
+  Ministerial association, 139
+
+  Models, 21, 77, 78
+
+  Modes of affective experience, 44
+
+  Morale, 21, 106, 108, 145
+
+  Morality, 20, 97
+
+  Mores, 70
+
+  Morgue service, 39, 91, 98
+
+  Mortality, 112
+
+  Municipal control, 101, 102, 103, 104
+
+  Mutual aid, 55, 56, 57, 58
+
+
+N
+
+  Navy, _vide_ military
+
+  News-notice, 115
+
+  Normality, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 79, 142
+
+
+O
+
+  Obstruction and the human will, 52
+
+  Occupational change, 113
+
+  Oneiric delirium, 46
+
+  Organization, _vide_ social, relief
+
+  Orientation, 123
+
+  Original tendencies, 39
+
+
+P
+
+  Pain economy, 112
+
+  Pain, 53, 54
+
+  Parental instinct, 40, 41
+
+  Pensions, 90
+
+  Percentage of indifference, 129
+
+  Percentage of interest, 129
+
+  Personal crises, 18
+
+  Phenomena, of bereavement, 47;
+    of crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45;
+    diverse, 35;
+    of emotion, 44;
+    of endurance, 52, 53;
+    post-catastrophic, 48;
+    of repression, 49
+
+  Philanthropy, 52, 69, 116
+
+  Physical factors in society, 67, 142
+
+  Physiological reactions, 35, 36, 52
+
+  Pity, 39
+
+  Pleasure economy, 112
+
+  Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior
+
+  Plural leadership, 49
+
+  Police, 76, 101, 102
+
+  Political action, 64, 76, 129
+
+  Political Science, 103
+
+  Poor laws, 101
+
+  Population, 19, 67, 113, 114, 128, 137, 144
+
+  Post-catastrophic phenomena, 48
+
+  Precipitating agent, 16, 144, 145
+
+  Preparedness, 64
+
+  Press, 72
+
+  Pressure, social, 63, 77
+
+  Primitive household, 69
+
+  Principles of relief, _vide_ relief
+
+  Production, 19
+
+  Profiteering, psychology of, 51
+
+  Procedure, 23, 79, 102, 109
+
+  Progress, in catastrophe, 21, 22, 23, 55, 98, 108, 146;
+    and change, 21;
+    degree of, 21;
+    and evolution, 14, 15;
+    meaning of, 21;
+    and relief, 80;
+    in social legislation, 23
+
+  Protocracy, 60, 70
+
+  Psychiatry, 134
+
+  Psychological factors in society, 67, 142
+
+  Psychology, analytic, 49;
+    crowd, 35, 41, 45;
+    disaster, 35, 56;
+    of helpfulness, 56, 85;
+    of helplessness, 49;
+    of insanity, 46;
+    of profiteering, 51;
+    of relief, 49, 94;
+    social, 35;
+    and sociology, 19, 35
+
+  Public opinion, 23, 84, 86, 93
+
+  Public safety, 132, 136
+
+  Public utilities, 71
+
+  Pugnacity, instinct of, 40
+
+
+R
+
+  Reconditioning of instincts, 18
+
+  Recreation, 19, 73, 101, 129, 137
+
+  Recuperation of society, 20, 35, 112, 114, 117, 143
+
+  Regional influence, 66
+
+  Regulative system of society, 31
+
+  Rehabilitation, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 94, 98, 104, 105, 107
+
+  Religion, 64, 118, 120, 121
+
+  Religious institutions, 32, 63, 69, 70, 74, 77, 85, 95, 120, 139
+
+  Relief, administration of, 44, 66, 83, 86, 87, 93, 94;
+    division of labor in, 69;
+    fluctuation of, 116;
+    leadership in, 61, 103, 116;
+    medical, 61, 62, 65;
+    military in, 51, 60, 63, 68;
+    organization of, 59;
+    psychology of, 49, 94;
+    principles of, 81, 84, 85, 96;
+    procedure in, 79;
+    relation to progress, 80;
+    residuum of, 97;
+    reserve, 98;
+    secret service in, 98;
+    shelter, 63, 64, 66, 82, 90;
+    stages in, 85
+
+  Repression, 49, 50
+
+  Reproductive system of society, 31
+
+  Resentment, 45, 49
+
+  Residuum of relief, 97
+
+  Resumption of normal society, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75
+
+  Restitution, principle of, 94, 95
+
+  Retrogressive evolution, 15
+
+  Revolution, 17, 22
+
+  Ritual, 20
+
+  Rumor, responsiveness to, 43, 63
+
+
+S
+
+  Sabbath observance, 77
+
+  Safety, public, 132, 136
+
+  Sanitation, 66, 133, 134
+
+  Schools, _vide_ educational institutions
+
+  Science, 33, 88
+
+  Security, feelings of, 41
+
+  Self-control, social, 70
+
+  Segregation, 64
+
+  Self-preservation, 31, 40
+
+  Sensation, 36, 38, 54
+
+  Sense perception, 37, 38
+
+  Sensorium, social, 59
+
+  Service, social, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143
+
+  Shibboleths, 77
+
+  Shock, reaction, 31, 36, 45, 54, 60, 91, 141
+
+  Social, action, 64;
+    aggregation, 62;
+    age, 139;
+    choices, 121;
+    consciousness, 60;
+    conservation, 79, 84, 143;
+    conservatism, 19, 117, 120;
+    contrasts, 32;
+    control, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146;
+    economy, 80, 98;
+    effects, 75, 96;
+    factors, 59, 67, 142;
+    immobility, 18, 20, 120, 144, 145;
+    insurance, 105, 116, 125;
+    legislation, 23, 100;
+    memory, 23, 55;
+    mind, 49, 70;
+    order, 143;
+    organization, 35, 59, 142;
+    policy, 80, 139;
+    pressure, 63, 77;
+    psychology, 35;
+    reorganization, 69;
+    sensorium, 59;
+    service, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143;
+    specialists, 69, 81, 85, 94, 143;
+    standards, 32;
+    surplus, 68, 111, 112, 143
+
+  Social change, _vide_ change
+
+  Socialization, 52, 55, 85, 97, 142, 145
+
+  Socialized recreation, 138, 139
+
+  Society, 33, 35, 49, 69, 70, 76, 79, 91, 100
+
+  Societies, 76, 99
+
+  Socio-economic factors, 112, 117, 143
+
+  Sociological factors, 59, 67, 142
+
+  Sociology, 33, 35, 120;
+    attractions of study, 13;
+    educational, 137;
+    and psychology, 19, 35;
+    virgin fields in, 13, 23
+
+  Sorrow, 45, 47
+
+  Standards, social, 32
+
+  Standards of living, 112, 113, 133
+
+  State, 101
+
+  Static conditions of society, _vide_ immobility
+
+  Statistics, vital, 135
+
+  Stimulus, of catastrophe, 33, 51, 53, 54, 57;
+    of heroism, 55;
+    of leaders, 21;
+    of lookers-on, 21, 78, 145;
+    of models, 78;
+    repetition of, 45
+
+  Struggle for existence, 41
+
+  Sub-normal, 136
+
+  Suggestibility, 41, 42, 48, 142
+
+  Suicide, 46
+
