diff options
Diffstat (limited to '3742-8.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | 3742-8.txt | 9798 |
1 files changed, 9798 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/3742-8.txt b/3742-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0f159b5 --- /dev/null +++ b/3742-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,9798 @@ +Project Gutenberg's The Writings of Thomas Paine, Volume II, by Thomas Paine + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Writings of Thomas Paine, Volume II + +Author: Thomas Paine + +Release Date: February, 2003 [Etext #3742] +Posting Date: February 7, 2010 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THOMAS PAINE *** + + + + +Produced by Norman M. Wolcott + + + + + +THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE, VOLUME II. + +By Thomas Paine + +Collected And Edited By + +Moncure Daniel Conway + + +1779 - 1792 + + + +[Redactor's Note: Reprinted from the "The Writings of Thomas Paine +Volume I" (1894 - 1896). The author's notes are preceded by a "*". A +Table of Contents has been added for each part for the convenience of +the reader which is not included in the printed edition. Notes are at +the end of Part II. ] + + + + + TABLE OF CONTENTS + + XIII The Rights of Man + + PART THE FIRST + BEING AN ANSWER TO MR. BURKE'S ATTACK ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION + + * Editor's Introduction + * Dedication to George Washington + * Preface to the English Edition + * Preface to the French Edition + * Rights of Man + * Miscellaneous Chapter + * Conclusion + + XIV The Rights of Man + + PART THE SECOND + COMBINING PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE + + * French Translator's Preface + * Dedication to M. de la Fayette + * Preface + * Introduction + * Chapter I Of Society and Civilisation + * Chapter II Of the Origin of the Present Old Governments + * Chapter III Of the Old and New Systems of Government + * Chapter IV Of Constitutions + * Chapter V Ways and Means of Improving the Condition of Europe, + Interspersed with Miscellaneous Observations + + * Appendix + * Notes + + + + +XIII. RIGHTS OF MAN. + + + + +EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. + + +WHEN Thomas Paine sailed from America for France, in April, 1787, he was +perhaps as happy a man as any in the world. His most intimate friend, +Jefferson, was Minister at Paris, and his friend Lafayette was the idol +of France. His fame had preceded him, and he at once became, in Paris, +the centre of the same circle of savants and philosophers that had +surrounded Franklin. His main reason for proceeding at once to Paris was +that he might submit to the Academy of Sciences his invention of an iron +bridge, and with its favorable verdict he came to England, in September. +He at once went to his aged mother at Thetford, leaving with a publisher +(Ridgway), his "Prospects on the Rubicon." He next made arrangements to +patent his bridge, and to construct at Rotherham the large model of it +exhibited on Paddington Green, London. He was welcomed in England by +leading statesmen, such as Lansdowne and Fox, and above all by Edmund +Burke, who for some time had him as a guest at Beaconsfield, and drove +him about in various parts of the country. He had not the slightest +revolutionary purpose, either as regarded England or France. Towards +Louis XVI. he felt only gratitude for the services he had rendered +America, and towards George III. he felt no animosity whatever. His four +months' sojourn in Paris had convinced him that there was approaching a +reform of that country after the American model, except that the Crown +would be preserved, a compromise he approved, provided the throne should +not be hereditary. Events in France travelled more swiftly than he had +anticipated, and Paine was summoned by Lafayette, Condorcet, and others, +as an adviser in the formation of a new constitution. + +Such was the situation immediately preceding the political and literary +duel between Paine and Burke, which in the event turned out a tremendous +war between Royalism and Republicanism in Europe. Paine was, both in +France and in England, the inspirer of moderate counsels. Samuel Rogers +relates that in early life he dined at a friend's house in London +with Thomas Paine, when one of the toasts given was the "memory of +Joshua,"--in allusion to the Hebrew leader's conquest of the kings of +Canaan, and execution of them. Paine observed that he would not treat +kings like Joshua. "I 'm of the Scotch parson's opinion," he said, +"when he prayed against Louis XIV.--`Lord, shake him over the mouth of +hell, but don't let him drop!'" Paine then gave as his toast, "The +Republic of the World,"--which Samuel Rogers, aged twenty-nine, noted +as a sublime idea. This was Paine's faith and hope, and with it he +confronted the revolutionary storms which presently burst over France +and England. + +Until Burke's arraignment of France in his parliamentary speech +(February 9, 1790), Paine had no doubt whatever that he would sympathize +with the movement in France, and wrote to him from that country as +if conveying glad tidings. Burke's "Reflections on the Revolution in +France" appeared November 1, 1790, and Paine at once set himself to +answer it. He was then staying at the Angel Inn, Islington. The inn +has been twice rebuilt since that time, and from its contents there is +preserved only a small image, which perhaps was meant to represent +"Liberty,"--possibly brought from Paris by Paine as an ornament for his +study. From the Angel he removed to a house in Harding Street, Fetter +Lane. Rickman says Part First of "Rights of Man" was finished at +Versailles, but probably this has reference to the preface only, as I +cannot find Paine in France that year until April 8. The book had been +printed by Johnson, in time for the opening of Parliament, in February; +but this publisher became frightened after a few copies were out (there +is one in the British Museum), and the work was transferred to J. S. +Jordan, 166 Fleet Street, with a preface sent from Paris (not contained +in Johnson's edition, nor in the American editions). The pamphlet, +though sold at the same price as Burke's, three shillings, had a vast +circulation, and Paine gave the proceeds to the Constitutional Societies +which sprang up under his teachings in various parts of the country. + +Soon after appeared Burke's "Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs." In +this Burke quoted a good deal from "Rights of Man," but replied to it +only with exclamation points, saying that the only answer such ideas +merited was "criminal justice." Paine's Part Second followed, published +February 17, 1792. In Part First Paine had mentioned a rumor that Burke +was a masked pensioner (a charge that will be noticed in connection with +its detailed statement in a further publication); and as Burke had +been formerly arraigned in Parliament, while Paymaster, for a very +questionable proceeding, this charge no doubt hurt a good deal. Although +the government did not follow Burke's suggestion of a prosecution +at that time, there is little doubt that it was he who induced the +prosecution of Part Second. Before the trial came on, December 18, 1792, +Paine was occupying his seat in the French Convention, and could only be +outlawed. + +Burke humorously remarked to a friend of Paine and himself, "We hunt +in pairs." The severally representative character and influence of these +two men in the revolutionary era, in France and England, deserve more +adequate study than they have received. While Paine maintained freedom +of discussion, Burke first proposed criminal prosecution for sentiments +by no means libellous (such as Paine's Part First). While Paine was +endeavoring to make the movement in France peaceful, Burke fomented the +league of monarchs against France which maddened its people, and brought +on the Reign of Terror. While Paine was endeavoring to preserve the +French throne ("phantom" though he believed it), to prevent bloodshed, +Burke was secretly writing to the Queen of France, entreating her not +to compromise, and to "trust to the support of foreign armies" +("Histoire de France depuis 1789." Henri Martin, i., 151). While Burke +thus helped to bring the King and Queen to the guillotine, Paine pleaded +for their lives to the last moment. While Paine maintained the right of +mankind to improve their condition, Burke held that "the awful Author +of our being is the author of our place in the order of existence; +and that, having disposed and marshalled us by a divine tactick, not +according to our will, but according to his, he has, in and by that +disposition, virtually subjected us to act the part which belongs to +the place assigned us." Paine was a religious believer in eternal +principles; Burke held that "political problems do not primarily +concern truth or falsehood. They relate to good or evil. What in the +result is likely to produce evil is politically false, that which is +productive of good politically is true." Assuming thus the visionary's +right to decide before the result what was "likely to produce evil," +Burke vigorously sought to kindle war against the French Republic which +might have developed itself peacefully, while Paine was striving for +an international Congress in Europe in the interest of peace. Paine +had faith in the people, and believed that, if allowed to choose +representatives, they would select their best and wisest men; and that +while reforming government the people would remain orderly, as they had +generally remained in America during the transition from British rule +to selfgovernment. Burke maintained that if the existing political order +were broken up there would be no longer a people, but "a number of +vague, loose individuals, and nothing more." "Alas!" he exclaims, +"they little know how many a weary step is to be taken before they can +form themselves into a mass, which has a true personality." For the sake +of peace Paine wished the revolution to be peaceful as the advance of +summer; he used every endeavor to reconcile English radicals to some +modus vivendi with the existing order, as he was willing to retain Louis +XVI. as head of the executive in France: Burke resisted every tendency +of English statesmanship to reform at home, or to negotiate with the +French Republic, and was mainly responsible for the King's death and the +war that followed between England and France in February, 1793. Burke +became a royal favorite, Paine was outlawed by a prosecution originally +proposed by Burke. While Paine was demanding religious liberty, Burke +was opposing the removal of penal statutes from Unitarians, on the +ground that but for those statutes Paine might some day set up a church +in England. When Burke was retiring on a large royal pension, Paine +was in prison, through the devices of Burke's confederate, the American +Minister in Paris. So the two men, as Burke said, "hunted in pairs." + +So far as Burke attempts to affirm any principle he is fairly quoted in +Paine's work, and nowhere misrepresented. As for Paine's own ideas, the +reader should remember that "Rights of Man" was the earliest complete +statement of republican principles. They were pronounced to be the +fundamental principles of the American Republic by Jefferson, Madison, +and Jackson,-the three Presidents who above all others represented the +republican idea which Paine first allied with American Independence. +Those who suppose that Paine did but reproduce the principles of +Rousseau and Locke will find by careful study of his well-weighed +language that such is not the case. Paine's political principles were +evolved out of his early Quakerism. He was potential in George Fox. The +belief that every human soul was the child of God, and capable of +direct inspiration from the Father of all, without mediator or priestly +intervention, or sacramental instrumentality, was fatal to all privilege +and rank. The universal Fatherhood implied universal Brotherhood, or +human equality. But the fate of the Quakers proved the necessity of +protecting the individual spirit from oppression by the majority as well +as by privileged classes. For this purpose Paine insisted on surrounding +the individual right with the security of the Declaration of Rights, +not to be invaded by any government; and would reduce government to an +association limited in its operations to the defence of those rights +which the individual is unable, alone, to maintain. + +From the preceding chapter it will be seen that Part Second of "Rights +of Man" was begun by Paine in the spring of 1791. At the close of that +year, or early in 1792, he took up his abode with his friend Thomas +"Clio" Rickman, at No. 7 Upper Marylebone Street. Rickman was a radical +publisher; the house remains still a book-binding establishment, and +seems little changed since Paine therein revised the proofs of Part +Second on a table which Rickman marked with a plate, and which is now in +possession of Mr. Edward Truelove. As the plate states, Paine wrote on +the same table other works which appeared in England in 1792. + +In 1795 D. I. Eaton published an edition of "Rights of Man," with a +preface purporting to have been written by Paine while in Luxembourg +prison. It is manifestly spurious. The genuine English and French +prefaces are given. + + + + +RIGHTS OF MAN + +Being An Answer To Mr. Burke's Attack On The French Revoloution + +By Thomas Paine + +Secretary For Foreign Affairs To Congress In The American War, And +Author Of The Works Entitled "Common Sense" And "A Letter To Abbé +Raynal" + + + + DEDICATION + + George Washington + + President Of The United States Of America + + Sir, + + I present you a small treatise in defence of those principles of + freedom which your exemplary virtue hath so eminently contributed to + establish. That the Rights of Man may become as universal as your + benevolence can wish, and that you may enjoy the happiness of seeing + the New World regenerate the Old, is the prayer of + + Sir, + + Your much obliged, and + + Obedient humble Servant, + + Thomas Paine + + + + +PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION + +From the part Mr. Burke took in the American Revolution, it was natural +that I should consider him a friend to mankind; and as our acquaintance +commenced on that ground, it would have been more agreeable to me to +have had cause to continue in that opinion than to change it. + +At the time Mr. Burke made his violent speech last winter in the English +Parliament against the French Revolution and the National Assembly, I +was in Paris, and had written to him but a short time before to inform +him how prosperously matters were going on. Soon after this I saw his +advertisement of the Pamphlet he intended to publish: As the attack +was to be made in a language but little studied, and less understood in +France, and as everything suffers by translation, I promised some of +the friends of the Revolution in that country that whenever Mr. Burke's +Pamphlet came forth, I would answer it. This appeared to me the more +necessary to be done, when I saw the flagrant misrepresentations which +Mr. Burke's Pamphlet contains; and that while it is an outrageous +abuse on the French Revolution, and the principles of Liberty, it is an +imposition on the rest of the world. + +I am the more astonished and disappointed at this conduct in Mr. Burke, +as (from the circumstances I am going to mention) I had formed other +expectations. + +I had seen enough of the miseries of war, to wish it might never more +have existence in the world, and that some other mode might be found +out to settle the differences that should occasionally arise in the +neighbourhood of nations. This certainly might be done if Courts were +disposed to set honesty about it, or if countries were enlightened +enough not to be made the dupes of Courts. The people of America had +been bred up in the same prejudices against France, which at that time +characterised the people of England; but experience and an acquaintance +with the French Nation have most effectually shown to the Americans the +falsehood of those prejudices; and I do not believe that a more cordial +and confidential intercourse exists between any two countries than +between America and France. + +When I came to France, in the spring of 1787, the Archbishop of +Thoulouse was then Minister, and at that time highly esteemed. I became +much acquainted with the private Secretary of that Minister, a man of +an enlarged benevolent heart; and found that his sentiments and my own +perfectly agreed with respect to the madness of war, and the wretched +impolicy of two nations, like England and France, continually worrying +each other, to no other end than that of a mutual increase of burdens +and taxes. That I might be assured I had not misunderstood him, nor he +me, I put the substance of our opinions into writing and sent it to him; +subjoining a request, that if I should see among the people of England, +any disposition to cultivate a better understanding between the two +nations than had hitherto prevailed, how far I might be authorised +to say that the same disposition prevailed on the part of France? He +answered me by letter in the most unreserved manner, and that not for +himself only, but for the Minister, with whose knowledge the letter was +declared to be written. + +I put this letter into the hands of Mr. Burke almost three years ago, +and left it with him, where it still remains; hoping, and at the same +time naturally expecting, from the opinion I had conceived of him, that +he would find some opportunity of making good use of it, for the purpose +of removing those errors and prejudices which two neighbouring nations, +from the want of knowing each other, had entertained, to the injury of +both. + +When the French Revolution broke out, it certainly afforded to Mr. Burke +an opportunity of doing some good, had he been disposed to it; instead +of which, no sooner did he see the old prejudices wearing away, than he +immediately began sowing the seeds of a new inveteracy, as if he were +afraid that England and France would cease to be enemies. That there are +men in all countries who get their living by war, and by keeping up the +quarrels of Nations, is as shocking as it is true; but when those who +are concerned in the government of a country, make it their study to sow +discord and cultivate prejudices between Nations, it becomes the more +unpardonable. + +With respect to a paragraph in this work alluding to Mr. Burke's having +a pension, the report has been some time in circulation, at least two +months; and as a person is often the last to hear what concerns him +the most to know, I have mentioned it, that Mr. Burke may have an +opportunity of contradicting the rumour, if he thinks proper. + + Thomas Paine + + + + +PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE FRENCH EDITION + +The astonishment which the French Revolution has caused throughout +Europe should be considered from two different points of view: first as +it affects foreign peoples, secondly as it affects their governments. + +The cause of the French people is that of all Europe, or rather of the +whole world; but the governments of all those countries are by no means +favorable to it. It is important that we should never lose sight of this +distinction. We must not confuse the peoples with their governments; +especially not the English people with its government. + +The government of England is no friend of the revolution of France. +Of this we have sufficient proofs in the thanks given by that weak and +witless person, the Elector of Hanover, sometimes called the King of +England, to Mr. Burke for the insults heaped on it in his book, and in +the malevolent comments of the English Minister, Pitt, in his speeches +in Parliament. + +In spite of the professions of sincerest friendship found in the +official correspondence of the English government with that of France, +its conduct gives the lie to all its declarations, and shows us clearly +that it is not a court to be trusted, but an insane court, plunging in +all the quarrels and intrigues of Europe, in quest of a war to satisfy +its folly and countenance its extravagance. + +The English nation, on the contrary, is very favorably disposed towards +the French Revolution, and to the progress of liberty in the whole +world; and this feeling will become more general in England as the +intrigues and artifices of its government are better known, and the +principles of the revolution better understood. The French should know +that most English newspapers are directly in the pay of government, or, +if indirectly connected with it, always under its orders; and that those +papers constantly distort and attack the revolution in France in order +to deceive the nation. But, as it is impossible long to prevent the +prevalence of truth, the daily falsehoods of those papers no longer have +the desired effect. + +To be convinced that the voice of truth has been stifled in England, the +world needs only to be told that the government regards and prosecutes +as a libel that which it should protect.*[1] This outrage on morality is +called law, and judges are found wicked enough to inflict penalties on +truth. + +The English government presents, just now, a curious phenomenon. Seeing +that the French and English nations are getting rid of the prejudices +and false notions formerly entertained against each other, and which +have cost them so much money, that government seems to be placarding its +need of a foe; for unless it finds one somewhere, no pretext exists for +the enormous revenue and taxation now deemed necessary. + +Therefore it seeks in Russia the enemy it has lost in France, and +appears to say to the universe, or to say to itself. "If nobody will be +so kind as to become my foe, I shall need no more fleets nor armies, +and shall be forced to reduce my taxes. The American war enabled me to +double the taxes; the Dutch business to add more; the Nootka humbug gave +me a pretext for raising three millions sterling more; but unless I can +make an enemy of Russia the harvest from wars will end. I was the first +to incite Turk against Russian, and now I hope to reap a fresh crop of +taxes." + +If the miseries of war, and the flood of evils it spreads over a +country, did not check all inclination to mirth, and turn laughter +into grief, the frantic conduct of the government of England would only +excite ridicule. But it is impossible to banish from one's mind the +images of suffering which the contemplation of such vicious policy +presents. To reason with governments, as they have existed for ages, +is to argue with brutes. It is only from the nations themselves that +reforms can be expected. There ought not now to exist any doubt that the +peoples of France, England, and America, enlightened and enlightening +each other, shall henceforth be able, not merely to give the world an +example of good government, but by their united influence enforce its +practice. + +(Translated from the French) + + + + +RIGHTS OF MAN. PART THE FIRST BEING AN ANSWER TO MR. BURKE'S ATTACK ON +THE FRENCH REVOLUTION + + +Among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and +irritate each other, Mr. Burke's pamphlet on the French Revolution is an +extraordinary instance. Neither the People of France, nor the National +Assembly, were troubling themselves about the affairs of England, or +the English Parliament; and that Mr. Burke should commence an unprovoked +attack upon them, both in Parliament and in public, is a conduct that +cannot be pardoned on the score of manners, nor justified on that of +policy. + +There is scarcely an epithet of abuse to be found in the English +language, with which Mr. Burke has not loaded the French Nation and the +National Assembly. Everything which rancour, prejudice, ignorance or +knowledge could suggest, is poured forth in the copious fury of near +four hundred pages. In the strain and on the plan Mr. Burke was writing, +he might have written on to as many thousands. When the tongue or the +pen is let loose in a frenzy of passion, it is the man, and not the +subject, that becomes exhausted. + +Hitherto Mr. Burke has been mistaken and disappointed in the opinions +he had formed of the affairs of France; but such is the ingenuity of his +hope, or the malignancy of his despair, that it furnishes him with new +pretences to go on. There was a time when it was impossible to make Mr. +Burke believe there would be any Revolution in France. His opinion then +was, that the French had neither spirit to undertake it nor fortitude to +support it; and now that there is one, he seeks an escape by condemning +it. + +Not sufficiently content with abusing the National Assembly, a great +part of his work is taken up with abusing Dr. Price (one of the +best-hearted men that lives) and the two societies in England known by +the name of the Revolution Society and the Society for Constitutional +Information. + +Dr. Price had preached a sermon on the 4th of November, 1789, being +the anniversary of what is called in England the Revolution, which took +place 1688. Mr. Burke, speaking of this sermon, says: "The political +Divine proceeds dogmatically to assert, that by the principles of +the Revolution, the people of England have acquired three fundamental +rights: + +1. To choose our own governors. + +2. To cashier them for misconduct. + +3. To frame a government for ourselves." + +Dr. Price does not say that the right to do these things exists in this +or in that person, or in this or in that description of persons, but +that it exists in the whole; that it is a right resident in the nation. +Mr. Burke, on the contrary, denies that such a right exists in the +nation, either in whole or in part, or that it exists anywhere; and, +what is still more strange and marvellous, he says: "that the people +of England utterly disclaim such a right, and that they will resist +the practical assertion of it with their lives and fortunes." That men +should take up arms and spend their lives and fortunes, not to maintain +their rights, but to maintain they have not rights, is an entirely new +species of discovery, and suited to the paradoxical genius of Mr. Burke. + +The method which Mr. Burke takes to prove that the people of England +have no such rights, and that such rights do not now exist in the +nation, either in whole or in part, or anywhere at all, is of the same +marvellous and monstrous kind with what he has already said; for his +arguments are that the persons, or the generation of persons, in whom +they did exist, are dead, and with them the right is dead also. To prove +this, he quotes a declaration made by Parliament about a hundred years +ago, to William and Mary, in these words: "The Lords Spiritual and +Temporal, and Commons, do, in the name of the people aforesaid" (meaning +the people of England then living) "most humbly and faithfully submit +themselves, their heirs and posterities, for Ever." He quotes a clause +of another Act of Parliament made in the same reign, the terms of which +he says, "bind us" (meaning the people of their day), "our heirs and our +posterity, to them, their heirs and posterity, to the end of time." + +Mr. Burke conceives his point sufficiently established by producing +those clauses, which he enforces by saying that they exclude the +right of the nation for ever. And not yet content with making such +declarations, repeated over and over again, he farther says, "that if +the people of England possessed such a right before the Revolution" +(which he acknowledges to have been the case, not only in England, but +throughout Europe, at an early period), "yet that the English Nation +did, at the time of the Revolution, most solemnly renounce and abdicate +it, for themselves, and for all their posterity, for ever." + +As Mr. Burke occasionally applies the poison drawn from his horrid +principles, not only to the English nation, but to the French Revolution +and the National Assembly, and charges that august, illuminated and +illuminating body of men with the epithet of usurpers, I shall, sans +ceremonie, place another system of principles in opposition to his. + +The English Parliament of 1688 did a certain thing, which, for +themselves and their constituents, they had a right to do, and which +it appeared right should be done. But, in addition to this right, which +they possessed by delegation, they set up another right by assumption, +that of binding and controlling posterity to the end of time. The case, +therefore, divides itself into two parts; the right which they possessed +by delegation, and the right which they set up by assumption. The first +is admitted; but with respect to the second, I reply: There never +did, there never will, and there never can, exist a Parliament, or any +description of men, or any generation of men, in any country, possessed +of the right or the power of binding and controlling posterity to +the "end of time," or of commanding for ever how the world shall be +governed, or who shall govern it; and therefore all such clauses, acts +or declarations by which the makers of them attempt to do what they have +neither the right nor the power to do, nor the power to execute, are in +themselves null and void. Every age and generation must be as free to +act for itself in all cases as the age and generations which preceded +it. The vanity and presumption of governing beyond the grave is the most +ridiculous and insolent of all tyrannies. Man has no property in man; +neither has any generation a property in the generations which are to +follow. The Parliament or the people of 1688, or of any other period, +had no more right to dispose of the people of the present day, or to +bind or to control them in any shape whatever, than the parliament or +the people of the present day have to dispose of, bind or control those +who are to live a hundred or a thousand years hence. Every generation +is, and must be, competent to all the purposes which its occasions +require. It is the living, and not the dead, that are to be +accommodated. When man ceases to be, his power and his wants cease with +him; and having no longer any participation in the concerns of this +world, he has no longer any authority in directing who shall be +its governors, or how its government shall be organised, or how +administered. + +I am not contending for nor against any form of government, nor for nor +against any party, here or elsewhere. That which a whole nation chooses +to do it has a right to do. Mr. Burke says, No. Where, then, does the +right exist? I am contending for the rights of the living, and against +their being willed away and controlled and contracted for by the +manuscript assumed authority of the dead, and Mr. Burke is contending +for the authority of the dead over the rights and freedom of the living. +There was a time when kings disposed of their crowns by will upon their +death-beds, and consigned the people, like beasts of the field, to +whatever successor they appointed. This is now so exploded as scarcely +to be remembered, and so monstrous as hardly to be believed. But the +Parliamentary clauses upon which Mr. Burke builds his political church +are of the same nature. + +The laws of every country must be analogous to some common principle. +In England no parent or master, nor all the authority of Parliament, +omnipotent as it has called itself, can bind or control the personal +freedom even of an individual beyond the age of twenty-one years. On +what ground of right, then, could the Parliament of 1688, or any other +Parliament, bind all posterity for ever? + +Those who have quitted the world, and those who have not yet arrived +at it, are as remote from each other as the utmost stretch of mortal +imagination can conceive. What possible obligation, then, can exist +between them--what rule or principle can be laid down that of two +nonentities, the one out of existence and the other not in, and who +never can meet in this world, the one should control the other to the +end of time? + +In England it is said that money cannot be taken out of the pockets +of the people without their consent. But who authorised, or who could +authorise, the Parliament of 1688 to control and take away the freedom +of posterity (who were not in existence to give or to withhold their +consent) and limit and confine their right of acting in certain cases +for ever? + +A greater absurdity cannot present itself to the understanding of man +than what Mr. Burke offers to his readers. He tells them, and he tells +the world to come, that a certain body of men who existed a hundred +years ago made a law, and that there does not exist in the nation, nor +ever will, nor ever can, a power to alter it. Under how many subtilties +or absurdities has the divine right to govern been imposed on the +credulity of mankind? Mr. Burke has discovered a new one, and he +has shortened his journey to Rome by appealing to the power of this +infallible Parliament of former days, and he produces what it has done +as of divine authority, for that power must certainly be more than human +which no human power to the end of time can alter. + +But Mr. Burke has done some service--not to his cause, but to his +country--by bringing those clauses into public view. They serve to +demonstrate how necessary it is at all times to watch against the +attempted encroachment of power, and to prevent its running to excess. +It is somewhat extraordinary that the offence for which James II. was +expelled, that of setting up power by assumption, should be re-acted, +under another shape and form, by the Parliament that expelled him. It +shows that the Rights of Man were but imperfectly understood at the +Revolution, for certain it is that the right which that Parliament set +up by assumption (for by the delegation it had not, and could not +have it, because none could give it) over the persons and freedom of +posterity for ever was of the same tyrannical unfounded kind which James +attempted to set up over the Parliament and the nation, and for which he +was expelled. The only difference is (for in principle they differ not) +that the one was an usurper over living, and the other over the unborn; +and as the one has no better authority to stand upon than the other, +both of them must be equally null and void, and of no effect. + +From what, or from whence, does Mr. Burke prove the right of any human +power to bind posterity for ever? He has produced his clauses, but he +must produce also his proofs that such a right existed, and show how it +existed. If it ever existed it must now exist, for whatever appertains +to the nature of man cannot be annihilated by man. It is the nature of +man to die, and he will continue to die as long as he continues to be +born. But Mr. Burke has set up a sort of political Adam, in whom all +posterity are bound for ever. He must, therefore, prove that his Adam +possessed such a power, or such a right. + +The weaker any cord is, the less will it bear to be stretched, and the +worse is the policy to stretch it, unless it is intended to break it. +Had anyone proposed the overthrow of Mr. Burke's positions, he would +have proceeded as Mr. Burke has done. He would have magnified the +authorities, on purpose to have called the right of them into question; +and the instant the question of right was started, the authorities must +have been given up. + +It requires but a very small glance of thought to perceive that although +laws made in one generation often continue in force through succeeding +generations, yet they continue to derive their force from the consent of +the living. A law not repealed continues in force, not because it cannot +be repealed, but because it is not repealed; and the non-repealing +passes for consent. + +But Mr. Burke's clauses have not even this qualification in their +favour. They become null, by attempting to become immortal. The nature +of them precludes consent. They destroy the right which they might have, +by grounding it on a right which they cannot have. Immortal power is +not a human right, and therefore cannot be a right of Parliament. The +Parliament of 1688 might as well have passed an act to have authorised +themselves to live for ever, as to make their authority live for ever. +All, therefore, that can be said of those clauses is that they are a +formality of words, of as much import as if those who used them had +addressed a congratulation to themselves, and in the oriental style of +antiquity had said: O Parliament, live for ever! + +The circumstances of the world are continually changing, and the +opinions of men change also; and as government is for the living, and +not for the dead, it is the living only that has any right in it. +That which may be thought right and found convenient in one age may be +thought wrong and found inconvenient in another. In such cases, who is +to decide, the living or the dead? + +As almost one hundred pages of Mr. Burke's book are employed upon these +clauses, it will consequently follow that if the clauses themselves, so +far as they set up an assumed usurped dominion over posterity for ever, +are unauthoritative, and in their nature null and void; that all his +voluminous inferences, and declamation drawn therefrom, or founded +thereon, are null and void also; and on this ground I rest the matter. + +We now come more particularly to the affairs of France. Mr. Burke's book +has the appearance of being written as instruction to the French nation; +but if I may permit myself the use of an extravagant metaphor, suited +to the extravagance of the case, it is darkness attempting to illuminate +light. + +While I am writing this there are accidentally before me some proposals +for a declaration of rights by the Marquis de la Fayette (I ask his +pardon for using his former address, and do it only for distinction's +sake) to the National Assembly, on the 11th of July, 1789, three +days before the taking of the Bastille, and I cannot but remark with +astonishment how opposite the sources are from which that gentleman and +Mr. Burke draw their principles. Instead of referring to musty records +and mouldy parchments to prove that the rights of the living are lost, +"renounced and abdicated for ever," by those who are now no more, as +Mr. Burke has done, M. de la Fayette applies to the living world, +and emphatically says: "Call to mind the sentiments which nature has +engraved on the heart of every citizen, and which take a new force when +they are solemnly recognised by all:--For a nation to love liberty, it +is sufficient that she knows it; and to be free, it is sufficient that +she wills it." How dry, barren, and obscure is the source from which Mr. +Burke labors! and how ineffectual, though gay with flowers, are all his +declamation and his arguments compared with these clear, concise, and +soul-animating sentiments! Few and short as they are, they lead on to a +vast field of generous and manly thinking, and do not finish, like Mr. +Burke's periods, with music in the ear, and nothing in the heart. + +As I have introduced M. de la Fayette, I will take the liberty of adding +an anecdote respecting his farewell address to the Congress of America +in 1783, and which occurred fresh to my mind, when I saw Mr. Burke's +thundering attack on the French Revolution. M. de la Fayette went to +America at the early period of the war, and continued a volunteer in her +service to the end. His conduct through the whole of that enterprise is +one of the most extraordinary that is to be found in the history of a +young man, scarcely twenty years of age. Situated in a country that was +like the lap of sensual pleasure, and with the means of enjoying it, how +few are there to be found who would exchange such a scene for the woods +and wildernesses of America, and pass the flowery years of youth in +unprofitable danger and hardship! but such is the fact. When the +war ended, and he was on the point of taking his final departure, he +presented himself to Congress, and contemplating in his affectionate +farewell the Revolution he had seen, expressed himself in these words: +"May this great monument raised to liberty serve as a lesson to the +oppressor, and an example to the oppressed!" When this address came to +the hands of Dr. Franklin, who was then in France, he applied to Count +Vergennes to have it inserted in the French Gazette, but never +could obtain his consent. The fact was that Count Vergennes was an +aristocratical despot at home, and dreaded the example of the American +Revolution in France, as certain other persons now dread the example of +the French Revolution in England, and Mr. Burke's tribute of fear (for +in this light his book must be considered) runs parallel with Count +Vergennes' refusal. But to return more particularly to his work. + +"We have seen," says Mr. Burke, "the French rebel against a mild and +lawful monarch, with more fury, outrage, and insult, than any people +has been known to rise against the most illegal usurper, or the most +sanguinary tyrant." This is one among a thousand other instances, in +which Mr. Burke shows that he is ignorant of the springs and principles +of the French Revolution. + +It was not against Louis XVI. but against the despotic principles of +the Government, that the nation revolted. These principles had not their +origin in him, but in the original establishment, many centuries back: +and they were become too deeply rooted to be removed, and the Augean +stables of parasites and plunderers too abominably filthy to be cleansed +by anything short of a complete and universal Revolution. When it +becomes necessary to do anything, the whole heart and soul should go +into the measure, or not attempt it. That crisis was then arrived, and +there remained no choice but to act with determined vigor, or not to +act at all. The king was known to be the friend of the nation, and this +circumstance was favorable to the enterprise. Perhaps no man bred up in +the style of an absolute king, ever possessed a heart so little disposed +to the exercise of that species of power as the present King of France. +But the principles of the Government itself still remained the same. The +Monarch and the Monarchy were distinct and separate things; and it was +against the established despotism of the latter, and not against the +person or principles of the former, that the revolt commenced, and the +Revolution has been carried. + +Mr. Burke does not attend to the distinction between men and principles, +and, therefore, he does not see that a revolt may take place against the +despotism of the latter, while there lies no charge of despotism against +the former. + +The natural moderation of Louis XVI. contributed nothing to alter +the hereditary despotism of the monarchy. All the tyrannies of former +reigns, acted under that hereditary despotism, were still liable to be +revived in the hands of a successor. It was not the respite of a reign +that would satisfy France, enlightened as she was then become. A casual +discontinuance of the practice of despotism, is not a discontinuance of +its principles: the former depends on the virtue of the individual who +is in immediate possession of the power; the latter, on the virtue and +fortitude of the nation. In the case of Charles I. and James II. of +England, the revolt was against the personal despotism of the men; +whereas in France, it was against the hereditary despotism of the +established Government. But men who can consign over the rights of +posterity for ever on the authority of a mouldy parchment, like Mr. +Burke, are not qualified to judge of this Revolution. It takes in +a field too vast for their views to explore, and proceeds with a +mightiness of reason they cannot keep pace with. + +But there are many points of view in which this Revolution may be +considered. When despotism has established itself for ages in a country, +as in France, it is not in the person of the king only that it resides. +It has the appearance of being so in show, and in nominal authority; but +it is not so in practice and in fact. It has its standard everywhere. +Every office and department has its despotism, founded upon custom and +usage. Every place has its Bastille, and every Bastille its despot. +The original hereditary despotism resident in the person of the king, +divides and sub-divides itself into a thousand shapes and forms, till +at last the whole of it is acted by deputation. This was the case in +France; and against this species of despotism, proceeding on through +an endless labyrinth of office till the source of it is scarcely +perceptible, there is no mode of redress. It strengthens itself by +assuming the appearance of duty, and tyrannizes under the pretence of +obeying. + +When a man reflects on the condition which France was in from the nature +of her government, he will see other causes for revolt than those which +immediately connect themselves with the person or character of Louis +XVI. There were, if I may so express it, a thousand despotisms to be +reformed in France, which had grown up under the hereditary despotism +of the monarchy, and became so rooted as to be in a great measure +independent of it. Between the Monarchy, the Parliament, and the +Church there was a rivalship of despotism; besides the feudal despotism +operating locally, and the ministerial despotism operating everywhere. +But Mr. Burke, by considering the king as the only possible object of +a revolt, speaks as if France was a village, in which everything that +passed must be known to its commanding officer, and no oppression could +be acted but what he could immediately control. Mr. Burke might have +been in the Bastille his whole life, as well under Louis XVI. as Louis +XIV., and neither the one nor the other have known that such a man as +Burke existed. The despotic principles of the government were the same +in both reigns, though the dispositions of the men were as remote as +tyranny and benevolence. + +What Mr. Burke considers as a reproach to the French Revolution (that of +bringing it forward under a reign more mild than the preceding ones) +is one of its highest honors. The Revolutions that have taken place in +other European countries, have been excited by personal hatred. The rage +was against the man, and he became the victim. But, in the instance of +France we see a Revolution generated in the rational contemplation of +the Rights of Man, and distinguishing from the beginning between persons +and principles. + +But Mr. Burke appears to have no idea of principles when he is +contemplating Governments. "Ten years ago," says he, "I could have +felicitated France on her having a Government, without inquiring what +the nature of that Government was, or how it was administered." Is this +the language of a rational man? Is it the language of a heart feeling as +it ought to feel for the rights and happiness of the human race? On +this ground, Mr. Burke must compliment all the Governments in the world, +while the victims who suffer under them, whether sold into slavery, or +tortured out of existence, are wholly forgotten. It is power, and +not principles, that Mr. Burke venerates; and under this abominable +depravity he is disqualified to judge between them. Thus much for his +opinion as to the occasions of the French Revolution. I now proceed to +other considerations. + +I know a place in America called Point-no-Point, because as you proceed +along the shore, gay and flowery as Mr. Burke's language, it continually +recedes and presents itself at a distance before you; but when you have +got as far as you can go, there is no point at all. Just thus it is with +Mr. Burke's three hundred and sixty-six pages. It is therefore difficult +to reply to him. But as the points he wishes to establish may be +inferred from what he abuses, it is in his paradoxes that we must look +for his arguments. + +As to the tragic paintings by which Mr. Burke has outraged his own +imagination, and seeks to work upon that of his readers, they are +very well calculated for theatrical representation, where facts are +manufactured for the sake of show, and accommodated to produce, through +the weakness of sympathy, a weeping effect. But Mr. Burke should +recollect that he is writing history, and not plays, and that his +readers will expect truth, and not the spouting rant of high-toned +exclamation. + +When we see a man dramatically lamenting in a publication intended to be +believed that "The age of chivalry is gone! that The glory of Europe is +extinguished for ever! that The unbought grace of life (if anyone knows +what it is), the cheap defence of nations, the nurse of manly sentiment +and heroic enterprise is gone!" and all this because the Quixot age of +chivalry nonsense is gone, what opinion can we form of his judgment, or +what regard can we pay to his facts? In the rhapsody of his imagination +he has discovered a world of wind mills, and his sorrows are that there +are no Quixots to attack them. But if the age of aristocracy, like that +of chivalry, should fall (and they had originally some connection) Mr. +Burke, the trumpeter of the Order, may continue his parody to the end, +and finish with exclaiming: "Othello's occupation's gone!" + +Notwithstanding Mr. Burke's horrid paintings, when the French Revolution +is compared with the Revolutions of other countries, the astonishment +will be that it is marked with so few sacrifices; but this astonishment +will cease when we reflect that principles, and not persons, were the +meditated objects of destruction. The mind of the nation was acted +upon by a higher stimulus than what the consideration of persons could +inspire, and sought a higher conquest than could be produced by the +downfall of an enemy. Among the few who fell there do not appear to be +any that were intentionally singled out. They all of them had their fate +in the circumstances of the moment, and were not pursued with that long, +cold-blooded unabated revenge which pursued the unfortunate Scotch in +the affair of 1745. + +Through the whole of Mr. Burke's book I do not observe that the Bastille +is mentioned more than once, and that with a kind of implication as if +he were sorry it was pulled down, and wished it were built up again. "We +have rebuilt Newgate," says he, "and tenanted the mansion; and we have +prisons almost as strong as the Bastille for those who dare to libel the +queens of France."*[2] As to what a madman like the person called Lord +George Gordon might say, and to whom Newgate is rather a bedlam than a +prison, it is unworthy a rational consideration. It was a madman that +libelled, and that is sufficient apology; and it afforded an opportunity +for confining him, which was the thing that was wished for. But certain +it is that Mr. Burke, who does not call himself a madman (whatever other +people may do), has libelled in the most unprovoked manner, and in +the grossest style of the most vulgar abuse, the whole representative +authority of France, and yet Mr. Burke takes his seat in the British +House of Commons! From his violence and his grief, his silence on some +points and his excess on others, it is difficult not to believe that Mr. +Burke is sorry, extremely sorry, that arbitrary power, the power of the +Pope and the Bastille, are pulled down. + +Not one glance of compassion, not one commiserating reflection that I +can find throughout his book, has he bestowed on those who lingered out +the most wretched of lives, a life without hope in the most miserable of +prisons. It is painful to behold a man employing his talents to corrupt +himself. Nature has been kinder to Mr. Burke than he is to her. He is +not affected by the reality of distress touching his heart, but by the +showy resemblance of it striking his imagination. He pities the plumage, +but forgets the dying bird. Accustomed to kiss the aristocratical hand +that hath purloined him from himself, he degenerates into a composition +of art, and the genuine soul of nature forsakes him. His hero or his +heroine must be a tragedy-victim expiring in show, and not the real +prisoner of misery, sliding into death in the silence of a dungeon. + +As Mr. Burke has passed over the whole transaction of the Bastille (and +his silence is nothing in his favour), and has entertained his readers +with refections on supposed facts distorted into real falsehoods, I will +give, since he has not, some account of the circumstances which preceded +that transaction. They will serve to show that less mischief could +scarcely have accompanied such an event when considered with the +treacherous and hostile aggravations of the enemies of the Revolution. + +The mind can hardly picture to itself a more tremendous scene than what +the city of Paris exhibited at the time of taking the Bastille, and for +two days before and after, nor perceive the possibility of its quieting +so soon. At a distance this transaction has appeared only as an act of +heroism standing on itself, and the close political connection it had +with the Revolution is lost in the brilliancy of the achievement. But +we are to consider it as the strength of the parties brought man to man, +and contending for the issue. The Bastille was to be either the prize +or the prison of the assailants. The downfall of it included the idea +of the downfall of despotism, and this compounded image was become as +figuratively united as Bunyan's Doubting Castle and Giant Despair. + +The National Assembly, before and at the time of taking the Bastille, +was sitting at Versailles, twelve miles distant from Paris. About a week +before the rising of the Partisans, and their taking the Bastille, it +was discovered that a plot was forming, at the head of which was +the Count D'Artois, the king's youngest brother, for demolishing the +National Assembly, seizing its members, and thereby crushing, by a coup +de main, all hopes and prospects of forming a free government. For +the sake of humanity, as well as freedom, it is well this plan did not +succeed. Examples are not wanting to show how dreadfully vindictive and +cruel are all old governments, when they are successful against what +they call a revolt. + +This plan must have been some time in contemplation; because, in order +to carry it into execution, it was necessary to collect a large military +force round Paris, and cut off the communication between that city +and the National Assembly at Versailles. The troops destined for this +service were chiefly the foreign troops in the pay of France, and who, +for this particular purpose, were drawn from the distant provinces where +they were then stationed. When they were collected to the amount of +between twenty-five and thirty thousand, it was judged time to put the +plan into execution. The ministry who were then in office, and who were +friendly to the Revolution, were instantly dismissed and a new ministry +formed of those who had concerted the project, among whom was Count de +Broglio, and to his share was given the command of those troops. +The character of this man as described to me in a letter which I +communicated to Mr. Burke before he began to write his book, and from +an authority which Mr. Burke well knows was good, was that of "a +high-flying aristocrat, cool, and capable of every mischief." + +While these matters were agitating, the National Assembly stood in the +most perilous and critical situation that a body of men can be supposed +to act in. They were the devoted victims, and they knew it. They had the +hearts and wishes of their country on their side, but military authority +they had none. The guards of Broglio surrounded the hall where the +Assembly sat, ready, at the word of command, to seize their persons, +as had been done the year before to the Parliament of Paris. Had the +National Assembly deserted their trust, or had they exhibited signs of +weakness or fear, their enemies had been encouraged and their country +depressed. When the situation they stood in, the cause they were engaged +in, and the crisis then ready to burst, which should determine their +personal and political fate and that of their country, and probably of +Europe, are taken into one view, none but a heart callous with prejudice +or corrupted by dependence can avoid interesting itself in their +success. + +The Archbishop of Vienne was at this time President of the National +Assembly--a person too old to undergo the scene that a few days or a few +hours might bring forth. A man of more activity and bolder fortitude +was necessary, and the National Assembly chose (under the form of a +Vice-President, for the Presidency still resided in the Archbishop) M. +de la Fayette; and this is the only instance of a Vice-President being +chosen. It was at the moment that this storm was pending (July 11th) +that a declaration of rights was brought forward by M. de la Fayette, +and is the same which is alluded to earlier. It was hastily drawn up, +and makes only a part of the more extensive declaration of rights agreed +upon and adopted afterwards by the National Assembly. The particular +reason for bringing it forward at this moment (M. de la Fayette has +since informed me) was that, if the National Assembly should fall in +the threatened destruction that then surrounded it, some trace of its +principles might have the chance of surviving the wreck. + +Everything now was drawing to a crisis. The event was freedom or +slavery. On one side, an army of nearly thirty thousand men; on the +other, an unarmed body of citizens--for the citizens of Paris, on whom +the National Assembly must then immediately depend, were as unarmed and +as undisciplined as the citizens of London are now. The French guards +had given strong symptoms of their being attached to the national cause; +but their numbers were small, not a tenth part of the force that Broglio +commanded, and their officers were in the interest of Broglio. + +Matters being now ripe for execution, the new ministry made their +appearance in office. The reader will carry in his mind that the +Bastille was taken the 14th July; the point of time I am now speaking of +is the 12th. Immediately on the news of the change of ministry reaching +Paris, in the afternoon, all the playhouses and places of entertainment, +shops and houses, were shut up. The change of ministry was considered as +the prelude of hostilities, and the opinion was rightly founded. + +The foreign troops began to advance towards the city. The Prince de +Lambesc, who commanded a body of German cavalry, approached by the Place +of Louis Xv., which connects itself with some of the streets. In his +march, he insulted and struck an old man with a sword. The French are +remarkable for their respect to old age; and the insolence with which it +appeared to be done, uniting with the general fermentation they were +in, produced a powerful effect, and a cry of "To arms! to arms!" spread +itself in a moment over the city. + +Arms they had none, nor scarcely anyone who knew the use of them; but +desperate resolution, when every hope is at stake, supplies, for a +while, the want of arms. Near where the Prince de Lambesc was drawn up, +were large piles of stones collected for building the new bridge, and +with these the people attacked the cavalry. A party of French guards +upon hearing the firing, rushed from their quarters and joined the +people; and night coming on, the cavalry retreated. + +The streets of Paris, being narrow, are favourable for defence, and the +loftiness of the houses, consisting of many stories, from which great +annoyance might be given, secured them against nocturnal enterprises; +and the night was spent in providing themselves with every sort of +weapon they could make or procure: guns, swords, blacksmiths' hammers, +carpenters' axes, iron crows, pikes, halberts, pitchforks, spits, clubs, +etc., etc. The incredible numbers in which they assembled the next +morning, and the still more incredible resolution they exhibited, +embarrassed and astonished their enemies. Little did the new ministry +expect such a salute. Accustomed to slavery themselves, they had no idea +that liberty was capable of such inspiration, or that a body of unarmed +citizens would dare to face the military force of thirty thousand men. +Every moment of this day was employed in collecting arms, concerting +plans, and arranging themselves into the best order which such an +instantaneous movement could afford. Broglio continued lying round the +city, but made no further advances this day, and the succeeding night +passed with as much tranquility as such a scene could possibly produce. + +But defence only was not the object of the citizens. They had a cause +at stake, on which depended their freedom or their slavery. They every +moment expected an attack, or to hear of one made on the National +Assembly; and in such a situation, the most prompt measures are +sometimes the best. The object that now presented itself was the +Bastille; and the eclat of carrying such a fortress in the face of such +an army, could not fail to strike terror into the new ministry, who had +scarcely yet had time to meet. By some intercepted correspondence this +morning, it was discovered that the Mayor of Paris, M. Defflesselles, +who appeared to be in the interest of the citizens, was betraying them; +and from this discovery, there remained no doubt that Broglio would +reinforce the Bastille the ensuing evening. It was therefore necessary +to attack it that day; but before this could be done, it was first +necessary to procure a better supply of arms than they were then +possessed of. + +There was, adjoining to the city a large magazine of arms deposited at +the Hospital of the Invalids, which the citizens summoned to surrender; +and as the place was neither defensible, nor attempted much defence, +they soon succeeded. Thus supplied, they marched to attack the Bastille; +a vast mixed multitude of all ages, and of all degrees, armed with all +sorts of weapons. Imagination would fail in describing to itself the +appearance of such a procession, and of the anxiety of the events which +a few hours or a few minutes might produce. What plans the ministry +were forming, were as unknown to the people within the city, as what +the citizens were doing was unknown to the ministry; and what movements +Broglio might make for the support or relief of the place, were to the +citizens equally as unknown. All was mystery and hazard. + +That the Bastille was attacked with an enthusiasm of heroism, such only +as the highest animation of liberty could inspire, and carried in the +space of a few hours, is an event which the world is fully possessed of. +I am not undertaking the detail of the attack, but bringing into view +the conspiracy against the nation which provoked it, and which fell +with the Bastille. The prison to which the new ministry were dooming the +National Assembly, in addition to its being the high altar and castle of +despotism, became the proper object to begin with. This enterprise +broke up the new ministry, who began now to fly from the ruin they had +prepared for others. The troops of Broglio dispersed, and himself fled +also. + +Mr. Burke has spoken a great deal about plots, but he has never once +spoken of this plot against the National Assembly, and the liberties +of the nation; and that he might not, he has passed over all the +circumstances that might throw it in his way. The exiles who have fled +from France, whose case he so much interests himself in, and from whom +he has had his lesson, fled in consequence of the miscarriage of this +plot. No plot was formed against them; they were plotting against +others; and those who fell, met, not unjustly, the punishment they +were preparing to execute. But will Mr. Burke say that if this plot, +contrived with the subtilty