+  Supervised playgrounds, 136
+
+  Surplus, social, 68, 111, 112, 143
+
+  Survival, 56
+
+  Sustaining system of society, 31
+
+  Sympathy, 45, 46, 55, 58
+
+
+T
+
+  Taboo, 49, 71
+
+  Tender emotion, 45
+
+  Themistes, 18
+
+  Topography, 67, 142
+
+  Tradition, 32, 120
+
+  Transportation, 43
+
+  Trade-unions, 51
+
+
+U
+
+  Under-nutrition, 113
+
+  Unemployment, 59, 125
+
+  Unit in relief, 60
+
+  Unity, mental, 41
+
+  Utility, of association, 62, 67, 142
+
+  Utilities, public, 71
+
+
+V
+
+  Variation, social, _vide_ social change
+
+  Vicissitudes, 14, 21
+
+  Vigilance committee, 19, 143
+
+  Vigor, economic, 70
+
+  Vocational training, 98, 136
+
+  Volition, 55, 64
+
+  Voluntary associations, 73, 84
+
+
+W
+
+  War, 14, 26, 45, 48, 94, 97, 101, 117, 144
+
+  Wealth, 111
+
+  Welfare, 70, 86, 132, 139
+
+  Will, 22, 44, 52, 53
+
+  Workmen's compensation, 105
+
+  Worship, 19, 77
+
+
+Z
+
+  Zeal, 44
+
+
+
+
+VITA
+
+
+Born at Hammond River, Province of New Brunswick, Canada. Son of
+Samuel I. and Mary E. Perkins Prince. Graduate of St. John (N. B.) High
+School, the University of Toronto, Wycliffe College (Tor.). Taught at
+Ridley College, St. Catharines, Ont. Appointed to staff of St. Paul's
+Halifax N. S. Studied for doctorate at Columbia University. Subject of
+primary interest, Sociology; of secondary interest, Statistics and
+Social Legislation. Graduate courses with Professors, Giddings, Tenney,
+Chaddock, Lindsay, Andrews, Montague, McCrea. President of the British
+Empire Club of the University.
+
+
+
+
+  [ Transcriber's Note:
+
+    The following is a list of corrections made to the original.
+    The first line is the original line, the second the corrected one.
+
+  dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Matthews observes, "is something more
+  dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more
+
+  sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206) "Brusk
+  sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk
+
+  seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay a deep inlet on
+  seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on
+
+  an fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+  and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+
+  "So hypochrondriac fancies represent
+  "So hypochondriac fancies represent
+
+  fruitless search whereever refugees were gathered together, the
+  fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the
+
+  to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed. (_Ibid._,
+  to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._,
+
+  sentiment.[73]
+  sentiment."[73]
+
+  pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicious enough for special notice was
+  pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was
+
+  could not escape, observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+  could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+
+  may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenonema of social
+  may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social
+
+  depot at well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
+  depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
+
+  comradeship.[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
+  comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
+
+  precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6
+  precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6.
+
+  of_ Halifax, 1918.
+  of Halifax_, 1918.
+
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd)
+  CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
+
+  relationships.?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
+  relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
+
+  subsidize familes rather than institutions.
+  subsidize families rather than institutions.
+
+  3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc_, for children.
+  3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children.
+
+  exceeding five thousand dollars. And while in case of the larger claims
+  exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims
+
+  John R. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
+  John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
+
+  We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influence which are
+  We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are
+
+  In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal.
+  In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal,
+
+  committees. The Citizen's Committee exercised the general control. They
+  committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They
+
+  muncipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
+  municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
+
+  But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed aplies
+  But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies
+
+  and technical leadership, welcome at it was, and saving the situation as
+  and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as
+
+  ch viii, p. 197.
+  ch. viii, p. 197.
+
+  The chapter discribing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
+  The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
+
+  [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the the Introduction,
+  [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction,
+
+  Imitation, conditions effecting rate of, 77
+  Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77
+
+  Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behaviour
+  Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior
+
+  ]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Catastrophe and Social Change, by
+Samuel Henry Prince
+
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