of an ambuscade, had succeeded, the +successful party would have restrained their wrath so soon? Let the +history of all governments answer the question. + +Whom has the National Assembly brought to the scaffold? None. They +were themselves the devoted victims of this plot, and they have not +retaliated; why, then, are they charged with revenge they have not +acted? In the tremendous breaking forth of a whole people, in which all +degrees, tempers and characters are confounded, delivering themselves, +by a miracle of exertion, from the destruction meditated against them, +is it to be expected that nothing will happen? When men are sore with +the sense of oppressions, and menaced with the prospects of new ones, +is the calmness of philosophy or the palsy of insensibility to be looked +for? Mr. Burke exclaims against outrage; yet the greatest is that which +himself has committed. His book is a volume of outrage, not apologised +for by the impulse of a moment, but cherished through a space of ten +months; yet Mr. Burke had no provocation--no life, no interest, at +stake. + +More of the citizens fell in this struggle than of their opponents: but +four or five persons were seized by the populace, and instantly put to +death; the Governor of the Bastille, and the Mayor of Paris, who was +detected in the act of betraying them; and afterwards Foulon, one of the +new ministry, and Berthier, his son-in-law, who had accepted the office +of intendant of Paris. Their heads were stuck upon spikes, and carried +about the city; and it is upon this mode of punishment that Mr. Burke +builds a great part of his tragic scene. Let us therefore examine how +men came by the idea of punishing in this manner. + +They learn it from the governments they live under; and retaliate the +punishments they have been accustomed to behold. The heads stuck upon +spikes, which remained for years upon Temple Bar, differed nothing in +the horror of the scene from those carried about upon spikes at Paris; +yet this was done by the English Government. It may perhaps be said that +it signifies nothing to a man what is done to him after he is dead; but +it signifies much to the living; it either tortures their feelings or +hardens their hearts, and in either case it instructs them how to punish +when power falls into their hands. + +Lay then the axe to the root, and teach governments humanity. It is +their sanguinary punishments which corrupt mankind. In England the +punishment in certain cases is by hanging, drawing and quartering; +the heart of the sufferer is cut out and held up to the view of the +populace. In France, under the former Government, the punishments were +not less barbarous. Who does not remember the execution of Damien, torn +to pieces by horses? The effect of those cruel spectacles exhibited to +the populace is to destroy tenderness or excite revenge; and by the +base and false idea of governing men by terror, instead of reason, +they become precedents. It is over the lowest class of mankind that +government by terror is intended to operate, and it is on them that it +operates to the worst effect. They have sense enough to feel they are +the objects aimed at; and they inflict in their turn the examples of +terror they have been instructed to practise. + +There is in all European countries a large class of people of that +description, which in England is called the "mob." Of this class were +those who committed the burnings and devastations in London in 1780, and +of this class were those who carried the heads on iron spikes in Paris. +Foulon and Berthier were taken up in the country, and sent to Paris, +to undergo their examination at the Hotel de Ville; for the National +Assembly, immediately on the new ministry coming into office, passed a +decree, which they communicated to the King and Cabinet, that they (the +National Assembly) would hold the ministry, of which Foulon was one, +responsible for the measures they were advising and pursuing; but the +mob, incensed at the appearance of Foulon and Berthier, tore them from +their conductors before they were carried to the Hotel de Ville, and +executed them on the spot. Why then does Mr. Burke charge outrages +of this kind on a whole people? As well may he charge the riots and +outrages of 1780 on all the people of London, or those in Ireland on all +his countrymen. + +But everything we see or hear offensive to our feelings and derogatory +to the human character should lead to other reflections than those +of reproach. Even the beings who commit them have some claim to our +consideration. How then is it that such vast classes of mankind as are +distinguished by the appellation of the vulgar, or the ignorant mob, +are so numerous in all old countries? The instant we ask ourselves +this question, reflection feels an answer. They rise, as an unavoidable +consequence, out of the ill construction of all old governments in +Europe, England included with the rest. It is by distortedly exalting +some men, that others are distortedly debased, till the whole is out +of nature. A vast mass of mankind are degradedly thrown into the +back-ground of the human picture, to bring forward, with greater glare, +the puppet-show of state and aristocracy. In the commencement of a +revolution, those men are rather the followers of the camp than of the +standard of liberty, and have yet to be instructed how to reverence it. + +I give to Mr. Burke all his theatrical exaggerations for facts, and I +then ask him if they do not establish the certainty of what I here lay +down? Admitting them to be true, they show the necessity of the French +Revolution, as much as any one thing he could have asserted. These +outrages were not the effect of the principles of the Revolution, but +of the degraded mind that existed before the Revolution, and which the +Revolution is calculated to reform. Place them then to their proper +cause, and take the reproach of them to your own side. + +It is the honour of the National Assembly and the city of Paris that, +during such a tremendous scene of arms and confusion, beyond the control +of all authority, they have been able, by the influence of example +and exhortation, to restrain so much. Never were more pains taken to +instruct and enlighten mankind, and to make them see that their interest +consisted in their virtue, and not in their revenge, than have been +displayed in the Revolution of France. I now proceed to make some +remarks on Mr. Burke's account of the expedition to Versailles, October +the 5th and 6th. + +I can consider Mr. Burke's book in scarcely any other light than a +dramatic performance; and he must, I think, have considered it in the +same light himself, by the poetical liberties he has taken of omitting +some facts, distorting others, and making the whole machinery bend to +produce a stage effect. Of this kind is his account of the expedition to +Versailles. He begins this account by omitting the only facts which as +causes are known to be true; everything beyond these is conjecture, even +in Paris; and he then works up a tale accommodated to his own passions +and prejudices. + +It is to be observed throughout Mr. Burke's book that he never speaks +of plots against the Revolution; and it is from those plots that all the +mischiefs have arisen. It suits his purpose to exhibit the consequences +without their causes. It is one of the arts of the drama to do so. If +the crimes of men were exhibited with their sufferings, stage effect +would sometimes be lost, and the audience would be inclined to approve +where it was intended they should commiserate. + +After all the investigations that have been made into this intricate +affair (the expedition to Versailles), it still remains enveloped in all +that kind of mystery which ever accompanies events produced more from a +concurrence of awkward circumstances than from fixed design. While the +characters of men are forming, as is always the case in revolutions, +there is a reciprocal suspicion, and a disposition to misinterpret each +other; and even parties directly opposite in principle will sometimes +concur in pushing forward the same movement with very different views, +and with the hopes of its producing very different consequences. A great +deal of this may be discovered in this embarrassed affair, and yet the +issue of the whole was what nobody had in view. + +The only things certainly known are that considerable uneasiness was at +this time excited at Paris by the delay of the King in not sanctioning +and forwarding the decrees of the National Assembly, particularly that +of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, and the decrees of the fourth +of August, which contained the foundation principles on which the +constitution was to be erected. The kindest, and perhaps the fairest +conjecture upon this matter is, that some of the ministers intended to +make remarks and observations upon certain parts of them before they +were finally sanctioned and sent to the provinces; but be this as it +may, the enemies of the Revolution derived hope from the delay, and the +friends of the Revolution uneasiness. + +During this state of suspense, the Garde du Corps, which was composed as +such regiments generally are, of persons much connected with the +Court, gave an entertainment at Versailles (October 1) to some foreign +regiments then arrived; and when the entertainment was at the height, on +a signal given, the Garde du Corps tore the national cockade from their +hats, trampled it under foot, and replaced it with a counter-cockade +prepared for the purpose. An indignity of this kind amounted to +defiance. It was like declaring war; and if men will give challenges +they must expect consequences. But all this Mr. Burke has carefully kept +out of sight. He begins his account by saying: "History will record that +on the morning of the 6th October, 1789, the King and Queen of France, +after a day of confusion, alarm, dismay, and slaughter, lay down under +the pledged security of public faith to indulge nature in a few hours +of respite, and troubled melancholy repose." This is neither the sober +style of history, nor the intention of it. It leaves everything to +be guessed at and mistaken. One would at least think there had been a +battle; and a battle there probably would have been had it not been +for the moderating prudence of those whom Mr. Burke involves in his +censures. By his keeping the Garde du Corps out of sight Mr. Burke has +afforded himself the dramatic licence of putting the King and Queen in +their places, as if the object of the expedition was against them. But +to return to my account this conduct of the Garde du Corps, as might +well be expected, alarmed and enraged the Partisans. The colors of +the cause, and the cause itself, were become too united to mistake the +intention of the insult, and the Partisans were determined to call +the Garde du Corps to an account. There was certainly nothing of the +cowardice of assassination in marching in the face of the day to demand +satisfaction, if such a phrase may be used, of a body of armed men who +had voluntarily given defiance. But the circumstance which serves +to throw this affair into embarrassment is, that the enemies of the +Revolution appear to have encouraged it as well as its friends. The one +hoped to prevent a civil war by checking it in time, and the other to +make one. The hopes of those opposed to the Revolution rested in making +the King of their party, and getting him from Versailles to Metz, +where they expected to collect a force and set up a standard. We have, +therefore, two different objects presenting themselves at the same time, +and to be accomplished by the same means: the one to chastise the Garde +du Corps, which was the object of the Partisans; the other to render the +confusion of such a scene an inducement to the King to set off for Metz. + +On the 5th of October a very numerous body of women, and men in the +disguise of women, collected around the Hotel de Ville or town-hall at +Paris, and set off for Versailles. Their professed object was the Garde +du Corps; but prudent men readily recollect that mischief is more easily +begun than ended; and this impressed itself with the more force from the +suspicions already stated, and the irregularity of such a cavalcade. +As soon, therefore, as a sufficient force could be collected, M. de la +Fayette, by orders from the civil authority of Paris, set off after +them at the head of twenty thousand of the Paris militia. The Revolution +could derive no benefit from confusion, and its opposers might. By an +amiable and spirited manner of address he had hitherto been fortunate in +calming disquietudes, and in this he was extraordinarily successful; to +frustrate, therefore, the hopes of those who might seek to improve +this scene into a sort of justifiable necessity for the King's quitting +Versailles and withdrawing to Metz, and to prevent at the same time +the consequences that might ensue between the Garde du Corps and this +phalanx of men and women, he forwarded expresses to the King, that he +was on his march to Versailles, by the orders of the civil authority of +Paris, for the purpose of peace and protection, expressing at the same +time the necessity of restraining the Garde du Corps from firing upon +the people.*[3] + +He arrived at Versailles between ten and eleven at night. The Garde du +Corps was drawn up, and the people had arrived some time before, but +everything had remained suspended. Wisdom and policy now consisted in +changing a scene of danger into a happy event. M. de la Fayette became +the mediator between the enraged parties; and the King, to remove the +uneasiness which had arisen from the delay already stated, sent for the +President of the National Assembly, and signed the Declaration of the +Rights of Man, and such other parts of the constitution as were in +readiness. + +It was now about one in the morning. Everything appeared to be composed, +and a general congratulation took place. By the beat of a drum a +proclamation was made that the citizens of Versailles would give the +hospitality of their houses to their fellow-citizens of Paris. Those +who could not be accommodated in this manner remained in the streets, or +took up their quarters in the churches; and at two o'clock the King and +Queen retired. + +In this state matters passed till the break of day, when a fresh +disturbance arose from the censurable conduct of some of both parties, +for such characters there will be in all such scenes. One of the Garde +du Corps appeared at one of the windows of the palace, and the people +who had remained during the night in the streets accosted him with +reviling and provocative language. Instead of retiring, as in such a +case prudence would have dictated, he presented his musket, fired, and +killed one of the Paris militia. The peace being thus broken, the people +rushed into the palace in quest of the offender. They attacked the +quarters of the Garde du Corps within the palace, and pursued them +throughout the avenues of it, and to the apartments of the King. On this +tumult, not the Queen only, as Mr. Burke has represented it, but every +person in the palace, was awakened and alarmed; and M. de la Fayette had +a second time to interpose between the parties, the event of which was +that the Garde du Corps put on the national cockade, and the matter +ended as by oblivion, after the loss of two or three lives. + +During the latter part of the time in which this confusion was acting, +the King and Queen were in public at the balcony, and neither of them +concealed for safety's sake, as Mr. Burke insinuates. Matters being thus +appeased, and tranquility restored, a general acclamation broke forth of +Le Roi a Paris--Le Roi a Paris--The King to Paris. It was the shout of +peace, and immediately accepted on the part of the King. By this measure +all future projects of trapanning the King to Metz, and setting up the +standard of opposition to the constitution, were prevented, and the +suspicions extinguished. The King and his family reached Paris in the +evening, and were congratulated on their arrival by M. Bailly, the Mayor +of Paris, in the name of the citizens. Mr. Burke, who throughout his +book confounds things, persons, and principles, as in his remarks on +M. Bailly's address, confounded time also. He censures M. Bailly for +calling it "un bon jour," a good day. Mr. Burke should have informed +himself that this scene took up the space of two days, the day on which +it began with every appearance of danger and mischief, and the day on +which it terminated without the mischiefs that threatened; and that +it is to this peaceful termination that M. Bailly alludes, and to the +arrival of the King at Paris. Not less than three hundred thousand +persons arranged themselves in the procession from Versailles to Paris, +and not an act of molestation was committed during the whole march. + +Mr. Burke on the authority of M. Lally Tollendal, a deserter from the +National Assembly, says that on entering Paris, the people shouted "Tous +les eveques a la lanterne." All Bishops to be hanged at the lanthorn +or lamp-posts. It is surprising that nobody could hear this but Lally +Tollendal, and that nobody should believe it but Mr. Burke. It has not +the least connection with any part of the transaction, and is totally +foreign to every circumstance of it. The Bishops had never been +introduced before into any scene of Mr. Burke's drama: why then are +they, all at once, and altogether, tout a coup, et tous ensemble, +introduced now? Mr. Burke brings forward his Bishops and his +lanthorn-like figures in a magic lanthorn, and raises his scenes by +contrast instead of connection. But it serves to show, with the rest of +his book what little credit ought to be given where even probability is +set at defiance, for the purpose of defaming; and with this reflection, +instead of a soliloquy in praise of chivalry, as Mr. Burke has done, I +close the account of the expedition to Versailles.*[4] + +I have now to follow Mr. Burke through a pathless wilderness of +rhapsodies, and a sort of descant upon governments, in which he asserts +whatever he pleases, on the presumption of its being believed, without +offering either evidence or reasons for so doing. + +Before anything can be reasoned upon to a conclusion, certain facts, +principles, or data, to reason from, must be established, admitted, or +denied. Mr. Burke with his usual outrage, abused the Declaration of +the Rights of Man, published by the National Assembly of France, as +the basis on which the constitution of France is built. This he calls +"paltry and blurred sheets of paper about the rights of man." Does Mr. +Burke mean to deny that man has any rights? If he does, then he must +mean that there are no such things as rights anywhere, and that he has +none himself; for who is there in the world but man? But if Mr. Burke +means to admit that man has rights, the question then will be: What are +those rights, and how man came by them originally? + +The error of those who reason by precedents drawn from antiquity, +respecting the rights of man, is that they do not go far enough into +antiquity. They do not go the whole way. They stop in some of the +intermediate stages of an hundred or a thousand years, and produce what +was then done, as a rule for the present day. This is no authority at +all. If we travel still farther into antiquity, we shall find a direct +contrary opinion and practice prevailing; and if antiquity is to be +authority, a thousand such authorities may be produced, successively +contradicting each other; but if we proceed on, we shall at last come +out right; we shall come to the time when man came from the hand of his +Maker. What was he then? Man. Man was his high and only title, and a +higher cannot be given him. But of titles I shall speak hereafter. + +We are now got at the origin of man, and at the origin of his rights. +As to the manner in which the world has been governed from that day to +this, it is no farther any concern of ours than to make a proper use of +the errors or the improvements which the history of it presents. Those +who lived an hundred or a thousand years ago, were then moderns, as we +are now. They had their ancients, and those ancients had others, and we +also shall be ancients in our turn. If the mere name of antiquity is to +govern in the affairs of life, the people who are to live an hundred or +a thousand years hence, may as well take us for a precedent, as we make +a precedent of those who lived an hundred or a thousand years ago. The +fact is, that portions of antiquity, by proving everything, establish +nothing. It is authority against authority all the way, till we come +to the divine origin of the rights of man at the creation. Here our +enquiries find a resting-place, and our reason finds a home. If a +dispute about the rights of man had arisen at the distance of an hundred +years from the creation, it is to this source of authority they must +have referred, and it is to this same source of authority that we must +now refer. + +Though I mean not to touch upon any sectarian principle of religion, +yet it may be worth observing, that the genealogy of Christ is traced +to Adam. Why then not trace the rights of man to the creation of man? I +will answer the question. Because there have been upstart governments, +thrusting themselves between, and presumptuously working to un-make man. + +If any generation of men ever possessed the right of dictating the +mode by which the world should be governed for ever, it was the +first generation that existed; and if that generation did it not, no +succeeding generation can show any authority for doing it, nor can set +any up. The illuminating and divine principle of the equal rights of man +(for it has its origin from the Maker of man) relates, not only to the +living individuals, but to generations of men succeeding each other. +Every generation is equal in rights to generations which preceded it, +by the same rule that every individual is born equal in rights with his +contemporary. + +Every history of the creation, and every traditionary account, whether +from the lettered or unlettered world, however they may vary in their +opinion or belief of certain particulars, all agree in establishing one +point, the unity of man; by which I mean that men are all of one degree, +and consequently that all men are born equal, and with equal natural +right, in the same manner as if posterity had been continued by creation +instead of generation, the latter being the only mode by which the +former is carried forward; and consequently every child born into the +world must be considered as deriving its existence from God. The world +is as new to him as it was to the first man that existed, and his +natural right in it is of the same kind. + +The Mosaic account of the creation, whether taken as divine authority or +merely historical, is full to this point, the unity or equality of man. +The expression admits of no controversy. "And God said, Let us make man +in our own image. In the image of God created he him; male and female +created he them." The distinction of sexes is pointed out, but no other +distinction is even implied. If this be not divine authority, it is at +least historical authority, and shows that the equality of man, so far +from being a modern doctrine, is the oldest upon record. + +It is also to be observed that all the religions known in the world are +founded, so far as they relate to man, on the unity of man, as being all +of one degree. Whether in heaven or in hell, or in whatever state man +may be supposed to exist hereafter, the good and the bad are the only +distinctions. Nay, even the laws of governments are obliged to slide +into this principle, by making degrees to consist in crimes and not in +persons. + +It is one of the greatest of all truths, and of the highest advantage to +cultivate. By considering man in this light, and by instructing him to +consider himself in this light, it places him in a close connection with +all his duties, whether to his Creator or to the creation, of which he +is a part; and it is only when he forgets his origin, or, to use a more +fashionable phrase, his birth and family, that he becomes dissolute. It +is not among the least of the evils of the present existing governments +in all parts of Europe that man, considered as man, is thrown back to a +vast distance from his Maker, and the artificial chasm filled up with a +succession of barriers, or sort of turnpike gates, through which he has +to pass. I will quote Mr. Burke's catalogue of barriers that he has +set up between man and his Maker. Putting himself in the character of a +herald, he says: "We fear God--we look with awe to kings--with affection +to Parliaments with duty to magistrates--with reverence to priests, +and with respect to nobility." Mr. Burke has forgotten to put in +"'chivalry." He has also forgotten to put in Peter. + +The duty of man is not a wilderness of turnpike gates, through which he +is to pass by tickets from one to the other. It is plain and simple, and +consists but of two points. His duty to God, which every man must feel; +and with respect to his neighbor, to do as he would be done by. If those +to whom power is delegated do well, they will be respected: if not, +they will be despised; and with regard to those to whom no power is +delegated, but who assume it, the rational world can know nothing of +them. + +Hitherto we have spoken only (and that but in part) of the natural +rights of man. We have now to consider the civil rights of man, and +to show how the one originates from the other. Man did not enter into +society to become worse than he was before, nor to have fewer rights +than he had before, but to have those rights better secured. His natural +rights are the foundation of all his civil rights. But in order to +pursue this distinction with more precision, it will be necessary to +mark the different qualities of natural and civil rights. + +A few words will explain this. Natural rights are those which appertain +to man in right of his existence. Of this kind are all the intellectual +rights, or rights of the mind, and also all those rights of acting as an +individual for his own comfort and happiness, which are not injurious to +the natural rights of others. Civil rights are those which appertain to +man in right of his being a member of society. Every civil right has for +its foundation some natural right pre-existing in the individual, but +to the enjoyment of which his individual power is not, in all cases, +sufficiently competent. Of this kind are all those which relate to +security and protection. + +From this short review it will be easy to distinguish between that class +of natural rights which man retains after entering into society and +those which he throws into the common stock as a member of society. + +The natural rights which he retains are all those in which the Power to +execute is as perfect in the individual as the right itself. Among +this class, as is before mentioned, are all the intellectual rights, or +rights of the mind; consequently religion is one of those rights. The +natural rights which are not retained, are all those in which, though +the right is perfect in the individual, the power to execute them is +defective. They answer not his purpose. A man, by natural right, has a +right to judge in his own cause; and so far as the right of the mind is +concerned, he never surrenders it. But what availeth it him to judge, +if he has not power to redress? He therefore deposits this right in the +common stock of society, and takes the ann of society, of which he is +a part, in preference and in addition to his own. Society grants him +nothing. Every man is a proprietor in society, and draws on the capital +as a matter of right. + +From these premisses two or three certain conclusions will follow: + +First, That every civil right grows out of a natural right; or, in other +words, is a natural right exchanged. + +Secondly, That civil power properly considered as such is made up of +the aggregate of that class of the natural rights of man, which becomes +defective in the individual in point of power, and answers not his +purpose, but when collected to a focus becomes competent to the Purpose +of every one. + +Thirdly, That the power produced from the aggregate of natural rights, +imperfect in power in the individual, cannot be applied to invade the +natural rights which are retained in the individual, and in which the +power to execute is as perfect as the right itself. + +We have now, in a few words, traced man from a natural individual to a +member of society, and shown, or endeavoured to show, the quality of +the natural rights retained, and of those which are exchanged for civil +rights. Let us now apply these principles to governments. + +In casting our eyes over the world, it is extremely easy to distinguish +the governments which have arisen out of society, or out of the social +compact, from those which have not; but to place this in a clearer light +than what a single glance may afford, it will be proper to take a review +of the several sources from which governments have arisen and on which +they have been founded. + +They may be all comprehended under three heads. + +First, Superstition. + +Secondly, Power. + +Thirdly, The common interest of society and the common rights of man. + +The first was a government of priestcraft, the second of conquerors, and +the third of reason. + +When a set of artful men pretended, through the medium of oracles, to +hold intercourse with the Deity, as familiarly as they now march up +the back-stairs in European courts, the world was completely under the +government of superstition. The oracles were consulted, and whatever +they were made to say became the law; and this sort of government lasted +as long as this sort of superstition lasted. + +After these a race of conquerors arose, whose government, like that of +William the Conqueror, was founded in power, and the sword assumed the +name of a sceptre. Governments thus established last as long as the +power to support them lasts; but that they might avail themselves of +every engine in their favor, they united fraud to force, and set up +an idol which they called Divine Right, and which, in imitation of the +Pope, who affects to be spiritual and temporal, and in contradiction to +the Founder of the Christian religion, twisted itself afterwards into an +idol of another shape, called Church and State. The key of St. Peter +and the key of the Treasury became quartered on one another, and the +wondering cheated multitude worshipped the invention. + +When I contemplate the natural dignity of man, when I feel (for Nature +has not been kind enough to me to blunt my feelings) for the honour and +happiness of its character, I become irritated at the attempt to govern +mankind by force and fraud, as if they were all knaves and fools, and +can scarcely avoid disgust at those who are thus imposed upon. + +We have now to review the governments which arise out of society, in +contradistinction to those which arose out of superstition and conquest. + +It has been thought a considerable advance towards establishing the +principles of Freedom to say that Government is a compact between those +who govern and those who are governed; but this cannot be true, because +it is putting the effect before the cause; for as man must have +existed before governments existed, there necessarily was a time when +governments did not exist, and consequently there could originally exist +no governors to form such a compact with. + +The fact therefore must be that the individuals themselves, each in his +own personal and sovereign right, entered into a compact with each other +to produce a government: and this is the only mode in which governments +have a right to arise, and the only principle on which they have a right +to exist. + +To possess ourselves of a clear idea of what government is, or ought +to be, we must trace it to its origin. In doing this we shall easily +discover that governments must have arisen either out of the people +or over the people. Mr. Burke has made no distinction. He investigates +nothing to its source, and therefore he confounds everything; but he has +signified his intention of undertaking, at some future opportunity, a +comparison between the constitution of England and France. As he thus +renders it a subject of controversy by throwing the gauntlet, I take him +upon his own ground. It is in high challenges that high truths have the +right of appearing; and I accept it with the more readiness because it +affords me, at the same time, an opportunity of pursuing the subject +with respect to governments arising out of society. + +But it will be first necessary to define what is meant by a +Constitution. It is not sufficient that we adopt the word; we must fix +also a standard signification to it. + +A constitution is not a thing in name only, but in fact. It has not an +ideal, but a real existence; and wherever it cannot be produced in a +visible form, there is none. A constitution is a thing antecedent to a +government, and a government is only the creature of a constitution. The +constitution of a country is not the act of its government, but of the +people constituting its government. It is the body of elements, to which +you can refer, and quote article by article; and which contains the +principles on which the government shall be established, the manner +in which it shall be organised, the powers it shall have, the mode +of elections, the duration of Parliaments, or by what other name +such bodies may be called; the powers which the executive part of the +government shall have; and in fine, everything that relates to the +complete organisation of a civil government, and the principles on which +it shall act, and by which it shall be bound. A constitution, therefore, +is to a government what the laws made afterwards by that government +are to a court of judicature. The court of judicature does not make the +laws, neither can it alter them; it only acts in conformity to the laws +made: and the government is in like manner governed by the constitution. + +Can, then, Mr. Burke produce the English Constitution? If he cannot, +we may fairly conclude that though it has been so much talked about, no +such thing as a constitution exists, or ever did exist, and consequently +that the people have yet a constitution to form. + +Mr. Burke will not, I presume, deny the position I have already +advanced--namely, that governments arise either out of the people or +over the people. The English Government is one of those which arose out +of a conquest, and not out of society, and consequently it arose over +the people; and though it has been much modified from the opportunity of +circumstances since the time of William the Conqueror, the country has +never yet regenerated itself, and is therefore without a constitution. + +I readily perceive the reason why Mr. Burke declined going into the +comparison between the English and French constitutions, because he +could not but perceive, when he sat down to the task, that no such a +thing as a constitution existed on his side the question. His book +is certainly bulky enough to have contained all he could say on this +subject, and it would have been the best manner in which people could +have judged of their separate merits. Why then has he declined the only +thing that was worth while to write upon? It was the strongest ground he +could take, if the advantages were on his side, but the weakest if they +were not; and his declining to take it is either a sign that he could +not possess it or could not maintain it. + +Mr. Burke said, in a speech last winter in Parliament, "that when the +National Assembly first met in three Orders (the Tiers Etat, the Clergy, +and the Noblesse), France had then a good constitution." This shows, +among numerous other instances, that Mr. Burke does not understand what +a constitution is. The persons so met were not a constitution, but a +convention, to make a constitution. + +The present National Assembly of France is, strictly speaking, the +personal social compact. The members of it are the delegates of +the nation in its original character; future assemblies will be the +delegates of the nation in its organised character. The authority of +the present Assembly is different from what the authority of future +Assemblies will be. The authority of the present one is to form a +constitution; the authority of future assemblies will be to legislate +according to the principles and forms prescribed in that constitution; +and if experience should hereafter show that alterations, amendments, +or additions are necessary, the constitution will point out the mode by +which such things shall be done, and not leave it to the discretionary +power of the future government. + +A government on the principles on which constitutional governments +arising out of society are established, cannot have the right of +altering itself. If it had, it would be arbitrary. It might make itself +what it pleased; and wherever such a right is set up, it shows there +is no constitution. The act by which the English Parliament empowered +itself to sit seven years, shows there is no constitution in England. It +might, by the same self-authority, have sat any great number of years, +or for life. The bill which the present Mr. Pitt brought into Parliament +some years ago, to reform Parliament, was on the same erroneous +principle. The right of reform is in the nation in its original +character, and the constitutional method would be by a general +convention elected for the purpose. There is, moreover, a paradox in the +idea of vitiated bodies reforming themselves. + +From these preliminaries I proceed to draw some comparisons. I have +already spoken of the declaration of rights; and as I mean to be as +concise as possible, I shall proceed to other parts of the French +Constitution. + +The constitution of France says that every man who pays a tax of sixty +sous per annum (2s. 6d. English) is an elector. What article will Mr. +Burke place against this? Can anything be more limited, and at the same +time more capricious, than the qualification of electors is in England? +Limited--because not one man in an hundred (I speak much within compass) +is admitted to vote. Capricious--because the lowest character that can +be supposed to exist, and who has not so much as the visible means of an +honest livelihood, is an elector in some places: while in other places, +the man who pays very large taxes, and has a known fair character, and +the farmer who rents to the amount of three or four hundred pounds a +year, with a property on that farm to three or four times that amount, +is not admitted to be an elector. Everything is out of nature, as Mr. +Burke says on another occasion, in this strange chaos, and all sorts of +follies are blended with all sorts of crimes. William the Conqueror and +his descendants parcelled out the country in this manner, and bribed +some parts of it by what they call charters to hold the other parts of +it the better subjected to their will. This is the reason why so many +of those charters abound in Cornwall; the people were averse to the +Government established at the Conquest, and the towns were garrisoned +and bribed to enslave the country. All the old charters are the badges +of this conquest, and it is from this source that the capriciousness of +election arises. + +The French Constitution says that the number of representatives for +any place shall be in a ratio to the number of taxable inhabitants or +electors. What article will Mr. Burke place against this? The county +of York, which contains nearly a million of souls, sends two county +members; and so does the county of Rutland, which contains not an +hundredth part of that number. The old town of Sarum, which contains +not three houses, sends two members; and the town of Manchester, which +contains upward of sixty thousand souls, is not admitted to send any. +Is there any principle in these things? It is admitted that all this +is altered, but there is much to be done yet, before we have a fair +representation of the people. Is there anything by which you can trace +the marks of freedom, or discover those of wisdom? No wonder then Mr. +Burke has declined the comparison, and endeavored to lead his readers +from the point by a wild, unsystematical display of paradoxical +rhapsodies. + +The French Constitution says that the National Assembly shall be elected +every two years. What article will Mr. Burke place against this? Why, +that the nation has no right at all in the case; that the government is +perfectly arbitrary with respect to this point; and he can quote for his +authority the precedent of a former Parliament. + +The French Constitution says there shall be no game laws, that the +farmer on whose lands wild game shall be found (for it is by the produce +of his lands they are fed) shall have a right to what he can take; that +there shall be no monopolies of any kind--that all trades shall be free +and every man free to follow any occupation by which he can procure +an honest livelihood, and in any place, town, or city throughout the +nation. What will Mr. Burke say to this? In England, game is made the +property of those at whose expense it is not fed; and with respect to +monopolies, the country is cut up into monopolies. Every chartered +town is an aristocratical monopoly in itself, and the qualification of +electors proceeds out of those chartered monopolies. Is this freedom? Is +this what Mr. Burke means by a constitution? + +In these chartered monopolies, a man coming from another part of the +country is hunted from them as if he were a foreign enemy. An Englishman +is not free of his own country; every one of those places presents a +barrier in his way, and tells him he is not a freeman--that he has no +rights. Within these monopolies are other monopolies. In a city, such +for instance as Bath, which contains between twenty and thirty thousand +inhabitants, the right of electing representatives to Parliament is +monopolised by about thirty-one persons. And within these monopolies +are still others. A man even of the same town, whose parents were not +in circumstances to give him an occupation, is debarred, in many cases, +from the natural right of acquiring one, be his genius or industry what +it may. + +Are these things examples to hold out to a country regenerating itself +from slavery, like France? Certainly they are not, and certain am I, +that when the people of England come to reflect upon them they will, +like France, annihilate those badges of ancient oppression, those traces +of a conquered nation. Had Mr. Burke possessed talents similar to the +author of "On the Wealth of Nations." he would have comprehended all +the parts which enter into, and, by assemblage, form a constitution. +He would have reasoned from minutiae to magnitude. It is not from his +prejudices only, but from the disorderly cast of his genius, that he is +unfitted for the subject he writes upon. Even his genius is without a +constitution. It is a genius at random, and not a genius constituted. +But he must say something. He has therefore mounted in the air like a +balloon, to draw the eyes of the multitude from the ground they stand +upon. + +Much is to be learned from the French Constitution. Conquest and tyranny +transplanted themselves with William the Conqueror from Normandy into +England, and the country is yet disfigured with the marks. May, then, +the example of all France contribute to regenerate the freedom which a +province of it destroyed! + +The French Constitution says that to preserve the national +representation from being corrupt, no member of the National Assembly +shall be an officer of the government, a placeman or a pensioner. What +will Mr. Burke place against this? I will whisper his answer: Loaves and +Fishes. Ah! this government of loaves and fishes has more mischief in +it than people have yet reflected on. The National Assembly has made the +discovery, and it holds out the example to the world. Had governments +agreed to quarrel on purpose to fleece their countries by taxes, they +could not have succeeded better than they have done. + +Everything in the English government appears to me the reverse of +what it ought to be, and of what it is said to be. The Parliament, +imperfectly and capriciously elected as it is, is nevertheless supposed +to hold the national purse in trust for the nation; but in the manner in +which an English Parliament is constructed it is like a man being both +mortgagor and mortgagee, and in the case of misapplication of trust it +is the criminal sitting in judgment upon himself. If those who vote the +supplies are the same persons who receive the supplies when voted, and +are to account for the expenditure of those supplies to those who voted +them, it is themselves accountable to themselves, and the Comedy of +Errors concludes with the pantomime of Hush. Neither the Ministerial +party nor the Opposition will touch upon this case. The national purse +is the common hack which each mounts upon. It is like what the country +people call "Ride and tie--you ride a little way, and then I."*[5] They +order these things better in France. + +The French Constitution says that the right of war and peace is in the +nation. Where else should it reside but in those who are to pay the +expense? + +In England this right is said to reside in a metaphor shown at the Tower +for sixpence or a shilling a piece: so are the lions; and it would be +a step nearer to reason to say it resided in them, for any inanimate +metaphor is no more than a hat or a cap. We can all see the absurdity of +worshipping Aaron's molten calf, or Nebuchadnezzar's golden image; but +why do men continue to practise themselves the absurdities they despise +in others? + +It may with reason be said that in the manner the English nation is +represented it signifies not where the right resides, whether in the +Crown or in the Parliament. War is the common harvest of all those who +participate in the division and expenditure of public money, in all +countries. It is the art of conquering at home; the object of it is an +increase of revenue; and as revenue cannot be increased without taxes, +a pretence must be made for expenditure. In reviewing the history of the +English Government, its wars and its taxes, a bystander, not blinded +by prejudice nor warped by interest, would declare that taxes were not +raised to carry on wars, but that wars were raised to carry on taxes. + +Mr. Burke, as a member of the House of Commons, is a part of the English +Government; and though he professes himself an enemy to war, he abuses +the French Constitution, which seeks to explode it. He holds up the +English Government as a model, in all its parts, to France; but he +should first know the remarks which the French make upon it. They +contend in favor of their own, that the portion of liberty enjoyed in +England is just enough to enslave a country more productively than by +despotism, and that as the real object of all despotism is revenue, +a government so formed obtains more than it could do either by direct +despotism, or in a full state of freedom, and is, therefore on the +ground of interest, opposed to both. They account also for the readiness +which always appears in such governments for engaging in wars by +remarking on the different motives which produced them. In despotic +governments wars are the effect of pride; but in those governments in +which they become the means of taxation, they acquire thereby a more +permanent promptitude. + +The French Constitution, therefore, to provide against both these evils, +has taken away the power of declaring war from kings and ministers, and +placed the right where the expense must fall. + +When the question of the right of war and peace was agitating in the +National Assembly, the people of England appeared to be much interested +in the event, and highly to applaud the decision. As a principle it +applies as much to one country as another. William the Conqueror, as +a conqueror, held this power of war and peace in himself, and his +descendants have ever since claimed it under him as a right. + +Although Mr. Burke has asserted the right of the Parliament at the +Revolution to bind and control the nation and posterity for ever, he +denies at the same time that the Parliament or the nation had any right +to alter what he calls the succession of the crown in anything but in +part, or by a sort of modification. By his taking this ground he throws +the case back to the Norman Conquest, and by thus running a line of +succession springing from William the Conqueror to the present day, he +makes it necessary to enquire who and what William the Conqueror was, +and where he came from, and into the origin, history and nature of what +are called prerogatives. Everything must have had a beginning, and the +fog of time and antiquity should be penetrated to discover it. Let, +then, Mr. Burke bring forward his William of Normandy, for it is to this +origin that his argument goes. It also unfortunately happens, in running +this line of succession, that another line parallel thereto presents +itself, which is that if the succession runs in the line of the +conquest, the nation runs in the line of being conquered, and it ought +to rescue itself from this reproach. + +But it will perhaps be said that though the power of declaring war +descends in the heritage of the conquest, it is held in check by the +right of Parliament to withhold the supplies. It will always happen when +a thing is originally wrong that amendments do not make it right, and it +often happens that they do as much mischief one way as good the other, +and such is the case here, for if the one rashly declares war as a +matter of right, and the other peremptorily withholds the supplies as a +matter of right, the remedy becomes as bad, or worse, than the disease. +The one forces the nation to a combat, and the other ties its hands; +but the more probable issue is that the contest will end in a collusion +between the parties, and be made a screen to both. + +On this question of war, three things are to be considered. First, the +right of declaring it: secondly, the expense of supporting it: thirdly, +the mode of conducting it after it is declared. The French Constitution +places the right where the expense must fall, and this union can only +be in the nation. The mode of conducting it after it is declared, +it consigns to the executive department. Were this the case in all +countries, we should hear but little more of wars. + +Before I proceed to consider other parts of the French Constitution, +and by way of relieving the fatigue of argument, I will introduce an +anecdote which I had from Dr. Franklin. + +While the Doctor resided in France as Minister from America, during +the war, he had numerous proposals made to him by projectors of every +country and of every kind, who wished to go to the land that floweth +with milk and honey, America; and among the rest, there was one who +offered himself to be king. He introduced his proposal to the Doctor by +letter, which is now in the hands of M. Beaumarchais, of Paris--stating, +first, that as the Americans had dismissed or sent away*[6] their King, +that they would want another. Secondly, that himself was a Norman. +Thirdly, that he was of a more ancient family than the Dukes of +Normandy, and of a more honorable descent, his line having never been +bastardised. Fourthly, that there was already a precedent in England of +kings coming out of Normandy, and on these grounds he rested his offer, +enjoining that the Doctor would forward it to America. But as the Doctor +neither did this, nor yet sent him an answer, the projector wrote a +second letter, in which he did not, it is true, threaten to go over and +conquer America, but only with great dignity proposed that if his offer +was not accepted, an acknowledgment of about L30,000 might be made to +him for his generosity! Now, as all arguments respecting succession must +necessarily connect that succession with some beginning, Mr. Burke's +arguments on this subject go to show that there is no English origin of +kings, and that they are descendants of the Norman line in right of the +Conquest. It may, therefore, be of service to his doctrine to make this +story known, and to inform him, that in case of that natural extinction +to which all mortality is subject, Kings may again be had from Normandy, +on more reasonable terms than William the Conqueror; and consequently, +that the good people of England, at the revolution of 1688, might have +done much better, had such a generous Norman as this known their wants, +and they had known his. The chivalric character which Mr. Burke so much +admires, is certainly much easier to make a bargain with than a hard +dealing Dutchman. But to return to the matters of the constitution: The +French Constitution says, There shall be no titles; and, of consequence, +all that class of equivocal generation which in some countries is called +"aristocracy" and in others "nobility," is done away, and the peer is +exalted into the Man. + +Titles are but nicknames, and every nickname is a title. The thing is +perfectly harmless in itself, but it marks a sort of foppery in the +human character, which degrades it. It reduces man into the diminutive +of man in things which are great, and the counterfeit of women in things +which are little. It talks about its fine blue ribbon like a girl, and +shows its new garter like a child. A certain writer, of some antiquity, +says: "When I was a child, I thought as a child; but when I became a +man, I put away childish things." + +It is, properly, from the elevated mind of France that the folly of +titles has fallen. It has outgrown the baby clothes of Count and Duke, +and breeched itself in manhood. France has not levelled, it has exalted. +It has put down the dwarf, to set up the man. The punyism of a senseless +word like Duke, Count or Earl has ceased to please. Even those who +possessed them have disowned the gibberish, and as they outgrew the +rickets, have despised the rattle. The genuine mind of man, thirsting +for its native home, society, contemns the gewgaws that separate him +from it. Titles are like circles drawn by the magician's wand, to +contract the sphere of man's felicity. He lives immured within the +Bastille of a word, and surveys at a distance the envied life of man. + +Is it, then, any wonder that titles should fall in France? Is it not a +greater wonder that they should be kept up anywhere? What are they? What +is their worth, and "what is their amount?" When we think or speak of +a Judge or a General, we associate with it the ideas of office and +character; we think of gravity in one and bravery in the other; but when +we use the word merely as a title, no ideas associate with it. Through +all the vocabulary of Adam there is not such an animal as a Duke or a +Count; neither can we connect any certain ideas with the words. Whether +they mean strength or weakness, wisdom or folly, a child or a man, or +the rider or the horse, is all equivocal. What respect then can be paid +to that which describes nothing, and which means nothing? Imagination +has given figure and character to centaurs, satyrs, and down to all +the fairy tribe; but titles baffle even the powers of fancy, and are a +chimerical nondescript. + +But this is not all. If a whole country is disposed to hold them in +contempt, all their value is gone, and none will own them. It is +common opinion only that makes them anything, or nothing, or worse +than nothing. There is no occasion to take titles away, for they take +themselves away when society concurs to ridicule them. This species of +imaginary consequence has visibly declined in every part of Europe, and +it hastens to its exit as the world of reason continues to rise. There +was a time when the lowest class of what are called nobility was more +thought of than the highest is now, and when a man in armour riding +throughout Christendom in quest of adventures was more stared at than +a modern Duke. The world has seen this folly fall, and it has fallen +by being laughed at, and the farce of titles will follow its fate. The +patriots of France have discovered in good time that rank and dignity in +society must take a new ground. The old one has fallen through. It must +now take the substantial ground of character, instead of the chimerical +ground of titles; and they have brought their titles to the altar, and +made of them a burnt-offering to Reason. + +If no mischief had annexed itself to the folly of titles they would not +have been worth a serious and formal destruction, such as the National +Assembly have decreed them; and this makes it necessary to enquire +farther into the nature and character of aristocracy. + +That, then, which is called aristocracy in some countries and nobility +in others arose out of the governments founded upon conquest. It was +originally a military order for the purpose of supporting military +government (for such were all governments founded in conquest); and +to keep up a succession of this order for the purpose for which it +was established, all the younger branches of those families were +disinherited and the law of primogenitureship set up. + +The nature and character of aristocracy shows itself to us in this law. +It is the law against every other law of nature, and Nature herself +calls for its destruction. Establish family justice, and aristocracy +falls. By the aristocratical law of primogenitureship, in a family +of six children five are exposed. Aristocracy has never more than one +child. The rest are begotten to be devoured. They are thrown to the +cannibal for prey, and the natural parent prepares the unnatural repast. + +As everything which is out of nature in man affects, more or less, +the interest of society, so does this. All the children which the +aristocracy disowns (which are all except the eldest) are, in general, +cast like orphans on a parish, to be provided for by the public, but +at a greater charge. Unnecessary offices and places in governments and +courts are created at the expense of the public to maintain them. + +With what kind of parental reflections can the father or mother +contemplate their younger offspring? By nature they are children, and +by marriage they are heirs; but by aristocracy they are bastards and +orphans. They are the flesh and blood of their parents in the one line, +and nothing akin to them in the other. To restore, therefore, parents to +their children, and children to their parents relations to each other, +and man to society--and to exterminate the monster aristocracy, root +and branch--the French Constitution has destroyed the law of +Primogenitureship. Here then lies the monster; and Mr. Burke, if he +pleases, may write its epitaph. + +Hitherto we have considered aristocracy chiefly in one point of view. +We have now to consider it in another. But whether we view it before or +behind, or sideways, or any way else, domestically or publicly, it is +still a monster. + +In France aristocracy had one feature less in its countenance than what +it has in some other countries. It did not compose a body of hereditary +legislators. It was not "a corporation of aristocracy," for such I have +heard M. de la Fayette describe an English House of Peers. Let us then +examine the grounds upon which the French Constitution has resolved +against having such a House in France. + +Because, in the first place, as is already mentioned, aristocracy is +kept up by family tyranny and injustice. + +Secondly. Because there is an unnatural unfitness in an aristocracy to +be legislators for a nation. Their ideas of distributive justice are +corrupted at the very source. They begin life by trampling on all their +younger brothers and sisters, and relations of every kind, and are +taught and educated so to do. With what ideas of justice or honour can +that man enter a house of legislation, who absorbs in his own person +the inheritance of a whole family of children or doles out to them some +pitiful portion with the insolence of a gift? + +Thirdly. Because the idea of hereditary legislators is as inconsistent +as that of hereditary judges, or hereditary juries; and as absurd as an +hereditary mathematician, or an hereditary wise man; and as ridiculous +as an hereditary poet laureate. + +Fourthly. Because a body of men, holding themselves accountable to +nobody, ought not to be trusted by anybody. + +Fifthly. Because it is continuing the uncivilised principle of +governments founded in conquest, and the base idea of man having +property in man, and governing him by personal right. + +Sixthly. Because aristocracy has a tendency to deteriorate the human +species. By the universal economy of nature it is known, and by the +instance of the Jews it is proved, that the human species has a tendency +to degenerate, in any small number of persons, when separated from the +general stock of society, and inter-marrying constantly with each other. +It defeats even its pretended end, and becomes in time the opposite of +what is noble in man. Mr. Burke talks of nobility; let him show what +it is. The greatest characters the world have known have arisen on the +democratic floor. Aristocracy has not been able to keep a proportionate +pace with democracy. The artificial Noble shrinks into a dwarf before +the Noble of Nature; and in the few instances of those (for there are +some in all countries) in whom nature, as by a miracle, has survived in +aristocracy, Those Men Despise It.--But it is time to proceed to a new +subject. + +The French Constitution has reformed the condition of the clergy. It has +raised the income of the lower and middle classes, and taken from the +higher. None are now less than twelve hundred livres (fifty pounds +sterling), nor any higher than two or three thousand pounds. What will +Mr. Burke place against this? Hear what he says. + +He says: "That the people of England can see without pain or grudging, +an archbishop precede a duke; they can see a Bishop of Durham, or a +Bishop of Winchester in possession of L10,000 a-year; and cannot see why +it is in worse hands than estates to a like amount, in the hands of this +earl or that squire." And Mr. Burke offers this as an example to France. + +As to the first part, whether the archbishop precedes the duke, or the +duke the bishop, it is, I believe, to the people in general, somewhat +like Sternhold and Hopkins, or Hopkins and Sternhold; you may put which +you please first; and as I confess that I do not understand the merits +of this case, I will not contest it with Mr. Burke. + +But with respect to the latter, I have something to say. Mr. Burke has +not put the case right. The comparison is out of order, by being put +between the bishop and the earl or the squire. It ought to be put +between the bishop and the curate, and then it will stand thus:--"The +people of England can see without pain or grudging, a Bishop of Durham, +or a Bishop of Winchester, in possession of ten thousand pounds a-year, +and a curate on thirty or forty pounds a-year, or less." No, sir, they +certainly do not see those things without great pain or grudging. It is +a case that applies itself to every man's sense of justice, and is one +among many that calls aloud for a constitution. + +In France the cry of "the church! the church!" was repeated as often +as in Mr. Burke's book, and as loudly as when the Dissenters' Bill was +before the English Parliament; but the generality of the French clergy +were not to be deceived by this cry any longer. They knew that whatever +the pretence might be, it was they who were one of the principal objects +of it. It was the cry of the high beneficed clergy, to prevent any +regulation of income taking place between those of ten thousand pounds +a-year and the parish priest. They therefore joined their case to +those of every other oppressed class of men, and by this union obtained +redress. + +The French Constitution has abolished tythes, that source of perpetual +discontent between the tythe-holder and the parishioner. When land is +held on tythe, it is in the condition of an estate held between two +parties; the one receiving one-tenth, and the other nine-tenths of the +produce: and consequently, on principles of equity, if the estate can be +improved, and made to produce by that improvement double or treble what +it did before, or in any other ratio, the expense of such improvement +ought to be borne in like proportion between the parties who are to +share the produce. But this is not the case in tythes: the farmer +bears the whole expense, and the tythe-holder takes a tenth of the +improvement, in addition to the original tenth, and by this means gets +the value of two-tenths instead of one. This is another case that calls +for a constitution. + +The French Constitution hath abolished or renounced Toleration and +Intolerance also, and hath established Universal Right Of Conscience. + +Toleration is not the opposite of Intolerance, but is the counterfeit +of it. Both are despotisms. The one assumes to itself the right of +withholding Liberty of Conscience, and the other of granting it. The +one is the Pope armed with fire and faggot, and the other is the Pope +selling or granting indulgences. The former is church and state, and the +latter is church and traffic. + +But Toleration may be viewed in a much stronger light. Man worships not +himself, but his Maker; and the liberty of conscience which he claims is +not for the service of himself, but of his God. In this case, therefore, +we must necessarily have the associated idea of two things; the mortal +who renders the worship, and the Immortal Being who is worshipped. +Toleration, therefore, places itself, not between man and man, nor +between church and church, nor between one denomination of religion and +another, but between God and man; between the being who worships, and +the Being who is worshipped; and by the same act of assumed authority +which it tolerates man to pay his worship, it presumptuously and +blasphemously sets itself up to tolerate the Almighty to receive it. + +Were a bill brought into any Parliament, entitled, "An Act to tolerate +or grant liberty to the Almighty to receive the worship of a Jew or +Turk," or "to prohibit the Almighty from receiving it," all men would +startle and call it blasphemy. There would be an uproar. The presumption +of toleration in religious matters would then present itself unmasked; +but the presumption is not the less because the name of "Man" only +appears to those laws, for the associated idea of the worshipper and the +worshipped cannot be separated. Who then art thou, vain dust and ashes! +by whatever name thou art called, whether a King, a Bishop, a Church, +or a State, a Parliament, or anything else, that obtrudest thine +insignificance between the soul of man and its Maker? Mind thine own +concerns. If he believes not as thou believest, it is a proof that +thou believest not as he believes, and there is no earthly power can +determine between you. + +With respect to what are called denominations of religion, if every +one is left to judge of its own religion, there is no such thing as +a religion that is wrong; but if they are to judge of each other's +religion, there is no such thing as a religion that is right; and +therefore all the world is right, or all the world is wrong. But with +respect to religion itself, without regard to names, and as directing +itself from the universal family of mankind to the Divine object of all +adoration, it is man bringing to his Maker the fruits of his heart; and +though those fruits may differ from each other like the fruits of the +earth, the grateful tribute of every one is accepted. + +A Bishop of Durham, or a Bishop of Winchester, or the archbishop who +heads the dukes, will not refuse a tythe-sheaf of wheat because it is +not a cock of hay, nor a cock of hay because it is not a sheaf of wheat; +nor a pig, because it is neither one nor the other; but these same +persons, under the figure of an established church, will not permit +their Maker to receive the varied tythes of man's devotion. + +One of the continual choruses of Mr. Burke's book is "Church and State." +He does not mean some one particular church, or some one particular +state, but any church and state; and he uses the term as a general +figure to hold forth the political doctrine of always uniting the church +with the state in every country, and he censures the National Assembly +for not having done this in France. Let us bestow a few thoughts on this +subject. + +All religions are in their nature kind and benign, and united with +principles of morality. They could not have made proselytes at first by +professing anything that was vicious, cruel, persecuting, or immoral. +Like everything else, they had their beginning; and they proceeded by +persuasion, exhortation, and example. How then is it that they lose +their native mildness, and become morose and intolerant? + +It proceeds from the connection which Mr. Burke recommends. By +engendering the church with the state, a sort of mule-animal, capable +only of destroying, and not of breeding up, is produced, called the +Church established by Law. It is a stranger, even from its birth, to any +parent mother, on whom it is begotten, and whom in time it kicks out and +destroys. + +The inquisition in Spain does not proceed from the religion originally +professed, but from this mule-animal, engendered between the church +and the state. The burnings in Smithfield proceeded from the same +heterogeneous production; and it was the regeneration of this strange +animal in England afterwards, that renewed rancour and irreligion among +the inhabitants, and that drove the people called Quakers and Dissenters +to America. Persecution is not an original feature in any religion; +but it is alway the strongly-marked feature of all law-religions, or +religions established by law. Take away the law-establishment, and +every religion re-assumes its original benignity. In America, a catholic +priest is a good citizen, a good character, and a good neighbour; an +episcopalian minister is of the same description: and this proceeds +independently of the men, from there being no law-establishment in +America. + +If also we view this matter in a temporal sense, we shall see the ill +effects it has had on the prosperity of nations. The union of church and +state has impoverished Spain. The revoking the edict of Nantes drove the +silk manufacture from that country into England; and church and state +are now driving the cotton manufacture from England to America and +France. Let then Mr. Burke continue to preach his antipolitical doctrine +of Church and State. It will do some good. The National Assembly +will not follow his advice, but will benefit by his folly. It was by +observing the ill effects of it in England, that America has been warned +against it; and it is by experiencing them in France, that the National +Assembly have abolished it, and, like America, have established +Universal Right Of Conscience, And Universal Right Of Citizenship.*[7] + +I will here cease the comparison with respect to the principles of the +French Constitution, and conclude this part of the subject with a few +observations on the organisation of the formal parts of the French and +English governments. + +The executive power in each country is in the hands of a person styled +the King; but the French Constitution distinguishes between the King and +the Sovereign: It considers the station of King as official, and places +Sovereignty in the nation. + +The representatives of the nation, who compose the National Assembly, +and who are the legislative power, originate in and from the people +by election, as an inherent right in the people.--In England it is +otherwise; and this arises from the original establishment of what +is called its monarchy; for, as by the conquest all the rights of the +people or the nation were absorbed into the hands of the Conqueror, and +who added the title of King to that of Conqueror, those same matters +which in France are now held as rights in the people, or in the nation, +are held in England as grants from what is called the crown. The +Parliament in England, in both its branches, was erected by patents from +the descendants of the Conqueror. The House of Commons did not originate +as a matter of right in the people to delegate or elect, but as a grant +or boon. + +By the French Constitution the nation is always named before the king. +The third article of the declaration of rights says: "The nation is +essentially the source (or fountain) of all sovereignty." Mr. Burke +argues that in England a king is the fountain--that he is the fountain +of all honour. But as this idea is evidently descended from the conquest +I shall make no other remark upon it, than that it is the nature of +conquest to turn everything upside down; and as Mr. Burke will not be +refused the privilege of speaking twice, and as there are but two parts +in the figure, the fountain and the spout, he will be right the second +time. + +The French Constitution puts the legislative before the executive, the +law before the king; la loi, le roi. This also is in the natural +order of things, because laws must have existence before they can have +execution. + +A king in France does not, in addressing himself to the National +Assembly, say, "My Assembly," similar to the phrase used in England +of my "Parliament"; neither can he use it consistently with the +constitution, nor could it be admitted. There may be propriety in the +use of it in England, because as is before mentioned, both Houses +of Parliament originated from what is called the crown by patent or +boon--and not from the inherent rights of the people, as the National +Assembly does in France, and whose name designates its origin. + +The President of the National Assembly does not ask the King to grant to +the Assembly liberty of speech, as is the case with the English House +of Commons. The constitutional dignity of the National Assembly cannot +debase itself. Speech is, in the first place, one of the natural rights +of man always retained; and with respect to the National Assembly the +use of it is their duty, and the nation is their authority. They were +elected by the greatest body of men exercising the right of election +the European world ever saw. They sprung not from the filth of rotten +boroughs, nor are they the vassal representatives of aristocratical +ones. Feeling the proper dignity of their character they support it. +Their Parliamentary language, whether for or against a question, is +free, bold and manly, and extends to all the parts and circumstances of +the case. If any matter or subject respecting the executive department +or the person who presides in it (the king) comes before them it is +debated on with the spirit of men, and in the language of gentlemen; and +their answer or their address is returned in the same style. They stand +not aloof with the gaping vacuity of vulgar ignorance, nor bend with the +cringe of sycophantic insignificance. The graceful pride of truth knows +no extremes, and preserves, in every latitude of life, the right-angled +character of man. + +Let us now look to the other side of the question. In the addresses +of the English Parliaments to their kings we see neither the intrepid +spirit of the old Parliaments of France, nor the serene dignity of the +present National Assembly; neither do we see in them anything of the +style of English manners, which border somewhat on bluntness. Since +then they are neither of foreign extraction, nor naturally of English +production, their origin must be sought for elsewhere, and that origin +is the Norman Conquest. They are evidently of the vassalage class of +manners, and emphatically mark the prostrate distance that exists in +no other condition of men than between the conqueror and the conquered. +That this vassalage idea and style of speaking was not got rid of even +at the Revolution of 1688, is evident from the declaration of Parliament +to William and Mary in these words: "We do most humbly and faithfully +submit ourselves, our heirs and posterities, for ever." Submission is +wholly a vassalage term, repugnant to the dignity of freedom, and an +echo of the language used at the Conquest. + +As the estimation of all things is given by comparison, the Revolution +of 1688, however from circumstances it may have been exalted beyond its +value, will find its level. It is already on the wane, eclipsed by the +enlarging orb of reason, and the luminous revolutions of America and +France. In less than another century it will go, as well as Mr. Burke's +labours, "to the family vault of all the Capulets." Mankind will then +scarcely believe that a country calling itself free would send +to Holland for a man, and clothe him with power on purpose to put +themselves in fear of him, and give him almost a million sterling a year +for leave to submit themselves and their posterity, like bondmen and +bondwomen, for ever. + +But there is a truth that ought to be made known; I have had the +opportunity of seeing it; which is, that notwithstanding appearances, +there is not any description of men that despise monarchy so much as +courtiers. But they well know, that if it were seen by others, as it is +seen by them, the juggle could not be kept up; they are in the condition +of men who get their living by a show, and to whom the folly of that +show is so familiar that they ridicule it; but were the audience to be +made as wise in this respect as themselves, there would be an end to the +show and the profits with it. The difference between a republican and +a courtier with respect to monarchy, is that the one opposes monarchy, +believing it to be something; and the other laughs at it, knowing it to +be nothing. + +As I used sometimes to correspond with Mr. Burke believing him then to +be a man of sounder principles than his book shows him to be, I wrote +to him last winter from Paris, and gave him an account how prosperously +matters were going on. Among other subjects in that letter, I referred +to the happy situation the National Assembly were placed in; that they +had taken ground on which their moral duty and their political interest +were united. They have not to hold out a language which they do not +themselves believe, for the fraudulent purpose of making others believe +it. Their station requires no artifice to support it, and can only be +maintained by enlightening mankind. It is not their interest to cherish +ignorance, but to dispel it. They are not in the case of a ministerial +or an opposition party in England, who, though they are opposed, are +still united to keep up the common mystery. The National Assembly must +throw open a magazine of light. It must show man the proper character of +man; and the nearer it can bring him to that standard, the stronger the +National Assembly becomes. + +In contemplating the French Constitution, we see in it a rational order +of things. The principles harmonise with the forms, and both with their +origin. It may perhaps be said as an excuse for bad forms, that they +are nothing more than forms; but this is a mistake. Forms grow out of +principles, and operate to continue the principles they grow from. It +is impossible to practise a bad form on anything but a bad principle. +It cannot be ingrafted on a good one; and wherever the forms in any +government are bad, it is a certain indication that the principles are +bad also. + +I will here finally close this subject. I began it by remarking that Mr. +Burke had voluntarily declined going into a comparison of the English +and French Constitutions. He apologises (in page 241) for not doing it, +by saying that he had not time. Mr. Burke's book was upwards of eight +months in hand, and is extended to a volume of three hundred and +sixty-six pages. As his omission does injury to his cause, his apology +makes it worse; and men on the English side of the water will begin to +consider, whether there is not some radical defect in what is called the +English constitution, that made it necessary for Mr. Burke to suppress +the comparison, to avoid bringing it into view. + +As Mr. Burke has not written on constitutions so neither has he written +on the French Revolution. He gives no account of its commencement or its +progress. He only expresses his wonder. "It looks," says he, "to me, as +if I were in a great crisis, not of the affairs of France alone, but +of all Europe, perhaps of more than Europe. All circumstances taken +together, the French Revolution is the most astonishing that has +hitherto happened in the world." + +As wise men are astonished at foolish things, and other people at +wise ones, I know not on which ground to account for Mr. Burke's +astonishment; but certain it is, that he does not understand the French +Revolution. It has apparently burst forth like a creation from a chaos, +but it is no more than the consequence of a mental revolution priorily +existing in France. The mind of the nation had changed beforehand, +and the new order of things has naturally followed the new order of +thoughts. I will here, as concisely as I can, trace out the growth of +the French Revolution, and mark the circumstances that have contributed +to produce it. + +The despotism of Louis XIV., united with the gaiety of his Court, and +the gaudy ostentation of his character, had so humbled, and at the same +time so fascinated the mind of France, that the people appeared to have +lost all sense of their own dignity, in contemplating that of their +Grand Monarch; and the whole reign of Louis XV., remarkable only for +weakness and effeminacy, made no other alteration than that of spreading +a sort of lethargy over the nation, from which it showed no disposition +to rise. + +The only signs which appeared to the spirit of Liberty during those +periods, are to be found in the writings of the French philosophers. +Montesquieu, President of the Parliament of Bordeaux, went as far as a +writer under a despotic government could well proceed; and being obliged +to divide himself between principle and prudence, his mind often appears +under a veil, and we ought to give him credit for more than he has +expressed. + +Voltaire, who was both the flatterer and the satirist of despotism, took +another line. His forte lay in exposing and ridiculing the superstitions +which priest-craft, united with state-craft, had interwoven with +governments. It was not from the purity of his principles, or his love +of mankind (for satire and philanthropy are not naturally concordant), +but from his strong capacity of seeing folly in its true shape, and his +irresistible propensity to expose it, that he made those attacks. They +were, however, as formidable as if the motive had been virtuous; and he +merits the thanks rather than the esteem of mankind. + +On the contrary, we find in the writings of Rousseau, and the Abbe +Raynal, a loveliness of sentiment in favour of liberty, that excites +respect, and elevates the human faculties; but having raised this +animation, they do not direct its operation, and leave the mind in love +with an object, without describing the means of possessing it. + +The writings of Quesnay, Turgot, and the friends of those authors, are +of the serious kind; but they laboured under the same disadvantage with +Montesquieu; their writings abound with moral maxims of government, but +are rather directed to economise and reform the administration of the +government, than the government itself. + +But all those writings and many others had their weight; and by the +different manner in which they treated the subject of government, +Montesquieu by his judgment and knowledge of laws, Voltaire by his wit, +Rousseau and Raynal by their animation, and Quesnay and Turgot by their +moral maxims and systems of economy, readers of every class met with +something to their taste, and a spirit of political inquiry began +to diffuse itself through the nation at the time the dispute between +England and the then colonies of America broke out. + +In the war which France afterwards engaged in, it is very well known +that the nation appeared to be before-hand with the French ministry. +Each of them had its view; but those views were directed to different +objects; the one sought liberty, and the other retaliation on England. +The French officers and soldiers who after this went to America, were +eventually placed in the school of Freedom, and learned the practice as +well as the principles of it by heart. + +As it was impossible to separate the military events which took place in +America from the principles of the American Revolution, the publication +of those events in France necessarily connected themselves with the +principles which produced them. Many of the facts were in themselves +principles; such as the declaration of American Independence, and the +treaty of alliance between France and America, which recognised the +natural rights of man, and justified resistance to oppression. + +The then Minister of France, Count Vergennes, was not the friend of +America; and it is both justice and gratitude to say, that it was the +Queen of France who gave the cause of America a fashion at the French +Court. Count Vergennes was the personal and social friend of Dr. +Franklin; and the Doctor had obtained, by his sensible gracefulness, +a sort of influence over him; but with respect to principles Count +Vergennes was a despot. + +The situation of Dr. Franklin, as Minister from America to France, +should be taken into the chain of circumstances. The diplomatic +character is of itself the narrowest sphere of society that man can +act in. It forbids intercourse by the reciprocity of suspicion; and +a diplomatic is a sort of unconnected atom, continually repelling and +repelled. But this was not the case with Dr. Franklin. He was not the +diplomatic of a Court, but of Man. His character as a philosopher +had been long established, and his circle of society in France was +universal. + +Count Vergennes resisted for a considerable time the publication in +France of American constitutions, translated into the French language: +but even in this he was obliged to give way to public opinion, and +a sort of propriety in admitting to appear what he had undertaken to +defend. The American constitutions were to liberty what a grammar is +to language: they define its parts of speech, and practically construct +them into syntax. + +The peculiar situation of the then Marquis de la Fayette is another link +in the great chain. He served in America as an American officer under a +commission of Congress, and by the universality of his acquaintance was +in close friendship with the civil government of America, as well as +with the military line. He spoke the language of the country, entered +into the discussions on the principles of government, and was always a +welcome friend at any election. + +When the war closed, a vast reinforcement to the cause of Liberty spread +itself over France, by the return of the French officers and soldiers. +A knowledge of the practice was then joined to the theory; and all +that was wanting to give it real existence was opportunity. Man cannot, +properly speaking, make circumstances for his purpose, but he always has +it in his power to improve them when they occur, and this was the case +in France. + +M. Neckar was displaced in May, 1781; and by the ill-management of +the finances afterwards, and particularly during the extravagant +administration of M. Calonne, the revenue of France, which was nearly +twenty-four millions sterling per year, was become unequal to the +expenditure, not because the revenue had decreased, but because the +expenses had increased; and this was a circumstance which the nation +laid hold of to bring forward a Revolution. The English Minister, Mr. +Pitt, has frequently alluded to the state of the French finances in his +budgets, without understanding the subject. Had the French Parliaments +been as ready to register edicts for new taxes as an English Parliament +is to grant them, there had been no derangement in the finances, nor yet +any Revolution; but this will better explain itself as I proceed. + +It will be necessary here to show how taxes were formerly raised in +France. The King, or rather the Court or Ministry acting under the use +of that name, framed the edicts for taxes at their own discretion, +and sent them to the Parliaments to be registered; for until they were +registered by the Parliaments they were not operative. Disputes had long +existed between the Court and the Parliaments with respect to the extent +of the Parliament's authority on this head. The Court insisted that the +authority of Parliaments went no farther than to remonstrate or show +reasons against the tax, reserving to itself the right of determining +whether the reasons were well or ill-founded; and in consequence +thereof, either to withdraw the edict as a matter of choice, or to order +it to be unregistered as a matter of authority. The Parliaments on their +part insisted that they had not only a right to remonstrate, but to +reject; and on this ground they were always supported by the nation. + +But to return to the order of my narrative. M. Calonne wanted money: and +as he knew the sturdy disposition of the Parliaments with respect to new +taxes, he ingeniously sought either to approach them by a more gentle +means than that of direct authority, or to get over their heads by a +manoeuvre; and for this purpose he revived the project of assembling a +body of men from the several provinces, under the style of an "Assembly +of the Notables," or men of note, who met in 1787, and who were either +to recommend taxes to the Parliaments, or to act as a Parliament +themselves. An Assembly under this name had been called in 1617. + +As we are to view this as the first practical step towards the +Revolution, it will be proper to enter into some particulars respecting +it. The Assembly of the Notables has in some places been mistaken for +the States-General, but was wholly a different body, the States-General +being always by election. The persons who composed the Assembly of the +Notables were all nominated by the king, and consisted of one hundred +and forty members. But as M. Calonne could not depend upon a majority of +this Assembly in his favour, he very ingeniously arranged them in such +a manner as to make forty-four a majority of one hundred and forty; +to effect this he disposed of them into seven separate committees, of +twenty members each. Every general question was to be decided, not by a +majority of persons, but by a majority of committee, and as eleven votes +would make a majority in a committee, and four committees a majority of +seven, M. Calonne had good reason to conclude that as forty-four would +determine any general question he could not be outvoted. But all his +plans deceived him, and in the event became his overthrow. + +The then Marquis de la Fayette was placed in the second committee, of +which the Count D'Artois was president, and as money matters were the +object, it naturally brought into view every circumstance connected with +it. M. de la Fayette made a verbal charge against Calonne for selling +crown lands to the amount of two millions of livres, in a manner +that appeared to be unknown to the king. The Count D'Artois (as if to +intimidate, for the Bastille was then in being) asked the Marquis if he +would render the charge in writing? He replied that he would. The Count +D'Artois did not demand it, but brought a message from the king to that +purport. M. de la Fayette then delivered in his charge in writing, to +be given to the king, undertaking to support it. No farther proceedings +were had upon this affair, but M. Calonne was soon after dismissed by +the king and set off to England. + +As M. de la Fayette, from the experience of what he had seen in America, +was better acquainted with the science of civil government than the +generality of the members who composed the Assembly of the Notables +could then be, the brunt of the business fell considerably to his share. +The plan of those who had a constitution in view was to contend with the +Court on the ground of taxes, and some of them openly professed their +object. Disputes frequently arose between Count D'Artois and M. de +la Fayette upon various subjects. With respect to the arrears already +incurred the latter proposed to remedy them by accommodating the +expenses to the revenue instead of the revenue to the expenses; and as +objects of reform he proposed to abolish the Bastille and all the State +prisons throughout the nation (the keeping of which was attended with +great expense), and to suppress Lettres de Cachet; but those matters +were not then much attended to, and with respect to Lettres de Cachet, a +majority of the Nobles appeared to be in favour of them. + +On the subject of supplying the Treasury by new taxes the Assembly +declined taking the matter on themselves, concurring in the opinion that +they had not authority. In a debate on this subject M. de la Fayette +said that raising money by taxes could only be done by a National +Assembly, freely elected by the people, and acting as their +representatives. Do you mean, said the Count D'Artois, the +States-General? M. de la Fayette replied that he did. Will you, said +the Count D'Artois, sign what you say to be given to the king? The other +replied that he would not only do this but that he would go farther, +and say that the effectual mode would be for the king to agree to the +establishment of a constitution. + +As one of the plans had thus failed, that of getting the Assembly to act +as a Parliament, the other came into view, that of recommending. On +this subject the Assembly agreed to recommend two new taxes to be +unregistered by the Parliament: the one a stamp-tax and the other a +territorial tax, or sort of land-tax. The two have been estimated +at about five millions sterling per annum. We have now to turn our +attention to the Parliaments, on whom the business was again devolving. + +The Archbishop of Thoulouse (since Archbishop of Sens, and now a +Cardinal), was appointed to the administration of the finances soon +after the dismission of Calonne. He was also made Prime Minister, an +office that did not always exist in France. When this office did +not exist, the chief of each of the principal departments transacted +business immediately with the King, but when a Prime Minister was +appointed they did business only with him. The Archbishop arrived to +more state authority than any minister since the Duke de Choiseul, and +the nation was strongly disposed in his favour; but by a line of conduct +scarcely to be accounted for he perverted every opportunity, turned out +a despot, and sunk into disgrace, and a Cardinal. + +The Assembly of the Notables having broken up, the minister sent +the edicts for the two new taxes recommended by the Assembly to the +Parliaments to be unregistered. They of course came first before the +Parliament of Paris, who returned for answer: "that with such a revenue +as the nation then supported the name of taxes ought not to be mentioned +but for the purpose of reducing them"; and threw both the edicts +out.*[8] On this refusal the Parliament was ordered to Versailles, +where, in the usual form, the King held what under the old government +was called a Bed of justice; and the two edicts were unregistered +in presence of the Parliament by an order of State, in the manner +mentioned, earlier. On this the Parliament immediately returned to +Paris, renewed their session in form, and ordered the enregistering to +be struck out, declaring that everything done at Versailles was illegal. +All the members of the Parliament were then served with Lettres de +Cachet, and exiled to Troyes; but as they continued as inflexible in +exile as before, and as vengeance did not supply the place of taxes, +they were after a short time recalled to Paris. + +The edicts were again tendered to them, and the Count D'Artois undertook +to act as representative of the King. For this purpose he came from +Versailles to Paris, in a train of procession; and the Parliament were +assembled to receive him. But show and parade had lost their influence +in France; and whatever ideas of importance he might set off with, +he had to return with those of mortification and disappointment. On +alighting from his carriage to ascend the steps of the Parliament House, +the crowd (which was numerously collected) threw out trite expressions, +saying: "This is Monsieur D'Artois, who wants more of our money to +spend." The marked disapprobation which he saw impressed him with +apprehensions, and the word Aux armes! (To arms!) was given out by the +officer of the guard who attended him. It was so loudly vociferated, +that it echoed through the avenues of the house, and produced a +temporary confusion. I was then standing in one of the apartments +through which he had to pass, and could not avoid reflecting how +wretched was the condition of a disrespected man. + +He endeavoured to impress the Parliament by great words, and opened his +authority by saying, "The King, our Lord and Master." The Parliament +received him very coolly, and with their usual determination not to +register the taxes: and in this manner the interview ended. + +After this a new subject took place: In the various debates and contests +which arose between the Court and the Parliaments on the subject of +taxes, the Parliament of Paris at last declared that although it had +been customary for Parliaments to enregister edicts for taxes as a +matter of convenience, the right belonged only to the States-General; +and that, therefore, the Parliament could no longer with propriety +continue to debate on what it had not authority to act. The King after +this came to Paris and held a meeting with the Parliament, in which he +continued from ten in the morning till about six in the evening, and, in +a manner that appeared to proceed from him as if unconsulted upon +with the Cabinet or Ministry, gave his word to the Parliament that the +States-General should be convened. + +But after this another scene arose, on a ground different from all +the former. The Minister and the Cabinet were averse to calling +the States-General. They well knew that if the States-General were +assembled, themselves must fall; and as the King had not mentioned any +time, they hit on a project calculated to elude, without appearing to +oppose. + +For this purpose, the Court set about making a sort of constitution +itself. It was principally the work of M. Lamoignon, the Keeper of the +Seals, who afterwards shot himself. This new arrangement consisted in +establishing a body under the name of a Cour Pleniere, or Full Court, +in which were invested all the powers that the Government might have +occasion to make use of. The persons composing this Court were to be +nominated by the King; the contended right of taxation was given up +on the part of the King, and a new criminal code of laws and law +proceedings was substituted in the room of the former. The thing, in +many points, contained better principles than those upon which the +Government had hitherto been administered; but with respect to the Cour +Pleniere, it was no other than a medium through which despotism was to +pass, without appearing to act directly from itself. + +The Cabinet had high expectations from their new contrivance. The people +who were to compose the Cour Pleniere were already nominated; and as it +was necessary to carry a fair appearance, many of the best characters in +the nation were appointed among the number. It was to commence on May +8, 1788; but an opposition arose to it on two grounds the one as to +principle, the other as to form. + +On the ground of Principle it was contended that Government had not a +right to alter itself, and that if the practice was once admitted it +would grow into a principle and be made a precedent for any future +alterations the Government might wish to establish: that the right +of altering the Government was a national right, and not a right of +Government. And on the ground of form it was contended that the Cour +Pleniere was nothing more than a larger Cabinet. + +The then Duke de la Rochefoucault, Luxembourg, De Noailles, and many +others, refused to accept the nomination, and strenuously opposed the +whole plan. When the edict for establishing this new court was sent to +the Parliaments to be unregistered and put into execution, they +resisted also. The Parliament of Paris not only refused, but denied the +authority; and the contest renewed itself between the Parliament and the +Cabinet more strongly than ever. While the Parliament were sitting in +debate on this subject, the Ministry ordered a regiment of soldiers to +surround the House and form a blockade. The members sent out for beds +and provisions, and lived as in a besieged citadel: and as this had no +effect, the commanding officer was ordered to enter the Parliament House +and seize them, which he did, and some of the principal members were +shut up in different prisons. About the same time a deputation of +persons arrived from the province of Brittany to remonstrate against the +establishment of the Cour Pleniere, and those the archbishop sent to the +Bastille. But the spirit of the nation was not to be overcome, and +it was so fully sensible of the strong ground it had taken--that of +withholding taxes--that it contented itself with keeping up a sort of +quiet resistance, which effectually overthrew all the plans at that time +formed against it. The project of the Cour Pleniere was at last obliged +to be given up, and the Prime Minister not long afterwards followed its +fate, and M. Neckar was recalled into office. + +The attempt to establish the Cour Pleniere had an effect upon the nation +which itself did not perceive. It was a sort of new form of government +that insensibly served to put the old one out of sight and to unhinge +it from the superstitious authority of antiquity. It was Government +dethroning Government; and the old one, by attempting to make a new one, +made a chasm. + +The failure of this scheme renewed the subject of convening the +State-General; and this gave rise to a new series of politics. There was +no settled form for convening the States-General: all that it positively +meant was a deputation from what was then called the Clergy, the +Noblesse, and the Commons; but their numbers or their proportions had +not been always the same. They had been convened only on extraordinary +occasions, the last of which was in 1614; their numbers were then in +equal proportions, and they voted by orders. + +It could not well escape the sagacity of M. Neckar, that the mode of +1614 would answer neither the purpose of the then government nor of the +nation. As matters were at that time circumstanced it would have been +too contentious to agree upon anything. The debates would have been +endless upon privileges and exemptions, in which neither the wants of +the Government nor the wishes of the nation for a Constitution would +have been attended to. But as he did not choose to take the decision +upon himself, he summoned again the Assembly of the Notables and +referred it to them. This body was in general interested in the +decision, being chiefly of aristocracy and high-paid clergy, and they +decided in favor of the mode of 1614. This decision was against the +sense of the Nation, and also against the wishes of the Court; for +the aristocracy opposed itself to both and contended for privileges +independent of either. The subject was then taken up by the Parliament, +who recommended that the number of the Commons should be equal to the +other two: and they should all sit in one house and vote in one body. +The number finally determined on was 1,200; 600 to be chosen by the +Commons (and this was less than their proportion ought to have been when +their worth and consequence is considered on a national scale), 300 by +the Clergy, and 300 by the Aristocracy; but with respect to the mode of +assembling themselves, whether together or apart, or the manner in which +they should vote, those matters were referred.*[9] + +The election that followed was not a contested election, but an animated +one. The candidates were not men, but principles. Societies were formed +in Paris, and committees of correspondence and communication established +throughout the nation, for the purpose of enlightening the people, and +explaining to them the principles of civil government; and so orderly +was the election conducted, that it did not give rise even to the rumour +of tumult. + +The States-General were to meet at Versailles in April 1789, but did not +assemble till May. They situated themselves in three separate chambers, +or rather the Clergy and Aristocracy withdrew each into a separate +chamber. The majority of the Aristocracy claimed what they called the +privilege of voting as a separate body, and of giving their consent +or their negative in that manner; and many of the bishops and the +high-beneficed clergy claimed the same privilege on the part of their +Order. + +The Tiers Etat (as they were then called) disowned any knowledge of +artificial orders and artificial privileges; and they were not only +resolute on this point, but somewhat disdainful. They began to consider +the Aristocracy as a kind of fungus growing out of the corruption of +society, that could not be admitted even as a branch of it; and from the +disposition the Aristocracy had shown by upholding Lettres de Cachet, +and in sundry other instances, it was manifest that no constitution +could be formed by admitting men in any other character than as National +Men. + +After various altercations on this head, the Tiers Etat or Commons (as +they were then called) declared themselves (on a motion made for that +purpose by the Abbe Sieyes) "The Representative Of The Nation; and that +the two Orders could be considered but as deputies of corporations, and +could only have a deliberate voice when they assembled in a national +character with the national representatives." This proceeding +extinguished the style of Etats Generaux, or States-General, and erected +it into the style it now bears, that of L'Assemblee Nationale, or +National Assembly. + +This motion was not made in a precipitate manner. It was the result of +cool deliberation, and concerned between the national representatives +and the patriotic members of the two chambers, who saw into the folly, +mischief, and injustice of artificial privileged distinctions. It was +become evident, that no constitution, worthy of being called by that +name, could be established on anything less than a national ground. +The Aristocracy had hitherto opposed the despotism of the Court, and +affected the language of patriotism; but it opposed it as its rival (as +the English Barons opposed King John) and it now opposed the nation from +the same motives. + +On carrying this motion, the national representatives, as had been +concerted, sent an invitation to the two chambers, to unite with them in +a national character, and proceed to business. A majority of the clergy, +chiefly of the parish priests, withdrew from the clerical chamber, and +joined the nation; and forty-five from the other chamber joined in +like manner. There is a sort of secret history belonging to this last +circumstance, which is necessary to its explanation; it was not judged +prudent that all the patriotic members of the chamber styling itself the +Nobles, should quit it at once; and in consequence of this arrangement, +they drew off by degrees, always leaving some, as well to reason the +case, as to watch the suspected. In a little time the numbers increased +from forty-five to eighty, and soon after to a greater number; +which, with the majority of the clergy, and the whole of the national +representatives, put the malcontents in a very diminutive condition. + +The King, who, very different from the general class called by that +name, is a man of a good heart, showed himself disposed to recommend +a union of the three chambers, on the ground the National Assembly had +taken; but the malcontents exerted themselves to prevent it, and began +now to have another project in view. Their numbers consisted of a +majority of the aristocratical chamber, and the minority of the clerical +chamber, chiefly of bishops and high-beneficed clergy; and these men +were determined to put everything to issue, as well by strength as by +stratagem. They had no objection to a constitution; but it must be such +a one as themselves should dictate, and suited to their own views and +particular situations. On the other hand, the Nation disowned knowing +anything of them but as citizens, and was determined to shut out all +such up-start pretensions. The more aristocracy appeared, the more it +was despised; there was a visible imbecility and want of intellects in +the majority, a sort of je ne sais quoi, that while it affected to be +more than citizen, was less than man. It lost ground from contempt more +than from hatred; and was rather jeered at as an ass, than dreaded as a +lion. This is the general character of aristocracy, or what are called +Nobles or Nobility, or rather No-ability, in all countries. + +The plan of the malcontents consisted now of two things; either to +deliberate and vote by chambers (or orders), more especially on all +questions respecting a Constitution (by which the aristocratical chamber +would have had a negative on any article of the Constitution); or, in +case they could not accomplish this object, to overthrow the National +Assembly entirely. + +To effect one or other of these objects they began to cultivate a +friendship with the despotism they had hitherto attempted to rival, and +the Count D'Artois became their chief. The king (who has since declared +himself deceived into their measures) held, according to the old form, +a Bed of Justice, in which he accorded to the deliberation and vote par +tete (by head) upon several subjects; but reserved the deliberation and +vote upon all questions respecting a constitution to the three chambers +separately. This declaration of the king was made against the advice of +M. Neckar, who now began to perceive that he was growing out of fashion +at Court, and that another minister was in contemplation. + +As the form of sitting in separate chambers was yet apparently kept up, +though essentially destroyed, the national representatives immediately +after this declaration of the King resorted to their own chambers +to consult on a protest against it; and the minority of the chamber +(calling itself the Nobles), who had joined the national cause, retired +to a private house to consult in like manner. The malcontents had by +this time concerted their measures with the court, which the Count +D'Artois undertook to conduct; and as they saw from the discontent which +the declaration excited, and the opposition making against it, that they +could not obtain a control over the intended constitution by a +separate vote, they prepared themselves for their final object--that of +conspiring against the National Assembly, and overthrowing it. + +The next morning the door of the chamber of the National Assembly was +shut against them, and guarded by troops; and the members were +refused admittance. On this they withdrew to a tennis-ground in the +neighbourhood of Versailles, as the most convenient place they could +find, and, after renewing their session, took an oath never to separate +from each other, under any circumstance whatever, death excepted, until +they had established a constitution. As the experiment of shutting up +the house had no other effect than that of producing a closer connection +in the members, it was opened again the next day, and the public +business recommenced in the usual place. + +We are now to have in view the forming of the new ministry, which was to +accomplish the overthrow of the National Assembly. But as force would +be necessary, orders were issued to assemble thirty thousand troops, the +command of which was given to Broglio, one of the intended new ministry, +who was recalled from the country for this purpose. But as some +management was necessary to keep this plan concealed till the moment it +should be ready for execution, it is to this policy that a declaration +made by Count D'Artois must be attributed, and which is here proper to +be introduced. + +It could not but occur while the malcontents continued to resort to +their chambers separate from the National Assembly, more jealousy would +be excited than if they were mixed with it, and that the plot might be +suspected. But as they had taken their ground, and now wanted a pretence +for quitting it, it was necessary that one should be devised. This was +effectually accomplished by a declaration made by the Count D'Artois: +"That if they took not a Part in the National Assembly, the life of the +king would be endangered": on which they quitted their chambers, and +mixed with the Assembly, in one body. + +At the time this declaration was made, it was generally treated as a +piece of absurdity in Count D'Artois calculated merely to relieve the +outstanding members of the two chambers from the diminutive situation +they were put in; and if nothing more had followed, this conclusion +would have been good. But as things best explain themselves by their +events, this apparent union was only a cover to the machinations which +were secretly going on; and the declaration accommodated itself to +answer that purpose. In a little time the National Assembly found itself +surrounded by troops, and thousands more were daily arriving. On this a +very strong declaration was made by the National Assembly to the King, +remonstrating on the impropriety of the measure, and demanding the +reason. The King, who was not in the secret of this business, as himself +afterwards declared, gave substantially for answer, that he had no other +object in view than to preserve the public tranquility, which appeared +to be much disturbed. + +But in a few days from this time the plot unravelled itself M. Neckar +and the ministry were displaced, and a new one formed of the enemies +of the Revolution; and Broglio, with between twenty-five and thirty +thousand foreign troops, was arrived to support them. The mask was now +thrown off, and matters were come to a crisis. The event was that in a +space of three days the new ministry and their abettors found it prudent +to fly the nation; the Bastille was taken, and Broglio and his foreign +troops dispersed, as is already related in the former part of this work. + +There are some curious circumstances in the history of this short-lived +ministry, and this short-lived attempt at a counter-revolution. The +Palace of Versailles, where the Court was sitting, was not more than +four hundred yards distant from the hall where the National Assembly +was sitting. The two places were at this moment like the separate +headquarters of two combatant armies; yet the Court was as perfectly +ignorant of the information which had arrived from Paris to the National +Assembly, as if it had resided at an hundred miles distance. The then +Marquis de la Fayette, who (as has been already mentioned) was chosen to +preside in the National Assembly on this particular occasion, named by +order of the Assembly three successive deputations to the king, on the +day and up to the evening on which the Bastille was taken, to inform and +confer with him on the state of affairs; but the ministry, who knew not +so much as that it was attacked, precluded all communication, and were +solacing themselves how dextrously they had succeeded; but in a few +hours the accounts arrived so thick and fast that they had to start from +their desks and run. Some set off in one disguise, and some in another, +and none in their own character. Their anxiety now was to outride the +news, lest they should be stopt, which, though it flew fast, flew not so +fast as themselves. + +It is worth remarking that the National Assembly neither pursued those +fugitive conspirators, nor took any notice of them, nor sought +to retaliate in any shape whatever. Occupied with establishing a +constitution founded on the Rights of Man and the Authority of the +People, the only authority on which Government has a right to exist +in any country, the National Assembly felt none of those mean passions +which mark the character of impertinent governments, founding themselves +on their own authority, or on the absurdity of hereditary succession. It +is the faculty of the human mind to become what it contemplates, and to +act in unison with its object. + +The conspiracy being thus dispersed, one of the first works of the +National Assembly, instead of vindictive proclamations, as has been the +case with other governments, was to publish a declaration of the Rights +of Man, as the basis on which the new constitution was to be built, and +which is here subjoined: + + + Declaration + + Of The + + Rights Of Man And Of Citizens + + By The National Assembly Of France + +The representatives of the people of France, formed into a National +Assembly, considering that ignorance, neglect, or contempt of human +rights, are the sole causes of public misfortunes and corruptions of +Government, have resolved to set forth in a solemn declaration, these +natural, imprescriptible, and inalienable rights: that this declaration +being constantly present to the minds of the members of the body social, +they may be forever kept attentive to their rights and their duties; +that the acts of the legislative and executive powers of Government, +being capable of being every moment compared with the end of political +institutions, may be more respected; and also, that the future claims of +the citizens, being directed by simple and incontestable principles, +may always tend to the maintenance of the Constitution, and the general +happiness. + +For these reasons the National Assembly doth recognize and declare, in +the presence of the Supreme Being, and with the hope of his blessing and +favour, the following sacred rights of men and of citizens: + +One: Men are born, and always continue, free and equal in respect of +their Rights. Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on +Public Utility. + +Two: The end of all Political associations is the Preservation of the +Natural and Imprescriptible Rights of Man; and these rights are Liberty, +Property, Security, and Resistance of Oppression. + +Three: The Nation is essentially the source of all Sovereignty; nor can +any individual, or any body of Men, be entitled to any authority which +is not expressly derived from it. + +Four: Political Liberty consists in the power of doing whatever does not +Injure another. The exercise of the Natural Rights of every Man, has no +other limits than those which are necessary to secure to every other Man +the Free exercise of the same Rights; and these limits are determinable +only by the Law. + +Five: The Law ought to Prohibit only actions hurtful to Society. What is +not Prohibited by the Law should not be hindered; nor should anyone be +compelled to that which the Law does not Require. + +Six: the Law is an expression of the Will of the Community. All Citizens +have a right to concur, either personally or by their Representatives, +in its formation. It Should be the same to all, whether it protects or +punishes; and all being equal in its sight, are equally eligible to +all Honours, Places, and employments, according to their different +abilities, without any other distinction than that created by their +Virtues and talents. + +Seven: No Man should be accused, arrested, or held in confinement, +except in cases determined by the Law, and according to the forms which +it has prescribed. All who promote, solicit, execute, or cause to be +executed, arbitrary orders, ought to be punished, and every Citizen +called upon, or apprehended by virtue of the Law, ought immediately to +obey, and renders himself culpable by resistance. + +Eight: The Law ought to impose no other penalties but such as are +absolutely and evidently necessary; and no one ought to be punished, but +in virtue of a Law promulgated before the offence, and Legally applied. + +Nine: Every Man being presumed innocent till he has been convicted, +whenever his detention becomes indispensable, all rigour to him, more +than is necessary to secure his person, ought to be provided against by +the Law. + +Ten: No Man ought to be molested on account of his opinions, not even on +account of his Religious opinions, provided his avowal of them does not +disturb the Public Order established by the Law. + +Eleven: The unrestrained communication of thoughts and opinions being +one of the Most Precious Rights of Man, every Citizen may speak, write, +and publish freely, provided he is responsible for the abuse of this +Liberty, in cases determined by the Law. + +Twelve: A Public force being necessary to give security to the Rights +of Men and of Citizens, that force is instituted for the benefit of the +Community and not for the particular benefit of the persons to whom it +is intrusted. + +Thirteen: A common contribution being necessary for the support of the +Public force, and for defraying the other expenses of Government, +it ought to be divided equally among the Members of the Community, +according to their abilities. + +Fourteen: every Citizen has a Right, either by himself or his +Representative, to a free voice in determining the necessity of Public +Contributions, the appropriation of them, and their amount, mode of +assessment, and duration. + +Fifteen: every Community has a Right to demand of all its agents an +account of their conduct. + +Sixteen: every Community in which a Separation of Powers and a Security +of Rights is not Provided for, wants a Constitution. + +Seventeen: The Right to Property being inviolable and sacred, no one +ought to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident Public necessity, +legally ascertained, and on condition of a previous just Indemnity. + + + + +OBSERVATIONS ON THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS + +The first three articles comprehend in general terms the whole of a +Declaration of Rights, all the succeeding articles either originate +from them or follow as elucidations. The 4th, 5th, and 6th define more +particularly what is only generally expressed in the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd. + +The 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th articles are declaratory of principles +upon which laws shall be constructed, conformable to rights already +declared. But it is questioned by some very good people in France, +as well as in other countries, whether the 10th article sufficiently +guarantees the right it is intended to accord with; besides which it +takes off from the divine dignity of religion, and weakens its operative +force upon the mind, to make it a subject of human laws. It then +presents itself to man like light intercepted by a cloudy medium, in +which the source of it is obscured from his sight, and he sees nothing +to reverence in the dusky ray.*[10] + +The remaining articles, beginning with the twelfth, are substantially +contained in the principles of the preceding articles; but in the +particular situation in which France then was, having to undo what was +wrong, as well as to set up what was right, it was proper to be more +particular than what in another condition of things would be necessary. + +While the Declaration of Rights was before the National Assembly some of +its members remarked that if a declaration of rights were published +it should be accompanied by a Declaration of Duties. The observation +discovered a mind that reflected, and it only erred by not reflecting +far enough. A Declaration of Rights is, by reciprocity, a Declaration of +Duties also. Whatever is my right as a man is also the right of another; +and it becomes my duty to guarantee as well as to possess. + +The three first articles are the base of Liberty, as well individual as +national; nor can any country be called free whose government does not +take its beginning from the principles they contain, and continue to +preserve them pure; and the whole of the Declaration of Rights is of +more value to the world, and will do more good, than all the laws and +statutes that have yet been promulgated. + +In the declaratory exordium which prefaces the Declaration of Rights +we see the solemn and majestic spectacle of a nation opening its +commission, under the auspices of its Creator, to establish a +Government, a scene so new, and so transcendantly unequalled by anything +in the European world, that the name of a Revolution is diminutive of +its character, and it rises into a Regeneration of man. What are the +present Governments of Europe but a scene of iniquity and oppression? +What is that of England? Do not its own inhabitants say it is a market +where every man has his price, and where corruption is common traffic +at the expense of a deluded people? No wonder, then, that the French +Revolution is traduced. Had it confined itself merely to the destruction +of flagrant despotism perhaps Mr. Burke and some others had been silent. +Their cry now is, "It has gone too far"--that is, it has gone too far +for them. It stares corruption in the face, and the venal tribe are all +alarmed. Their fear discovers itself in their outrage, and they are but +publishing the groans of a wounded vice. But from such opposition the +French Revolution, instead of suffering, receives an homage. The more it +is struck the more sparks it will emit; and the fear is it will not be +struck enough. It has nothing to dread from attacks; truth has given it +an establishment, and time will record it with a name as lasting as his +own. + +Having now traced the progress of the French Revolution through most +of its principal stages, from its commencement to the taking of the +Bastille, and its establishment by the Declaration of Rights, I will +close the subject with the energetic apostrophe of M. de la Fayette, +"May this great monument, raised to Liberty, serve as a lesson to the +oppressor, and an example to the oppressed!"*[11] + + + MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTER + +To prevent interrupting the argument in the preceding part of this work, +or the narrative that follows it, I reserved some observations to be +thrown together in a Miscellaneous Chapter; by which variety might +not be censured for confusion. Mr. Burke's book is all Miscellany. His +intention was to make an attack on the French Revolution; but instead of +proceeding with an orderly arrangement, he has stormed it with a mob of +ideas tumbling over and destroying one another. + +But this confusion and contradiction in Mr. Burke's Book is easily +accounted for.--When a man in a wrong cause attempts to steer his course +by anything else than some polar truth or principle, he is sure to be +lost. It is beyond the compass of his capacity to keep all the parts +of an argument together, and make them unite in one issue, by any +other means than having this guide always in view. Neither memory nor +invention will supply the want of it. The former fails him, and the +latter betrays him. + +Notwithstanding the nonsense, for it deserves no better name, that Mr. +Burke has asserted about hereditary rights, and hereditary succession, +and that a Nation has not a right to form a Government of itself; it +happened to fall in his way to give some account of what Government is. +"Government," says he, "is a contrivance of human wisdom." + +Admitting that government is a contrivance of human wisdom, it must +necessarily follow, that hereditary succession, and hereditary rights +(as they are called), can make no part of it, because it is impossible +to make wisdom hereditary; and on the other hand, that cannot be a +wise contrivance, which in its operation may commit the government of a +nation to the wisdom of an idiot. The ground which Mr. Burke now +takes is fatal to every part of his cause. The argument changes from +hereditary rights to hereditary wisdom; and the question is, Who is the +wisest man? He must now show that every one in the line of hereditary +succession was a Solomon, or his title is not good to be a king. What a +stroke has Mr. Burke now made! To use a sailor's phrase, he has swabbed +the deck, and scarcely left a name legible in the list of Kings; and +he has mowed down and thinned the House of Peers, with a scythe as +formidable as Death and Time. + +But Mr. Burke appears to have been aware of this retort; and he has +taken care to guard against it, by making government to be not only +a contrivance of human wisdom, but a monopoly of wisdom. He puts the +nation as fools on one side, and places his government of wisdom, all +wise men of Gotham, on the other side; and he then proclaims, and says +that "Men have a Right that their Wants should be provided for by this +wisdom." Having thus made proclamation, he next proceeds to explain to +them what their wants are, and also what their rights are. In this +he has succeeded dextrously, for he makes their wants to be a want of +wisdom; but as this is cold comfort, he then informs them, that they +have a right (not to any of the wisdom) but to be governed by it; and +in order to impress them with a solemn reverence for this +monopoly-government of wisdom, and of its vast capacity for all +purposes, possible or impossible, right or wrong, he proceeds with +astrological mysterious importance, to tell to them its powers in these +words: "The rights of men in government are their advantages; and these +are often in balance between differences of good; and in compromises +sometimes between good and evil, and sometimes between +evil and evil. Political reason is a computing principle; +adding--subtracting--multiplying--and dividing, morally and not +metaphysically or mathematically, true moral denominations." + +As the wondering audience, whom Mr. Burke supposes himself talking to, +may not understand all this learned jargon, I will undertake to be +its interpreter. The meaning, then, good people, of all this, is: That +government is governed by no principle whatever; that it can make evil +good, or good evil, just as it pleases. In short, that government is +arbitrary power. + +But there are some things which Mr. Burke has forgotten. First, he has +not shown where the wisdom originally came from: and secondly, he has +not shown by what authority it first began to act. In the manner he +introduces the matter, it is either government stealing wisdom, or +wisdom stealing government. It is without an origin, and its powers +without authority. In short, it is usurpation. + +Whether it be from a sense of shame, or from a consciousness of some +radical defect in a government necessary to be kept out of sight, or +from both, or from any other cause, I undertake not to determine, but +so it is, that a monarchical reasoner never traces government to its +source, or from its source. It is one of the shibboleths by which he +may be known. A thousand years hence, those who shall live in America or +France, will look back with contemplative pride on the origin of their +government, and say, This was the work of our glorious ancestors! But +what can a monarchical talker say? What has he to exult in? Alas he has +nothing. A certain something forbids him to look back to a beginning, +lest some robber, or some Robin Hood, should rise from the long +obscurity of time and say, I am the origin. Hard as Mr. Burke laboured +at the Regency Bill and Hereditary Succession two years ago, and much +as he dived for precedents, he still had not boldness enough to bring +up William of Normandy, and say, There is the head of the list! there +is the fountain of honour! the son of a prostitute, and the plunderer of +the English nation. + +The opinions of men with respect to government are changing fast in all +countries. The Revolutions of America and France have thrown a beam of +light over the world, which reaches into man. The enormous expense of +governments has provoked people to think, by making them feel; and when +once the veil begins to rend, it admits not of repair. Ignorance is of a +peculiar nature: once dispelled, it is impossible to re-establish it. +It is not originally a thing of itself, but is only the absence of +knowledge; and though man may be kept ignorant, he cannot be made +ignorant. The mind, in discovering truth, acts in the same manner as it +acts through the eye in discovering objects; when once any object has +been seen, it is impossible to put the mind back to the same condition +it was in before it saw it. Those who talk of a counter-revolution in +France, show how little they understand of man. There does not exist in +the compass of language an arrangement of words to express so much +as the means of effecting a counter-revolution. The means must be an +obliteration of knowledge; and it has never yet been discovered how to +make man unknow his knowledge, or unthink his thoughts. + +Mr. Burke is labouring in vain to stop the progress of knowledge; and it +comes with the worse grace from him, as there is a certain transaction +known in the city which renders him suspected of being a pensioner in +a fictitious name. This may account for some strange doctrine he has +advanced in his book, which though he points it at the Revolution +Society, is effectually directed against the whole nation. + +"The King of England," says he, "holds his crown (for it does not belong +to the Nation, according to Mr. Burke) in contempt of the choice of the +Revolution Society, who have not a single vote for a king among them +either individually or collectively; and his Majesty's heirs each in +their time and order, will come to the Crown with the same contempt of +their choice, with which his Majesty has succeeded to that which he now +wears." + +As to who is King in England, or elsewhere, or whether there is any +King at all, or whether the people choose a Cherokee chief, or a Hessian +hussar for a King, it is not a matter that I trouble myself about--be +that to themselves; but with respect to the doctrine, so far as it +relates to the Rights of Men and Nations, it is as abominable as +anything ever uttered in the most enslaved country under heaven. +Whether it sounds worse to my ear, by not being accustomed to hear such +despotism, than what it does to another person, I am not so well a judge +of; but of its abominable principle I am at no loss to judge. + +It is not the Revolution Society that Mr. Burke means; it is the Nation, +as well in its original as in its representative character; and he has +taken care to make himself understood, by saying that they have not +a vote either collectively or individually. The Revolution Society is +composed of citizens of all denominations, and of members of both the +Houses of Parliament; and consequently, if there is not a right to a +vote in any of the characters, there can be no right to any either in +the nation or in its Parliament. This ought to be a caution to every +country how to import foreign families to be kings. It is somewhat +curious to observe, that although the people of England had been in the +habit of talking about kings, it is always a Foreign House of Kings; +hating Foreigners yet governed by them.--It is now the House of +Brunswick, one of the petty tribes of Germany. + +It has hitherto been the practice of the English Parliaments to regulate +what was called the succession (taking it for granted that the Nation +then continued to accord to the form of annexing a monarchical branch +of its government; for without this the Parliament could not have had +authority to have sent either to Holland or to Hanover, or to impose +a king upon the nation against its will). And this must be the utmost +limit to which Parliament can go upon this case; but the right of the +Nation goes to the whole case, because it has the right of changing its +whole form of government. The right of a Parliament is only a right in +trust, a right by delegation, and that but from a very small part of the +Nation; and one of its Houses has not even this. But the right of the +Nation is an original right, as universal as taxation. The nation is +the paymaster of everything, and everything must conform to its general +will. + +I remember taking notice of a speech in what is called the English House +of Peers, by the then Earl of Shelburne, and I think it was at the time +he was Minister, which is applicable to this case. I do not directly +charge my memory with every particular; but the words and the purport, +as nearly as I remember, were these: "That the form of a Government was +a matter wholly at the will of the Nation at all times, that if it chose +a monarchical form, it had a right to have it so; and if it afterwards +chose to be a Republic, it had a right to be a Republic, and to say to a +King, 'We have no longer any occasion for you.'" + +When Mr. Burke says that "His Majesty's heirs and successors, each in +their time and order, will come to the crown with the same content of +their choice with which His Majesty had succeeded to that he wears," it +is saying too much even to the humblest individual in the country; +part of whose daily labour goes towards making up the million sterling +a-year, which the country gives the person it styles a king. Government +with insolence is despotism; but when contempt is added it becomes +worse; and to pay for contempt is the excess of slavery. This species +of government comes from Germany; and reminds me of what one of the +Brunswick soldiers told me, who was taken prisoner by, the Americans +in the late war: "Ah!" said he, "America is a fine free country, it is +worth the people's fighting for; I know the difference by knowing my +own: in my country, if the prince says eat straw, we eat straw." +God help that country, thought I, be it England or elsewhere, whose +liberties are to be protected by German principles of government, and +Princes of Brunswick! + +As Mr. Burke sometimes speaks of England, sometimes of France, and +sometimes of the world, and of government in general, it is difficult +to answer his book without apparently meeting him on the same ground. +Although principles of Government are general subjects, it is next to +impossible, in many cases, to separate them from the idea of place and +circumstance, and the more so when circumstances are put for arguments, +which is frequently the case with Mr. Burke. + +In the former part of his book, addressing himself to the people of +France, he says: "No experience has taught us (meaning the English), +that in any other course or method than that of a hereditary crown, +can our liberties be regularly perpetuated and preserved sacred as our +hereditary right." I ask Mr. Burke, who is to take them away? M. de la +Fayette, in speaking to France, says: "For a Nation to be free, it +is sufficient that she wills it." But Mr. Burke represents England as +wanting capacity to take care of itself, and that its liberties must be +taken care of by a King holding it in "contempt." If England is sunk +to this, it is preparing itself to eat straw, as in Hanover, or in +Brunswick. But besides the folly of the declaration, it happens that +the facts are all against Mr. Burke. It was by the government being +hereditary, that the liberties of the people were endangered. Charles I. +and James II. are instances of this truth; yet neither of them went so +far as to hold the Nation in contempt. + +As it is sometimes of advantage to the people of one country to hear +what those of other countries have to say respecting it, it is possible +that the people of France may learn something from Mr. Burke's book, and +that the people of England may also learn something from the answers +it will occasion. When Nations fall out about freedom, a wide field of +debate is opened. The argument commences with the rights of war, without +its evils, and as knowledge is the object contended for, the party that +sustains the defeat obtains the prize. + +Mr. Burke talks about what he calls an hereditary crown, as if it +were some production of Nature; or as if, like Time, it had a power to +operate, not only independently, but in spite of man; or as if it were a +thing or a subject universally consented to. Alas! it has none of +those properties, but is the reverse of them all. It is a thing in +imagination, the propriety of which is more than doubted, and the +legality of which in a few years will be denied. + +But, to arrange this matter in a clearer view than what general +expression can heads under which (what is called) an hereditary crown, +or more properly speaking, an hereditary succession to the Government of +a Nation, can be considered; which are: + +First, The right of a particular Family to establish itself. + +Secondly, The right of a Nation to establish a particular Family. + +With respect to the first of these heads, that of a Family establishing +itself with hereditary powers on its own authority, and independent of +the consent of a Nation, all men will concur in calling it despotism; +and it would be trespassing on their understanding to attempt to prove +it. + +But the second head, that of a Nation establishing a particular Family +with hereditary powers, does not present itself as despotism on the +first reflection; but if men will permit it a second reflection to take +place, and carry that reflection forward but one remove out of their own +persons to that of their offspring, they will then see that hereditary +succession becomes in its consequences the same despotism to others, +which they reprobated for themselves. It operates to preclude the +consent of the succeeding generations; and the preclusion of consent is +despotism. When the person who at any time shall be in possession of +a Government, or those who stand in succession to him, shall say to a +Nation, I hold this power in "contempt" of you, it signifies not on what +authority he pretends to say it. It is no relief, but an aggravation to +a person in slavery, to reflect that he was sold by his parent; and as +that which heightens the criminality of an act cannot be produced to +prove the legality of it, hereditary succession cannot be established as +a legal thing. + +In order to arrive at a more perfect decision on this head, it will be +proper to consider the generation which undertakes to establish a Family +with hereditary powers, apart and separate from the generations which +are to follow; and also to consider the character in which the first +generation acts with respect to succeeding generations. + +The generation which first selects a person, and puts him at the head of +its Government, either with the title of King, or any other distinction, +acts on its own choice, be it wise or foolish, as a free agent for +itself The person so set up is not hereditary, but selected and +appointed; and the generation who sets him up, does not live under a +hereditary government, but under a government of its own choice and +establishment. Were the generation who sets him up, and the person so +set up, to live for ever, it never could become hereditary succession; +and of consequence hereditary succession can only follow on the death of +the first parties. + +As, therefore, hereditary succession is out of the question with respect +to the first generation, we have now to consider the character in which +that generation acts with respect to the commencing generation, and to +all succeeding ones. + +It assumes a character, to which it has neither right nor title. It +changes itself from a Legislator to a Testator, and effects to make +its Will, which is to have operation after the demise of the makers, to +bequeath the Government; and it not only attempts to bequeath, but to +establish on the succeeding generation, a new and different form of +Government under which itself lived. Itself, as already observed, lived +not under a hereditary Government but under a Government of its own +choice and establishment; and it now attempts, by virtue of a will and +testament (and which it has not authority to make), to take from the +commencing generation, and all future ones, the rights and free agency +by which itself acted. + +But, exclusive of the right which any generation has to act collectively +as a testator, the objects to which it applies itself in this case, are +not within the compass of any law, or of any will or testament. + +The rights of men in society, are neither devisable or transferable, nor +annihilable, but are descendable only, and it is not in the power of any +generation to intercept finally, and cut off the descent. If the present +generation, or any other, are disposed to be slaves, it does not lessen +the right of the succeeding generation to be free. Wrongs cannot have +a legal descent. When Mr. Burke attempts to maintain that the English +nation did at the Revolution of 1688, most solemnly renounce and +abdicate their rights for themselves, and for all their posterity for +ever, he speaks a language that merits not reply, and which can +only excite contempt for his prostitute principles, or pity for his +ignorance. + +In whatever light hereditary succession, as growing out of the will +and testament of some former generation, presents itself, it is an +absurdity. A cannot make a will to take from B the property of B, +and give it to C; yet this is the manner in which (what is called) +hereditary succession by law operates. A certain former generation made +a will, to take away the rights of the commencing generation, and all +future ones, and convey those rights to a third person, who afterwards +comes forward, and tells them, in Mr. Burke's language, that they have +no rights, that their rights are already bequeathed to him and that +he will govern in contempt of them. From such principles, and such +ignorance, good Lord deliver the world! + +But, after all, what is this metaphor called a crown, or rather what +is monarchy? Is it a thing, or is it a name, or is it a fraud? Is it a +"contrivance of human wisdom," or of human craft to obtain money from a +nation under specious pretences? Is it a thing necessary to a nation? +If it is, in what does that necessity consist, what service does it +perform, what is its business, and what are its merits? Does the virtue +consist in the metaphor, or in the man? Doth the goldsmith that makes +the crown, make the virtue also? Doth it operate like Fortunatus's +wishing-cap, or Harlequin's wooden sword? Doth it make a man a conjurer? +In fine, what is it? It appears to be something going much out of +fashion, falling into ridicule, and rejected in some countries, both as +unnecessary and expensive. In America it is considered as an absurdity; +and in France it has so far declined, that the goodness of the man, +and the respect for his personal character, are the only things that +preserve the appearance of its existence. + +If government be what Mr. Burke describes it, "a contrivance of human +wisdom" I might ask him, if wisdom was at such a low ebb in England, +that it was become necessary to import it from Holland and from Hanover? +But I will do the country the justice to say, that was not the case; and +even if it was it mistook the cargo. The wisdom of every country, when +properly exerted, is sufficient for all its purposes; and there +could exist no more real occasion in England to have sent for a Dutch +Stadtholder, or a German Elector, than there was in America to have done +a similar thing. If a country does not understand its own affairs, +how is a foreigner to understand them, who knows neither its laws, its +manners, nor its language? If there existed a man so transcendently wise +above all others, that his wisdom was necessary to instruct a nation, +some reason might be offered for monarchy; but when we cast our eyes +about a country, and observe how every part understands its own affairs; +and when we look around the world, and see that of all men in it, the +race of kings are the most insignificant in capacity, our reason cannot +fail to ask us--What are those men kept for? + +If there is anything in monarchy which we people of America do not +understand, I wish Mr. Burke would be so kind as to inform us. I see +in America, a government extending over a country ten times as large +as England, and conducted with regularity, for a fortieth part of the +expense which Government costs in England. If I ask a man in America if +he wants a King, he retorts, and asks me if I take him for an idiot? +How is it that this difference happens? are we more or less wise than +others? I see in America the generality of people living in a style of +plenty unknown in monarchical countries; and I see that the principle +of its government, which is that of the equal Rights of Man, is making a +rapid progress in the world. + +If monarchy is a useless thing, why is it kept up anywhere? and if a +necessary thing, how can it be dispensed with? That civil government +is necessary, all civilized nations will agree; but civil government is +republican government. All that part of the government of England which +begins with the office of constable, and proceeds through the department +of magistrate, quarter-sessions, and general assize, including trial by +jury, is republican government. Nothing of monarchy appears in any part +of it, except in the name which William the Conqueror imposed upon the +English, that of obliging them to call him "Their Sovereign Lord the +King." + +It is easy to conceive that a band of interested men, such as Placemen, +Pensioners, Lords of the bed-chamber, Lords of the kitchen, Lords of +the necessary-house, and the Lord knows what besides, can find as many +reasons for monarchy as their salaries, paid at the expense of the +country, amount to; but if I ask the farmer, the manufacturer, the +merchant, the tradesman, and down through all the occupations of life to +the common labourer, what service monarchy is to him? he can give me no +answer. If I ask him what monarchy is, he believes it is something like +a sinecure. + +Notwithstanding the taxes of England amount to almost seventeen millions +a year, said to be for the expenses of Government, it is still evident +that the sense of the Nation is left to govern itself, and does +govern itself, by magistrates and juries, almost at its own charge, on +republican principles, exclusive of the expense of taxes. The salaries +of the judges are almost the only charge that is paid out of the +revenue. Considering that all the internal government is executed by the +people, the taxes of England ought to be the lightest of any nation +in Europe; instead of which, they are the contrary. As this cannot be +accounted for on the score of civil government, the subject necessarily +extends itself to the monarchical part. + +When the people of England sent for George the First (and it would +puzzle a wiser man than Mr. Burke to discover for what he could be +wanted, or what service he could render), they ought at least to have +conditioned for the abandonment of Hanover. Besides the endless German +intrigues that must follow from a German Elector being King of England, +there is a natural impossibility of uniting in the same person the +principles of Freedom and the principles of Despotism, or as it is +usually called in England Arbitrary Power. A German Elector is in his +electorate a despot; how then could it be expected that he should be +attached to principles of liberty in one country, while his interest in +another was to be supported by despotism? The union cannot exist; and it +might easily have been foreseen that German Electors would make German +Kings, or in Mr. Burke's words, would assume government with "contempt." +The English have been in the habit of considering a King of England only +in the character in which he appears to them; whereas the same person, +while the connection lasts, has a home-seat in another country, the +interest of which is different to their own, and the principles of the +governments in opposition to each other. To such a person England +will appear as a town-residence, and the Electorate as the estate. The +English may wish, as I believe they do, success to the principles of +liberty in France, or in Germany; but a German Elector trembles for +the fate of despotism in his electorate; and the Duchy of Mecklenburgh, +where the present Queen's family governs, is under the same wretched +state of arbitrary power, and the people in slavish vassalage. + +There never was a time when it became the English to watch continental +intrigues more circumspectly than at the present moment, and to +distinguish the politics of the Electorate from the politics of the +Nation. The Revolution of France has entirely changed the ground with +respect to England and France, as nations; but the German despots, with +Prussia at their head, are combining against liberty; and the +fondness of Mr. Pitt for office, and the interest which all his family +connections have obtained, do not give sufficient security against this +intrigue. + +As everything which passes in the world becomes matter for history, I +will now quit this subject, and take a concise review of the state of +parties and politics in England, as Mr. Burke has done in France. + +Whether the present reign commenced with contempt, I leave to Mr. Burke: +certain, however, it is, that it had strongly that appearance. The +animosity of the English nation, it is very well remembered, ran high; +and, had the true principles of Liberty been as well understood then +as they now promise to be, it is probable the Nation would not have +patiently submitted to so much. George the First and Second were +sensible of a rival in the remains of the Stuarts; and as they could not +but consider themselves as standing on their good behaviour, they had +prudence to keep their German principles of government to themselves; +but as the Stuart family wore away, the prudence became less necessary. + +The contest between rights, and what were called prerogatives, continued +to heat the nation till some time after the conclusion of the American +War, when all at once it fell a calm--Execration exchanged itself for +applause, and Court popularity sprung up like a mushroom in a night. + +To account for this sudden transition, it is proper to observe that +there are two distinct species of popularity; the one excited by merit, +and the other by resentment. As the Nation had formed itself into +two parties, and each was extolling the merits of its parliamentary +champions for and against prerogative, nothing could operate to give +a more general shock than an immediate coalition of the champions +themselves. The partisans of each being thus suddenly left in the lurch, +and mutually heated with disgust at the measure, felt no other relief +than uniting in a common execration against both. A higher stimulus +or resentment being thus excited than what the contest on prerogatives +occasioned, the nation quitted all former objects of rights and wrongs, +and sought only that of gratification. The indignation at the Coalition +so effectually superseded the indignation against the Court as to +extinguish it; and without any change of principles on the part of the +Court, the same people who had reprobated its despotism united with it +to revenge themselves on the Coalition Parliament. The case was not, +which they liked best, but which they hated most; and the least hated +passed for love. The dissolution of the Coalition Parliament, as it +afforded the means of gratifying the resentment of the Nation, could not +fail to be popular; and from hence arose the popularity of the Court. + +Transitions of this kind exhibit a Nation under the government of +temper, instead of a fixed and steady principle; and having once +committed itself, however rashly, it feels itself urged along to justify +by continuance its first proceeding. Measures which at other times +it would censure it now approves, and acts persuasion upon itself to +suffocate its judgment. + +On the return of a new Parliament, the new Minister, Mr. Pitt, found +himself in a secure majority; and the Nation gave him credit, not out +of regard to himself, but because it had resolved to do it out of +resentment to another. He introduced himself to public notice by +a proposed Reform of Parliament, which in its operation would have +amounted to a public justification of corruption. The Nation was to be +at the expense of buying up the rotten boroughs, whereas it ought to +punish the persons who deal in the traffic. + +Passing over the two bubbles of the Dutch business and the million +a-year to sink the national debt, the matter which most presents itself, +is the affair of the Regency. Never, in the course of my observation, +was delusion more successfully acted, nor a nation more completely +deceived. But, to make this appear, it will be necessary to go over the +circumstances. + +Mr. Fox had stated in the House of Commons, that the Prince of Wales, +as heir in succession, had a right in himself to assume the Government. +This was opposed by Mr. Pitt; and, so far as the opposition was +confined to the doctrine, it was just. But the principles which Mr. Pitt +maintained on the contrary side were as bad, or worse in their extent, +than those of Mr. Fox; because they went to establish an aristocracy +over the nation, and over the small representation it has in the House +of Commons. + +Whether the English form of Government be good or bad, is not in this +case the question; but, taking it as it stands, without regard to its +merits or demerits, Mr. Pitt was farther from the point than Mr. Fox. + +It is supposed to consist of three parts:--while therefore the Nation +is disposed to continue this form, the parts have a national standing, +independent of each other, and are not the creatures of each other. Had +Mr. Fox passed through Parliament, and said that the person alluded to +claimed on the ground of the Nation, Mr. Pitt must then have contended +what he called the right of the Parliament against the right of the +Nation. + +By the appearance which the contest made, Mr. Fox took the hereditary +ground, and Mr. Pitt the Parliamentary ground; but the fact is, they +both took hereditary ground, and Mr. Pitt took the worst of the two. + +What is called the Parliament is made up of two Houses, one of which is +more hereditary, and more beyond the control of the Nation than what +the Crown (as it is called) is supposed to be. It is an hereditary +aristocracy, assuming and asserting indefeasible, irrevocable rights +and authority, wholly independent of the Nation. Where, then, was +the merited popularity of exalting this hereditary power over another +hereditary power less independent of the Nation than what itself assumed +to be, and of absorbing the rights of the Nation into a House over which +it has neither election nor control? + +The general impulse of the Nation was right; but it acted without +reflection. It approved the opposition made to the right set up by +Mr. Fox, without perceiving that Mr. Pitt was supporting another +indefeasible right more remote from the Nation, in opposition to it. + +With respect to the House of Commons, it is elected but by a small part +of the Nation; but were the election as universal as taxation, which it +ought to be, it would still be only the organ of the Nation, and cannot +possess inherent rights.--When the National Assembly of France resolves +a matter, the resolve is made in right of the Nation; but Mr. Pitt, on +all national questions, so far as they refer to the House of Commons, +absorbs the rights of the Nation into the organ, and makes the organ +into a Nation, and the Nation itself into a cypher. + +In a few words, the question on the Regency was a question of a million +a-year, which is appropriated to the executive department: and Mr. Pitt +could not possess himself of any management of this sum, without setting +up the supremacy of Parliament; and when this was accomplished, it was +indifferent who should be Regent, as he must be Regent at his own cost. +Among the curiosities which this contentious debate afforded, was that +of making the Great Seal into a King, the affixing of which to an act +was to be royal authority. If, therefore, Royal Authority is a Great +Seal, it consequently is in itself nothing; and a good Constitution +would be of infinitely more value to the Nation than what the three +Nominal Powers, as they now stand, are worth. + +The continual use of the word Constitution in the English Parliament +shows there is none; and that the whole is merely a form of government +without a Constitution, and constituting itself with what powers it +pleases. If there were a Constitution, it certainly could be referred +to; and the debate on any constitutional point would terminate by +producing the Constitution. One member says this is Constitution, and +another says that is Constitution--To-day it is one thing; and to-morrow +something else--while the maintaining of the debate proves there is +none. Constitution is now the cant word of Parliament, tuning itself +to the ear of the Nation. Formerly it was the universal supremacy of +Parliament--the omnipotence of Parliament: But since the progress of +Liberty in France, those phrases have a despotic harshness in their +note; and the English Parliament have catched the fashion from +the National Assembly, but without the substance, of speaking of +Constitution. + +As the present generation of the people in England did not make the +Government, they are not accountable for any of its defects; but, +that sooner or later, it must come into their hands to undergo a +constitutional reformation, is as certain as that the same thing has +happened in France. If France, with a revenue of nearly twenty-four +millions sterling, with an extent of rich and fertile country above four +times larger than England, with a population of twenty-four millions +of inhabitants to support taxation, with upwards of ninety millions +sterling of gold and silver circulating in the nation, and with a debt +less than the present debt of England--still found it necessary, from +whatever cause, to come to a settlement of its affairs, it solves the +problem of funding for both countries. + +It is out of the question to say how long what is called the English +constitution has lasted, and to argue from thence how long it is to +last; the question is, how long can the funding system last? It is a +thing but of modern invention, and has not yet continued beyond the +life of a man; yet in that short space it has so far accumulated, that, +together with the current expenses, it requires an amount of taxes at +least equal to the whole landed rental of the nation in acres to defray +the annual expenditure. That a government could not have always gone on +by the same system which has been followed for the last seventy years, +must be evident to every man; and for the same reason it cannot always +go on. + +The funding system is not money; neither is it, properly speaking, +credit. It, in effect, creates upon paper the sum which it appears to +borrow, and lays on a tax to keep the imaginary capital alive by the +payment of interest and sends the annuity to market, to be sold for +paper already in circulation. If any credit is given, it is to the +disposition of the people to pay the tax, and not to the government, +which lays it on. When this disposition expires, what is supposed to be +the credit of Government expires with it. The instance of France under +the former Government shows that it is impossible to compel the payment +of taxes by force, when a whole nation is determined to take its stand +upon that ground. + +Mr. Burke, in his review of the finances of France, states the quantity +of gold and silver in France, at about eighty-eight millions sterling. +In doing this, he has, I presume, divided by the difference of exchange, +instead of the standard of twenty-four livres to a pound sterling; for +M. Neckar's statement, from which Mr. Burke's is taken, is two thousand +two hundred millions of livres, which is upwards of ninety-one millions +and a half sterling. + +M. Neckar in France, and Mr. George Chalmers at the Office of Trade and +Plantation in England, of which Lord Hawkesbury is president, published +nearly about the same time (1786) an account of the quantity of money in +each nation, from the returns of the Mint of each nation. Mr. Chalmers, +from the returns of the English Mint at the Tower of London, states +the quantity of money in England, including Scotland and Ireland, to be +twenty millions sterling.*[12] + +M. Neckar*[13] says that the amount of money in France, recoined from +the old coin which was called in, was two thousand five hundred millions +of livres (upwards of one hundred and four millions sterling); and, +after deducting for waste, and what may be in the West Indies and other +possible circumstances, states the circulation quantity at home to be +ninety-one millions and a half sterling; but, taking it as Mr. Burke has +put it, it is sixty-eight millions more than the national quantity in +England. + +That the quantity of money in France cannot be under this sum, may at +once be seen from the state of the French Revenue, without referring to +the records of the French Mint for proofs. The revenue of France, prior +to the Revolution, was nearly twenty-four millions sterling; and as +paper had then no existence in France the whole revenue was collected +upon gold and silver; and it would have been impossible to have +collected such a quantity of revenue upon a less national quantity than +M. Neckar has stated. Before the establishment of paper in England, +the revenue was about a fourth part of the national amount of gold +and silver, as may be known by referring to the revenue prior to King +William, and the quantity of money stated to be in the nation at that +time, which was nearly as much as it is now. + +It can be of no real service to a nation, to impose upon itself, or to +permit itself to be imposed upon; but the prejudices of some, and +the imposition of others, have always represented France as a nation +possessing but little money--whereas the quantity is not only more than +four times what the quantity is in England, but is considerably greater +on a proportion of numbers. To account for this deficiency on the +part of England, some reference should be had to the English system of +funding. It operates to multiply paper, and to substitute it in the room +of money, in various shapes; and the more paper is multiplied, the +more opportunities are offered to export the specie; and it admits of +a possibility (by extending it to small notes) of increasing paper till +there is no money left. + +I know this is not a pleasant subject to English readers; but the +matters I am going to mention, are so important in themselves, as to +require the attention of men interested in money transactions of a +public nature. There is a circumstance stated by M. Neckar, in his +treatise on the administration of the finances, which has never been +attended to in England, but which forms the only basis whereon to +estimate the quantity of money (gold and silver) which ought to be in +every nation in Europe, to preserve a relative proportion with other +nations. + +Lisbon and Cadiz are the two ports into which (money) gold and silver +from South America are imported, and which afterwards divide and spread +themselves over Europe by means of commerce, and increase the quantity +of money in all parts of Europe. If, therefore, the amount of the annual +importation into Europe can be known, and the relative proportion of the +foreign commerce of the several nations by which it can be distributed +can be ascertained, they give a rule sufficiently true, to ascertain the +quantity of money which ought to be found in any nation, at any given +time. + +M. Neckar shows from the registers of Lisbon and Cadiz, that the +importation of gold and silver into Europe, is five millions sterling +annually. He has not taken it on a single year, but on an average of +fifteen succeeding years, from 1763 to 1777, both inclusive; in which +time, the amount was one thousand eight hundred million livres, which is +seventy-five millions sterling.*[14] + +From the commencement of the Hanover succession in 1714 to the time Mr. +Chalmers published, is seventy-two years; and the quantity imported +into Europe, in that time, would be three hundred and sixty millions +sterling. + +If the foreign commerce of Great Britain be stated at a sixth part of +what the whole foreign commerce of Europe amounts to (which is probably +an inferior estimation to what the gentlemen at the Exchange would +allow) the proportion which Britain should draw by commerce of this sum, +to keep herself on a proportion with the rest of Europe, would be also +a sixth part which is sixty millions sterling; and if the same allowance +for waste and accident be made for England which M. Neckar makes for +France, the quantity remaining after these deductions would be fifty-two +millions; and this sum ought to have been in the nation (at the time Mr. +Chalmers published), in addition to the sum which was in the nation +at the commencement of the Hanover succession, and to have made in the +whole at least sixty-six millions sterling; instead of which there were +but twenty millions, which is forty-six millions below its proportionate +quantity. + +As the quantity of gold and silver imported into Lisbon and Cadiz +is more exactly ascertained than that of any commodity imported into +England, and as the quantity of money coined at the Tower of London +is still more positively known, the leading facts do not admit of +controversy. Either, therefore, the commerce of England is unproductive +of profit, or the gold and silver which it brings in leak continually +away by unseen means at the average rate of about three-quarters of a +million a year, which, in the course of seventy-two years, accounts for +the deficiency; and its absence is supplied by paper.*[15] + +The Revolution of France is attended with many novel circumstances, not +only in the political sphere, but in the circle of money transactions. +Among others, it shows that a government may be in a state of insolvency +and a nation rich. So far as the fact is confined to the late Government +of France, it was insolvent; because the nation would no longer support +its extravagance, and therefore it could no longer support itself--but +with respect to the nation all the means existed. A government may be +said to be insolvent every time it applies to the nation to discharge +its arrears. The insolvency of the late Government of France and the +present of England differed in no other respect than as the dispositions +of the people differ. The people of France refused their aid to the +old Government; and the people of England submit to taxation without +inquiry. What is called the Crown in England has been insolvent several +times; the last of which, publicly known, was in May, 1777, when it +applied to the nation to discharge upwards of L600,000 private debts, +which otherwise it could not pay. + +It was the error of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Burke, and all those who were +unacquainted with the affairs of France to confound the French nation +with the French Government. The French nation, in effect, endeavoured +to render the late Government insolvent for the purpose of taking +government into its own hands: and it reserved its means for the support +of the new Government. In a country of such vast extent and population +as France the natural means cannot be wanting, and the political means +appear the instant the nation is disposed to permit them. When Mr. +Burke, in a speech last winter in the British Parliament, "cast his eyes +over the map of Europe, and saw a chasm that once was France," he talked +like a dreamer of dreams. The same natural France existed as before, +and all the natural means existed with it. The only chasm was that the +extinction of despotism had left, and which was to be filled up with +the Constitution more formidable in resources than the power which had +expired. + +Although the French Nation rendered the late Government insolvent, it +did not permit the insolvency to act towards the creditors; and the +creditors, considering the Nation as the real pay-master, and the +Government only as the agent, rested themselves on the nation, in +preference to the Government. This appears greatly to disturb Mr. +Burke, as the precedent is fatal to the policy by which governments have +supposed themselves secure. They have contracted debts, with a view +of attaching what is called the monied interest of a Nation to their +support; but the example in France shows that the permanent security of +the creditor is in the Nation, and not in the Government; and that in +all possible revolutions that may happen in Governments, the means are +always with the Nation, and the Nation always in existence. Mr. +Burke argues that the creditors ought to have abided the fate of the +Government which they trusted; but the National Assembly considered +them as the creditors of the Nation, and not of the Government--of the +master, and not of the steward. + +Notwithstanding the late government could not discharge the current +expenses, the present government has paid off a great part of the +capital. This has been accomplished by two means; the one by lessening +the expenses of government, and the other by the sale of the monastic +and ecclesiastical landed estates. The devotees and penitent debauchees, +extortioners and misers of former days, to ensure themselves a better +world than that they were about to leave, had bequeathed immense +property in trust to the priesthood for pious uses; and the priesthood +kept it for themselves. The National Assembly has ordered it to be sold +for the good of the whole nation, and the priesthood to be decently +provided for. + +In consequence of the revolution, the annual interest of the debt of +France will be reduced at least six millions sterling, by paying off +upwards of one hundred millions of the capital; which, with lessening +the former expenses of government at least three millions, will place +France in a situation worthy the imitation of Europe. + +Upon a whole review of the subject, how vast is the contrast! While Mr. +Burke has been talking of a general bankruptcy in France, the National +Assembly has been paying off the capital of its debt; and while taxes +have increased near a million a year in England, they have lowered +several millions a year in France. Not a word has either Mr. Burke +or Mr. Pitt said about the French affairs, or the state of the French +finances, in the present Session of Parliament. The subject begins to be +too well understood, and imposition serves no longer. + +There is a general enigma running through the whole of Mr. Burke's +book. He writes in a rage against the National Assembly; but what is he +enraged about? If his assertions were as true as they are groundless, +and that France by her Revolution, had annihilated her power, and +become what he calls a chasm, it might excite the grief of a Frenchman +(considering himself as a national man), and provoke his rage against +the National Assembly; but why should it excite the rage of Mr. Burke? +Alas! it is not the nation of France that Mr. Burke means, but the +Court; and every Court in Europe, dreading the same fate, is in +mourning. He writes neither in the character of a Frenchman nor an +Englishman, but in the fawning character of that creature known in all +countries, and a friend to none--a courtier. Whether it be the Court of +Versailles, or the Court of St. James, or Carlton-House, or the Court in +expectation, signifies not; for the caterpillar principle of all Courts +and Courtiers are alike. They form a common policy throughout Europe, +detached and separate from the interest of Nations: and while they +appear to quarrel, they agree to plunder. Nothing can be more terrible +to a Court or Courtier than the Revolution of France. That which is +a blessing to Nations is bitterness to them: and as their existence +depends on the duplicity of a country, they tremble at the approach of +principles, and dread the precedent that threatens their overthrow. + + CONCLUSION + +Reason and Ignorance, the opposites of each other, influence the +great bulk of mankind. If either of these can be rendered sufficiently +extensive in a country, the machinery of Government goes easily on. +Reason obeys itself; and Ignorance submits to whatever is dictated to +it. + +The two modes of the Government which prevail in the world, are: + +First, Government by election and representation. + +Secondly, Government by hereditary succession. + +The former is generally known by the name of republic; the latter by +that of monarchy and aristocracy. + +Those two distinct and opposite forms erect themselves on the two +distinct and opposite bases of Reason and Ignorance.--As the exercise of +Government requires talents and abilities, and as talents and abilities +cannot have hereditary descent, it is evident that hereditary succession +requires a belief from man to which his reason cannot subscribe, and +which can only be established upon his ignorance; and the more ignorant +any country is, the better it is fitted for this species of Government. + +On the contrary, Government, in a well-constituted republic, requires no +belief from man beyond what his reason can give. He sees the rationale +of the whole system, its origin and its operation; and as it is best +supported when best understood, the human faculties act with boldness, +and acquire, under this form of government, a gigantic manliness. + +As, therefore, each of those forms acts on a different base, the one +moving freely by the aid of reason, the other by ignorance; we have next +to consider, what it is that gives motion to that species of Government +which is called mixed Government, or, as it is sometimes ludicrously +styled, a Government of this, that and t' other. + +The moving power in this species of Government is, of necessity, +Corruption. However imperfect election and representation may be in +mixed Governments, they still give exercise to a greater portion of +reason than is convenient to the hereditary Part; and therefore it +becomes necessary to buy the reason up. A mixed Government is an +imperfect everything, cementing and soldering the discordant parts +together by corruption, to act as a whole. Mr. Burke appears highly +disgusted that France, since she had resolved on a revolution, did not +adopt what he calls "A British Constitution"; and the regretful manner +in which he expresses himself on this occasion implies a suspicion +that the British Constitution needed something to keep its defects in +countenance. + +In mixed Governments there is no responsibility: the parts cover each +other till responsibility is lost; and the corruption which moves the +machine, contrives at the same time its own escape. When it is laid down +as a maxim, that a King can do no wrong, it places him in a state +of similar security with that of idiots and persons insane, and +responsibility is out of the question with respect to himself. It then +descends upon the Minister, who shelters himself under a majority in +Parliament, which, by places, pensions, and corruption, he can always +command; and that majority justifies itself by the same authority with +which it protects the Minister. In this rotatory motion, responsibility +is thrown off from the parts, and from the whole. + +When there is a Part in a Government which can do no wrong, it implies +that it does nothing; and is only the machine of another power, by whose +advice and direction it acts. What is supposed to be the King in the +mixed Governments, is the Cabinet; and as the Cabinet is always a part +of the Parliament, and the members justifying in one character what +they advise and act in another, a mixed Government becomes a continual +enigma; entailing upon a country by the quantity of corruption necessary +to solder the parts, the expense of supporting all the forms of +government at once, and finally resolving itself into a Government +by Committee; in which the advisers, the actors, the approvers, the +justifiers, the persons responsible, and the persons not responsible, +are the same persons. + +By this pantomimical contrivance, and change of scene and character, the +parts help each other out in matters which neither of them singly +would assume to act. When money is to be obtained, the mass of variety +apparently dissolves, and a profusion of parliamentary praises passes +between the parts. Each admires with astonishment, the wisdom, the +liberality, the disinterestedness of the other: and all of them breathe +a pitying sigh at the burthens of the Nation. + +But in a well-constituted republic, nothing of this soldering, praising, +and pitying, can take place; the representation being equal throughout +the country, and complete in itself, however it may be arranged into +legislative and executive, they have all one and the same natural +source. The parts are not foreigners to each other, like democracy, +aristocracy, and monarchy. As there are no discordant distinctions, +there is nothing to corrupt by compromise, nor confound by contrivance. +Public measures appeal of themselves to the understanding of the Nation, +and, resting on their own merits, disown any flattering applications to +vanity. The continual whine of lamenting the burden of taxes, however +successfully it may be practised in mixed Governments, is inconsistent +with the sense and spirit of a republic. If taxes are necessary, they +are of course advantageous; but if they require an apology, the apology +itself implies an impeachment. Why, then, is man thus imposed upon, or +why does he impose upon himself? + +When men are spoken of as kings and subjects, or when Government +is mentioned under the distinct and combined heads of monarchy, +aristocracy, and democracy, what is it that reasoning man is to +understand by the terms? If there really existed in the world two or +more distinct and separate elements of human power, we should then see +the several origins to which those terms would descriptively apply; +but as there is but one species of man, there can be but one element of +human power; and that element is man himself. Monarchy, aristocracy, and +democracy, are but creatures of imagination; and a thousand such may be +contrived as well as three. + +From the Revolutions of America and France, and the symptoms that have +appeared in other countries, it is evident that the opinion of the world +is changing with respect to systems of Government, and that revolutions +are not within the compass of political calculations. The progress of +time and circumstances, which men assign to the accomplishment of great +changes, is too mechanical to measure the force of the mind, and the +rapidity of reflection, by which revolutions are generated: All the old +governments have received a shock from those that already appear, and +which were once more improbable, and are a greater subject of wonder, +than a general revolution in Europe would be now. + +When we survey the wretched condition of man, under the monarchical and +hereditary systems of Government, dragged from his home by one power, +or driven by another, and impoverished by taxes more than by enemies, +it becomes evident that those systems are bad, and that a general +revolution in the principle and construction of Governments is +necessary. + +What is government more than the management of the affairs of a Nation? +It is not, and from its nature cannot be, the property of any particular +man or family, but of the whole community, at whose expense it is +supported; and though by force and contrivance it has been usurped +into an inheritance, the usurpation cannot alter the right of things. +Sovereignty, as a matter of right, appertains to the Nation only, +and not to any individual; and a Nation has at all times an inherent +indefeasible right to abolish any form of Government it finds +inconvenient, and to establish such as accords with its interest, +disposition and happiness. The romantic and barbarous distinction of men +into Kings and subjects, though it may suit the condition of courtiers, +cannot that of citizens; and is exploded by the principle upon +which Governments are now founded. Every citizen is a member of the +Sovereignty, and, as such, can acknowledge no personal subjection; and +his obedience can be only to the laws. + +When men think of what Government is, they must necessarily suppose it +to possess a knowledge of all the objects and matters upon which its +authority is to be exercised. In this view of Government, the republican +system, as established by America and France, operates to embrace the +whole of a Nation; and the knowledge necessary to the interest of +all the parts, is to be found in the center, which the parts by +representation form: But the old Governments are on a construction that +excludes knowledge as well as happiness; government by Monks, who knew +nothing of the world beyond the walls of a Convent, is as consistent as +government by Kings. + +What were formerly called Revolutions, were little more than a change +of persons, or an alteration of local circumstances. They rose and fell +like things of course, and had nothing in their existence or their fate +that could influence beyond the spot that produced them. But what we +now see in the world, from the Revolutions of America and France, are +a renovation of the natural order of things, a system of principles as +universal as truth and the existence of man, and combining moral with +political happiness and national prosperity. + +"I. Men are born, and always continue, free and equal in respect of +their rights. Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on +public utility. + +"II. The end of all political associations is the preservation of the +natural and imprescriptible rights of man; and these rights are liberty, +property, security, and resistance of oppression. + +"III. The nation is essentially the source of all sovereignty; nor can +any Individual, or Any Body Of Men, be entitled to any authority which +is not expressly derived from it." + +In these principles, there is nothing to throw a Nation into confusion +by inflaming ambition. They are calculated to call forth wisdom and +abilities, and to exercise them for the public good, and not for +the emolument or aggrandisement of particular descriptions of men or +families. Monarchical sovereignty, the enemy of mankind, and the source +of misery, is abolished; and the sovereignty itself is restored to its +natural and original place, the Nation. Were this the case throughout +Europe, the cause of wars would be taken away. + +It is attributed to Henry the Fourth of France, a man of enlarged and +benevolent heart, that he proposed, about the year 1610, a plan for +abolishing war in Europe. The plan consisted in constituting an European +Congress, or as the French authors style it, a Pacific Republic; by +appointing delegates from the several Nations who were to act as a +Court of arbitration in any disputes that might arise between nation and +nation. + +Had such a plan been adopted at the time it was proposed, the taxes of +England and France, as two of the parties, would have been at least ten +millions sterling annually to each Nation less than they were at the +commencement of the French Revolution. + +To conceive a cause why such a plan has not been adopted (and that +instead of a Congress for the purpose of preventing war, it has been +called only to terminate a war, after a fruitless expense of several +years) it will be necessary to consider the interest of Governments as a +distinct interest to that of Nations. + +Whatever is the cause of taxes to a Nation, becomes also the means of +revenue to Government. Every war terminates with an addition of taxes, +and consequently with an addition of revenue; and in any event of +war, in the manner they are now commenced and concluded, the power +and interest of Governments are increased. War, therefore, from its +productiveness, as it easily furnishes the pretence of necessity for +taxes and appointments to places and offices, becomes a principal part +of the system of old Governments; and to establish any mode to abolish +war, however advantageous it might be to Nations, would be to take +from such Government the most lucrative of its branches. The frivolous +matters upon which war is made, show the disposition and avidity of +Governments to uphold the system of war, and betray the motives upon +which they act. + +Why are not Republics plunged into war, but because the nature of their +Government does not admit of an interest distinct from that of the +Nation? Even Holland, though an ill-constructed Republic, and with a +commerce extending over the world, existed nearly a century without +war: and the instant the form of Government was changed in France, the +republican principles of peace and domestic prosperity and economy arose +with the new Government; and the same consequences would follow the +cause in other Nations. + +As war is the system of Government on the old construction, the +animosity which Nations reciprocally entertain, is nothing more than +what the policy of their Governments excites to keep up the spirit of +the system. Each Government accuses the other of perfidy, intrigue, +and ambition, as a means of heating the imagination of their respective +Nations, and incensing them to hostilities. Man is not the enemy of +man, but through the medium of a false system of Government. Instead, +therefore, of exclaiming against the ambition of Kings, the exclamation +should be directed against the principle of such Governments; and +instead of seeking to reform the individual, the wisdom of a Nation +should apply itself to reform the system. + +Whether the forms and maxims of Governments which are still in practice, +were adapted to the condition of the world at the period they were +established, is not in this case the question. The older they are, the +less correspondence can they have with the present state of things. +Time, and change of circumstances and opinions, have the same +progressive effect in rendering modes of Government obsolete as they +have upon customs and manners.--Agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and +the tranquil arts, by which the prosperity of Nations is best promoted, +require a different system of Government, and a different species of +knowledge to direct its operations, than what might have been required +in the former condition of the world. + +As it is not difficult to perceive, from the enlightened state of +mankind, that hereditary Governments are verging to their decline, +and that Revolutions on the broad basis of national sovereignty and +Government by representation, are making their way in Europe, it +would be an act of wisdom to anticipate their approach, and produce +Revolutions by reason and accommodation, rather than commit them to the +issue of convulsions. + +From what we now see, nothing of reform in the political world ought to +be held improbable. It is an age of Revolutions, in which everything +may be looked for. The intrigue of Courts, by which the system of war +is kept up, may provoke a confederation of Nations to abolish it: and +an European Congress to patronise the progress of free Government, and +promote the civilisation of Nations with each other, is an event nearer +in probability, than once were the revolutions and alliance of France +and America. + + END OF PART I. + + + + +RIGHTS OF MAN. PART SECOND, COMBINING PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE. + +By Thomas Paine. + + + + +FRENCH TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. + +(1792) + +THE work of which we offer a translation to the public has created the +greatest sensation in England. Paine, that man of freedom, who seems +born to preach "Common Sense" to the whole world with the same success +as in America, explains in it to the people of England the theory of the +practice of the Rights of Man. + +Owing to the prejudices that still govern that nation, the author has +been obliged to condescend to answer Mr. Burke. He has done so more +especially in an extended preface which is nothing but a piece of +very tedious controversy, in which he shows himself very sensitive to +criticisms that do not really affect him. To translate it seemed an +insult to the free French people, and similar reasons have led the +editors to suppress also a dedicatory epistle addressed by Paine to +Lafayette. + +The French can no longer endure dedicatory epistles. A man should write +privately to those he esteems: when he publishes a book his thoughts +should be offered to the public alone. Paine, that uncorrupted friend +of freedom, believed too in the sincerity of Lafayette. So easy is it +to deceive men of single-minded purpose! Bred at a distance from courts, +that austere American does not seem any more on his guard against the +artful ways and speech of courtiers than some Frenchmen who resemble +him. + + + TO + + M. DE LA FAYETTE + +After an acquaintance of nearly fifteen years in difficult situations +in America, and various consultations in Europe, I feel a pleasure in +presenting to you this small treatise, in gratitude for your services +to my beloved America, and as a testimony of my esteem for the virtues, +public and private, which I know you to possess. + +The only point upon which I could ever discover that we differed was not +as to principles of government, but as to time. For my own part I think +it equally as injurious to good principles to permit them to linger, +as to push them on too fast. That which you suppose accomplishable in +fourteen or fifteen years, I may believe practicable in a much shorter +period. Mankind, as it appears to me, are always ripe enough to +understand their true interest, provided it be presented clearly to +their understanding, and that in a manner not to create suspicion by +anything like self-design, nor offend by assuming too much. Where we +would wish to reform we must not reproach. + +When the American revolution was established I felt a disposition to +sit serenely down and enjoy the calm. It did not appear to me that any +object could afterwards arise great enough to make me quit tranquility +and feel as I had felt before. But when principle, and not place, is the +energetic cause of action, a man, I find, is everywhere the same. + +I am now once more in the public world; and as I have not a right to +contemplate on so many years of remaining life as you have, I have +resolved to labour as fast as I can; and as I am anxious for your aid +and your company, I wish you to hasten your principles and overtake me. + +If you make a campaign the ensuing spring, which it is most probable +there will be no occasion for, I will come and join you. Should the +campaign commence, I hope it will terminate in the extinction of German +despotism, and in establishing the freedom of all Germany. When France +shall be surrounded with revolutions she will be in peace and safety, +and her taxes, as well as those of Germany, will consequently become +less. + +Your sincere, + + Affectionate Friend, + + Thomas Paine + +London, Feb. 9, 1792 + + + + +PREFACE + +When I began the chapter entitled the "Conclusion" in the former part +of the RIGHTS OF MAN, published last year, it was my intention to have +extended it to a greater length; but in casting the whole matter in my +mind, which I wish to add, I found that it must either make the work too +bulky, or contract my plan too much. I therefore brought it to a close +as soon as the subject would admit, and reserved what I had further to +say to another opportunity. + +Several other reasons contributed to produce this determination. +I wished to know the manner in which a work, written in a style of +thinking and expression different to what had been customary in England, +would be received before I proceeded farther. A great field was opening +to the view of mankind by means of the French Revolution. Mr. Burke's +outrageous opposition thereto brought the controversy into England. He +attacked principles which he knew (from information) I would contest +with him, because they are principles I believe to be good, and which I +have contributed to establish, and conceive myself bound to defend. Had +he not urged the controversy, I had most probably been a silent man. + +Another reason for deferring the remainder of the work was, that Mr. +Burke promised in his first publication to renew the subject at another +opportunity, and to make a comparison of what he called the English and +French Constitutions. I therefore held myself in reserve for him. He has +published two works since, without doing this: which he certainly would +not have omitted, had the comparison been in his favour. + +In his last work, his "Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs," he has +quoted about ten pages from the RIGHTS OF MAN, and having given himself +the trouble of doing this, says he "shall not attempt in the smallest +degree to refute them," meaning the principles therein contained. I am +enough acquainted with Mr. Burke to know that he would if he could. But +instead of contesting them, he immediately after consoles himself with +saying that "he has done his part."--He has not done his part. He has +not performed his promise of a comparison of constitutions. He started +the controversy, he gave the challenge, and has fled from it; and he is +now a case in point with his own opinion that "the age of chivalry is +gone!" + +The title, as well as the substance of his last work, his "Appeal," is +his condemnation. Principles must stand on their own merits, and if they +are good they certainly will. To put them under the shelter of other +men's authority, as Mr. Burke has done, serves to bring them into +suspicion. Mr. Burke is not very fond of dividing his honours, but in +this case he is artfully dividing the disgrace. + +But who are those to whom Mr. Burke has made his appeal? A set of +childish thinkers, and half-way politicians born in the last century, +men who went no farther with any principle than as it suited their +purposes as a party; the nation was always left out of the question; and +this has been the character of every party from that day to this. +The nation sees nothing of such works, or such politics, worthy its +attention. A little matter will move a party, but it must be something +great that moves a nation. + +Though I see nothing in Mr. Burke's "Appeal" worth taking much notice +of, there is, however, one expression upon which I shall offer a few +remarks. After quoting largely from the RIGHTS OF MAN, and declining to +contest the principles contained in that work, he says: "This will most +probably be done (if such writings shall be thought to deserve any other +refutation than that of criminal justice) by others, who may think with +Mr. Burke and with the same zeal." + +In the first place, it has not yet been done by anybody. Not less, I +believe, than eight or ten pamphlets intended as answers to the former +part of the RIGHTS OF MAN have been published by different persons, and +not one of them to my knowledge, has extended to a second edition, nor +are even the titles of them so much as generally remembered. As I am +averse to unnecessary multiplying publications, I have answered none of +them. And as I believe that a man may write himself out of reputation +when nobody else can do it, I am careful to avoid that rock. + +But as I would decline unnecessary publications on the one hand, so +would I avoid everything that might appear like sullen pride on the +other. If Mr. Burke, or any person on his side the question, will +produce an answer to the RIGHTS OF MAN that shall extend to a half, or +even to a fourth part of the number of copies to which the Rights Of Man +extended, I will reply to his work. But until this be done, I shall so +far take the sense of the public for my guide (and the world knows I am +not a flatterer) that what they do not think worth while to read, is not +worth mine to answer. I suppose the number of copies to which the +first part of the RIGHTS OF MAN extended, taking England, Scotland, and +Ireland, is not less than between forty and fifty thousand. + +I now come to remark on the remaining part of the quotation I have made +from Mr. Burke. + +"If," says he, "such writings shall be thought to deserve any other +refutation than that of criminal justice." + +Pardoning the pun, it must be criminal justice indeed that should +condemn a work as a substitute for not being able to refute it. +The greatest condemnation that could be passed upon it would be a +refutation. But in proceeding by the method Mr. Burke alludes to, the +condemnation would, in the final event, pass upon the criminality of +the process and not upon the work, and in this case, I had rather be the +author, than be either the judge or the jury that should condemn it. + +But to come at once to the point. I have differed from some professional +gentlemen on the subject of prosecutions, and I since find they are +falling into my opinion, which I will here state as fully, but as +concisely as I can. + +I will first put a case with respect to any law, and then compare it +with a government, or with what in England is, or has been, called a +constitution. + +It would be an act of despotism, or what in England is called arbitrary +power, to make a law to prohibit investigating the principles, good or +bad, on which such a law, or any other is founded. + +If a law be bad it is one thing to oppose the practice of it, but it is +quite a different thing to expose its errors, to reason on its defects, +and to show cause why it should be repealed, or why another ought to be +substituted in its place. I have always held it an opinion (making it +also my practice) that it is better to obey a bad law, making use at the +same time of every argument to show its errors and procure its repeal, +than forcibly to violate it; because the precedent of breaking a bad law +might weaken the force, and lead to a discretionary violation, of those +which are good. + +The case is the same with respect to principles and forms of government, +or to what are called constitutions and the parts of which they are, +composed. + +It is for the good of nations and not for the emolument or +aggrandisement of particular individuals, that government ought to be +established, and that mankind are at the expense of supporting it. The +defects of every government and constitution both as to principle and +form, must, on a parity of reasoning, be as open to discussion as the +defects of a law, and it is a duty which every man owes to society to +point them out. When those defects, and the means of remedying them, are +generally seen by a nation, that nation will reform its government or +its constitution in the one case, as the government repealed or reformed +the law in the other. The operation of government is restricted to the +making and the administering of laws; but it is to a nation that the +right of forming or reforming, generating or regenerating constitutions +and governments belong; and consequently those subjects, as subjects +of investigation, are always before a country as a matter of right, and +cannot, without invading the general rights of that country, be made +subjects for prosecution. On this ground I will meet Mr. Burke whenever +he please. It is better that the whole argument should come out than to +seek to stifle it. It was himself that opened the controversy, and he +ought not to desert it. + +I do not believe that monarchy and aristocracy will continue seven years +longer in any of the enlightened countries in Europe. If better reasons +can be shown for them than against them, they will stand; if the +contrary, they will not. Mankind are not now to be told they shall not +think, or they shall not read; and publications that go no farther than +to investigate principles of government, to invite men to reason and to +reflect, and to show the errors and excellences of different systems, +have a right to appear. If they do not excite attention, they are not +worth the trouble of a prosecution; and if they do, the prosecution will +amount to nothing, since it cannot amount to a prohibition of reading. +This would be a sentence on the public, instead of the author, and would +also be the most effectual mode of making or hastening revolution. + +On all cases that apply universally to a nation, with respect to systems +of government, a jury of twelve men is not competent to decide. Where +there are no witnesses to be examined, no facts to be proved, and where +the whole matter is before the whole public, and the merits or demerits +of it resting on their opinion; and where there is nothing to be known +in a court, but what every body knows out of it, every twelve men is +equally as good a jury as the other, and would most probably reverse +each other's verdict; or, from the variety of their opinions, not be +able to form one. It is one case, whether a nation approve a work, or a +plan; but it is quite another case, whether it will commit to any such +jury the power of determining whether that nation have a right to, or +shall reform its government or not. I mention those cases that Mr. Burke +may see I have not written on Government without reflecting on what is +Law, as well as on what are Rights.--The only effectual jury in such +cases would be a convention of the whole nation fairly elected; for +in all such cases the whole nation is the vicinage. If Mr. Burke will +propose such a jury, I will waive all privileges of being the citizen +of another country, and, defending its principles, abide the issue, +provided he will do the same; for my opinion is, that his work and his +principles would be condemned instead of mine. + +As to the prejudices which men have from education and habit, in favour +of any particular form or system of government, those prejudices have +yet to stand the test of reason and reflection. In fact, such prejudices +are nothing. No man is prejudiced in favour of a thing, knowing it to be +wrong. He is attached to it on the belief of its being right; and +when he sees it is not so, the prejudice will be gone. We have but a +defective idea of what prejudice is. It might be said, that until men +think for themselves the whole is prejudice, and not opinion; for that +only is opinion which is the result of reason and reflection. I offer +this remark, that Mr. Burke may not confide too much in what have been +the customary prejudices of the country. + +I do not believe that the people of England have ever been fairly and +candidly dealt by. They have been imposed upon by parties, and by men +assuming the character of leaders. It is time that the nation should +rise above those trifles. It is time to dismiss that inattention which +has so long been the encouraging cause of stretching taxation to excess. +It is time to dismiss all those songs and toasts which are calculated to +enslave, and operate to suffocate reflection. On all such subjects men +have but to think, and they will neither act wrong nor be misled. To +say that any people are not fit for freedom, is to make poverty their +choice, and to say they had rather be loaded with taxes than not. If +such a case could be proved, it would equally prove that those who +govern are not fit to govern them, for they are a part of the same +national mass. + +But admitting governments to be changed all over Europe; it certainly +may be done without convulsion or revenge. It is not worth making +changes or revolutions, unless it be for some great national benefit: +and when this shall appear to a nation, the danger will be, as in +America and France, to those who oppose; and with this reflection I +close my Preface. + + THOMAS PAINE + +London, Feb. 9, 1792 + + + + +RIGHTS OF MAN PART II. + + + + +INTRODUCTION. + +What Archimedes said of the mechanical powers, may be applied to Reason +and Liberty. "Had we," said he, "a place to stand upon, we might raise +the world." + +The revolution of America presented in politics what was only theory in +mechanics. So deeply rooted were all the governments of the old +world, and so effectually had the tyranny and the antiquity of habit +established itself over the mind, that no beginning could be made in +Asia, Africa, or Europe, to reform the political condition of man. +Freedom had been hunted round the globe; reason was considered as +rebellion; and the slavery of fear had made men afraid to think. + +But such is the irresistible nature of truth, that all it asks,--and all +it wants,--is the liberty of appearing. The sun needs no inscription +to distinguish him from darkness; and no sooner did the American +governments display themselves to the world, than despotism felt a shock +and man began to contemplate redress. + +The independence of America, considered merely as a separation from +England, would have been a matter but of little importance, had it +not been accompanied by a revolution in the principles and practice of +governments. She made a stand, not for herself only, but for the +world, and looked beyond the advantages herself could receive. Even +the Hessian, though hired to fight against her, may live to bless his +defeat; and England, condemning the viciousness of its government, +rejoice in its miscarriage. + +As America was the only spot in the political world where the principle +of universal reformation could begin, so also was it the best in the +natural world. An assemblage of circumstances conspired, not only to +give birth, but to add gigantic maturity to its principles. The scene +which that country presents to the eye of a spectator, has something in +it which generates and encourages great ideas. Nature appears to him in +magnitude. The mighty objects he beholds, act upon his mind by enlarging +it, and he partakes of the greatness he contemplates.--Its first +settlers were emigrants from different European nations, and of +diversified professions of religion, retiring from the governmental +persecutions of the old world, and meeting in the new, not as enemies, +but as brothers. The wants which necessarily accompany the cultivation +of a wilderness produced among them a state of society, which countries +long harassed by the quarrels and intrigues of governments, had +neglected to cherish. In such a situation man becomes what he ought. He +sees his species, not with the inhuman idea of a natural enemy, but as +kindred; and the example shows to the artificial world, that man must go +back to Nature for information. + +From the rapid progress which America makes in every species of +improvement, it is rational to conclude that, if the governments of +Asia, Africa, and Europe had begun on a principle similar to that of +America, or had not been very early corrupted therefrom, those countries +must by this time have been in a far superior condition to what they +are. Age after age has passed away, for no other purpose than to behold +their wretchedness. Could we suppose a spectator who knew nothing of the +world, and who was put into it merely to make his observations, he would +take a great part of the old world to be new, just struggling with the +difficulties and hardships of an infant settlement. He could not suppose +that the hordes of miserable poor with which old countries abound +could be any other than those who had not yet had time to provide for +themselves. Little would he think they were the consequence of what in +such countries they call government. + +If, from the more wretched parts of the old world, we look at those +which are in an advanced stage of improvement we still find the greedy +hand of government thrusting itself into every corner and crevice +of industry, and grasping the spoil of the multitude. Invention is +continually exercised to furnish new pretences for revenue and taxation. +It watches prosperity as its prey, and permits none to escape without a +tribute. + +As revolutions have begun (and as the probability is always greater +against a thing beginning, than of proceeding after it has begun), it +is natural to expect that other revolutions will follow. The amazing and +still increasing expenses with which old governments are conducted, the +numerous wars they engage in or provoke, the embarrassments they throw +in the way of universal civilisation and commerce, and the oppression +and usurpation acted at home, have wearied out the patience, and +exhausted the property of the world. In such a situation, and with such +examples already existing, revolutions are to be looked for. They are +become subjects of universal conversation, and may be considered as the +Order of the day. + +If systems of government can be introduced less expensive and more +productive of general happiness than those which have existed, all +attempts to oppose their progress will in the end be fruitless. Reason, +like time, will make its own way, and prejudice will fall in a combat +with interest. If universal peace, civilisation, and commerce are +ever to be the happy lot of man, it cannot be accomplished but by a +revolution in the system of governments. All the monarchical governments +are military. War is their trade, plunder and revenue their objects. +While such governments continue, peace has not the absolute security +of a day. What is the history of all monarchical governments but a +disgustful picture of human wretchedness, and the accidental respite of +a few years' repose? Wearied with war, and tired with human butchery, +they sat down to rest, and called it peace. This certainly is not the +condition that heaven intended for man; and if this be monarchy, well +might monarchy be reckoned among the sins of the Jews. + +The revolutions which formerly took place in the world had nothing in +them that interested the bulk of mankind. They extended only to a change +of persons and measures, but not of principles, and rose or fell among +the common transactions of the moment. What we now behold may not +improperly be called a "counter-revolution." Conquest and tyranny, +at some earlier period, dispossessed man of his rights, and he is now +recovering them. And as the tide of all human affairs has its ebb +and flow in directions contrary to each other, so also is it in this. +Government founded on a moral theory, on a system of universal peace, on +the indefeasible hereditary Rights of Man, is now revolving from west +to east by a stronger impulse than the government of the sword revolved +from east to west. It interests not particular individuals, but nations +in its progress, and promises a new era to the human race. + +The danger to which the success of revolutions is most exposed is that +of attempting them before the principles on which they proceed, and the +advantages to result from them, are sufficiently seen and understood. +Almost everything appertaining to the circumstances of a nation, has +been absorbed and confounded under the general and mysterious word +government. Though it avoids taking to its account the errors it +commits, and the mischiefs it occasions, it fails not to arrogate to +itself whatever has the appearance of prosperity. It robs industry of +its honours, by pedantically making itself the cause of its effects; and +purloins from the general character of man, the merits that appertain to +him as a social being. + +It may therefore be of use in this day of revolutions to discriminate +between those things which are the effect of government, and those +which are not. This will best be done by taking a review of society +and civilisation, and the consequences resulting therefrom, as things +distinct from what are called governments. By beginning with this +investigation, we shall be able to assign effects to their proper causes +and analyse the mass of common errors. + + + + +CHAPTER I. OF SOCIETY AND CIVILISATION + +Great part of that order which reigns among mankind is not the effect +of government. It has its origin in the principles of society and the +natural constitution of man. It existed prior to government, and +would exist if the formality of government was abolished. The mutual +dependence and reciprocal interest which man has upon man, and all the +parts of civilised community upon each other, create that great chain +of connection which holds it together. The landholder, the farmer, +the manufacturer, the merchant, the tradesman, and every occupation, +prospers by the aid which each receives from the other, and from the +whole. Common interest regulates their concerns, and forms their law; +and the laws which common usage ordains, have a greater influence than +the laws of government. In fine, society performs for itself almost +everything which is ascribed to government. + +To understand the nature and quantity of government proper for man, +it is necessary to attend to his character. As Nature created him for +social life, she fitted him for the station she intended. In all cases +she made his natural wants greater than his individual powers. No one +man is capable, without the aid of society, of supplying his own wants, +and those wants, acting upon every individual, impel the whole of them +into society, as naturally as gravitation acts to a centre. + +But she has gone further. She has not only forced man into society by +a diversity of wants which the reciprocal aid of each other can supply, +but she has implanted in him a system of social affections, which, +though not necessary to his existence, are essential to his happiness. +There is no period in life when this love for society ceases to act. It +begins and ends with our being. + +If we examine with attention into the composition and constitution +of man, the diversity of his wants, and the diversity of talents in +different men for reciprocally accommodating the wants of each other, +his propensity to society, and consequently to preserve the advantages +resulting from it, we shall easily discover, that a great part of what +is called government is mere imposition. + +Government is no farther necessary than to supply the few cases to which +society and civilisation are not conveniently competent; and instances +are not wanting to show, that everything which government can usefully +add thereto, has been performed by the common consent of society, +without government. + +For upwards of two years from the commencement of the American War, +and to a longer period in several of the American States, there were no +established forms of government. The old governments had been abolished, +and the country was too much occupied in defence to employ its attention +in establishing new governments; yet during this interval order and +harmony were preserved as inviolate as in any country in Europe. There +is a natural aptness in man, and more so in society, because it embraces +a greater variety of abilities and resource, to accommodate itself to +whatever situation it is in. The instant formal government is abolished, +society begins to act: a general association takes place, and common +interest produces common security. + +So far is it from being true, as has been pretended, that the abolition +of any formal government is the dissolution of society, that it acts by +a contrary impulse, and brings the latter the closer together. All +that part of its organisation which it had committed to its government, +devolves again upon itself, and acts through its medium. When men, as +well from natural instinct as from reciprocal benefits, have habituated +themselves to social and civilised life, there is always enough of its +principles in practice to carry them through any changes they may find +necessary or convenient to make in their government. In short, man is so +naturally a creature of society that it is almost impossible to put him +out of it. + +Formal government makes but a small part of civilised life; and when +even the best that human wisdom can devise is established, it is a thing +more in name and idea than in fact. It is to the great and fundamental +principles of society and civilisation--to the common usage universally +consented to, and mutually and reciprocally maintained--to the unceasing +circulation of interest, which, passing through its million channels, +invigorates the whole mass of civilised man--it is to these things, +infinitely more than to anything which even the best instituted +government can perform, that the safety and prosperity of the individual +and of the whole depends. + +The more perfect civilisation is, the less occasion has it for +government, because the more does it regulate its own affairs, and +govern itself; but so contrary is the practice of old governments to the +reason of the case, that the expenses of them increase in the proportion +they ought to diminish. It is but few general laws that civilised life +requires, and those of such common usefulness, that whether they are +enforced by the forms of government or not, the effect will be nearly +the same. If we consider what the principles are that first condense +men into society, and what are the motives that regulate their mutual +intercourse afterwards, we shall find, by the time we arrive at what is +called government, that nearly the whole of the business is performed by +the natural operation of the parts upon each other. + +Man, with respect to all those matters, is more a creature of +consistency than he is aware, or than governments would wish him to +believe. All the great laws of society are laws of nature. Those +of trade and commerce, whether with respect to the intercourse of +individuals or of nations, are laws of mutual and reciprocal interest. +They are followed and obeyed, because it is the interest of the parties +so to do, and not on account of any formal laws their governments may +impose or interpose. + +But how often is the natural propensity to society disturbed or +destroyed by the operations of government! When the latter, instead of +being ingrafted on the principles of the former, assumes to exist for +itself, and acts by partialities of favour and oppression, it becomes +the cause of the mischiefs it ought to prevent. + +If we look back to the riots and tumults which at various times have +happened in England, we shall find that they did not proceed from the +want of a government, but that government was itself the generating +cause; instead of consolidating society it divided it; it deprived it +of its natural cohesion, and engendered discontents and disorders +which otherwise would not have existed. In those associations which men +promiscuously form for the purpose of trade, or of any concern in which +government is totally out of the question, and in which they act merely +on the principles of society, we see how naturally the various parties +unite; and this shows, by comparison, that governments, so far from +being always the cause or means of order, are often the destruction +of it. The riots of 1780 had no other source than the remains of those +prejudices which the government itself had encouraged. But with respect +to England there are also other causes. + +Excess and inequality of taxation, however disguised in the means, never +fail to appear in their effects. As a great mass of the community are +thrown thereby into poverty and discontent, they are constantly on the +brink of commotion; and deprived, as they unfortunately are, of the +means of information, are easily heated to outrage. Whatever the +apparent cause of any riots may be, the real one is always want of +happiness. It shows that something is wrong in the system of government +that injures the felicity by which society is to be preserved. + +But as a fact is superior to reasoning, the instance of America presents +itself to confirm these observations. If there is a country in the world +where concord, according to common calculation, would be least expected, +it is America. Made up as it is of people from different nations,*[16] +accustomed to different forms and habits of government, speaking +different languages, and more different in their modes of worship, it +would appear that the union of such a people was impracticable; but by +the simple operation of constructing government on the principles of +society and the rights of man, every difficulty retires, and all the +parts are brought into cordial unison. There the poor are not oppressed, +the rich are not privileged. Industry is not mortified by the splendid +extravagance of a court rioting at its expense. Their taxes are few, +because their government is just: and as there is nothing to render them +wretched, there is nothing to engender riots and tumults. + +A metaphysical man, like Mr. Burke, would have tortured his invention +to discover how such a people could be governed. He would have supposed +that some must be managed by fraud, others by force, and all by some +contrivance; that genius must be hired to impose upon ignorance, and +show and parade to fascinate the vulgar. Lost in the abundance of +his researches, he would have resolved and re-resolved, and finally +overlooked the plain and easy road that lay directly before him. + +One of the great advantages of the American Revolution has been, that it +led to a discovery of the principles, and laid open the imposition, of +governments. All the revolutions till then had been worked within the +atmosphere of a court, and never on the grand floor of a nation. The +parties were always of the class of courtiers; and whatever was +their rage for reformation, they carefully preserved the fraud of the +profession. + +In all cases they took care to represent government as a thing made up +of mysteries, which only themselves understood; and they hid from the +understanding of the nation the only thing that was beneficial to know, +namely, That government is nothing more than a national association +adding on the principles of society. + +Having thus endeavoured to show that the social and civilised state of +man is capable of performing within itself almost everything necessary +to its protection and government, it will be proper, on the other hand, +to take a review of the present old governments, and examine whether +their principles and practice are correspondent thereto. + + + + +CHAPTER II. OF THE ORIGIN OF THE PRESENT OLD GOVERNMENTS + +It is impossible that such governments as have hitherto existed in the +world, could have commenced by any other means than a total violation of +every principle sacred and moral. The obscurity in which the origin +of all the present old governments is buried, implies the iniquity and +disgrace with which they began. The origin of the present government of +America and France will ever be remembered, because it is honourable +to record it; but with respect to the rest, even Flattery has consigned +them to the tomb of time, without an inscription. + +It could have been no difficult thing in the early and solitary ages +of the world, while the chief employment of men was that of attending +flocks and herds, for a banditti of ruffians to overrun a country, and +lay it under contributions. Their power being thus established, the +chief of the band contrived to lose the name of Robber in that of +Monarch; and hence the origin of Monarchy and Kings. + +The origin of the Government of England, so far as relates to what is +called its line of monarchy, being one of the latest, is perhaps the +best recorded. The hatred which the Norman invasion and tyranny begat, +must have been deeply rooted in the nation, to have outlived the +contrivance to obliterate it. Though not a courtier will talk of the +curfew-bell, not a village in England has forgotten it. + +Those bands of robbers having parcelled out the world, and divided it +into dominions, began, as is naturally the case, to quarrel with each +other. What at first was obtained by violence was considered by others +as lawful to be taken, and a second plunderer succeeded the first. They +alternately invaded the dominions which each had assigned to himself, +and the brutality with which they treated each other explains the +original character of monarchy. It was ruffian torturing ruffian. +The conqueror considered the conquered, not as his prisoner, but his +property. He led him in triumph rattling in chains, and doomed him, at +pleasure, to slavery or death. As time obliterated the history of their +beginning, their successors assumed new appearances, to cut off the +entail of their disgrace, but their principles and objects remained the +same. What at first was plunder, assumed the softer name of revenue; and +the power originally usurped, they affected to inherit. + +From such beginning of governments, what could be expected but a +continued system of war and extortion? It has established itself into a +trade. The vice is not peculiar to one more than to another, but is the +common principle of all. There does not exist within such governments +sufficient stamina whereon to engraft reformation; and the shortest and +most effectual remedy is to begin anew on the ground of the nation. + +What scenes of horror, what perfection of iniquity, present themselves +in contemplating the character and reviewing the history of such +governments! If we would delineate human nature with a baseness of +heart and hypocrisy of countenance that reflection would shudder at and +humanity disown, it is kings, courts and cabinets that must sit for the +portrait. Man, naturally as he is, with all his faults about him, is not +up to the character. + +Can we possibly suppose that if governments had originated in a right +principle, and had not an interest in pursuing a wrong one, the world +could have been in the wretched and quarrelsome condition we have seen +it? What inducement has the farmer, while following the plough, to lay +aside his peaceful pursuit, and go to war with the farmer of another +country? or what inducement has the manufacturer? What is dominion to +them, or to any class of men in a nation? Does it add an acre to any +man's estate, or raise its value? Are not conquest and defeat each of +the same price, and taxes the never-failing consequence?--Though this +reasoning may be good to a nation, it is not so to a government. War is +the Pharo-table of governments, and nations the dupes of the game. + +If there is anything to wonder at in this miserable scene of governments +more than might be expected, it is the progress which the peaceful arts +of agriculture, manufacture and commerce have made beneath such a long +accumulating load of discouragement and oppression. It serves to show +that instinct in animals does not act with stronger impulse than +the principles of society and civilisation operate in man. Under all +discouragements, he pursues his object, and yields to nothing but +impossibilities. + + + + +CHAPTER III. OF THE OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS OF GOVERNMENT + +Nothing can appear more contradictory than the principles on which the +old governments began, and the condition to which society, civilisation +and commerce are capable of carrying mankind. Government, on the old +system, is an assumption of power, for the aggrandisement of itself; on +the new, a delegation of power for the common benefit of society. +The former supports itself by keeping up a system of war; the latter +promotes a system of peace, as the true means of enriching a nation. +The one encourages national prejudices; the other promotes universal +society, as the means of universal commerce. The one measures its +prosperity, by the quantity of revenue it extorts; the other proves its +excellence, by the small quantity of taxes it requires. + +Mr. Burke has talked of old and new whigs. If he can amuse himself with +childish names and distinctions, I shall not interrupt his pleasure. It +is not to him, but to the Abbe Sieyes, that I address this chapter. I +am already engaged to the latter gentleman to discuss the subject of +monarchical government; and as it naturally occurs in comparing the old +and new systems, I make this the opportunity of presenting to him my +observations. I shall occasionally take Mr. Burke in my way. + +Though it might be proved that the system of government now called the +New, is the most ancient in principle of all that have existed, being +founded on the original, inherent Rights of Man: yet, as tyranny and +the sword have suspended the exercise of those rights for many centuries +past, it serves better the purpose of distinction to call it the new, +than to claim the right of calling it the old. + +The first general distinction between those two systems, is, that the +one now called the old is hereditary, either in whole or in part; +and the new is entirely representative. It rejects all hereditary +government: + +First, As being an imposition on mankind. + +Secondly, As inadequate to the purposes for which government is +necessary. + +With respect to the first of these heads--It cannot be proved by what +right hereditary government could begin; neither does there exist +within the compass of mortal power a right to establish it. Man has no +authority over posterity in matters of personal right; and, therefore, +no man, or body of men, had, or can have, a right to set up hereditary +government. Were even ourselves to come again into existence, instead of +being succeeded by posterity, we have not now the right of taking from +ourselves the rights which would then be ours. On what ground, then, do +we pretend to take them from others? + +All hereditary government is in its nature tyranny. An heritable crown, +or an heritable throne, or by what other fanciful name such things may +be called, have no other significant explanation than that mankind are +heritable property. To inherit a government, is to inherit the people, +as if they were flocks and herds. + +With respect to the second head, that of being inadequate to the +purposes for which government is necessary, we have only to consider +what government essentially is, and compare it with the circumstances to +which hereditary succession is subject. + +Government ought to be a thing always in full maturity. It ought to +be so constructed as to be superior to all the accidents to which +individual man is subject; and, therefore, hereditary succession, by +being subject to them all, is the most irregular and imperfect of all +the systems of government. + +We have heard the Rights of Man called a levelling system; but the +only system to which the word levelling is truly applicable, is the +hereditary monarchical system. It is a system of mental levelling. +It indiscriminately admits every species of character to the same +authority. Vice and virtue, ignorance and wisdom, in short, every +quality good or bad, is put on the same level. Kings succeed each other, +not as rationals, but as animals. It signifies not what their mental or +moral characters are. Can we then be surprised at the abject state of +the human mind in monarchical countries, when the government itself is +formed on such an abject levelling system?--It has no fixed character. +To-day it is one thing; to-morrow it is something else. It changes with +the temper of every succeeding individual, and is subject to all the +varieties of each. It is government through the medium of passions and +accidents. It appears under all the various characters of childhood, +decrepitude, dotage, a thing at nurse, in leading-strings, or in +crutches. It reverses the wholesome order of nature. It occasionally +puts children over men, and the conceits of nonage over wisdom and +experience. In short, we cannot conceive a more ridiculous figure of +government, than hereditary succession, in all its cases, presents. + +Could it be made a decree in nature, or an edict registered in heaven, +and man could know it, that virtue and wisdom should invariably +appertain to hereditary succession, the objection to it would be +removed; but when we see that nature acts as if she disowned and sported +with the hereditary system; that the mental character of successors, in +all countries, is below the average of human understanding; that one is +a tyrant, another an idiot, a third insane, and some all three together, +it is impossible to attach confidence to it, when reason in man has +power to act. + +It is not to the Abbe Sieyes that I need apply this reasoning; he has +already saved me that trouble by giving his own opinion upon the +case. "If it be asked," says he, "what is my opinion with respect to +hereditary right, I answer without hesitation, That in good theory, an +hereditary transmission of any power of office, can never accord with +the laws of a true representation. Hereditaryship is, in this sense, as +much an attaint upon principle, as an outrage upon society. But let +us," continues he, "refer to the history of all elective monarchies and +principalities: is there one in which the elective mode is not worse +than the hereditary succession?" + +As to debating on which is the worst of the two, it is admitting both +to be bad; and herein we are agreed. The preference which the Abbe has +given, is a condemnation of the thing that he prefers. Such a mode of +reasoning on such a subject is inadmissible, because it finally amounts +to an accusation upon Providence, as if she had left to man no other +choice with respect to government than between two evils, the best of +which he admits to be "an attaint upon principle, and an outrage upon +society." + +Passing over, for the present, all the evils and mischiefs which +monarchy has occasioned in the world, nothing can more effectually +prove its uselessness in a state of civil government, than making it +hereditary. Would we make any office hereditary that required wisdom and +abilities to fill it? And where wisdom and abilities are not necessary, +such an office, whatever it may be, is superfluous or insignificant. + +Hereditary succession is a burlesque upon monarchy. It puts it in the +most ridiculous light, by presenting it as an office which any child or +idiot may fill. It requires some talents to be a common mechanic; but +to be a king requires only the animal figure of man--a sort of breathing +automaton. This sort of superstition may last a few years more, but it +cannot long resist the awakened reason and interest of man. + +As to Mr. Burke, he is a stickler for monarchy, not altogether as a +pensioner, if he is one, which I believe, but as a political man. He +has taken up a contemptible opinion of mankind, who, in their turn, are +taking up the same of him. He considers them as a herd of beings that +must be governed by fraud, effigy, and show; and an idol would be as +good a figure of monarchy with him, as a man. I will, however, do him +the justice to say that, with respect to America, he has been very +complimentary. He always contended, at least in my hearing, that the +people of America were more enlightened than those of England, or of +any country in Europe; and that therefore the imposition of show was not +necessary in their governments. + +Though the comparison between hereditary and elective monarchy, +which the Abbe has made, is unnecessary to the case, because the +representative system rejects both: yet, were I to make the comparison, +I should decide contrary to what he has done. + +The civil wars which have originated from contested hereditary +claims, are more numerous, and have been more dreadful, and of longer +continuance, than those which have been occasioned by election. All the +civil wars in France arose from the hereditary system; they were either +produced by hereditary claims, or by the imperfection of the hereditary +form, which admits of regencies or monarchy at nurse. With respect to +England, its history is full of the same misfortunes. The contests +for succession between the houses of York and Lancaster lasted a whole +century; and others of a similar nature have renewed themselves +since that period. Those of 1715 and 1745 were of the same kind. The +succession war for the crown of Spain embroiled almost half Europe. The +disturbances of Holland are generated from the hereditaryship of the +Stadtholder. A government calling itself free, with an hereditary +office, is like a thorn in the flesh, that produces a fermentation which +endeavours to discharge it. + +But I might go further, and place also foreign wars, of whatever kind, +to the same cause. It is by adding the evil of hereditary succession +to that of monarchy, that a permanent family interest is created, whose +constant objects are dominion and revenue. Poland, though an elective +monarchy, has had fewer wars than those which are hereditary; and it is +the only government that has made a voluntary essay, though but a small +one, to reform the condition of the country. + +Having thus glanced at a few of the defects of the old, or hereditary +systems of government, let us compare it with the new, or representative +system. + +The representative system takes society and civilisation for its basis; +nature, reason, and experience, for its guide. + +Experience, in all ages, and in all countries, has demonstrated that it +is impossible to control Nature in her distribution of mental powers. +She gives them as she pleases. Whatever is the rule by which she, +apparently to us, scatters them among mankind, that rule remains +a secret to man. It would be as ridiculous to attempt to fix the +hereditaryship of human beauty, as of wisdom. Whatever wisdom +constituently is, it is like a seedless plant; it may be reared when +it appears, but it cannot be voluntarily produced. There is always a +sufficiency somewhere in the general mass of society for all purposes; +but with respect to the parts of society, it is continually changing +its place. It rises in one to-day, in another to-morrow, and has most +probably visited in rotation every family of the earth, and again +withdrawn. + +As this is in the order of nature, the order of government must +necessarily follow it, or government will, as we see it does, degenerate +into ignorance. The hereditary system, therefore, is as repugnant to +human wisdom as to human rights; and is as absurd as it is unjust. + +As the republic of letters brings forward the best literary productions, +by giving to genius a fair and universal chance; so the representative +system of government is calculated to produce the wisest laws, by +collecting wisdom from where it can be found. I smile to myself when I +contemplate the ridiculous insignificance into which literature and all +the sciences would sink, were they made hereditary; and I carry the same +idea into governments. An hereditary governor is as inconsistent as an +hereditary author. I know not whether Homer or Euclid had sons; but +I will venture an opinion that if they had, and had left their works +unfinished, those sons could not have completed them. + +Do we need a stronger evidence of the absurdity of hereditary government +than is seen in the descendants of those men, in any line of life, who +once were famous? Is there scarcely an instance in which there is not +a total reverse of the character? It appears as if the tide of mental +faculties flowed as far as it could in certain channels, and then +forsook its course, and arose in others. How irrational then is the +hereditary system, which establishes channels of power, in company +with which wisdom refuses to flow! By continuing this absurdity, man is +perpetually in contradiction with himself; he accepts, for a king, or a +chief magistrate, or a legislator, a person whom he would not elect for +a constable. + +It appears to general observation, that revolutions create genius and +talents; but those events do no more than bring them forward. There is +existing in man, a mass of sense lying in a dormant state, and which, +unless something excites it to action, will descend with him, in that +condition, to the grave. As it is to the advantage of society that +the whole of its faculties should be employed, the construction of +government ought to be such as to bring forward, by a quiet and regular +operation, all that extent of capacity which never fails to appear in +revolutions. + +This cannot take place in the insipid state of hereditary government, +not only because it prevents, but because it operates to benumb. When +the mind of a nation is bowed down by any political superstition in its +government, such as hereditary succession is, it loses a considerable +portion of its powers on all other subjects and objects. Hereditary +succession requires the same obedience to ignorance, as to wisdom; +and when once the mind can bring itself to pay this indiscriminate +reverence, it descends below the stature of mental manhood. It is fit +to be great only in little things. It acts a treachery upon itself, and +suffocates the sensations that urge the detection. + +Though the ancient governments present to us a miserable picture of the +condition of man, there is one which above all others exempts itself +from the general description. I mean the democracy of the Athenians. We +see more to admire, and less to condemn, in that great, extraordinary +people, than in anything which history affords. + +Mr. Burke is so little acquainted with constituent principles of +government, that he confounds democracy and representation together. +Representation was a thing unknown in the ancient democracies. In those +the mass of the people met and enacted laws (grammatically speaking) in +the first person. Simple democracy was no other than the common hall of +the ancients. It signifies the form, as well as the public principle of +the government. As those democracies increased in population, and the +territory extended, the simple democratical form became unwieldy and +impracticable; and as the system of representation was not known, the +consequence was, they either degenerated convulsively into monarchies, +or became absorbed into such as then existed. Had the system of +representation been then understood, as it now is, there is no reason +to believe that those forms of government, now called monarchical or +aristocratical, would ever have taken place. It was the want of +some method to consolidate the parts of society, after it became too +populous, and too extensive for the simple democratical form, and also +the lax and solitary condition of shepherds and herdsmen in other parts +of the world, that afforded opportunities to those unnatural modes of +government to begin. + +As it is necessary to clear away the rubbish of errors, into which the +subject of government has been thrown, I will proceed to remark on some +others. + +It has always been the political craft of courtiers and +court-governments, to abuse something which they called republicanism; +but what republicanism was, or is, they never attempt to explain. Let us +examine a little into this case. + +The only forms of government are the democratical, the aristocratical, +the monarchical, and what is now called the representative. + +What is called a republic is not any particular form of government. It +is wholly characteristical of the purport, matter or object for which +government ought to be instituted, and on which it is to be employed, +Res-Publica, the public affairs, or the public good; or, literally +translated, the public thing. It is a word of a good original, referring +to what ought to be the character and business of government; and in +this sense it is naturally opposed to the word monarchy, which has a +base original signification. It means arbitrary power in an individual +person; in the exercise of which, himself, and not the res-publica, is +the object. + +Every government that does not act on the principle of a Republic, or +in other words, that does not make the res-publica its whole and sole +object, is not a good government. Republican government is no other than +government established and conducted for the interest of the public, as +well individually as collectively. It is not necessarily connected +with any particular form, but it most naturally associates with the +representative form, as being best calculated to secure the end for +which a nation is at the expense of supporting it. + +Various forms of government have affected to style themselves a +republic. Poland calls itself a republic, which is an hereditary +aristocracy, with what is called an elective monarchy. Holland calls +itself a republic, which is chiefly aristocratical, with an hereditary +stadtholdership. But the government of America, which is wholly on the +system of representation, is the only real Republic, in character and in +practice, that now exists. Its government has no other object than the +public business of the nation, and therefore it is properly a republic; +and the Americans have taken care that This, and no other, shall +always be the object of their government, by their rejecting everything +hereditary, and establishing governments on the system of representation +only. Those who have said that a republic is not a form of government +calculated for countries of great extent, mistook, in the first +place, the business of a government, for a form of government; for +the res-publica equally appertains to every extent of territory and +population. And, in the second place, if they meant anything with +respect to form, it was the simple democratical form, such as was the +mode of government in the ancient democracies, in which there was no +representation. The case, therefore, is not, that a republic cannot be +extensive, but that it cannot be extensive on the simple democratical +form; and the question naturally presents itself, What is the best form +of government for conducting the Res-Publica, or the Public Business +of a nation, after it becomes too extensive and populous for the simple +democratical form? It cannot be monarchy, because monarchy is subject +to an objection of the same amount to which the simple democratical form +was subject. + +It is possible that an individual may lay down a system of principles, +on which government shall be constitutionally established to any extent +of territory. This is no more than an operation of the mind, acting by +its own powers. But the practice upon those principles, as applying to +the various and numerous circumstances of a nation, its agriculture, +manufacture, trade, commerce, etc., etc., a knowledge of a different +kind, and which can be had only from the various parts of society. It is +an assemblage of practical knowledge, which no individual can possess; +and therefore the monarchical form is as much limited, in useful +practice, from the incompetency of knowledge, as was the democratical +form, from the multiplicity of population. The one degenerates, by +extension, into confusion; the other, into ignorance and incapacity, of +which all the great monarchies are an evidence. The monarchical form, +therefore, could not be a substitute for the democratical, because it +has equal inconveniences. + +Much less could it when made hereditary. This is the most effectual of +all forms to preclude knowledge. Neither could the high democratical +mind have voluntarily yielded itself to be governed by children and +idiots, and all the motley insignificance of character, which attends +such a mere animal system, the disgrace and the reproach of reason and +of man. + +As to the aristocratical form, it has the same vices and defects with +the monarchical, except that the chance of abilities is better from the +proportion of numbers, but there is still no security for the right use +and application of them.*[17] + +Referring them to the original simple democracy, it affords the true +data from which government on a large scale can begin. It is incapable +of extension, not from its principle, but from the inconvenience of its +form; and monarchy and aristocracy, from their incapacity. Retaining, +then, democracy as the ground, and rejecting the corrupt systems of +monarchy and aristocracy, the representative system naturally presents +itself; remedying at once the defects of the simple democracy as to +form, and the incapacity of the other two with respect to knowledge. + +Simple democracy was society governing itself without the aid of +secondary means. By ingrafting representation upon democracy, we arrive +at a system of government capable of embracing and confederating all the +various interests and every extent of territory and population; and that +also with advantages as much superior to hereditary government, as the +republic of letters is to hereditary literature. + +It is on this system that the American government is founded. It is +representation ingrafted upon democracy. It has fixed the form by a +scale parallel in all cases to the extent of the principle. What Athens +was in miniature America will be in magnitude. The one was the wonder of +the ancient world; the other is becoming the admiration of the present. +It is the easiest of all the forms of government to be understood and +the most eligible in practice; and excludes at once the ignorance and +insecurity of the hereditary mode, and the inconvenience of the simple +democracy. + +It is impossible to conceive a system of government capable of acting +over such an extent of territory, and such a circle of interests, as is +immediately produced by the operation of representation. France, great +and populous as it is, is but a spot in the capaciousness of the system. +It is preferable to simple democracy even in small territories. Athens, +by representation, would have outrivalled her own democracy. + +That which is called government, or rather that which we ought to +conceive government to be, is no more than some common center in which +all the parts of society unite. This cannot be accomplished by any +method so conducive to the various interests of the community, as by the +representative system. It concentrates the knowledge necessary to the +interest of the parts, and of the whole. It places government in a state +of constant maturity. It is, as has already been observed, never young, +never old. It is subject neither to nonage, nor dotage. It is never +in the cradle, nor on crutches. It admits not of a separation between +knowledge and power, and is superior, as government always ought to be, +to all the accidents of individual man, and is therefore superior to +what is called monarchy. + +A nation is not a body, the figure of which is to be represented by +the human body; but is like a body contained within a circle, having a +common center, in which every radius meets; and that center is formed by +representation. To connect representation with what is called monarchy, +is eccentric government. Representation is of itself the delegated +monarchy of a nation, and cannot debase itself by dividing it with +another. + +Mr. Burke has two or three times, in his parliamentary speeches, and in +his publications, made use of a jingle of words that convey no ideas. +Speaking of government, he says, "It is better to have monarchy for its +basis, and republicanism for its corrective, than republicanism for its +basis, and monarchy for its corrective."--If he means that it is +better to correct folly with wisdom, than wisdom with folly, I will no +otherwise contend with him, than that it would be much better to reject +the folly entirely. + +But what is this thing which Mr. Burke calls monarchy? Will he explain +it? All men can understand what representation is; and that it must +necessarily include a variety of knowledge and talents. But what +security is there for the same qualities on the part of monarchy? or, +when the monarchy is a child, where then is the wisdom? What does +it know about government? Who then is the monarch, or where is the +monarchy? If it is to be performed by regency, it proves to be a farce. +A regency is a mock species of republic, and the whole of monarchy +deserves no better description. It is a thing as various as imagination +can paint. It has none of the stable character that government ought +to possess. Every succession is a revolution, and every regency a +counter-revolution. The whole of it is a scene of perpetual court cabal +and intrigue, of which Mr. Burke is himself an instance. To render +monarchy consistent with government, the next in succession should +not be born a child, but a man at once, and that man a Solomon. It is +ridiculous that nations are to wait and government be interrupted till +boys grow to be men. + +Whether I have too little sense to see, or too much to be imposed upon; +whether I have too much or too little pride, or of anything else, +I leave out of the question; but certain it is, that what is called +monarchy, always appears to me a silly, contemptible thing. I compare it +to something kept behind a curtain, about which there is a great deal of +bustle and fuss, and a wonderful air of seeming solemnity; but when, by +any accident, the curtain happens to be open--and the company see what +it is, they burst into laughter. + +In the representative system of government, nothing of this can happen. +Like the nation itself, it possesses a perpetual stamina, as well of +body as of mind, and presents itself on the open theatre of the world in +a fair and manly manner. Whatever are its excellences or defects, they +are visible to all. It exists not by fraud and mystery; it deals not in +cant and sophistry; but inspires a language that, passing from heart to +heart, is felt and understood. + +We must shut our eyes against reason, we must basely degrade our +understanding, not to see the folly of what is called monarchy. Nature +is orderly in all her works; but this is a mode of government that +counteracts nature. It turns the progress of the human faculties upside +down. It subjects age to be governed by children, and wisdom by folly. + +On the contrary, the representative system is always parallel with the +order and immutable laws of nature, and meets the reason of man in every +part. For example: + +In the American Federal Government, more power is delegated to the +President of the United States than to any other individual member of +Congress. He cannot, therefore, be elected to this office under the +age of thirty-five years. By this time the judgment of man becomes more +matured, and he has lived long enough to be acquainted with men and +things, and the country with him.--But on the monarchial plan (exclusive +of the numerous chances there are against every man born into the world, +of drawing a prize in the lottery of human faculties), the next in +succession, whatever he may be, is put at the head of a nation, and of +a government, at the age of eighteen years. Does this appear like an +action of wisdom? Is it consistent with the proper dignity and the manly +character of a nation? Where is the propriety of calling such a lad the +father of the people?--In all other cases, a person is a minor until the +age of twenty-one years. Before this period, he is not trusted with the +management of an acre of land, or with the heritable property of a flock +of sheep, or an herd of swine; but, wonderful to tell! he may, at the +age of eighteen years, be trusted with a nation. + +That monarchy is all a bubble, a mere court artifice to procure money, +is evident (at least to me) in every character in which it can be +viewed. It would be impossible, on the rational system of representative +government, to make out a bill of expenses to such an enormous amount +as this deception admits. Government is not of itself a very chargeable +institution. The whole expense of the federal government of America, +founded, as I have already said, on the system of representation, and +extending over a country nearly ten times as large as England, is but +six hundred thousand dollars, or one hundred and thirty-five thousand +pounds sterling. + +I presume that no man in his sober senses will compare the character +of any of the kings of Europe with that of General Washington. Yet, in +France, and also in England, the expense of the civil list only, for the +support of one man, is eight times greater than the whole expense of +the federal government in America. To assign a reason for this, appears +almost impossible. The generality of people in America, especially the +poor, are more able to pay taxes, than the generality of people either +in France or England. + +But the case is, that the representative system diffuses such a body +of knowledge throughout a nation, on the subject of government, as to +explode ignorance and preclude imposition. The craft of courts cannot be +acted on that ground. There is no place for mystery; nowhere for it +to begin. Those who are not in the representation, know as much of +the nature of business as those who are. An affectation of mysterious +importance would there be scouted. Nations can have no secrets; and the +secrets of courts, like those of individuals, are always their defects. + +In the representative system, the reason for everything must publicly +appear. Every man is a proprietor in government, and considers it a +necessary part of his business to understand. It concerns his interest, +because it affects his property. He examines the cost, and compares it +with the advantages; and above all, he does not adopt the slavish custom +of following what in other governments are called Leaders. + +It can only be by blinding the understanding of man, and making him +believe that government is some wonderful mysterious thing, that +excessive revenues are obtained. Monarchy is well calculated to ensure +this end. It is the popery of government; a thing kept up to amuse the +ignorant, and quiet them into taxes. + +The government of a free country, properly speaking, is not in the +persons, but in the laws. The enacting of those requires no great +expense; and when they are administered, the whole of civil government +is performed--the rest is all court contrivance. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. OF CONSTITUTIONS + +That men mean distinct and separate things when they speak of +constitutions and of governments, is evident; or why are those terms +distinctly and separately used? A constitution is not the act of a +government, but of a people constituting a government; and government +without a constitution, is power without a right. + +All power exercised over a nation, must have some beginning. It +must either be delegated or assumed. There are no other sources. All +delegated power is trust, and all assumed power is usurpation. Time does +not alter the nature and quality of either. + +In viewing this subject, the case and circumstances of America present +themselves as in the beginning of a world; and our enquiry into the +origin of government is shortened, by referring to the facts that have +arisen in our own day. We have no occasion to roam for information into +the obscure field of antiquity, nor hazard ourselves upon conjecture. +We are brought at once to the point of seeing government begin, as if we +had lived in the beginning of time. The real volume, not of history, +but of facts, is directly before us, unmutilated by contrivance, or the +errors of tradition. + +I will here concisely state the commencement of the American +constitutions; by which the difference between constitutions and +governments will sufficiently appear. + +It may not appear improper to remind the reader that the United +States of America consist of thirteen separate states, each of +which established a government for itself, after the declaration of +independence, done the 4th of July, 1776. Each state acted independently +of the rest, in forming its governments; but the same general principle +pervades the whole. When the several state governments were formed, they +proceeded to form the federal government, that acts over the whole in +all matters which concern the interest of the whole, or which relate to +the intercourse of the several states with each other, or with foreign +nations. I will begin with giving an instance from one of the state +governments (that of Pennsylvania) and then proceed to the federal +government. + +The state of Pennsylvania, though nearly of the same extent of territory +as England, was then divided into only twelve counties. Each of those +counties had elected a committee at the commencement of the dispute with +the English government; and as the city of Philadelphia, which also +had its committee, was the most central for intelligence, it became +the center of communication to the several country committees. When +it became necessary to proceed to the formation of a government, the +committee of Philadelphia proposed a conference of all the committees, +to be held in that city, and which met the latter end of July, 1776. + +Though these committees had been duly elected by the people, they were +not elected expressly for the purpose, nor invested with the authority +of forming a constitution; and as they could not, consistently with the +American idea of rights, assume such a power, they could only confer +upon the matter, and put it into a train of operation. The conferees, +therefore, did no more than state the case, and recommend to the several +counties to elect six representatives for each county, to meet in +convention at Philadelphia, with powers to form a constitution, and +propose it for public consideration. + +This convention, of which Benjamin Franklin was president, having met +and deliberated, and agreed upon a constitution, they next ordered it to +be published, not as a thing established, but for the consideration of +the whole people, their approbation or rejection, and then adjourned to +a stated time. When the time of adjournment was expired, the convention +re-assembled; and as the general opinion of the people in approbation of +it was then known, the constitution was signed, sealed, and proclaimed +on the authority of the people and the original instrument deposited +as a public record. The convention then appointed a day for the general +election of the representatives who were to compose the government, and +the time it should commence; and having done this they dissolved, and +returned to their several homes and occupations. + +In this constitution were laid down, first, a declaration of rights; +then followed the form which the government should have, and the powers +it should possess--the authority of the courts of judicature, and of +juries--the manner in which elections should be conducted, and the +proportion of representatives to the number of electors--the time which +each succeeding assembly should continue, which was one year--the mode +of levying, and of accounting for the expenditure, of public money--of +appointing public officers, etc., etc., etc. + +No article of this constitution could be altered or infringed at +the discretion of the government that was to ensue. It was to that +government a law. But as it would have been unwise to preclude the +benefit of experience, and in order also to prevent the accumulation of +errors, if any should be found, and to preserve an unison of government +with the circumstances of the state at all times, the constitution +provided that, at the expiration of every seven years, a convention +should be elected, for the express purpose of revising the constitution, +and making alterations, additions, or abolitions therein, if any such +should be found necessary. + +Here we see a regular process--a government issuing out of a +constitution, formed by the people in their original character; and that +constitution serving, not only as an authority, but as a law of control +to the government. It was the political bible of the state. Scarcely a +family was without it. Every member of the government had a copy; and +nothing was more common, when any debate arose on the principle of a +bill, or on the extent of any species of authority, than for the members +to take the printed constitution out of their pocket, and read the +chapter with which such matter in debate was connected. + +Having thus given an instance from one of the states, I will show the +proceedings by which the federal constitution of the United States arose +and was formed. + +Congress, at its two first meetings, in September 1774, and May 1775, +was nothing more than a deputation from the legislatures of the several +provinces, afterwards states; and had no other authority than what arose +from common consent, and the necessity of its acting as a public body. +In everything which related to the internal affairs of America, congress +went no further than to issue recommendations to the several provincial +assemblies, who at discretion adopted them or not. Nothing on the +part of congress was compulsive; yet, in this situation, it was more +faithfully and affectionately obeyed than was any government in +Europe. This instance, like that of the national assembly in France, +sufficiently shows, that the strength of government does not consist in +any thing itself, but in the attachment of a nation, and the interest +which a people feel in supporting it. When this is lost, government is +but a child in power; and though, like the old government in France, it +may harass individuals for a while, it but facilitates its own fall. + +After the declaration of independence, it became consistent with the +principle on which representative government is founded, that the +authority of congress should be defined and established. Whether that +authority should be more or less than congress then discretionarily +exercised was not the question. It was merely the rectitude of the +measure. + +For this purpose, the act, called the act of confederation (which was a +sort of imperfect federal constitution), was proposed, and, after long +deliberation, was concluded in the year 1781. It was not the act of +congress, because it is repugnant to the principles of representative +government that a body should give power to itself. Congress first +informed the several states, of the powers which it conceived were +necessary to be invested in the union, to enable it to perform the +duties and services required from it; and the states severally agreed +with each other, and concentrated in congress those powers. + +It may not be improper to observe that in both those instances (the one +of Pennsylvania, and the other of the United States), there is no such +thing as the idea of a compact between the people on one side, and the +government on the other. The compact was that of the people with each +other, to produce and constitute a government. To suppose that any +government can be a party in a compact with the whole people, is to +suppose it to have existence before it can have a right to exist. The +only instance in which a compact can take place between the people and +those who exercise the government, is, that the people shall pay them, +while they choose to employ them. + +Government is not a trade which any man, or any body of men, has a right +to set up and exercise for his own emolument, but is altogether a trust, +in right of those by whom that trust is delegated, and by whom it is +always resumeable. It has of itself no rights; they are altogether +duties. + +Having thus given two instances of the original formation of a +constitution, I will show the manner in which both have been changed +since their first establishment. + +The powers vested in the governments of the several states, by the state +constitutions, were found, upon experience, to be too great; and those +vested in the federal government, by the act of confederation, too +little. The defect was not in the principle, but in the distribution of +power. + +Numerous publications, in pamphlets and in the newspapers, appeared, +on the propriety and necessity of new modelling the federal government. +After some time of public discussion, carried on through the channel +of the press, and in conversations, the state of Virginia, experiencing +some inconvenience with respect to commerce, proposed holding a +continental conference; in consequence of which, a deputation from five +or six state assemblies met at Annapolis, in Maryland, in 1786. This +meeting, not conceiving itself sufficiently authorised to go into the +business of a reform, did no more than state their general opinions of +the propriety of the measure, and recommend that a convention of all the +states should be held the year following. + +The convention met at Philadelphia in May, 1787, of which General +Washington was elected president. He was not at that time connected +with any of the state governments, or with congress. He delivered up +his commission when the war ended, and since then had lived a private +citizen. + +The convention went deeply into all the subjects; and having, after a +variety of debate and investigation, agreed among themselves upon the +several parts of a federal constitution, the next question was, the +manner of giving it authority and practice. + +For this purpose they did not, like a cabal of courtiers, send for a +Dutch Stadtholder, or a German Elector; but they referred the whole +matter to the sense and interest of the country. + +They first directed that the proposed constitution should be published. +Secondly, that each state should elect a convention, expressly for the +purpose of taking it into consideration, and of ratifying or rejecting +it; and that as soon as the approbation and ratification of any nine +states should be given, that those states shall proceed to the election +of their proportion of members to the new federal government; and that +the operation of it should then begin, and the former federal government +cease. + +The several states proceeded accordingly to elect their conventions. +Some of those conventions ratified the constitution by very large +majorities, and two or three unanimously. In others there were much +debate and division of opinion. In the Massachusetts convention, which +met at Boston, the majority was not above nineteen or twenty, in +about three hundred members; but such is the nature of representative +government, that it quietly decides all matters by majority. After the +debate in the Massachusetts convention was closed, and the vote taken, +the objecting members rose and declared, "That though they had argued +and voted against it, because certain parts appeared to them in a +different light to what they appeared to other members; yet, as the vote +had decided in favour of the constitution as proposed, they should give +it the same practical support as if they had for it." + +As soon as nine states had concurred (and the rest followed in the +order their conventions were elected), the old fabric of the federal +government was taken down, and the new one erected, of which General +Washington is president.--In this place I cannot help remarking, that +the character and services of this gentleman are sufficient to put all +those men called kings to shame. While they are receiving from the sweat +and labours of mankind, a prodigality of pay, to which neither their +abilities nor their services can entitle them, he is rendering every +service in his power, and refusing every pecuniary reward. He accepted +no pay as commander-in-chief; he accepts none as president of the United +States. + +After the new federal constitution was established, the state of +Pennsylvania, conceiving that some parts of its own constitution +required to be altered, elected a convention for that purpose. The +proposed alterations were published, and the people concurring therein, +they were established. + +In forming those constitutions, or in altering them, little or no +inconvenience took place. The ordinary course of things was not +interrupted, and the advantages have been much. It is always the +interest of a far greater number of people in a nation to have things +right, than to let them remain wrong; and when public matters are open +to debate, and the public judgment free, it will not decide wrong, +unless it decides too hastily. + +In the two instances of changing the constitutions, the governments then +in being were not actors either way. Government has no right to make +itself a party in any debate respecting the principles or modes of +forming, or of changing, constitutions. It is not for the benefit of +those who exercise the powers of government that constitutions, and the +governments issuing from them, are established. In all those matters the +right of judging and acting are in those who pay, and not in those who +receive. + +A constitution is the property of a nation, and not of those who +exercise the government. All the constitutions of America are declared +to be established on the authority of the people. In France, the word +nation is used instead of the people; but in both cases, a constitution +is a thing antecedent to the government, and always distinct there from. + +In England it is not difficult to perceive that everything has a +constitution, except the nation. Every society and association that is +established, first agreed upon a number of original articles, digested +into form, which are its constitution. It then appointed its officers, +whose powers and authorities are described in that constitution, and the +government of that society then commenced. Those officers, by whatever +name they are called, have no authority to add to, alter, or abridge the +original articles. It is only to the constituting power that this right +belongs. + +From the want of understanding the difference between a constitution +and a government, Dr. Johnson, and all writers of his description, have +always bewildered themselves. They could not but perceive, that there +must necessarily be a controlling power existing somewhere, and they +placed this power in the discretion of the persons exercising the +government, instead of placing it in a constitution formed by the +nation. When it is in a constitution, it has the nation for its support, +and the natural and the political controlling powers are together. The +laws which are enacted by governments, control men only as individuals, +but the nation, through its constitution, controls the whole government, +and has a natural ability to do so. The final controlling power, +therefore, and the original constituting power, are one and the same +power. + +Dr. Johnson could not have advanced such a position in any country where +there was a constitution; and he is himself an evidence that no such +thing as a constitution exists in England. But it may be put as a +question, not improper to be investigated, that if a constitution does +not exist, how came the idea of its existence so generally established? + +In order to decide this question, it is necessary to consider a +constitution in both its cases:--First, as creating a government and +giving it powers. Secondly, as regulating and restraining the powers so +given. + +If we begin with William of Normandy, we find that the government of +England was originally a tyranny, founded on an invasion and conquest of +the country. This being admitted, it will then appear, that the exertion +of the nation, at different periods, to abate that tyranny, and render +it less intolerable, has been credited for a constitution. + +Magna Charta, as it was called (it is now like an almanack of the same +date), was no more than compelling the government to renounce a part of +its assumptions. It did not create and give powers to government in a +manner a constitution does; but was, as far as it went, of the nature of +a re-conquest, and not a constitution; for could the nation have totally +expelled the usurpation, as France has done its despotism, it would then +have had a constitution to form. + +The history of the Edwards and the Henries, and up to the commencement +of the Stuarts, exhibits as many instances of tyranny as could be acted +within the limits to which the nation had restricted it. The Stuarts +endeavoured to pass those limits, and their fate is well known. In +all those instances we see nothing of a constitution, but only of +restrictions on assumed power. + +After this, another William, descended from the same stock, and claiming +from the same origin, gained possession; and of the two evils, James +and William, the nation preferred what it thought the least; since, from +circumstances, it must take one. The act, called the Bill of Rights, +comes here into view. What is it, but a bargain, which the parts of +the government made with each other to divide powers, profits, and +privileges? You shall have so much, and I will have the rest; and with +respect to the nation, it said, for your share, You shall have the right +of petitioning. This being the case, the bill of rights is more properly +a bill of wrongs, and of insult. As to what is called the convention +parliament, it was a thing that made itself, and then made the authority +by which it acted. A few persons got together, and called themselves by +that name. Several of them had never been elected, and none of them for +the purpose. + +From the time of William a species of government arose, issuing out +of this coalition bill of rights; and more so, since the corruption +introduced at the Hanover succession by the agency of Walpole; that can +be described by no other name than a despotic legislation. Though the +parts may embarrass each other, the whole has no bounds; and the only +right it acknowledges out of itself, is the right of petitioning. Where +then is the constitution either that gives or restrains power? + +It is not because a part of the government is elective, that makes it +less a despotism, if the persons so elected possess afterwards, as a +parliament, unlimited powers. Election, in this case, becomes separated +from representation, and the candidates are candidates for despotism. + +I cannot believe that any nation, reasoning on its own rights, would +have thought of calling these things a constitution, if the cry of +constitution had not been set up by the government. It has got into +circulation like the words bore and quoz [quiz], by being chalked up in +the speeches of parliament, as those words were on window shutters and +doorposts; but whatever the constitution may be in other respects, it +has undoubtedly been the most productive machine of taxation that was +ever invented. The taxes in France, under the new constitution, are not +quite thirteen shillings per head,*[18] and the taxes in England, under +what is called its present constitution, are forty-eight shillings +and sixpence per head--men, women, and children--amounting to nearly +seventeen millions sterling, besides the expense of collecting, which is +upwards of a million more. + +In a country like England, where the whole of the civil Government is +executed by the people of every town and county, by means of parish +officers, magistrates, quarterly sessions, juries, and assize; without +any trouble to what is called the government or any other expense to the +revenue than the salary of the judges, it is astonishing how such a mass +of taxes can be employed. Not even the internal defence of the country +is paid out of the revenue. On all occasions, whether real or contrived, +recourse is continually had to new loans and new taxes. No wonder, +then, that a machine of government so advantageous to the advocates of +a court, should be so triumphantly extolled! No wonder, that St. James's +or St. Stephen's should echo with the continual cry of constitution; +no wonder, that the French revolution should be reprobated, and the +res-publica treated with reproach! The red book of England, like the red +book of France, will explain the reason.*[19] + +I will now, by way of relaxation, turn a thought or two to Mr. Burke. I +ask his pardon for neglecting him so long. + +"America," says he (in his speech on the Canada Constitution bill), +"never dreamed of such absurd doctrine as the Rights of Man." + +Mr. Burke is such a bold presumer, and advances his assertions and his +premises with such a deficiency of judgment, that, without troubling +ourselves about principles of philosophy or politics, the mere logical +conclusions they produce, are ridiculous. For instance, + +If governments, as Mr. Burke asserts, are not founded on the Rights of +Man, and are founded on any rights at all, they consequently must be +founded on the right of something that is not man. What then is that +something? + +Generally speaking, we know of no other creatures that inhabit the +earth than man and beast; and in all cases, where only two things offer +themselves, and one must be admitted, a negation proved on any one, +amounts to an affirmative on the other; and therefore, Mr. Burke, by +proving against the Rights of Man, proves in behalf of the beast; and +consequently, proves that government is a beast; and as difficult things +sometimes explain each other, we now see the origin of keeping wild +beasts in the Tower; for they certainly can be of no other use than +to show the origin of the government. They are in the place of a +constitution. O John Bull, what honours thou hast lost by not being a +wild beast. Thou mightest, on Mr. Burke's system, have been in the Tower +for life. + +If Mr. Burke's arguments have not weight enough to keep one serious, the +fault is less mine than his; and as I am willing to make an apology to +the reader for the liberty I have taken, I hope Mr. Burke will also make +his for giving the cause. + +Having thus paid Mr. Burke the compliment of remembering him, I return +to the subject. + +From the want of a constitution in England to restrain and regulate the +wild impulse of power, many of the laws are irrational and tyrannical, +and the administration of them vague and problematical. + +The attention of the government of England (for I rather choose to +call it by this name than the English government) appears, since its +political connection with Germany, to have been so completely engrossed +and absorbed by foreign affairs, and the means of raising taxes, that it +seems to exist for no other purposes. Domestic concerns are neglected; +and with respect to regular law, there is scarcely such a thing. + +Almost every case must now be determined by some precedent, be that +precedent good or bad, or whether it properly applies or not; and +the practice is become so general as to suggest a suspicion, that it +proceeds from a deeper policy than at first sight appears. + +Since the revolution of America, and more so since that of France, +this preaching up the doctrines of precedents, drawn from times and +circumstances antecedent to those events, has been the studied practice +of the English government. The generality of those precedents are +founded on principles and opinions, the reverse of what they ought; and +the greater distance of time they are drawn from, the more they are to +be suspected. But by associating those precedents with a superstitious +reverence for ancient things, as monks show relics and call them holy, +the generality of mankind are deceived into the design. Governments now +act as if they were afraid to awaken a single reflection in man. They +are softly leading him to the sepulchre of precedents, to deaden his +faculties and call attention from the scene of revolutions. They feel +that he is arriving at knowledge faster than they wish, and their policy +of precedents is the barometer of their fears. This political popery, +like the ecclesiastical popery of old, has had its day, and is hastening +to its exit. The ragged relic and the antiquated precedent, the monk and +the monarch, will moulder together. + +Government by precedent, without any regard to the principle of the +precedent, is one of the vilest systems that can be set up. In numerous +instances, the precedent ought to operate as a warning, and not as an +example, and requires to be shunned instead of imitated; but instead of +this, precedents are taken in the lump, and put at once for constitution +and for law. + +Either the doctrine of precedents is policy to keep a man in a state of +ignorance, or it is a practical confession that wisdom degenerates in +governments as governments increase in age, and can only hobble along by +the stilts and crutches of precedents. How is it that the same persons +who would proudly be thought wiser than their predecessors, appear at +the same time only as the ghosts of departed wisdom? How strangely is +antiquity treated! To some purposes it is spoken of as the times of +darkness and ignorance, and to answer others, it is put for the light of +the world. + +If the doctrine of precedents is to be followed, the expenses of +government need not continue the same. Why pay men extravagantly, who +have but little to do? If everything that can happen is already in +precedent, legislation is at an end, and precedent, like a dictionary, +determines every case. Either, therefore, government has arrived at +its dotage, and requires to be renovated, or all the occasions for +exercising its wisdom have occurred. + +We now see all over Europe, and particularly in England, the curious +phenomenon of a nation looking one way, and the government the +other--the one forward and the other backward. If governments are to go +on by precedent, while nations go on by improvement, they must at last +come to a final separation; and the sooner, and the more civilly they +determine this point, the better.*[20] + +Having thus spoken of constitutions generally, as things distinct from +actual governments, let us proceed to consider the parts of which a +constitution is composed. + +Opinions differ more on this subject than with respect to the whole. +That a nation ought to have a constitution, as a rule for the conduct +of its government, is a simple question in which all men, not directly +courtiers, will agree. It is only on the component parts that questions +and opinions multiply. + +But this difficulty, like every other, will diminish when put into a +train of being rightly understood. + +The first thing is, that a nation has a right to establish a +constitution. + +Whether it exercises this right in the most judicious manner at first +is quite another case. It exercises it agreeably to the judgment it +possesses; and by continuing to do so, all errors will at last be +exploded. + +When this right is established in a nation, there is no fear that it +will be employed to its own injury. A nation can have no interest in +being wrong. + +Though all the constitutions of America are on one general principle, +yet no two of them are exactly alike in their component parts, or in the +distribution of the powers which they give to the actual governments. +Some are more, and others less complex. + +In forming a constitution, it is first necessary to consider what are +the ends for which government is necessary? Secondly, what are the best +means, and the least expensive, for accomplishing those ends? + +Government is nothing more than a national association; and the +object of this association is the good of all, as well individually as +collectively. Every man wishes to pursue his occupation, and to enjoy +the fruits of his labours and the produce of his property in peace +and safety, and with the least possible expense. When these things +are accomplished, all the objects for which government ought to be +established are answered. + +It has been customary to consider government under three distinct +general heads. The legislative, the executive, and the judicial. + +But if we permit our judgment to act unincumbered by the habit of +multiplied terms, we can perceive no more than two divisions of power, +of which civil government is composed, namely, that of legislating or +enacting laws, and that of executing or administering them. Everything, +therefore, appertaining to civil government, classes itself under one or +other of these two divisions. + +So far as regards the execution of the laws, that which is called the +judicial power, is strictly and properly the executive power of every +country. It is that power to which every individual has appeal, and +which causes the laws to be executed; neither have we any other clear +idea with respect to the official execution of the laws. In England, and +also in America and France, this power begins with the magistrate, and +proceeds up through all the courts of judicature. + +I leave to courtiers to explain what is meant by calling monarchy the +executive power. It is merely a name in which acts of government are +done; and any other, or none at all, would answer the same purpose. Laws +have neither more nor less authority on this account. It must be from +the justness of their principles, and the interest which a nation feels +therein, that they derive support; if they require any other than this, +it is a sign that something in the system of government is imperfect. +Laws difficult to be executed cannot be generally good. + +With respect to the organization of the legislative power, different +modes have been adopted in different countries. In America it is +generally composed of two houses. In France it consists but of one, but +in both countries, it is wholly by representation. + +The case is, that mankind (from the long tyranny of assumed power) have +had so few opportunities of making the necessary trials on modes and +principles of government, in order to discover the best, that government +is but now beginning to be known, and experience is yet wanting to +determine many particulars. + +The objections against two houses are, first, that there is an +inconsistency in any part of a whole legislature, coming to a final +determination by vote on any matter, whilst that matter, with respect +to that whole, is yet only in a train of deliberation, and consequently +open to new illustrations. + +Secondly, That by taking the vote on each, as a separate body, it always +admits of the possibility, and is often the case in practice, that the +minority governs the majority, and that, in some instances, to a degree +of great inconsistency. + +Thirdly, That two houses arbitrarily checking or controlling each other +is inconsistent; because it cannot be proved on the principles of just +representation, that either should be wiser or better than the other. +They may check in the wrong as well as in the right therefore to give +the power where we cannot give the wisdom to use it, nor be assured +of its being rightly used, renders the hazard at least equal to the +precaution.*[21] + +The objection against a single house is, that it is always in a +condition of committing itself too soon.--But it should at the same +time be remembered, that when there is a constitution which defines the +power, and establishes the principles within which a legislature +shall act, there is already a more effectual check provided, and more +powerfully operating, than any other check can be. For example, + +Were a Bill to be brought into any of the American legislatures similar +to that which was passed into an act by the English parliament, at +the commencement of George the First, to extend the duration of the +assemblies to a longer period than they now sit, the check is in the +constitution, which in effect says, Thus far shalt thou go and no +further. + +But in order to remove the objection against a single house (that of +acting with too quick an impulse), and at the same time to avoid the +inconsistencies, in some cases absurdities, arising from two houses, the +following method has been proposed as an improvement upon both. + +First, To have but one representation. + +Secondly, To divide that representation, by lot, into two or three +parts. + +Thirdly, That every proposed bill shall be first debated in those parts +by succession, that they may become the hearers of each other, but +without taking any vote. After which the whole representation to +assemble for a general debate and determination by vote. + +To this proposed improvement has been added another, for the purpose of +keeping the representation in the state of constant renovation; which +is, that one-third of the representation of each county, shall go out at +the expiration of one year, and the number be replaced by new elections. +Another third at the expiration of the second year replaced in like +manner, and every third year to be a general election.*[22] + +But in whatever manner the separate parts of a constitution may be +arranged, there is one general principle that distinguishes freedom from +slavery, which is, that all hereditary government over a people is to +them a species of slavery, and representative government is freedom. + +Considering government in the only light in which it should be +considered, that of a National Association, it ought to be so +constructed as not to be disordered by any accident happening among the +parts; and, therefore, no extraordinary power, capable of producing such +an effect, should be lodged in the hands of any individual. The death, +sickness, absence or defection, of any one individual in a government, +ought to be a matter of no more consequence, with respect to the nation, +than if the same circumstance had taken place in a member of the English +Parliament, or the French National Assembly. + +Scarcely anything presents a more degrading character of national +greatness, than its being thrown into confusion, by anything happening +to or acted by any individual; and the ridiculousness of the scene is +often increased by the natural insignificance of the person by whom it +is occasioned. Were a government so constructed, that it could not go on +unless a goose or a gander were present in the senate, the difficulties +would be just as great and as real, on the flight or sickness of +the goose, or the gander, as if it were called a King. We laugh at +individuals for the silly difficulties they make to themselves, without +perceiving that the greatest of all ridiculous things are acted in +governments.*[23] + +All the constitutions of America are on a plan that excludes the +childish embarrassments which occur in monarchical countries. No +suspension of government can there take place for a moment, from any +circumstances whatever. The system of representation provides for +everything, and is the only system in which nations and governments can +always appear in their proper character. + +As extraordinary power ought not to be lodged in the hands of any +individual, so ought there to be no appropriations of public money +to any person, beyond what his services in a state may be worth. It +signifies not whether a man be called a president, a king, an emperor, +a senator, or by any other name which propriety or folly may devise or +arrogance assume; it is only a certain service he can perform in the +state; and the service of any such individual in the routine of office, +whether such office be called monarchical, presidential, senatorial, or +by any other name or title, can never exceed the value of ten thousand +pounds a year. All the great services that are done in the world are +performed by volunteer characters, who accept nothing for them; but +the routine of office is always regulated to such a general standard +of abilities as to be within the compass of numbers in every country +to perform, and therefore cannot merit very extraordinary recompense. +Government, says Swift, is a Plain thing, and fitted to the capacity of +many heads. + +It is inhuman to talk of a million sterling a year, paid out of the +public taxes of any country, for the support of any individual, whilst +thousands who are forced to contribute thereto, are pining with want, +and struggling with misery. Government does not consist in a contrast +between prisons and palaces, between poverty and pomp; it is not +instituted to rob the needy of his mite, and increase the wretchedness +of the wretched.--But on this part of the subject I shall speak +hereafter, and confine myself at present to political observations. + +When extraordinary power and extraordinary pay are allotted to any +individual in a government, he becomes the center, round which every +kind of corruption generates and forms. Give to any man a million a +year, and add thereto the power of creating and disposing of places, +at the expense of a country, and the liberties of that country are no +longer secure. What is called the splendour of a throne is no other +than the corruption of the state. It is made up of a band of parasites, +living in luxurious indolence, out of the public taxes. + +When once such a vicious system is established it becomes the guard and +protection of all inferior abuses. The man who is in the receipt of a +million a year is the last person to promote a spirit of reform, lest, +in the event, it should reach to himself. It is always his interest to +defend inferior abuses, as so many outworks to protect the citadel; and +on this species of political fortification, all the parts have such a +common dependence that it is never to be expected they will attack each +other.*[24] + +Monarchy would not have continued so many ages in the world, had it not +been for the abuses it protects. It is the master-fraud, which shelters +all others. By admitting a participation of the spoil, it makes itself +friends; and when it ceases to do this it will cease to be the idol of +courtiers. + +As the principle on which constitutions are now formed rejects all +hereditary pretensions to government, it also rejects all that catalogue +of assumptions known by the name of prerogatives. + +If there is any government where prerogatives might with apparent safety +be entrusted to any individual, it is in the federal government of +America. The president of the United States of America is elected only +for four years. He is not only responsible in the general sense of the +word, but a particular mode is laid down in the constitution for trying +him. He cannot be elected under thirty-five years of age; and he must be +a native of the country. + +In a comparison of these cases with the Government of England, the +difference when applied to the latter amounts to an absurdity. In +England the person who exercises prerogative is often a foreigner; +always half a foreigner, and always married to a foreigner. He is +never in full natural or political connection with the country, is not +responsible for anything, and becomes of age at eighteen years; yet +such a person is permitted to form foreign alliances, without even the +knowledge of the nation, and to make war and peace without its consent. + +But this is not all. Though such a person cannot dispose of the +government in the manner of a testator, he dictates the marriage +connections, which, in effect, accomplish a great part of the same end. +He cannot directly bequeath half the government to Prussia, but he can +form a marriage partnership that will produce almost the same thing. +Under such circumstances, it is happy for England that she is not +situated on the Continent, or she might, like Holland, fall under +the dictatorship of Prussia. Holland, by marriage, is as effectually +governed by Prussia, as if the old tyranny of bequeathing the government +had been the means. + +The presidency in America (or, as it is sometimes called, the executive) +is the only office from which a foreigner is excluded, and in England it +is the only one to which he is admitted. A foreigner cannot be a member +of Parliament, but he may be what is called a king. If there is any +reason for excluding foreigners, it ought to be from those offices where +mischief can most be acted, and where, by uniting every bias of interest +and attachment, the trust is best secured. But as nations proceed in +the great business of forming constitutions, they will examine with +more precision into the nature and business of that department which is +called the executive. What the legislative and judicial departments are +every one can see; but with respect to what, in Europe, is called +the executive, as distinct from those two, it is either a political +superfluity or a chaos of unknown things. + +Some kind of official department, to which reports shall be made from +the different parts of a nation, or from abroad, to be laid before the +national representatives, is all that is necessary; but there is no +consistency in calling this the executive; neither can it be considered +in any other light than as inferior to the legislative. The sovereign +authority in any country is the power of making laws, and everything +else is an official department. + +Next to the arrangement of the principles and the organization of the +several parts of a constitution, is the provision to be made for +the support of the persons to whom the nation shall confide the +administration of the constitutional powers. + +A nation can have no right to the time and services of any person at his +own expense, whom it may choose to employ or entrust in any department +whatever; neither can any reason be given for making provision for the +support of any one part of a government and not for the other. + +But admitting that the honour of being entrusted with any part of a +government is to be considered a sufficient reward, it ought to be so to +every person alike. If the members of the legislature of any country +are to serve at their own expense that which is called the executive, +whether monarchical or by any other name, ought to serve in like manner. +It is inconsistent to pay the one, and accept the service of the other +gratis. + +In America, every department in the government is decently provided for; +but no one is extravagantly paid. Every member of Congress, and of +the Assemblies, is allowed a sufficiency for his expenses. Whereas in +England, a most prodigal provision is made for the support of one part +of the Government, and none for the other, the consequence of which is +that the one is furnished with the means of corruption and the other is +put into the condition of being corrupted. Less than a fourth part of +such expense, applied as it is in America, would remedy a great part of +the corruption. + +Another reform in the American constitution is the exploding all oaths +of personality. The oath of allegiance in America is to the nation only. +The putting any individual as a figure for a nation is improper. +The happiness of a nation is the superior object, and therefore the +intention of an oath of allegiance ought not to be obscured by being +figuratively taken, to, or in the name of, any person. The oath, called +the civic oath, in France, viz., "the nation, the law, and the king," is +improper. If taken at all, it ought to be as in America, to the nation +only. The law may or may not be good; but, in this place, it can have no +other meaning, than as being conducive to the happiness of a nation, and +therefore is included in it. The remainder of the oath is improper, on +the ground, that all personal oaths ought to be abolished. They are the +remains of tyranny on one part and slavery on the other; and the name of +the Creator ought not to be introduced to witness the degradation of +his creation; or if taken, as is already mentioned, as figurative of the +nation, it is in this place redundant. But whatever apology may be made +for oaths at the first establishment of a government, they ought not to +be permitted afterwards. If a government requires the support of oaths, +it is a sign that it is not worth supporting, and ought not to be +supported. Make government what it ought to be, and it will support +itself. + +To conclude this part of the subject:--One of the greatest improvements +that have been made for the perpetual security and progress of +constitutional liberty, is the provision which the new constitutions +make for occasionally revising, altering, and amending them. + +The principle upon which Mr. Burke formed his political creed, that of +"binding and controlling posterity to the end of time, and of renouncing +and abdicating the rights of all posterity, for ever," is now become too +detestable to be made a subject of debate; and therefore, I pass it over +with no other notice than exposing it. + +Government is but now beginning to be known. Hitherto it has been the +mere exercise of power, which forbade all effectual enquiry into rights, +and grounded itself wholly on possession. While the enemy of liberty was +its judge, the progress of its principles must have been small indeed. + +The constitutions of America, and also that of France, have either +affixed a period for their revision, or laid down the mode by which +improvement shall be made. It is perhaps impossible to establish +anything that combines principles with opinions and practice, which the +progress of circumstances, through a length of years, will not in some +measure derange, or render inconsistent; and, therefore, to prevent +inconveniences accumulating, till they discourage reformations or +provoke revolutions, it is best to provide the means of regulating them +as they occur. The Rights of Man are the rights of all generations of +men, and cannot be monopolised by any. That which is worth following, +will be followed for the sake of its worth, and it is in this that +its security lies, and not in any conditions with which it may be +encumbered. When a man leaves property to his heirs, he does not connect +it with an obligation that they shall accept it. Why, then, should we +do otherwise with respect to constitutions? The best constitution that +could now be devised, consistent with the condition of the present +moment, may be far short of that excellence which a few years may +afford. There is a morning of reason rising upon man on the subject +of government, that has not appeared before. As the barbarism of the +present old governments expires, the moral conditions of nations with +respect to each other will be changed. Man will not be brought up with +the savage idea of considering his species as his enemy, because +the accident of birth gave the individuals existence in countries +distinguished by different names; and as constitutions have always some +relation to external as well as to domestic circumstances, the means of +benefitting by every change, foreign or domestic, should be a part +of every constitution. We already see an alteration in the national +disposition of England and France towards each other, which, when we +look back to only a few years, is itself a Revolution. Who could have +foreseen, or who could have believed, that a French National Assembly +would ever have been a popular toast in England, or that a friendly +alliance of the two nations should become the wish of either? It shows +that man, were he not corrupted by governments, is naturally the friend +of man, and that human nature is not of itself vicious. That spirit +of jealousy and ferocity, which the governments of the two countries +inspired, and which they rendered subservient to the purpose of +taxation, is now yielding to the dictates of reason, interest, and +humanity. The trade of courts is beginning to be understood, and the +affectation of mystery, with all the artificial sorcery by which +they imposed upon mankind, is on the decline. It has received its +death-wound; and though it may linger, it will expire. Government ought +to be as much open to improvement as anything which appertains to man, +instead of which it has been monopolised from age to age, by the most +ignorant and vicious of the human race. Need we any other proof of their +wretched management, than the excess of debts and taxes with which every +nation groans, and the quarrels into which they have precipitated the +world? Just emerging from such a barbarous condition, it is too soon to +determine to what extent of improvement government may yet be carried. +For what we can foresee, all Europe may form but one great Republic, and +man be free of the whole. + + + + +CHAPTER V. WAYS AND MEANS OF IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF EUROPE + +INTERSPERSED WITH MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS + +In contemplating a subject that embraces with equatorial magnitude the +whole region of humanity it is impossible to confine the pursuit in one +single direction. It takes ground on every character and condition that +appertains to man, and blends the individual, the nation, and the world. +From a small spark, kindled in America, a flame has arisen not to be +extinguished. Without consuming, like the Ultima Ratio Regum, it winds +its progress from nation to nation, and conquers by a silent operation. +Man finds himself changed, he scarcely perceives how. He acquires +a knowledge of his rights by attending justly to his interest, and +discovers in the event that the strength and powers of despotism consist +wholly in the fear of resisting it, and that, in order "to be free, it +is sufficient that he wills it." + +Having in all the preceding parts of this work endeavoured to establish +a system of principles as a basis on which governments ought to be +erected, I shall proceed in this, to the ways and means of rendering +them into practice. But in order to introduce this part of the subject +with more propriety, and stronger effect, some preliminary observations, +deducible from, or connected with, those principles, are necessary. + +Whatever the form or constitution of government may be, it ought to have +no other object than the general happiness. When, instead of this, it +operates to create and increase wretchedness in any of the parts +of society, it is on a wrong system, and reformation is necessary. +Customary language has classed the condition of man under the two +descriptions of civilised and uncivilised life. To the one it has +ascribed felicity and affluence; to the other hardship and want. But, +however our imagination may be impressed by painting and comparison, +it is nevertheless true, that a great portion of mankind, in what are +called civilised countries, are in a state of poverty and wretchedness, +far below the condition of an Indian. I speak not of one country, but of +all. It is so in England, it is so all over Europe. Let us enquire into +the cause. + +It lies not in any natural defect in the principles of civilisation, +but in preventing those principles having a universal operation; the +consequence of which is, a perpetual system of war and expense, +that drains the country, and defeats the general felicity of which +civilisation is capable. All the European governments (France +now excepted) are constructed not on the principle of universal +civilisation, but on the reverse of it. So far as those governments +relate to each other, they are in the same condition as we conceive of +savage uncivilised life; they put themselves beyond the law as well +of God as of man, and are, with respect to principle and reciprocal +conduct, like so many individuals in a state of nature. The inhabitants +of every country, under the civilisation of laws, easily civilise +together, but governments being yet in an uncivilised state, and almost +continually at war, they pervert the abundance which civilised life +produces to carry on the uncivilised part to a greater extent. By thus +engrafting the barbarism of government upon the internal civilisation of +a country, it draws from the latter, and more especially from the poor, +a great portion of those earnings, which should be applied to their +own subsistence and comfort. Apart from all reflections of morality and +philosophy, it is a melancholy fact that more than one-fourth of the +labour of mankind is annually consumed by this barbarous system. What +has served to continue this evil, is the pecuniary advantage which +all the governments of Europe have found in keeping up this state of +uncivilisation. It affords to them pretences for power, and revenue, +for which there would be neither occasion nor apology, if the circle +of civilisation were rendered complete. Civil government alone, or the +government of laws, is not productive of pretences for many taxes; it +operates at home, directly under the eye of the country, and precludes +the possibility of much imposition. But when the scene is laid in +the uncivilised contention of governments, the field of pretences is +enlarged, and the country, being no longer a judge, is open to every +imposition, which governments please to act. Not a thirtieth, scarcely +a fortieth, part of the taxes which are raised in England are either +occasioned by, or applied to, the purpose of civil government. It is +not difficult to see, that the whole which the actual government does +in this respect, is to enact laws, and that the country administers +and executes them, at its own expense, by means of magistrates, juries, +sessions, and assize, over and above the taxes which it pays. In this +view of the case, we have two distinct characters of government; the one +the civil government, or the government of laws, which operates at home, +the other the court or cabinet government, which operates abroad, on the +rude plan of uncivilised life; the one attended with little charge, the +other with boundless extravagance; and so distinct are the two, that if +the latter were to sink, as it were, by a sudden opening of the earth, +and totally disappear, the former would not be deranged. It would still +proceed, because it is the common interest of the nation that it should, +and all the means are in practice. Revolutions, then, have for their +object a change in the moral condition of governments, and with this +change the burthen of public taxes will lessen, and civilisation will be +left to the enjoyment of that abundance, of which it is now deprived. +In contemplating the whole of this subject, I extend my views into the +department of commerce. In all my publications, where the matter would +admit, I have been an advocate for commerce, because I am a friend to +its effects. It is a pacific system, operating to cordialise mankind, by +rendering nations, as well as individuals, useful to each other. As to +the mere theoretical reformation, I have never preached it up. The most +effectual process is that of improving the condition of man by means of +his interest; and it is on this ground that I take my stand. If commerce +were permitted to act to the universal extent it is capable, it would +extirpate the system of war, and produce a revolution in the uncivilised +state of governments. The invention of commerce has arisen since those +governments began, and is the greatest approach towards universal +civilisation that has yet been made by any means not immediately flowing +from moral principles. Whatever has a tendency to promote the civil +intercourse of nations by an exchange of benefits, is a subject as +worthy of philosophy as of politics. Commerce is no other than the +traffic of two individuals, multiplied on a scale of numbers; and by the +same rule that nature intended for the intercourse of two, she intended +that of all. For this purpose she has distributed the materials of +manufactures and commerce, in various and distant parts of a nation and +of the world; and as they cannot be procured by war so cheaply or so +commodiously as by commerce, she has rendered the latter the means +of extirpating the former. As the two are nearly the opposite of each +other, consequently, the uncivilised state of the European governments +is injurious to commerce. Every kind of destruction or embarrassment +serves to lessen the quantity, and it matters but little in what part +of the commercial world the reduction begins. Like blood, it cannot be +taken from any of the parts, without being taken from the whole mass in +circulation, and all partake of the loss. When the ability in any +nation to buy is destroyed, it equally involves the seller. Could the +government of England destroy the commerce of all other nations, she +would most effectually ruin her own. It is possible that a nation may be +the carrier for the world, but she cannot be the merchant. She cannot +be the seller and buyer of her own merchandise. The ability to buy must +reside out of herself; and, therefore, the prosperity of any commercial +nation is regulated by the prosperity of the rest. If they are poor she +cannot be rich, and her condition, be what it may, is an index of the +height of the commercial tide in other nations. That the principles +of commerce, and its universal operation may be understood, without +understanding the practice, is a position that reason will not deny; and +it is on this ground only that I argue the subject. It is one thing +in the counting-house, in the world it is another. With respect to its +operation it must necessarily be contemplated as a reciprocal thing; +that only one-half its powers resides within the nation, and that +the whole is as effectually destroyed by the destroying the half that +resides without, as if the destruction had been committed on that which +is within; for neither can act without the other. When in the last, as +well as in former wars, the commerce of England sunk, it was because the +quantity was lessened everywhere; and it now rises, because commerce is +in a rising state in every nation. If England, at this day, imports +and exports more than at any former period, the nations with which she +trades must necessarily do the same; her imports are their exports, and +vice versa. There can be no such thing as a nation flourishing alone +in commerce: she can only participate; and the destruction of it in any +part must necessarily affect all. When, therefore, governments are +at war, the attack is made upon a common stock of commerce, and the +consequence is the same as if each had attacked his own. The present +increase of commerce is not to be attributed to ministers, or to any +political contrivances, but to its own natural operation in consequence +of peace. The regular markets had been destroyed, the channels of trade +broken up, the high road of the seas infested with robbers of every +nation, and the attention of the world called to other objects. Those +interruptions have ceased, and peace has restored the deranged condition +of things to their proper order.*[25] It is worth remarking that every +nation reckons the balance of trade in its own favour; and therefore +something must be irregular in the common ideas upon this subject. The +fact, however, is true, according to what is called a balance; and it +is from this cause that commerce is universally supported. Every nation +feels the advantage, or it would abandon the practice: but the deception +lies in the mode of making up the accounts, and in attributing what are +called profits to a wrong cause. Mr. Pitt has sometimes amused himself, +by showing what he called a balance of trade from the custom-house +books. This mode of calculating not only affords no rule that is true, +but one that is false. In the first place, Every cargo that departs from +the custom-house appears on the books as an export; and, according to +the custom-house balance, the losses at sea, and by foreign failures, +are all reckoned on the side of profit because they appear as exports. + +Secondly, Because the importation by the smuggling trade does not appear +on the custom-house books, to arrange against the exports. + +No balance, therefore, as applying to superior advantages, can be +drawn from these documents; and if we examine the natural operation of +commerce, the idea is fallacious; and if true, would soon be injurious. +The great support of commerce consists in the balance being a level of +benefits among all nations. + +Two merchants of different nations trading together, will both become +rich, and each makes the balance in his own favour; consequently, they +do not get rich of each other; and it is the same with respect to the +nations in which they reside. The case must be, that each nation must +get rich out of its own means, and increases that riches by something +which it procures from another in exchange. + +If a merchant in England sends an article of English manufacture abroad +which costs him a shilling at home, and imports something which sells +for two, he makes a balance of one shilling in his favour; but this is +not gained out of the foreign nation or the foreign merchant, for he +also does the same by the articles he receives, and neither has the +advantage upon the other. The original value of the two articles in +their proper countries was but two shillings; but by changing their +places, they acquire a new idea of value, equal to double what they had +first, and that increased value is equally divided. + +There is no otherwise a balance on foreign than on domestic commerce. +The merchants of London and Newcastle trade on the same principles, as +if they resided in different nations, and make their balances in the +same manner: yet London does not get rich out of Newcastle, any more +than Newcastle out of London: but coals, the merchandize of Newcastle, +have an additional value at London, and London merchandize has the same +at Newcastle. + +Though the principle of all commerce is the same, the domestic, in a +national view, is the part the most beneficial; because the whole of the +advantages, an both sides, rests within the nation; whereas, in foreign +commerce, it is only a participation of one-half. + +The most unprofitable of all commerce is that connected with foreign +dominion. To a few individuals it may be beneficial, merely because it +is commerce; but to the nation it is a loss. The expense of maintaining +dominion more than absorbs the profits of any trade. It does not +increase the general quantity in the world, but operates to lessen it; +and as a greater mass would be afloat by relinquishing dominion, the +participation without the expense would be more valuable than a greater +quantity with it. + +But it is impossible to engross commerce by dominion; and therefore +it is still more fallacious. It cannot exist in confined channels, and +necessarily breaks out by regular or irregular means, that defeat +the attempt: and to succeed would be still worse. France, since the +Revolution, has been more indifferent as to foreign possessions, and +other nations will become the same when they investigate the subject +with respect to commerce. + +To the expense of dominion is to be added that of navies, and when the +amounts of the two are subtracted from the profits of commerce, it will +appear, that what is called the balance of trade, even admitting it to +exist, is not enjoyed by the nation, but absorbed by the Government. + +The idea of having navies for the protection of commerce is delusive. +It is putting means of destruction for the means of protection. Commerce +needs no other protection than the reciprocal interest which every +nation feels in supporting it--it is common stock--it exists by a +balance of advantages to all; and the only interruption it meets, is +from the present uncivilised state of governments, and which it is its +common interest to reform.*[26] + +Quitting this subject, I now proceed to other matters.--As it is +necessary to include England in the prospect of a general reformation, +it is proper to inquire into the defects of its government. It is only +by each nation reforming its own, that the whole can be improved, and +the full benefit of reformation enjoyed. Only partial advantages can +flow from partial reforms. + +France and England are the only two countries in Europe where a +reformation in government could have successfully begun. The one secure +by the ocean, and the other by the immensity of its internal strength, +could defy the malignancy of foreign despotism. But it is with +revolutions as with commerce, the advantages increase by their becoming +general, and double to either what each would receive alone. + +As a new system is now opening to the view of the world, the European +courts are plotting to counteract it. Alliances, contrary to all former +systems, are agitating, and a common interest of courts is forming +against the common interest of man. This combination draws a line that +runs throughout Europe, and presents a cause so entirely new as to +exclude all calculations from former circumstances. While despotism +warred with despotism, man had no interest in the contest; but in a +cause that unites the soldier with the citizen, and nation with nation, +the despotism of courts, though it feels the danger and meditates +revenge, is afraid to strike. + +No question has arisen within the records of history that pressed with +the importance of the present. It is not whether this or that party +shall be in or not, or Whig or Tory, high or low shall prevail; but +whether man shall inherit his rights, and universal civilisation take +place? Whether the fruits of his labours shall be enjoyed by himself +or consumed by the profligacy of governments? Whether robbery shall be +banished from courts, and wretchedness from countries? + +When, in countries that are called civilised, we see age going to the +workhouse and youth to the gallows, something must be wrong in the +system of government. It would seem, by the exterior appearance of such +countries, that all was happiness; but there lies hidden from the eye of +common observation, a mass of wretchedness, that has scarcely any other +chance, than to expire in poverty or infamy. Its entrance into life is +marked with the presage of its fate; and until this is remedied, it is +in vain to punish. + +Civil government does not exist in executions; but in making such +provision for the instruction of youth and the support of age, as to +exclude, as much as possible, profligacy from the one and despair from +the other. Instead of this, the resources of a country are lavished upon +kings, upon courts, upon hirelings, impostors and prostitutes; and even +the poor themselves, with all their wants upon them, are compelled to +support the fraud that oppresses them. + +Why is it that scarcely any are executed but the poor? The fact is a +proof, among other things, of a wretchedness in their condition. Bred up +without morals, and cast upon the world without a prospect, they are +the exposed sacrifice of vice and legal barbarity. The millions that are +superfluously wasted upon governments are more than sufficient to reform +those evils, and to benefit the condition of every man in a nation, not +included within the purlieus of a court. This I hope to make appear in +the progress of this work. + +It is the nature of compassion to associate with misfortune. In taking +up this subject I seek no recompense--I fear no consequence. Fortified +with that proud integrity, that disdains to triumph or to yield, I will +advocate the Rights of Man. + +It is to my advantage that I have served an apprenticeship to life. I +know the value of moral instruction, and I have seen the danger of the +contrary. + +At an early period--little more than sixteen years of age, raw and +adventurous, and heated with the false heroism of a master*[27] who +had served in a man-of-war--I began the carver of my own fortune, +and entered on board the Terrible Privateer, Captain Death. From +this adventure I was happily prevented by the affectionate and moral +remonstrance of a good father, who, from his own habits of life, being +of the Quaker profession, must begin to look upon me as lost. But the +impression, much as it effected at the time, began to wear away, and I +entered afterwards in the King of Prussia Privateer, Captain Mendez, +and went with her to sea. Yet, from such a beginning, and with all the +inconvenience of early life against me, I am proud to say, that with +a perseverance undismayed by difficulties, a disinterestedness that +compelled respect, I have not only contributed to raise a new empire in +the world, founded on a new system of government, but I have arrived at +an eminence in political literature, the most difficult of all lines to +succeed and excel in, which aristocracy with all its aids has not been +able to reach or to rival.*[28] + +Knowing my own heart and feeling myself as I now do, superior to all the +skirmish of party, the inveteracy of interested or mistaken opponents, +I answer not to falsehood or abuse, but proceed to the defects of the +English Government. + +I begin with charters and corporations. + +It is a perversion of terms to say that a charter gives rights. It +operates by a contrary effect--that of taking rights away. Rights are +inherently in all the inhabitants; but charters, by annulling those +rights, in the majority, leave the right, by exclusion, in the hands of +a few. If charters were constructed so as to express in direct terms, +"that every inhabitant, who is not a member of a corporation, shall +not exercise the right of voting," such charters would, in the face, be +charters not of rights, but of exclusion. The effect is the same under +the form they now stand; and the only persons on whom they operate are +the persons whom they exclude. Those whose rights are guaranteed, by +not being taken away, exercise no other rights than as members of the +community they are entitled to without a charter; and, therefore, all +charters have no other than an indirect negative operation. They do not +give rights to A, but they make a difference in favour of A by taking +away the right of B, and consequently are instruments of injustice. + +But charters and corporations have a more extensive evil effect +than what relates merely to elections. They are sources of endless +contentions in the places where they exist, and they lessen the common +rights of national society. A native of England, under the operation of +these charters and corporations, cannot be said to be an Englishman in +the full sense of the word. He is not free of the nation, in the same +manner that a Frenchman is free of France, and an American of America. +His rights are circumscribed to the town, and, in some cases, to the +parish of his birth; and all other parts, though in his native land, are +to him as a foreign country. To acquire a residence in these, he must +undergo a local naturalisation by purchase, or he is forbidden or +expelled the place. This species of feudality is kept up to aggrandise +the corporations at the ruin of towns; and the effect is visible. + +The generality of corporation towns are in a state of solitary decay, +and prevented from further ruin only by some circumstance in their +situation, such as a navigable river, or a plentiful surrounding +country. As population is one of the chief sources of wealth (for +without it land itself has no value), everything which operates to +prevent it must lessen the value of property; and as corporations have +not only this tendency, but directly this effect, they cannot but be +injurious. If any policy were to be followed, instead of that of general +freedom, to every person to settle where he chose (as in France or +America) it would be more consistent to give encouragement to new comers +than to preclude their admission by exacting premiums from them.*[29] + +The persons most immediately interested in the abolition of corporations +are the inhabitants of the towns where corporations are established. The +instances of Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield show, by contrast, +the injuries which those Gothic institutions are to property and +commerce. A few examples may be found, such as that of London, whose +natural and commercial advantage, owing to its situation on the Thames, +is capable of bearing up against the political evils of a corporation; +but in almost all other cases the fatality is too visible to be doubted +or denied. + +Though the whole nation is not so directly affected by the depression of +property in corporation towns as the inhabitants themselves, it partakes +of the consequence. By lessening the value of property, the quantity of +national commerce is curtailed. Every man is a customer in proportion +to his ability; and as all parts of a nation trade with each other, +whatever affects any of the parts must necessarily communicate to the +whole. + +As one of the Houses of the English Parliament is, in a great measure, +made up of elections from these corporations; and as it is unnatural +that a pure stream should flow from a foul fountain, its vices are but a +continuation of the vices of its origin. A man of moral honour and good +political principles cannot submit to the mean drudgery and disgraceful +arts, by which such elections are carried. To be a successful candidate, +he must be destitute of the qualities that constitute a just legislator; +and being thus disciplined to corruption by the mode of entering into +Parliament, it is not to be expected that the representative should be +better than the man. + +Mr. Burke, in speaking of the English representation, has advanced +as bold a challenge as ever was given in the days of chivalry. "Our +representation," says he, "has been found perfectly adequate to all +the purposes for which a representation of the people can be desired or +devised." "I defy," continues he, "the enemies of our constitution +to show the contrary."--This declaration from a man who has been in +constant opposition to all the measures of parliament the whole of his +political life, a year or two excepted, is most extraordinary; and, +comparing him with himself, admits of no other alternative, than that he +acted against his judgment as a member, or has declared contrary to it +as an author. + +But it is not in the representation only that the defects lie, and +therefore I proceed in the next place to the aristocracy. + +What is called the House of Peers, is constituted on a ground very +similar to that, against which there is no law in other cases. It +amounts to a combination of persons in one common interest. No better +reason can be given, why a house of legislation should be composed +entirely of men whose occupation consists in letting landed property, +than why it should be composed of those who hire, or of brewers, or +bakers, or any other separate class of men. Mr. Burke calls this house +"the great ground and pillar of security to the landed interest." Let us +examine this idea. + +What pillar of security does the landed interest require more than any +other interest in the state, or what right has it to a distinct and +separate representation from the general interest of a nation? The only +use to be made of this power (and which it always has made), is to ward +off taxes from itself, and throw the burthen upon those articles of +consumption by which itself would be least affected. + +That this has been the consequence (and will always be the consequence) +of constructing governments on combinations, is evident with respect to +England, from the history of its taxes. + +Notwithstanding taxes have increased and multiplied upon every article +of common consumption, the land-tax, which more particularly affects +this "pillar," has diminished. In 1778 the amount of the land-tax was +L1,950,000, which is half-a-million less than it produced almost +a hundred years ago,*[30] notwithstanding the rentals are in many +instances doubled since that period. + +Before the coming of the Hanoverians, the taxes were divided in nearly +equal proportions between the land and articles of consumption, the land +bearing rather the largest share: but since that era nearly thirteen +millions annually of new taxes have been thrown upon consumption. The +consequence of which has been a constant increase in the number and +wretchedness of the poor, and in the amount of the poor-rates. Yet here +again the burthen does not fall in equal proportions on the aristocracy +with the rest of the community. Their residences, whether in town or +country, are not mixed with the habitations of the poor. They live apart +from distress, and the expense of relieving it. It is in manufacturing +towns and labouring villages that those burthens press the heaviest; in +many of which it is one class of poor supporting another. + +Several of the most heavy and productive taxes are so contrived, as to +give an exemption to this pillar, thus standing in its own defence. The +tax upon beer brewed for sale does not affect the aristocracy, who brew +their own beer free from this duty. It falls only on those who have +not conveniency or ability to brew, and who must purchase it in small +quantities. But what will mankind think of the justice of taxation, +when they know that this tax alone, from which the aristocracy are from +circumstances exempt, is nearly equal to the whole of the land-tax, +being in the year 1788, and it is not less now, L1,666,152, and with its +proportion of the taxes on malt and hops, it exceeds it.--That a single +article, thus partially consumed, and that chiefly by the working part, +should be subject to a tax, equal to that on the whole rental of a +nation, is, perhaps, a fact not to be paralleled in the histories of +revenues. + +This is one of the circumstances resulting from a house of legislation, +composed on the ground of a combination of common interest; for whatever +their separate politics as to parties may be, in this they are united. +Whether a combination acts to raise the price of any article for sale, +or rate of wages; or whether it acts to throw taxes from itself upon +another class of the community, the principle and the effect are the +same; and if the one be illegal, it will be difficult to show that the +other ought to exist. + +It is no use to say that taxes are first proposed in the House of +Commons; for as the other house has always a negative, it can +always defend itself; and it would be ridiculous to suppose that its +acquiescence in the measures to be proposed were not understood +before hand. Besides which, it has obtained so much influence by +borough-traffic, and so many of its relations and connections are +distributed on both sides the commons, as to give it, besides an +absolute negative in one house, a preponderancy in the other, in all +matters of common concern. + +It is difficult to discover what is meant by the landed interest, if +it does not mean a combination of aristocratical landholders, opposing +their own pecuniary interest to that of the farmer, and every branch of +trade, commerce, and manufacture. In all other respects it is the +only interest that needs no partial protection. It enjoys the general +protection of the world. Every individual, high or low, is interested +in the fruits of the earth; men, women, and children, of all ages and +degrees, will turn out to assist the farmer, rather than a harvest +should not be got in; and they will not act thus by any other property. +It is the only one for which the common prayer of mankind is put up, +and the only one that can never fail from the want of means. It is the +interest, not of the policy, but of the existence of man, and when it +ceases, he must cease to be. + +No other interest in a nation stands on the same united support. +Commerce, manufactures, arts, sciences, and everything else, compared +with this, are supported but in parts. Their prosperity or their decay +has not the same universal influence. When the valleys laugh and sing, +it is not the farmer only, but all creation that rejoice. It is a +prosperity that excludes all envy; and this cannot be said of anything +else. + +Why then, does Mr. Burke talk of his house of peers as the pillar of +the landed interest? Were that pillar to sink into the earth, the same +landed property would continue, and the same ploughing, sowing, and +reaping would go on. The aristocracy are not the farmers who work the +land, and raise the produce, but are the mere consumers of the rent; and +when compared with the active world are the drones, a seraglio of males, +who neither collect the honey nor form the hive, but exist only for lazy +enjoyment. + +Mr. Burke, in his first essay, called aristocracy "the Corinthian +capital of polished society." Towards completing the figure, he has now +added the pillar; but still the base is wanting; and whenever a nation +choose to act a Samson, not blind, but bold, down will go the temple of +Dagon, the Lords and the Philistines. + +If a house of legislation is to be composed of men of one class, for +the purpose of protecting a distinct interest, all the other interests +should have the same. The inequality, as well as the burthen of +taxation, arises from admitting it in one case, and not in all. Had +there been a house of farmers, there had been no game laws; or a house +of merchants and manufacturers, the taxes had neither been so unequal +nor so excessive. It is from the power of taxation being in the hands of +those who can throw so great a part of it from their own shoulders, that +it has raged without a check. + +Men of small or moderate estates are more injured by the taxes being +thrown on articles of consumption, than they are eased by warding it +from landed property, for the following reasons: + +First, They consume more of the productive taxable articles, in +proportion to their property, than those of large estates. + +Secondly, Their residence is chiefly in towns, and their property in +houses; and the increase of the poor-rates, occasioned by taxes on +consumption, is in much greater proportion than the land-tax has +been favoured. In Birmingham, the poor-rates are not less than +seven shillings in the pound. From this, as is already observed, the +aristocracy are in a great measure exempt. + +These are but a part of the mischiefs flowing from the wretched scheme +of an house of peers. + +As a combination, it can always throw a considerable portion of taxes +from itself; and as an hereditary house, accountable to nobody, it +resembles a rotten borough, whose consent is to be courted by interest. +There are but few of its members, who are not in some mode or +other participators, or disposers of the public money. One turns a +candle-holder, or a lord in waiting; another a lord of the bed-chamber, +a groom of the stole, or any insignificant nominal office to which a +salary is annexed, paid out of the public taxes, and which avoids the +direct appearance of corruption. Such situations are derogatory to the +character of man; and where they can be submitted to, honour cannot +reside. + +To all these are to be added the numerous dependants, the long list of +younger branches and distant relations, who are to be provided for +at the public expense: in short, were an estimation to be made of the +charge of aristocracy to a nation, it will be found nearly equal to that +of supporting the poor. The Duke of Richmond alone (and there are cases +similar to his) takes away as much for himself as would maintain two +thousand poor and aged persons. Is it, then, any wonder, that under such +a system of government, taxes and rates have multiplied to their present +extent? + +In stating these matters, I speak an open and disinterested language, +dictated by no passion but that of humanity. To me, who have not only +refused offers, because I thought them improper, but have declined +rewards I might with reputation have accepted, it is no wonder that +meanness and imposition appear disgustful. Independence is my happiness, +and I view things as they are, without regard to place or person; my +country is the world, and my religion is to do good. + +Mr. Burke, in speaking of the aristocratical law of primogeniture, says, +"it is the standing law of our landed inheritance; and which, without +question, has a tendency, and I think," continues he, "a happy tendency, +to preserve a character of weight and consequence." + +Mr. Burke may call this law what he pleases, but humanity and impartial +reflection will denounce it as a law of brutal injustice. Were we not +accustomed to the daily practice, and did we only hear of it as the +law of some distant part of the world, we should conclude that +the legislators of such countries had not arrived at a state of +civilisation. + +As to its preserving a character of weight and consequence, the case +appears to me directly the reverse. It is an attaint upon character; +a sort of privateering on family property. It may have weight among +dependent tenants, but it gives none on a scale of national, and much +less of universal character. Speaking for myself, my parents were not +able to give me a shilling, beyond what they gave me in education; and +to do this they distressed themselves: yet, I possess more of what is +called consequence, in the world, than any one in Mr. Burke's catalogue +of aristocrats. + +Having thus glanced at some of the defects of the two houses of +parliament, I proceed to what is called the crown, upon which I shall be +very concise. + +It signifies a nominal office of a million sterling a year, the business +of which consists in receiving the money. Whether the person be wise +or foolish, sane or insane, a native or a foreigner, matters not. Every +ministry acts upon the same idea that Mr. Burke writes, namely, that the +people must be hood-winked, and held in superstitious ignorance by some +bugbear or other; and what is called the crown answers this purpose, and +therefore it answers all the purposes to be expected from it. This is +more than can be said of the other two branches. + +The hazard to which this office is exposed in all countries, is not from +anything that can happen to the man, but from what may happen to the +nation--the danger of its coming to its senses. + +It has been customary to call the crown the executive power, and the +custom is continued, though the reason has ceased. + +It was called the executive, because the person whom it signified +used, formerly, to act in the character of a judge, in administering +or executing the laws. The tribunals were then a part of the court. The +power, therefore, which is now called the judicial, is what was called +the executive and, consequently, one or other of the terms is redundant, +and one of the offices useless. When we speak of the crown now, it means +nothing; it signifies neither a judge nor a general: besides which it +is the laws that govern, and not the man. The old terms are kept up, to +give an appearance of consequence to empty forms; and the only effect +they have is that of increasing expenses. + +Before I proceed to the means of rendering governments more conducive to +the general happiness of mankind, than they are at present, it will not +be improper to take a review of the progress of taxation in England. + +It is a general idea, that when taxes are once laid on, they are never +taken off. However true this may have been of late, it was not always +so. Either, therefore, the people of former times were more watchful +over government than those of the present, or government was +administered with less extravagance. + +It is now seven hundred years since the Norman conquest, and the +establishment of what is called the crown. Taking this portion of time +in seven separate periods of one hundred years each, the amount of the +annual taxes, at each period, will be as follows: + + Annual taxes levied by William the Conqueror, + beginning in the year 1066 L400,000 + Annual taxes at 100 years from the conquest (1166) 200,000 + Annual taxes at 200 years from the conquest (1266) 150,000 + Annual taxes at 300 years from the conquest (1366) 130,000 + Annual taxes at 400 years from the conquest (1466) 100,000 + +These statements and those which follow, are taken from Sir John +Sinclair's History of the Revenue; by which it appears, that taxes +continued decreasing for four hundred years, at the expiration of which +time they were reduced three-fourths, viz., from four hundred thousand +pounds to one hundred thousand. The people of England of the present +day, have a traditionary and historical idea of the bravery of their +ancestors; but whatever their virtues or their vices might have been, +they certainly were a people who would not be imposed upon, and who kept +governments in awe as to taxation, if not as to principle. Though they +were not able to expel the monarchical usurpation, they restricted it to +a republican economy of taxes. + +Let us now review the remaining three hundred years: + +Annual amount of taxes at: + + 500 years from the conquest (1566) 500,000 + 600 years from the conquest (1666) 1,800,000 + the present time (1791) 17,000,000 + +The difference between the first four hundred years and the last three, +is so astonishing, as to warrant an opinion, that the national character +of the English has changed. It would have been impossible to have +dragooned the former English, into the excess of taxation that now +exists; and when it is considered that the pay of the army, the navy, +and of all the revenue officers, is the same now as it was about a +hundred years ago, when the taxes were not above a tenth part of what +they are at present, it appears impossible to account for the enormous +increase and expenditure on any other ground, than extravagance, +corruption, and intrigue.*[31] + +With the Revolution of 1688, and more so since the Hanover succession, +came the destructive system of continental intrigues, and the rage for +foreign wars and foreign dominion; systems of such secure mystery that +the expenses admit of no accounts; a single line stands for millions. To +what excess taxation might have extended had not the French revolution +contributed to break up the system, and put an end to pretences, is +impossible to say. Viewed, as that revolution ought to be, as the +fortunate means of lessening the load of taxes of both countries, it is +of as much importance to England as to France; and, if properly improved +to all the advantages of which it is capable, and to which it leads, +deserves as much celebration in one country as the other. + +In pursuing this subject, I shall begin with the matter that first +presents itself, that of lessening the burthen of taxes; and shall then +add such matter and propositions, respecting the three countries of +England, France, and America, as the present prospect of things appears +to justify: I mean, an alliance of the three, for the purposes that will +be mentioned in their proper place. + +What has happened may happen again. By the statement before shown of +the progress of taxation, it is seen that taxes have been lessened to +a fourth part of what they had formerly been. Though the present +circumstances do not admit of the same reduction, yet they admit of such +a beginning, as may accomplish that end in less time than in the former +case. + +The amount of taxes for the year ending at Michaelmas 1788, was as +follows: + + Land-tax L 1,950,000 + Customs 3,789,274 + Excise (including old and new malt) 6,751,727 + Stamps 1,278,214 + Miscellaneous taxes and incidents 1,803,755 + ----------- + L15,572,755 + +Since the year 1788, upwards of one million new taxes have been laid on, +besides the produce of the lotteries; and as the taxes have in general +been more productive since than before, the amount may be taken, in +round numbers, at L17,000,000. (The expense of collection and the +drawbacks, which together amount to nearly two millions, are paid out of +the gross amount; and the above is the net sum paid into the exchequer). +This sum of seventeen millions is applied to two different purposes; the +one to pay the interest of the National Debt, the other to the current +expenses of each year. About nine millions are appropriated to the +former; and the remainder, being nearly eight millions, to the latter. +As to the million, said to be applied to the reduction of the debt, it +is so much like paying with one hand and taking out with the other, as +not to merit much notice. It happened, fortunately for France, that +she possessed national domains for paying off her debt, and thereby +lessening her taxes; but as this is not the case with England, her +reduction of taxes can only take place by reducing the current expenses, +which may now be done to the amount of four or five millions annually, +as will hereafter appear. When this is accomplished it will more than +counter-balance the enormous charge of the American war; and the saving +will be from the same source from whence the evil arose. As to the +national debt, however heavy the interest may be in taxes, yet, as it +serves to keep alive a capital useful to commerce, it balances by its +effects a considerable part of its own weight; and as the quantity +of gold and silver is, by some means or other, short of its proper +proportion, being not more than twenty millions, whereas it should be +sixty (foreign intrigue, foreign wars, foreign dominions, will in +a great measure account for the deficiency), it would, besides the +injustice, be bad policy to extinguish a capital that serves to supply +that defect. But with respect to the current expense, whatever is saved +therefrom is gain. The excess may serve to keep corruption alive, but it +has no re-action on credit and commerce, like the interest of the debt. + +It is now very probable that the English Government (I do not mean +the nation) is unfriendly to the French Revolution. Whatever serves to +expose the intrigue and lessen the influence of courts, by lessening +taxation, will be unwelcome to those who feed upon the spoil. Whilst the +clamour of French intrigue, arbitrary power, popery, and wooden shoes +could be kept up, the nation was easily allured and alarmed into taxes. +Those days are now past: deception, it is to be hoped, has reaped its +last harvest, and better times are in prospect for both countries, and +for the world. + +Taking it for granted that an alliance may be formed between England, +France, and America for the purposes hereafter to be mentioned, the +national expenses of France and England may consequently be lessened. +The same fleets and armies will no longer be necessary to either, and +the reduction can be made ship for ship on each side. But to accomplish +these objects the governments must necessarily be fitted to a common +and correspondent principle. Confidence can never take place while an +hostile disposition remains in either, or where mystery and secrecy on +one side is opposed to candour and openness on the other. + +These matters admitted, the national expenses might be put back, for the +sake of a precedent, to what they were at some period when France and +England were not enemies. This, consequently, must be prior to the +Hanover succession, and also to the Revolution of 1688.*[32] The first +instance that presents itself, antecedent to those dates, is in the +very wasteful and profligate times of Charles the Second; at which time +England and France acted as allies. If I have chosen a period of great +extravagance, it will serve to show modern extravagance in a still worse +light; especially as the pay of the navy, the army, and the revenue +officers has not increased since that time. + +The peace establishment was then as follows (see Sir John Sinclair's +History of the Revenue): + + Navy L 300,000 + Army 212,000 + Ordnance 40,000 + Civil List 462,115 + ------- + L1,014,115 + +The parliament, however, settled the whole annual peace establishment +at $1,200,000.*[33] If we go back to the time of Elizabeth the amount of +all the taxes was but half a million, yet the nation sees nothing during +that period that reproaches it with want of consequence. + +All circumstances, then, taken together, arising from the French +revolution, from the approaching harmony and reciprocal interest of the +two nations, the abolition of the court intrigue on both sides, and +the progress of knowledge in the science of government, the annual +expenditure might be put back to one million and a half, viz.: + + Navy L 500,000 + Army 500,000 + Expenses of Government 500,000 + ---------- + L1,500,000 + +Even this sum is six times greater than the expenses of government are +in America, yet the civil internal government in England (I mean that +administered by means of quarter sessions, juries and assize, and which, +in fact, is nearly the whole, and performed by the nation), is +less expense upon the revenue, than the same species and portion of +government is in America. + +It is time that nations should be rational, and not be governed like +animals, for the pleasure of their riders. To read the history of kings, +a man would be almost inclined to suppose that government consisted in +stag-hunting, and that every nation paid a million a-year to a huntsman. +Man ought to have pride, or shame enough to blush at being thus imposed +upon, and when he feels his proper character he will. Upon all subjects +of this nature, there is often passing in the mind, a train of ideas he +has not yet accustomed himself to encourage and communicate. Restrained +by something that puts on the character of prudence, he acts the +hypocrite upon himself as well as to others. It is, however, curious +to observe how soon this spell can be dissolved. A single expression, +boldly conceived and uttered, will sometimes put a whole company into +their proper feelings: and whole nations are acted on in the same +manner. + +As to the offices of which any civil government may be composed, it +matters but little by what names they are described. In the routine of +business, as before observed, whether a man be styled a president, a +king, an emperor, a senator, or anything else, it is impossible that any +service he can perform, can merit from a nation more than ten thousand +pounds a year; and as no man should be paid beyond his services, so +every man of a proper heart will not accept more. Public money ought to +be touched with the most scrupulous consciousness of honour. It is +not the produce of riches only, but of the hard earnings of labour and +poverty. It is drawn even from the bitterness of want and misery. Not +a beggar passes, or perishes in the streets, whose mite is not in that +mass. + +Were it possible that the Congress of America could be so lost to their +duty, and to the interest of their constituents, as to offer General +Washington, as president of America, a million a year, he would not, and +he could not, accept it. His sense of honour is of another kind. It +has cost England almost seventy millions sterling, to maintain a family +imported from abroad, of very inferior capacity to thousands in the +nation; and scarcely a year has passed that has not produced some new +mercenary application. Even the physicians' bills have been sent to +the public to be paid. No wonder that jails are crowded, and taxes and +poor-rates increased. Under such systems, nothing is to be looked for +but what has already happened; and as to reformation, whenever it come, +it must be from the nation, and not from the government. + +To show that the sum of five hundred thousand pounds is more than +sufficient to defray all the expenses of the government, exclusive of +navies and armies, the following estimate is added, for any country, of +the same extent as England. + +In the first place, three hundred representatives fairly elected, are +sufficient for all the purposes to which legislation can apply, and +preferable to a larger number. They may be divided into two or three +houses, or meet in one, as in France, or in any manner a constitution +shall direct. + +As representation is always considered, in free countries, as the most +honourable of all stations, the allowance made to it is merely to defray +the expense which the representatives incur by that service, and not to +it as an office. + + If an allowance, at the rate of five hundred pounds per + annum, be made to every representative, deducting for + non-attendance, the expense, if the whole number + attended for six months, each year, would be L 75,00 + + The official departments cannot reasonably exceed the + following number, with the salaries annexed: + + Three offices at ten thousand pounds each L 30,000 + Ten ditto, at five thousand pounds each 50,000 + Twenty ditto, at two thousand pounds each 40,000 + Forty ditto, at one thousand pounds each 40,000 + Two hundred ditto, at five hundred pounds each 100,000 + Three hundred ditto, at two hundred pounds each 60,000 + Five hundred ditto, at one hundred pounds each 50,000 + Seven hundred ditto, at seventy-five pounds each 52,500 + -------- + L497,500 + +If a nation choose, it can deduct four per cent. from all offices, and +make one of twenty thousand per annum. + +All revenue officers are paid out of the monies they collect, and +therefore, are not in this estimation. + +The foregoing is not offered as an exact detail of offices, but to show +the number of rate of salaries which five hundred thousand pounds will +support; and it will, on experience, be found impracticable to find +business sufficient to justify even this expense. As to the manner in +which office business is now performed, the Chiefs, in several offices, +such as the post-office, and certain offices in the exchequer, etc., do +little more than sign their names three or four times a year; and the +whole duty is performed by under-clerks. + +Taking, therefore, one million and a half as a sufficient peace +establishment for all the honest purposes of government, which is +three hundred thousand pounds more than the peace establishment in the +profligate and prodigal times of Charles the Second (notwithstanding, as +has been already observed, the pay and salaries of the army, navy, +and revenue officers, continue the same as at that period), there will +remain a surplus of upwards of six millions out of the present current +expenses. The question then will be, how to dispose of this surplus. + +Whoever has observed the manner in which trade and taxes twist +themselves together, must be sensible of the impossibility of separating +them suddenly. + +First. Because the articles now on hand are already charged with the +duty, and the reduction cannot take place on the present stock. + +Secondly. Because, on all those articles on which the duty is charged +in the gross, such as per barrel, hogshead, hundred weight, or ton, the +abolition of the duty does not admit of being divided down so as fully +to relieve the consumer, who purchases by the pint, or the pound. The +last duty laid on strong beer and ale was three shillings per barrel, +which, if taken off, would lessen the purchase only half a farthing per +pint, and consequently, would not reach to practical relief. + +This being the condition of a great part of the taxes, it will be +necessary to look for such others as are free from this embarrassment +and where the relief will be direct and visible, and capable of +immediate operation. + +In the first place, then, the poor-rates are a direct tax which every +house-keeper feels, and who knows also, to a farthing, the sum which +he pays. The national amount of the whole of the poor-rates is not +positively known, but can be procured. Sir John Sinclair, in his History +of the Revenue has stated it at L2,100,587. A considerable part of +which is expended in litigations, in which the poor, instead of being +relieved, are tormented. The expense, however, is the same to the parish +from whatever cause it arises. + +In Birmingham, the amount of poor-rates is fourteen thousand pounds +a year. This, though a large sum, is moderate, compared with the +population. Birmingham is said to contain seventy thousand souls, and on +a proportion of seventy thousand to fourteen thousand pounds poor-rates, +the national amount of poor-rates, taking the population of England as +seven millions, would be but one million four hundred thousand pounds. +It is, therefore, most probable, that the population of Birmingham +is over-rated. Fourteen thousand pounds is the proportion upon fifty +thousand souls, taking two millions of poor-rates, as the national +amount. + +Be it, however, what it may, it is no other than the consequence of +excessive burthen of taxes, for, at the time when the taxes were very +low, the poor were able to maintain themselves; and there were no +poor-rates.*[34] In the present state of things a labouring man, with a +wife or two or three children, does not pay less than between seven and +eight pounds a year in taxes. He is not sensible of this, because it is +disguised to him in the articles which he buys, and he thinks only of +their dearness; but as the taxes take from him, at least, a fourth part +of his yearly earnings, he is consequently disabled from providing for +a family, especially, if himself, or any of them, are afflicted with +sickness. + +The first step, therefore, of practical relief, would be to abolish the +poor-rates entirely, and in lieu thereof, to make a remission of taxes +to the poor of double the amount of the present poor-rates, viz., four +millions annually out of the surplus taxes. By this measure, the poor +would be benefited two millions, and the house-keepers two millions. +This alone would be equal to a reduction of one hundred and twenty +millions of the National Debt, and consequently equal to the whole +expense of the American War. + +It will then remain to be considered, which is the most effectual mode +of distributing this remission of four millions. + +It is easily seen, that the poor are generally composed of large +families of children, and old people past their labour. If these two +classes are provided for, the remedy will so far reach to the full +extent of the case, that what remains will be incidental, and, in a +great measure, fall within the compass of benefit clubs, which, though +of humble invention, merit to be ranked among the best of modern +institutions. + +Admitting England to contain seven millions of souls; if one-fifth +thereof are of that class of poor which need support, the number will be +one million four hundred thousand. Of this number, one hundred and forty +thousand will be aged poor, as will be hereafter shown, and for which a +distinct provision will be proposed. + +There will then remain one million two hundred and sixty thousand +which, at five souls to each family, amount to two hundred and fifty-two +thousand families, rendered poor from the expense of children and the +weight of taxes. + +The number of children under fourteen years of age, in each of those +families, will be found to be about five to every two families; some +having two, and others three; some one, and others four: some none, +and others five; but it rarely happens that more than five are under +fourteen years of age, and after this age they are capable of service or +of being apprenticed. + +Allowing five children (under fourteen years) to every two families, + +The number of children will be 630,000 + +The number of parents, were they all living, would be 504,000 + +It is certain, that if the children are provided for, the parents are +relieved of consequence, because it is from the expense of bringing up +children that their poverty arises. + +Having thus ascertained the greatest number that can be supposed to need +support on account of young families, I proceed to the mode of relief or +distribution, which is, + +To pay as a remission of taxes to every poor family, out of the surplus +taxes, and in room of poor-rates, four pounds a year for every child +under fourteen years of age; enjoining the parents of such children to +send them to school, to learn reading, writing, and common arithmetic; +the ministers of every parish, of every denomination to certify jointly +to an office, for that purpose, that this duty is performed. The amount +of this expense will be, + + For six hundred and thirty thousand children + at four pounds per annum each L2,520,000 + +By adopting this method, not only the poverty of the parents will be +relieved, but ignorance will be banished from the rising generation, and +the number of poor will hereafter become less, because their abilities, +by the aid of education, will be greater. Many a youth, with good +natural genius, who is apprenticed to a mechanical trade, such as +a carpenter, joiner, millwright, shipwright, blacksmith, etc., is +prevented getting forward the whole of his life from the want of a +little common education when a boy. + +I now proceed to the case of the aged. + +I divide age into two classes. First, the approach of age, beginning at +fifty. Secondly, old age commencing at sixty. + +At fifty, though the mental faculties of man are in full vigour, and +his judgment better than at any preceding date, the bodily powers for +laborious life are on the decline. He cannot bear the same quantity of +fatigue as at an earlier period. He begins to earn less, and is +less capable of enduring wind and weather; and in those more retired +employments where much sight is required, he fails apace, and sees +himself, like an old horse, beginning to be turned adrift. + +At sixty his labour ought to be over, at least from direct necessity. +It is painful to see old age working itself to death, in what are called +civilised countries, for daily bread. + +To form some judgment of the number of those above fifty years of age, +I have several times counted the persons I met in the streets of London, +men, women, and children, and have generally found that the average is +about one in sixteen or seventeen. If it be said that aged persons +do not come much into the streets, so neither do infants; and a great +proportion of grown children are in schools and in work-shops as +apprentices. Taking, then, sixteen for a divisor, the whole number of +persons in England of fifty years and upwards, of both sexes, rich and +poor, will be four hundred and twenty thousand. + +The persons to be provided for out of this gross number will be +husbandmen, common labourers, journeymen of every trade and their wives, +sailors, and disbanded soldiers, worn out servants of both sexes, and +poor widows. + +There will be also a considerable number of middling tradesmen, +who having lived decently in the former part of life, begin, as age +approaches, to lose their business, and at last fall to decay. + +Besides these there will be constantly thrown off from the revolutions +of that wheel which no man can stop nor regulate, a number from every +class of life connected with commerce and adventure. + +To provide for all those accidents, and whatever else may befall, I take +the number of persons who, at one time or other of their lives, after +fifty years of age, may feel it necessary or comfortable to be better +supported, than they can support themselves, and that not as a matter of +grace and favour, but of right, at one-third of the whole number, which +is one hundred and forty thousand, as stated in a previous page, and +for whom a distinct provision was proposed to be made. If there be more, +society, notwithstanding the show and pomposity of government, is in a +deplorable condition in England. + +Of this one hundred and forty thousand, I take one half, seventy +thousand, to be of the age of fifty and under sixty, and the other half +to be sixty years and upwards. Having thus ascertained the probable +proportion of the number of aged persons, I proceed to the mode of +rendering their condition comfortable, which is: + +To pay to every such person of the age of fifty years, and until he +shall arrive at the age of sixty, the sum of six pounds per annum out of +the surplus taxes, and ten pounds per annum during life after the age of +sixty. The expense of which will be, + + Seventy thousand persons, at L6 per annum L 420,000 + Seventy thousand persons, at L10 per annum 700,000 + ------- + L1,120,000 + +This support, as already remarked, is not of the nature of a charity but +of a right. Every person in England, male and female, pays on an average +in taxes two pounds eight shillings and sixpence per annum from the day +of his (or her) birth; and, if the expense of collection be added, he +pays two pounds eleven shillings and sixpence; consequently, at the end +of fifty years he has paid one hundred and twenty-eight pounds fifteen +shillings; and at sixty one hundred and fifty-four pounds ten shillings. +Converting, therefore, his (or her) individual tax in a tontine, the +money he shall receive after fifty years is but little more than the +legal interest of the net money he has paid; the rest is made up from +those whose circumstances do not require them to draw such support, and +the capital in both cases defrays the expenses of government. It is on +this ground that I have extended the probable claims to one-third of +the number of aged persons in the nation.--Is it, then, better that +the lives of one hundred and forty thousand aged persons be rendered +comfortable, or that a million a year of public money be expended on +any one individual, and him often of the most worthless or insignificant +character? Let reason and justice, let honour and humanity, let even +hypocrisy, sycophancy and Mr. Burke, let George, let Louis, +Leopold, Frederic, Catherine, Cornwallis, or Tippoo Saib, answer the +question.*[35] + +The sum thus remitted to the poor will be, + + To two hundred and fifty-two thousand poor families, + containing six hundred and thirty thousand children L2,520,000 + To one hundred and forty thousand aged persons 1,120,000 + ---------- + L3,640,000 + +There will then remain three hundred and sixty thousand pounds out of +the four millions, part of which may be applied as follows:-- + +After all the above cases are provided for there will still be a number +of families who, though not properly of the class of poor, yet find it +difficult to give education to their children; and such children, under +such a case, would be in a worse condition than if their parents were +actually poor. A nation under a well-regulated government should permit +none to remain uninstructed. It is monarchical and aristocratical +government only that requires ignorance for its support. + +Suppose, then, four hundred thousand children to be in this condition, +which is a greater number than ought to be supposed after the provisions +already made, the method will be: + +To allow for each of those children ten shillings a year for the +expense of schooling for six years each, which will give them six months +schooling each year, and half a crown a year for paper and spelling +books. + +The expense of this will be annually L250,000.*[36] + +There will then remain one hundred and ten thousand pounds. + +Notwithstanding the great modes of relief which the best instituted and +best principled government may devise, there will be a number of smaller +cases, which it is good policy as well as beneficence in a nation to +consider. + +Were twenty shillings to be given immediately on the birth of a child, +to every woman who should make the demand, and none will make it whose +circumstances do not require it, it might relieve a great deal of +instant distress. + +There are about two hundred thousand births yearly in England; and if +claimed by one fourth, + + The amount would be L50,000 + +And twenty shillings to every new-married couple who should claim in +like manner. This would not exceed the sum of L20,000. + +Also twenty thousand pounds to be appropriated to defray the funeral +expenses of persons, who, travelling for work, may die at a distance +from their friends. By relieving parishes from this charge, the sick +stranger will be better treated. + +I shall finish this part of the subject with a plan adapted to the +particular condition of a metropolis, such as London. + +Cases are continually occurring in a metropolis, different from those +which occur in the country, and for which a different, or rather an +additional, mode of relief is necessary. In the country, even in large +towns, people have a knowledge of each other, and distress never rises +to that extreme height it sometimes does in a metropolis. There is no +such thing in the country as persons, in the literal sense of the word, +starved to death, or dying with cold from the want of a lodging. Yet +such cases, and others equally as miserable, happen in London. + +Many a youth comes up to London full of expectations, and with little +or no money, and unless he get immediate employment he is already half +undone; and boys bred up in London without any means of a livelihood, +and as it often happens of dissolute parents, are in a still worse +condition; and servants long out of place are not much better off. In +short, a world of little cases is continually arising, which busy or +affluent life knows not of, to open the first door to distress. Hunger +is not among the postponable wants, and a day, even a few hours, in such +a condition is often the crisis of a life of ruin. + +These circumstances which are the general cause of the little thefts +and pilferings that lead to greater, may be prevented. There yet remain +twenty thousand pounds out of the four millions of surplus taxes, which +with another fund hereafter to be mentioned, amounting to about twenty +thousand pounds more, cannot be better applied than to this purpose. The +plan will then be: + +First, To erect two or more buildings, or take some already erected, +capable of containing at least six thousand persons, and to have in each +of these places as many kinds of employment as can be contrived, so that +every person who shall come may find something which he or she can do. + +Secondly, To receive all who shall come, without enquiring who or what +they are. The only condition to be, that for so much, or so many hours' +work, each person shall receive so many meals of wholesome food, and a +warm lodging, at least as good as a barrack. That a certain portion of +what each person's work shall be worth shall be reserved, and given to +him or her, on their going away; and that each person shall stay as long +or as short a time, or come as often as he choose, on these conditions. + +If each person stayed three months, it would assist by rotation +twenty-four thousand persons annually, though the real number, at all +times, would be but six thousand. By establishing an asylum of this +kind, such persons to whom temporary distresses occur, would have an +opportunity to recruit themselves, and be enabled to look out for better +employment. + +Allowing that their labour paid but one half the expense of supporting +them, after reserving a portion of their earnings for themselves, the +sum of forty thousand pounds additional would defray all other charges +for even a greater number than six thousand. + +The fund very properly convertible to this purpose, in addition to +the twenty thousand pounds, remaining of the former fund, will be the +produce of the tax upon coals, so iniquitously and wantonly applied to +the support of the Duke of Richmond. It is horrid that any man, more +especially at the price coals now are, should live on the distresses of +a community; and any government permitting such an abuse, deserves to +be dismissed. This fund is said to be about twenty thousand pounds per +annum. + +I shall now conclude this plan with enumerating the several particulars, +and then proceed to other matters. + +The enumeration is as follows:-- + +First, Abolition of two millions poor-rates. + +Secondly, Provision for two hundred and fifty thousand poor families. + +Thirdly, Education for one million and thirty thousand children. + +Fourthly, Comfortable provision for one hundred and forty thousand aged +persons. + +Fifthly, Donation of twenty shillings each for fifty thousand births. + +Sixthly, Donation of twenty shillings each for twenty thousand +marriages. + +Seventhly, Allowance of twenty thousand pounds for the funeral expenses +of persons travelling for work, and dying at a distance from their +friends. + +Eighthly, Employment, at all times, for the casual poor in the cities of +London and Westminster. + +By the operation of this plan, the poor laws, those instruments of civil +torture, will be superseded, and the wasteful expense of litigation +prevented. The hearts of the humane will not be shocked by ragged and +hungry children, and persons of seventy and eighty years of age, begging +for bread. The dying poor will not be dragged from place to place to +breathe their last, as a reprisal of parish upon parish. Widows will +have a maintenance for their children, and not be carted away, on the +death of their husbands, like culprits and criminals; and children will +no longer be considered as increasing the distresses of their parents. +The haunts of the wretched will be known, because it will be to their +advantage; and the number of petty crimes, the offspring of distress and +poverty, will be lessened. The poor, as well as the rich, will then be +interested in the support of government, and the cause and apprehension +of riots and tumults will cease.--Ye who sit in ease, and solace +yourselves in plenty, and such there are in Turkey and Russia, as well +as in England, and who say to yourselves, "Are we not well off?" have ye +thought of these things? When ye do, ye will cease to speak and feel for +yourselves alone. + +The plan is easy in practice. It does not embarrass trade by a sudden +interruption in the order of taxes, but effects the relief by changing +the application of them; and the money necessary for the purpose can be +drawn from the excise collections, which are made eight times a year in +every market town in England. + +Having now arranged and concluded this subject, I proceed to the next. + +Taking the present current expenses at seven millions and an half, which +is the least amount they are now at, there will remain (after the sum of +one million and an half be taken for the new current expenses and four +millions for the before-mentioned service) the sum of two millions; part +of which to be applied as follows: + +Though fleets and armies, by an alliance with France, will, in a great +measure, become useless, yet the persons who have devoted themselves to +those services, and have thereby unfitted themselves for other lines of +life, are not to be sufferers by the means that make others happy. They +are a different description of men from those who form or hang about a +court. + +A part of the army will remain, at least for some years, and also of the +navy, for which a provision is already made in the former part of this +plan of one million, which is almost half a million more than the peace +establishment of the army and navy in the prodigal times of Charles the +Second. + +Suppose, then, fifteen thousand soldiers to be disbanded, and that an +allowance be made to each of three shillings a week during life, clear +of all deductions, to be paid in the same manner as the Chelsea College +pensioners are paid, and for them to return to their trades and their +friends; and also that an addition of fifteen thousand sixpences per +week be made to the pay of the soldiers who shall remain; the annual +expenses will be: + + To the pay of fifteen thousand disbanded soldiers + at three shillings per week L117,000 + Additional pay to the remaining soldiers 19,500 + Suppose that the pay to the officers of the + disbanded corps be the same amount as sum allowed + to the men 117,000 + -------- L253,500 + + To prevent bulky estimations, admit the same sum + to the disbanded navy as to the army, + and the same increase of pay 253,500 + -------- + Total L507,000 + +Every year some part of this sum of half a million (I omit the odd seven +thousand pounds for the purpose of keeping the account unembarrassed) +will fall in, and the whole of it in time, as it is on the ground of +life annuities, except the increased pay of twenty-nine thousand +pounds. As it falls in, part of the taxes may be taken off; and as, for +instance, when thirty thousand pounds fall in, the duty on hops may be +wholly taken off; and as other parts fall in, the duties on candles and +soap may be lessened, till at last they will totally cease. There now +remains at least one million and a half of surplus taxes. + +The tax on houses and windows is one of those direct taxes, which, like +the poor-rates, is not confounded with trade; and, when taken off, the +relief will be instantly felt. This tax falls heavy on the middle class +of people. The amount of this tax, by the returns of 1788, was: + + Houses and windows: L s. d. + By the act of 1766 385,459 11 7 + By the act be 1779 130,739 14 5 1/2 + ---------------------- + Total 516,199 6 0 1/2 + +If this tax be struck off, there will then remain about one million of +surplus taxes; and as it is always proper to keep a sum in reserve, for +incidental matters, it may be best not to extend reductions further in +the first instance, but to consider what may be accomplished by other +modes of reform. + +Among the taxes most heavily felt is the commutation tax. I shall +therefore offer a plan for its abolition, by substituting another in its +place, which will effect three objects at once: 1, that of removing +the burthen to where it can best be borne; 2, restoring justice among +families by a distribution of property; 3, extirpating the overgrown +influence arising from the unnatural law of primogeniture, which is +one of the principal sources of corruption at elections. The amount of +commutation tax by the returns of 1788, was L771,657. + +When taxes are proposed, the country is amused by the plausible language +of taxing luxuries. One thing is called a luxury at one time, and +something else at another; but the real luxury does not consist in the +article, but in the means of procuring it, and this is always kept out +of sight. + +I know not why any plant or herb of the field should be a greater luxury +in one country than another; but an overgrown estate in either is a +luxury at all times, and, as such, is the proper object of taxation. It +is, therefore, right to take those kind tax-making gentlemen up on their +own word, and argue on the principle themselves have laid down, that of +taxing luxuries. If they or their champion, Mr. Burke, who, I fear, is +growing out of date, like the man in armour, can prove that an estate of +twenty, thirty, or forty thousand pounds a year is not a luxury, I will +give up the argument. + +Admitting that any annual sum, say, for instance, one thousand pounds, +is necessary or sufficient for the support of a family, consequently the +second thousand is of the nature of a luxury, the third still more so, +and by proceeding on, we shall at last arrive at a sum that may not +improperly be called a prohibitable luxury. It would be impolitic to set +bounds to property acquired by industry, and therefore it is right to +place the prohibition beyond the probable acquisition to which +industry can extend; but there ought to be a limit to property or the +accumulation of it by bequest. It should pass in some other line. The +richest in every nation have poor relations, and those often very near +in consanguinity. + +The following table of progressive taxation is constructed on the above +principles, and as a substitute for the commutation tax. It will reach +the point of prohibition by a regular operation, and thereby supersede +the aristocratical law of primogeniture. + + TABLE I + A tax on all estates of the clear yearly value of L50, + after deducting the land tax, and up + + To L500 0s 3d per pound + From L500 to L1,000 0 6 + On the second thousand 0 9 + On the third " 1 0 + On the fourth " 1 6 + On the fifth " 2 0 + On the sixth " 3 0 + On the seventh " 4 0 + On the eighth " 5 0 + On the ninth " 6s 0d per pound + On the tenth " 7 0 + On the eleventh " 8 0 + On the twelfth " 9 0 + On the thirteenth " 10 0 + On the fourteenth " 11 0 + On the fifteenth " 12 0 + On the sixteenth " 13 0 + On the seventeenth " 14 0 + On the eighteenth " 15 0 + On the nineteenth " 16 0 + On the twentieth " 17 0 + On the twenty-first " 18 0 + On the twenty-second " 19 0 + On the twenty-third " 20 0 + +The foregoing table shows the progression per pound on every progressive +thousand. The following table shows the amount of the tax on every +thousand separately, and in the last column the total amount of all the +separate sums collected. + + TABLE II + An estate of: + L 50 per annum at 3d per pound pays L0 12 6 + 100 " " " " 1 5 0 + 200 " " " " 2 10 0 + 300 " " " " 3 15 0 + 400 " " " " 5 0 0 + 500 " " " " 7 5 0 + +After L500, the tax of 6d. per pound takes place on the second L500; +consequently an estate of L1,000 per annum pays L2l, 15s., and so on. + + Total amount + For the 1st L500 at 0s 3d per pound L7 5s + 2nd " 0 6 14 10 L21 15s + 2nd 1000 at 0 9 37 11 59 5 + 3rd " 1 0 50 0 109 5 + (Total amount) + 4th 1000 at 1s 6d per pound L75 0s L184 5s + 5th " 2 0 100 0 284 5 + 6th " 3 0 150 0 434 5 + 7th " 4 0 200 0 634 5 + 8th " 5 0 250 0 880 5 + 9th " 6 0 300 0 1100 5 + 10th " 7 0 350 0 1530 5 + 11th " 8 0 400 0 1930 5 + 12th " 9 0 450 0 2380 5 + 13th " 10 0 500 0 2880 5 + 14th " 11 0 550 0 3430 5 + 15th " 12 0 600 0 4030 5 + 16th " 13 0 650 0 4680 5 + 17th " 14 0 700 0 5380 5 + 18th " 15 0 750 0 6130 5 + 19th " 16 0 800 0 6930 5 + 20th " 17 0 850 0 7780 5 + 21st " 18 0 900 0 8680 5 + (Total amount) + 22nd 1000 at 19s 0d per pound L950 0s L9630 5s + 23rd " 20 0 1000 0 10630 5 + +At the twenty-third thousand the tax becomes 20s. in the pound, and +consequently every thousand beyond that sum can produce no profit but by +dividing the estate. Yet formidable as this tax appears, it will not, I +believe, produce so much as the commutation tax; should it produce more, +it ought to be lowered to that amount upon estates under two or three +thousand a year. + +On small and middling estates it is lighter (as it is intended to be) +than the commutation tax. It is not till after seven or eight thousand +a year that it begins to be heavy. The object is not so much the produce +of the tax as the justice of the measure. The aristocracy has screened +itself too much, and this serves to restore a part of the lost +equilibrium. + +As an instance of its screening itself, it is only necessary to look +back to the first establishment of the excise laws, at what is called +the Restoration, or the coming of Charles the Second. The aristocratical +interest then in power, commuted the feudal services itself was under, +by laying a tax on beer brewed for sale; that is, they compounded with +Charles for an exemption from those services for themselves and their +heirs, by a tax to be paid by other people. The aristocracy do not +purchase beer brewed for sale, but brew their own beer free of the duty, +and if any commutation at that time were necessary, it ought to have +been at the expense of those for whom the exemptions from those services +were intended;*[37] instead of which, it was thrown on an entirely +different class of men. + +But the chief object of this progressive tax (besides the justice of +rendering taxes more equal than they are) is, as already stated, to +extirpate the overgrown influence arising from the unnatural law of +primogeniture, and which is one of the principal sources of corruption +at elections. + +It would be attended with no good consequences to enquire how such vast +estates as thirty, forty, or fifty thousand a year could commence, and +that at a time when commerce and manufactures were not in a state to +admit of such acquisitions. Let it be sufficient to remedy the evil by +putting them in a condition of descending again to the community by the +quiet means of apportioning them among all the heirs and heiresses of +those families. This will be the more necessary, because hitherto the +aristocracy have quartered their younger children and connections upon +the public in useless posts, places and offices, which when abolished +will leave them destitute, unless the law of primogeniture be also +abolished or superseded. + +A progressive tax will, in a great measure, effect this object, and that +as a matter of interest to the parties most immediately concerned, as +will be seen by the following table; which shows the net produce upon +every estate, after subtracting the tax. By this it will appear that +after an estate exceeds thirteen or fourteen thousand a year, the +remainder produces but little profit to the holder, and consequently, +Will pass either to the younger children, or to other kindred. + + TABLE III + Showing the net produce of every estate from one thousand + to twenty-three thousand pounds a year + + No of thousand Total tax + per annum subtracted Net produce + L1000 L21 L979 + 2000 59 1941 + 3000 109 2891 + 4000 184 3816 + 5000 284 4716 + 6000 434 5566 + 7000 634 6366 + 8000 880 7120 + 9000 1100 7900 + 10,000 1530 8470 + 11,000 1930 9070 + 12,000 2380 9620 + 13,000 2880 10,120 + (No of thousand (Total tax + per annum) subtracted) (Net produce) + 14,000 3430 10,570 + 15,000 4030 10,970 + 16,000 4680 11,320 + 17,000 5380 11,620 + 18,000 6130 11,870 + 19,000 6930 12,170 + 20,000 7780 12,220 + 21,000 8680 12,320 + 22,000 9630 12,370 + 23,000 10,630 12,370 + +N.B. The odd shillings are dropped in this table. + +According to this table, an estate cannot produce more than L12,370 +clear of the land tax and the progressive tax, and therefore the +dividing such estates will follow as a matter of family interest. An +estate of L23,000 a year, divided into five estates of four thousand +each and one of three, will be charged only L1,129 which is but five per +cent., but if held by one possessor, will be charged L10,630. + +Although an enquiry into the origin of those estates be unnecessary, the +continuation of them in their present state is another subject. It is a +matter of national concern. As hereditary estates, the law has created +the evil, and it ought also to provide the remedy. Primogeniture ought +to be abolished, not only because it is unnatural and unjust, but +because the country suffers by its operation. By cutting off (as before +observed) the younger children from their proper portion of inheritance, +the public is loaded with the expense of maintaining them; and the +freedom of elections violated by the overbearing influence which +this unjust monopoly of family property produces. Nor is this all. It +occasions a waste of national property. A considerable part of the land +of the country is rendered unproductive, by the great extent of parks +and chases which this law serves to keep up, and this at a time when +the annual production of grain is not equal to the national +consumption.*[38]--In short, the evils of the aristocratical system are +so great and numerous, so inconsistent with every thing that is just, +wise, natural, and beneficent, that when they are considered, there +ought not to be a doubt that many, who are now classed under that +description, will wish to see such a system abolished. + +What pleasure can they derive from contemplating the exposed +condition, and almost certain beggary of their younger offspring? Every +aristocratical family has an appendage of family beggars hanging round +it, which in a few ages, or a few generations, are shook off, and +console themselves with telling their tale in almshouses, workhouses, +and prisons. This is the natural consequence of aristocracy. The peer +and the beggar are often of the same family. One extreme produces the +other: to make one rich many must be made poor; neither can the system +be supported by other means. + +There are two classes of people to whom the laws of England are +particularly hostile, and those the most helpless; younger children, +and the poor. Of the former I have just spoken; of the latter I shall +mention one instance out of the many that might be produced, and with +which I shall close this subject. + +Several laws are in existence for regulating and limiting work-men's +wages. Why not leave them as free to make their own bargains, as the +law-makers are to let their farms and houses? Personal labour is all +the property they have. Why is that little, and the little freedom they +enjoy, to be infringed? But the injustice will appear stronger, if we +consider the operation and effect of such laws. When wages are fixed +by what is called a law, the legal wages remain stationary, while every +thing else is in progression; and as those who make that law still +continue to lay on new taxes by other laws, they increase the expense of +living by one law, and take away the means by another. + +But if these gentlemen law-makers and tax-makers thought it right to +limit the poor pittance which personal labour can produce, and on which +a whole family is to be supported, they certainly must feel themselves +happily indulged in a limitation on their own part, of not less than +twelve thousand a-year, and that of property they never acquired (nor +probably any of their ancestors), and of which they have made never +acquire so ill a use. + +Having now finished this subject, I shall bring the several particulars +into one view, and then proceed to other matters. + +The first eight articles, mentioned earlier, are; + +1. Abolition of two millions poor-rates. + +2. Provision for two hundred and fifty-two thousand poor families, at +the rate of four pounds per head for each child under fourteen years of +age; which, with the addition of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, +provides also education for one million and thirty thousand children. + +3. Annuity of six pounds (per annum) each for all poor persons, decayed +tradesmen, and others (supposed seventy thousand) of the age of fifty +years, and until sixty. + +4. Annuity of ten pounds each for life for all poor persons, decayed +tradesmen, and others (supposed seventy thousand) of the age of sixty +years. + +5. Donation of twenty shillings each for fifty thousand births. + +6. Donation of twenty shillings each for twenty thousand marriages. + +7. Allowance of twenty thousand pounds for the funeral expenses of +persons travelling for work, and dying at a distance from their friends. + +8. Employment at all times for the casual poor in the cities of London +and Westminster. + +Second Enumeration + +9. Abolition of the tax on houses and windows. + +10. Allowance of three shillings per week for life to fifteen thousand +disbanded soldiers, and a proportionate allowance to the officers of the +disbanded corps. + +11. Increase of pay to the remaining soldiers of L19,500 annually. + +12. The same allowance to the disbanded navy, and the same increase of +pay, as to the army. + +13. Abolition of the commutation tax. + +14. Plan of a progressive tax, operating to extirpate the unjust +and unnatural law of primogeniture, and the vicious influence of the +aristocratical system.*[39] + +There yet remains, as already stated, one million of surplus taxes. Some +part of this will be required for circumstances that do not immediately +present themselves, and such part as shall not be wanted, will admit of +a further reduction of taxes equal to that amount. + +Among the claims that justice requires to be made, the condition of the +inferior revenue-officers will merit attention. It is a reproach to +any government to waste such an immensity of revenue in sinecures and +nominal and unnecessary places and officers, and not allow even a decent +livelihood to those on whom the labour falls. The salary of the inferior +officers of the revenue has stood at the petty pittance of less than +fifty pounds a year for upwards of one hundred years. It ought to be +seventy. About one hundred and twenty thousand pounds applied to this +purpose, will put all those salaries in a decent condition. + +This was proposed to be done almost twenty years ago, but the +treasury-board then in being, startled at it, as it might lead to +similar expectations from the army and navy; and the event was, that the +King, or somebody for him, applied to parliament to have his own salary +raised an hundred thousand pounds a year, which being done, every thing +else was laid aside. + +With respect to another class of men, the inferior clergy, I forbear to +enlarge on their condition; but all partialities and prejudices for, +or against, different modes and forms of religion aside, common justice +will determine, whether there ought to be an income of twenty or thirty +pounds a year to one man, and of ten thousand to another. I speak on +this subject with the more freedom, because I am known not to be a +Presbyterian; and therefore the cant cry of court sycophants, about +church and meeting, kept up to amuse and bewilder the nation, cannot be +raised against me. + +Ye simple men on both sides the question, do you not see through this +courtly craft? If ye can be kept disputing and wrangling about church +and meeting, ye just answer the purpose of every courtier, who lives the +while on the spoils of the taxes, and laughs at your credulity. Every +religion is good that teaches man to be good; and I know of none that +instructs him to be bad. + +All the before-mentioned calculations suppose only sixteen millions +and an half of taxes paid into the exchequer, after the expense of +collection and drawbacks at the custom-house and excise-office are +deducted; whereas the sum paid into the exchequer is very nearly, if not +quite, seventeen millions. The taxes raised in Scotland and Ireland are +expended in those countries, and therefore their savings will come out +of their own taxes; but if any part be paid into the English exchequer, +it might be remitted. This will not make one hundred thousand pounds a +year difference. + +There now remains only the national debt to be considered. In the year +1789, the interest, exclusive of the tontine, was L9,150,138. How much +the capital has been reduced since that time the minister best knows. +But after paying the interest, abolishing the tax on houses and windows, +the commutation tax, and the poor-rates; and making all the provisions +for the poor, for the education of children, the support of the aged, +the disbanded part of the army and navy, and increasing the pay of the +remainder, there will be a surplus of one million. + +The present scheme of paying off the national debt appears to me, +speaking as an indifferent person, to be an ill-concerted, if not a +fallacious job. The burthen of the national debt consists not in its +being so many millions, or so many hundred millions, but in the quantity +of taxes collected every year to pay the interest. If this quantity +continues the same, the burthen of the national debt is the same to all +intents and purposes, be the capital more or less. The only knowledge +which the public can have of the reduction of the debt, must be through +the reduction of taxes for paying the interest. The debt, therefore, +is not reduced one farthing to the public by all the millions that +have been paid; and it would require more money now to purchase up the +capital, than when the scheme began. + +Digressing for a moment at this point, to which I shall return again, I +look back to the appointment of Mr. Pitt, as minister. + +I was then in America. The war was over; and though resentment had +ceased, memory was still alive. + +When the news of the coalition arrived, though it was a matter of no +concern to I felt it as a man. It had something in it which shocked, by +publicly sporting with decency, if not with principle. It was impudence +in Lord North; it was a want of firmness in Mr. Fox. + +Mr. Pitt was, at that time, what may be called a maiden character in +politics. So far from being hackneyed, he appeared not to be initiated +into the first mysteries of court intrigue. Everything was in his +favour. Resentment against the coalition served as friendship to him, +and his ignorance of vice was credited for virtue. With the return +of peace, commerce and prosperity would rise of itself; yet even this +increase was thrown to his account. + +When he came to the helm, the storm was over, and he had nothing to +interrupt his course. It required even ingenuity to be wrong, and +he succeeded. A little time showed him the same sort of man as his +predecessors had been. Instead of profiting by those errors which had +accumulated a burthen of taxes unparalleled in the world, he sought, +I might almost say, he advertised for enemies, and provoked means to +increase taxation. Aiming at something, he knew not what, he ransacked +Europe and India for adventures, and abandoning the fair pretensions he +began with, he became the knight-errant of modern times. + +It is unpleasant to see character throw itself away. It is more so to +see one's-self deceived. Mr. Pitt had merited nothing, but he promised +much. He gave symptoms of a mind superior to the meanness and corruption +of courts. His apparent candour encouraged expectations; and the public +confidence, stunned, wearied, and confounded by a chaos of parties, +revived and attached itself to him. But mistaking, as he has done, the +disgust of the nation against the coalition, for merit in himself, +he has rushed into measures which a man less supported would not have +presumed to act. + +All this seems to show that change of ministers amounts to nothing. +One goes out, another comes in, and still the same measures, vices, and +extravagance are pursued. It signifies not who is minister. The defect +lies in the system. The foundation and the superstructure of the +government is bad. Prop it as you please, it continually sinks into +court government, and ever will. + +I return, as I promised, to the subject of the national debt, that +offspring of the Dutch-Anglo revolution, and its handmaid the Hanover +succession. + +But it is now too late to enquire how it began. Those to whom it is +due have advanced the money; and whether it was well or ill spent, or +pocketed, is not their crime. It is, however, easy to see, that as +the nation proceeds in contemplating the nature and principles of +government, and to understand taxes, and make comparisons between those +of America, France, and England, it will be next to impossible to keep +it in the same torpid state it has hitherto been. Some reform must, +from the necessity of the case, soon begin. It is not whether these +principles press with little or much force in the present moment. They +are out. They are abroad in the world, and no force can stop them. Like +a secret told, they are beyond recall; and he must be blind indeed that +does not see that a change is already beginning. + +Nine millions of dead taxes is a serious thing; and this not only for +bad, but in a great measure for foreign government. By putting the power +of making war into the hands of the foreigners who came for what they +could get, little else was to be expected than what has happened. + +Reasons are already advanced in this work, showing that whatever the +reforms in the taxes may be, they ought to be made in the current +expenses of government, and not in the part applied to the interest +of the national debt. By remitting the taxes of the poor, they will be +totally relieved, and all discontent will be taken away; and by striking +off such of the taxes as are already mentioned, the nation will more +than recover the whole expense of the mad American war. + +There will then remain only the national debt as a subject of +discontent; and in order to remove, or rather to prevent this, it +would be good policy in the stockholders themselves to consider it as +property, subject like all other property, to bear some portion of the +taxes. It would give to it both popularity and security, and as a great +part of its present inconvenience is balanced by the capital which it +keeps alive, a measure of this kind would so far add to that balance as +to silence objections. + +This may be done by such gradual means as to accomplish all that is +necessary with the greatest ease and convenience. + +Instead of taxing the capital, the best method would be to tax the +interest by some progressive ratio, and to lessen the public taxes in +the same proportion as the interest diminished. + +Suppose the interest was taxed one halfpenny in the pound the first +year, a penny more the second, and to proceed by a certain ratio to be +determined upon, always less than any other tax upon property. Such +a tax would be subtracted from the interest at the time of payment, +without any expense of collection. + +One halfpenny in the pound would lessen the interest and consequently +the taxes, twenty thousand pounds. The tax on wagons amounts to this +sum, and this tax might be taken off the first year. The second year the +tax on female servants, or some other of the like amount might also be +taken off, and by proceeding in this manner, always applying the tax +raised from the property of the debt toward its extinction, and not +carry it to the current services, it would liberate itself. + +The stockholders, notwithstanding this tax, would pay less taxes than +they do now. What they would save by the extinction of the poor-rates, +and the tax on houses and windows, and the commutation tax, would +be considerably greater than what this tax, slow, but certain in its +operation, amounts to. + +It appears to me to be prudence to look out for measures that may apply +under any circumstances that may approach. There is, at this moment, +a crisis in the affairs of Europe that requires it. Preparation now +is wisdom. If taxation be once let loose, it will be difficult to +re-instate it; neither would the relief be so effectual, as if it +proceeded by some certain and gradual reduction. + +The fraud, hypocrisy, and imposition of governments, are now beginning +to be too well understood to promise them any long career. The farce +of monarchy and aristocracy, in all countries, is following that of +chivalry, and Mr. Burke is dressing aristocracy, in all countries, is +following that of chivalry, and Mr. Burke is dressing for the funeral. +Let it then pass quietly to the tomb of all other follies, and the +mourners be comforted. + +The time is not very distant when England will laugh at itself for +sending to Holland, Hanover, Zell, or Brunswick for men, at the expense +of a million a year, who understood neither her laws, her language, nor +her interest, and whose capacities would scarcely have fitted them for +the office of a parish constable. If government could be trusted to such +hands, it must be some easy and simple thing indeed, and materials fit +for all the purposes may be found in every town and village in England. + +When it shall be said in any country in the world, my poor are happy; +neither ignorance nor distress is to be found among them; my jails are +empty of prisoners, my streets of beggars; the aged are not in want, the +taxes are not oppressive; the rational world is my friend, because I +am the friend of its happiness: when these things can be said, then may +that country boast its constitution and its government. + +Within the space of a few years we have seen two revolutions, those +of America and France. In the former, the contest was long, and +the conflict severe; in the latter, the nation acted with such a +consolidated impulse, that having no foreign enemy to contend with, the +revolution was complete in power the moment it appeared. From both those +instances it is evident, that the greatest forces that can be brought +into the field of revolutions, are reason and common interest. Where +these can have the opportunity of acting, opposition dies with fear, or +crumbles away by conviction. It is a great standing which they have now +universally obtained; and we may hereafter hope to see revolutions, or +changes in governments, produced with the same quiet operation by which +any measure, determinable by reason and discussion, is accomplished. + +When a nation changes its opinion and habits of thinking, it is no +longer to be governed as before; but it would not only be wrong, but +bad policy, to attempt by force what ought to be accomplished by reason. +Rebellion consists in forcibly opposing the general will of a nation, +whether by a party or by a government. There ought, therefore, to be in +every nation a method of occasionally ascertaining the state of public +opinion with respect to government. On this point the old government of +France was superior to the present government of England, because, on +extraordinary occasions, recourse could be had what was then called the +States General. But in England there are no such occasional bodies; and +as to those who are now called Representatives, a great part of them are +mere machines of the court, placemen, and dependants. + +I presume, that though all the people of England pay taxes, not an +hundredth part of them are electors, and the members of one of the +houses of parliament represent nobody but themselves. There is, +therefore, no power but the voluntary will of the people that has a +right to act in any matter respecting a general reform; and by the same +right that two persons can confer on such a subject, a thousand may. +The object, in all such preliminary proceedings, is to find out what the +general sense of a nation is, and to be governed by it. If it prefer a +bad or defective government to a reform or choose to pay ten times more +taxes than there is any occasion for, it has a right so to do; and so +long as the majority do not impose conditions on the minority, different +from what they impose upon themselves, though there may be much error, +there is no injustice. Neither will the error continue long. Reason and +discussion will soon bring things right, however wrong they may begin. +By such a process no tumult is to be apprehended. The poor, in all +countries, are naturally both peaceable and grateful in all reforms in +which their interest and happiness is included. It is only by neglecting +and rejecting them that they become tumultuous. + +The objects that now press on the public attention are, the French +revolution, and the prospect of a general revolution in governments. +Of all nations in Europe there is none so much interested in the French +revolution as England. Enemies for ages, and that at a vast expense, +and without any national object, the opportunity now presents itself of +amicably closing the scene, and joining their efforts to reform the rest +of Europe. By doing this they will not only prevent the further effusion +of blood, and increase of taxes, but be in a condition of getting rid +of a considerable part of their present burthens, as has been already +stated. Long experience however has shown, that reforms of this kind are +not those which old governments wish to promote, and therefore it is +to nations, and not to such governments, that these matters present +themselves. + +In the preceding part of this work, I have spoken of an alliance between +England, France, and America, for purposes that were to be afterwards +mentioned. Though I have no direct authority on the part of America, +I have good reason to conclude, that she is disposed to enter into a +consideration of such a measure, provided, that the governments with +which she might ally, acted as national governments, and not as courts +enveloped in intrigue and mystery. That France as a nation, and a +national government, would prefer an alliance with England, is a matter +of certainty. Nations, like individuals, who have long been enemies, +without knowing each other, or knowing why, become the better friends +when they discover the errors and impositions under which they had +acted. + +Admitting, therefore, the probability of such a connection, I will state +some matters by which such an alliance, together with that of Holland, +might render service, not only to the parties immediately concerned, but +to all Europe. + +It is, I think, certain, that if the fleets of England, France, and +Holland were confederated, they could propose, with effect, a limitation +to, and a general dismantling of, all the navies in Europe, to a certain +proportion to be agreed upon. + +First, That no new ship of war shall be built by any power in Europe, +themselves included. + +Second, That all the navies now in existence shall be put back, suppose +to one-tenth of their present force. This will save to France and +England, at least two millions sterling annually to each, and their +relative force be in the same proportion as it is now. If men will +permit themselves to think, as rational beings ought to think, +nothing can appear more ridiculous and absurd, exclusive of all moral +reflections, than to be at the expense of building navies, filling them +with men, and then hauling them into the ocean, to try which can +sink each other fastest. Peace, which costs nothing, is attended with +infinitely more advantage, than any victory with all its expense. But +this, though it best answers the purpose of nations, does not that +of court governments, whose habited policy is pretence for taxation, +places, and offices. + +It is, I think, also certain, that the above confederated powers, +together with that of the United States of America, can propose with +effect, to Spain, the independence of South America, and the opening +those countries of immense extent and wealth to the general commerce of +the world, as North America now is. + +With how much more glory, and advantage to itself, does a nation act, +when it exerts its powers to rescue the world from bondage, and to +create itself friends, than when it employs those powers to increase +ruin, desolation, and misery. The horrid scene that is now acting by the +English government in the East-Indies, is fit only to be told of Goths +and Vandals, who, destitute of principle, robbed and tortured the world +they were incapable of enjoying. + +The opening of South America would produce an immense field of commerce, +and a ready money market for manufactures, which the eastern world does +not. The East is already a country full of manufactures, the importation +of which is not only an injury to the manufactures of England, but a +drain upon its specie. The balance against England by this trade is +regularly upwards of half a million annually sent out in the East-India +ships in silver; and this is the reason, together with German intrigue, +and German subsidies, that there is so little silver in England. + +But any war is harvest to such governments, however ruinous it may be +to a nation. It serves to keep up deceitful expectations which prevent +people from looking into the defects and abuses of government. It is the +lo here! and the lo there! that amuses and cheats the multitude. + +Never did so great an opportunity offer itself to England, and to all +Europe, as is produced by the two Revolutions of America and France. By +the former, freedom has a national champion in the western world; and by +the latter, in Europe. When another nation shall join France, despotism +and bad government will scarcely dare to appear. To use a trite +expression, the iron is becoming hot all over Europe. The insulted +German and the enslaved Spaniard, the Russ and the Pole, are beginning +to think. The present age will hereafter merit to be called the Age of +Reason, and the present generation will appear to the future as the Adam +of a new world. + +When all the governments of Europe shall be established on the +representative system, nations will become acquainted, and the +animosities and prejudices fomented by the intrigue and artifice of +courts, will cease. The oppressed soldier will become a freeman; and +the tortured sailor, no longer dragged through the streets like a felon, +will pursue his mercantile voyage in safety. It would be better that +nations should wi continue the pay of their soldiers during their lives, +and give them their discharge and restore them to freedom and their +friends, and cease recruiting, than retain such multitudes at the +same expense, in a condition useless to society and to themselves. As +soldiers have hitherto been treated in most countries, they might be +said to be without a friend. Shunned by the citizen on an apprehension +of their being enemies to liberty, and too often insulted by those +who commanded them, their condition was a double oppression. But where +genuine principles of liberty pervade a people, every thing is restored +to order; and the soldier civilly treated, returns the civility. + +In contemplating revolutions, it is easy to perceive that they may arise +from two distinct causes; the one, to avoid or get rid of some great +calamity; the other, to obtain some great and positive good; and the two +may be distinguished by the names of active and passive revolutions. In +those which proceed from the former cause, the temper becomes incensed +and soured; and the redress, obtained by danger, is too often sullied by +revenge. But in those which proceed from the latter, the heart, rather +animated than agitated, enters serenely upon the subject. Reason +and discussion, persuasion and conviction, become the weapons in the +contest, and it is only when those are attempted to be suppressed that +recourse is had to violence. When men unite in agreeing that a thing is +good, could it be obtained, such for instance as relief from a burden +of taxes and the extinction of corruption, the object is more than half +accomplished. What they approve as the end, they will promote in the +means. + +Will any man say, in the present excess of taxation, falling so heavily +on the poor, that a remission of five pounds annually of taxes to one +hundred and four thousand poor families is not a good thing? Will he say +that a remission of seven pounds annually to one hundred thousand other +poor families--of eight pounds annually to another hundred thousand poor +families, and of ten pounds annually to fifty thousand poor and widowed +families, are not good things? And, to proceed a step further in this +climax, will he say that to provide against the misfortunes to which +all human life is subject, by securing six pounds annually for all poor, +distressed, and reduced persons of the age of fifty and until sixty, and +of ten pounds annually after sixty, is not a good thing? + +Will he say that an abolition of two millions of poor-rates to the +house-keepers, and of the whole of the house and window-light tax and of +the commutation tax is not a good thing? Or will he say that to abolish +corruption is a bad thing? + +If, therefore, the good to be obtained be worthy of a passive, rational, +and costless revolution, it would be bad policy to prefer waiting for +a calamity that should force a violent one. I have no idea, considering +the reforms which are now passing and spreading throughout Europe, that +England will permit herself to be the last; and where the occasion and +the opportunity quietly offer, it is better than to wait for a turbulent +necessity. It may be considered as an honour to the animal faculties +of man to obtain redress by courage and danger, but it is far greater +honour to the rational faculties to accomplish the same object by +reason, accommodation, and general consent.*[40] + +As reforms, or revolutions, call them which you please, extend +themselves among nations, those nations will form connections and +conventions, and when a few are thus confederated, the progress will +be rapid, till despotism and corrupt government be totally expelled, at +least out of two quarters of the world, Europe and America. The Algerine +piracy may then be commanded to cease, for it is only by the malicious +policy of old governments, against each other, that it exists. + +Throughout this work, various and numerous as the subjects are, which +I have taken up and investigated, there is only a single paragraph +upon religion, viz. "that every religion is good that teaches man to be +good." + +I have carefully avoided to enlarge upon the subject, because I am +inclined to believe that what is called the present ministry, wish to +see contentions about religion kept up, to prevent the nation turning +its attention to subjects of government. It is as if they were to say, +"Look that way, or any way, but this." + +But as religion is very improperly made a political machine, and the +reality of it is thereby destroyed, I will conclude this work with +stating in what light religion appears to me. + +If we suppose a large family of children, who, on any particular day, +or particular circumstance, made it a custom to present to their parents +some token of their affection and gratitude, each of them would make a +different offering, and most probably in a different manner. Some would +pay their congratulations in themes of verse and prose, by some little +devices, as their genius dictated, or according to what they thought +would please; and, perhaps, the least of all, not able to do any of +those things, would ramble into the garden, or the field, and gather +what it thought the prettiest flower it could find, though, perhaps, it +might be but a simple weed. The parent would be more gratified by such +a variety, than if the whole of them had acted on a concerted plan, +and each had made exactly the same offering. This would have the cold +appearance of contrivance, or the harsh one of control. But of all +unwelcome things, nothing could more afflict the parent than to know, +that the whole of them had afterwards gotten together by the ears, boys +and girls, fighting, scratching, reviling, and abusing each other about +which was the best or the worst present. + +Why may we not suppose, that the great Father of all is pleased with +variety of devotion; and that the greatest offence we can act, is that +by which we seek to torment and render each other miserable? For my own +part, I am fully satisfied that what I am now doing, with an endeavour +to conciliate mankind, to render their condition happy, to unite nations +that have hitherto been enemies, and to extirpate the horrid practice of +war, and break the chains of slavery and oppression is acceptable in his +sight, and being the best service I can perform, I act it cheerfully. + +I do not believe that any two men, on what are called doctrinal points, +think alike who think at all. It is only those who have not thought that +appear to agree. It is in this case as with what is called the British +constitution. It has been taken for granted to be good, and encomiums +have supplied the place of proof. But when the nation comes to examine +into its principles and the abuses it admits, it will be found to have +more defects than I have pointed out in this work and the former. + +As to what are called national religions, we may, with as much +propriety, talk of national Gods. It is either political craft or the +remains of the Pagan system, when every nation had its separate and +particular deity. Among all the writers of the English church clergy, +who have treated on the general subject of religion, the present Bishop +of Llandaff has not been excelled, and it is with much pleasure that I +take this opportunity of expressing this token of respect. + +I have now gone through the whole of the subject, at least, as far as it +appears to me at present. It has been my intention for the five years I +have been in Europe, to offer an address to the people of England on +the subject of government, if the opportunity presented itself before I +returned to America. Mr. Burke has thrown it in my way, and I thank +him. On a certain occasion, three years ago, I pressed him to propose a +national convention, to be fairly elected, for the purpose of taking +the state of the nation into consideration; but I found, that however +strongly the parliamentary current was then setting against the party +he acted with, their policy was to keep every thing within that field +of corruption, and trust to accidents. Long experience had shown that +parliaments would follow any change of ministers, and on this they +rested their hopes and their expectations. + +Formerly, when divisions arose respecting governments, recourse was had +to the sword, and a civil war ensued. That savage custom is exploded by +the new system, and reference is had to national conventions. Discussion +and the general will arbitrates the question, and to this, private +opinion yields with a good grace, and order is preserved uninterrupted. + +Some gentlemen have affected to call the principles upon which this +work and the former part of Rights of Man are founded, "a new-fangled +doctrine." The question is not whether those principles are new or old, +but whether they are right or wrong. Suppose the former, I will show +their effect by a figure easily understood. + +It is now towards the middle of February. Were I to take a turn into +the country, the trees would present a leafless, wintery appearance. As +people are apt to pluck twigs as they walk along, I perhaps might do the +same, and by chance might observe, that a single bud on that twig had +begun to swell. I should reason very unnaturally, or rather not reason +at all, to suppose this was the only bud in England which had this +appearance. Instead of deciding thus, I should instantly conclude, that +the same appearance was beginning, or about to begin, every where; and +though the vegetable sleep will continue longer on some trees and plants +than on others, and though some of them may not blossom for two or three +years, all will be in leaf in the summer, except those which are rotten. +What pace the political summer may keep with the natural, no human +foresight can determine. It is, however, not difficult to perceive +that the spring is begun.--Thus wishing, as I sincerely do, freedom and +happiness to all nations, I close the Second Part. + + + + +APPENDIX + +As the publication of this work has been delayed beyond the time +intended, I think it not improper, all circumstances considered, to +state the causes that have occasioned delay. + +The reader will probably observe, that some parts in the plan contained +in this work for reducing the taxes, and certain parts in Mr. Pitt's +speech at the opening of the present session, Tuesday, January 31, are +so much alike as to induce a belief, that either the author had taken +the hint from Mr. Pitt, or Mr. Pitt from the author.--I will first point +out the parts that are similar, and then state such circumstances as I +am acquainted with, leaving the reader to make his own conclusion. + +Considering it as almost an unprecedented case, that taxes should +be proposed to be taken off, it is equally extraordinary that such a +measure should occur to two persons at the same time; and still more +so (considering the vast variety and multiplicity of taxes) that they +should hit on the same specific taxes. Mr. Pitt has mentioned, in his +speech, the tax on Carts and Wagons--that on Female Servantsthe lowering +the tax on Candles and the taking off the tax of three shillings on +Houses having under seven windows. + +Every one of those specific taxes are a part of the plan contained in +this work, and proposed also to be taken off. Mr. Pitt's plan, it is +true, goes no further than to a reduction of three hundred and twenty +thousand pounds; and the reduction proposed in this work, to nearly six +millions. I have made my calculations on only sixteen millions and an +half of revenue, still asserting that it was "very nearly, if not quite, +seventeen millions." Mr. Pitt states it at 16,690,000. I know enough of +the matter to say, that he has not overstated it. Having thus given the +particulars, which correspond in this work and his speech, I will state +a chain of circumstances that may lead to some explanation. + +The first hint for lessening the taxes, and that as a consequence +flowing from the French revolution, is to be found in the Address and +Declaration of the Gentlemen who met at the Thatched-House Tavern, +August 20, 1791. Among many other particulars stated in that Address, is +the following, put as an interrogation to the government opposers of the +French Revolution. "Are they sorry that the pretence for new oppressive +taxes, and the occasion for continuing many old taxes will be at an +end?" + +It is well known that the persons who chiefly frequent the +Thatched-House Tavern, are men of court connections, and so much did +they take this Address and Declaration respecting the French Revolution, +and the reduction of taxes in disgust, that the Landlord was under the +necessity of informing the Gentlemen, who composed the meeting of the +20th of August, and who proposed holding another meeting, that he could +not receive them.*[41] + +What was only hinted in the Address and Declaration respecting taxes and +principles of government, will be found reduced to a regular system in +this work. But as Mr. Pitt's speech contains some of the same things +respecting taxes, I now come to give the circumstances before alluded +to. + +The case is: This work was intended to be published just before the +meeting of Parliament, and for that purpose a considerable part of +the copy was put into the printer's hands in September, and all the +remaining copy, which contains the part to which Mr. Pitt's speech +is similar, was given to him full six weeks before the meeting of +Parliament, and he was informed of the time at which it was to appear. +He had composed nearly the whole about a fortnight before the time of +Parliament meeting, and had given me a proof of the next sheet. It was +then in sufficient forwardness to be out at the time proposed, as two +other sheets were ready for striking off. I had before told him, that +if he thought he should be straitened for time, I could get part of +the work done at another press, which he desired me not to do. In this +manner the work stood on the Tuesday fortnight preceding the meeting of +Parliament, when all at once, without any previous intimation, though I +had been with him the evening before, he sent me, by one of his +workmen, all the remaining copy, declining to go on with the work on any +consideration. + +To account for this extraordinary conduct I was totally at a loss, as +he stopped at the part where the arguments on systems and principles of +government closed, and where the plan for the reduction of taxes, the +education of children, and the support of the poor and the aged begins; +and still more especially, as he had, at the time of his beginning to +print, and before he had seen the whole copy, offered a thousand pounds +for the copy-right, together with the future copy-right of the former +part of the Rights of Man. I told the person who brought me this offer +that I should not accept it, and wished it not to be renewed, giving him +as my reason, that though I believed the printer to be an honest man, I +would never put it in the power of any printer or publisher to suppress +or alter a work of mine, by making him master of the copy, or give to +him the right of selling it to any minister, or to any other person, +or to treat as a mere matter of traffic, that which I intended should +operate as a principle. + +His refusal to complete the work (which he could not purchase) obliged +me to seek for another printer, and this of consequence would throw +the publication back till after the meeting of Parliament, otherways it +would have appeared that Mr. Pitt had only taken up a part of the plan +which I had more fully stated. + +Whether that gentleman, or any other, had seen the work, or any part of +it, is more than I have authority to say. But the manner in which the +work was returned, and the particular time at which this was done, and +that after the offers he had made, are suspicious circumstances. I know +what the opinion of booksellers and publishers is upon such a case, but +as to my own opinion, I choose to make no declaration. There are many +ways by which proof sheets may be procured by other persons before a +work publicly appears; to which I shall add a certain circumstance, +which is, + +A ministerial bookseller in Piccadilly who has been employed, as common +report says, by a clerk of one of the boards closely connected with +the ministry (the board of trade and plantation, of which Hawkesbury is +president) to publish what he calls my Life, (I wish his own life and +those of the cabinet were as good), used to have his books printed at +the same printing-office that I employed; but when the former part of +Rights of Man came out, he took his work away in dudgeon; and about a +week or ten days before the printer returned my copy, he came to +make him an offer of his work again, which was accepted. This would +consequently give him admission into the printing-office where the +sheets of this work were then lying; and as booksellers and printers are +free with each other, he would have the opportunity of seeing what was +going on.--Be the case, however, as it may, Mr. Pitt's plan, little and +diminutive as it is, would have made a very awkward appearance, had this +work appeared at the time the printer had engaged to finish it. + +I have now stated the particulars which occasioned the delay, from the +proposal to purchase, to the refusal to print. If all the Gentlemen +are innocent, it is very unfortunate for them that such a variety of +suspicious circumstances should, without any design, arrange themselves +together. + +Having now finished this part, I will conclude with stating another +circumstance. + +About a fortnight or three weeks before the meeting of Parliament, a +small addition, amounting to about twelve shillings and sixpence a year, +was made to the pay of the soldiers, or rather their pay was docked +so much less. Some Gentlemen who knew, in part, that this work would +contain a plan of reforms respecting the oppressed condition of +soldiers, wished me to add a note to the work, signifying that the part +upon that subject had been in the printer's hands some weeks before that +addition of pay was proposed. I declined doing this, lest it should be +interpreted into an air of vanity, or an endeavour to excite suspicion +(for which perhaps there might be no grounds) that some of the +government gentlemen had, by some means or other, made out what this +work would contain: and had not the printing been interrupted so as +to occasion a delay beyond the time fixed for publication, nothing +contained in this appendix would have appeared. + + Thomas Paine + + + + +THE AUTHOR'S NOTES FOR PART ONE AND PART TWO + + +[Footnote 1: The main and uniform maxim of the judges is, the greater the truth +the greater the libel.] + +[Footnote 2: Since writing the above, two other places occur in Mr. Burke's +pamphlet in which the name of the Bastille is mentioned, but in the same +manner. In the one he introduces it in a sort of obscure question, and +asks: "Will any ministers who now serve such a king, with but a decent +appearance of respect, cordially obey the orders of those whom but the +other day, in his name, they had committed to the Bastille?" In the +other the taking it is mentioned as implying criminality in the French +guards, who assisted in demolishing it. "They have not," says he, +"forgot the taking the king's castles at Paris." This is Mr. Burke, who +pretends to write on constitutional freedom.] + +[Footnote 3: I am warranted in asserting this, as I had it personally from M. +de la Fayette, with whom I lived in habits of friendship for fourteen +years.] + +[Footnote 4: An account of the expedition to Versailles may be seen in No. 13 of +the Revolution de Paris containing the events from the 3rd to the 10th +of October, 1789.] + +[Footnote 5: It is a practice in some parts of the country, when two travellers +have but one horse, which, like the national purse, will not carry +double, that the one mounts and rides two or three miles ahead, and then +ties the horse to a gate and walks on. When the second traveller arrives +he takes the horse, rides on, and passes his companion a mile or two, +and ties again, and so on--Ride and tie.] + +[Footnote 6: The word he used was renvoye, dismissed or sent away.] + +[Footnote 7: When in any country we see extraordinary circumstances taking +place, they naturally lead any man who has a talent for observation +and investigation, to enquire into the causes. The manufacturers of +Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, are the principal manufacturers +in England. From whence did this arise? A little observation will +explain the case. The principal, and the generality of the inhabitants +of those places, are not of what is called in England, the church +established by law: and they, or their fathers, (for it is within but a +few years) withdrew from the persecution of the chartered towns, where +test-laws more particularly operate, and established a sort of asylum +for themselves in those places. It was the only asylum that then +offered, for the rest of Europe was worse.--But the case is now +changing. France and America bid all comers welcome, and initiate them +into all the rights of citizenship. Policy and interest, therefore, +will, but perhaps too late, dictate in England, what reason and justice +could not. Those manufacturers are withdrawing, and arising in other +places. There is now erecting in Passey, three miles from Paris, a large +cotton manufactory, and several are already erected in America. Soon +after the rejecting the Bill for repealing the test-law, one of the +richest manufacturers in England said in my hearing, "England, Sir, is +not a country for a dissenter to live in,--we must go to France." These +are truths, and it is doing justice to both parties to tell them. It +is chiefly the dissenters that have carried English manufactures to the +height they are now at, and the same men have it in their power to carry +them away; and though those manufactures would afterwards continue in +those places, the foreign market will be lost. There frequently appear +in the London Gazette, extracts from certain acts to prevent machines +and persons, as far as they can extend to persons, from going out of the +country. It appears from these that the ill effects of the test-laws and +church-establishment begin to be much suspected; but the remedy of force +can never supply the remedy of reason. In the progress of less than a +century, all the unrepresented part of England, of all denominations, +which is at least an hundred times the most numerous, may begin to feel +the necessity of a constitution, and then all those matters will come +regularly before them.] + +[Footnote 8: When the English Minister, Mr. Pitt, mentions the French finances +again in the English Parliament, it would be well that he noticed this +as an example.] + +[Footnote 9: Mr. Burke, (and I must take the liberty of telling him that he is +very unacquainted with French affairs), speaking upon this subject, +says, "The first thing that struck me in calling the States-General, +was a great departure from the ancient course";--and he soon after says, +"From the moment I read the list, I saw distinctly, and very nearly as +it has happened, all that was to follow."--Mr. Burke certainly did not +see an that was to follow. I endeavoured to impress him, as well before +as after the States-General met, that there would be a revolution; but +was not able to make him see it, neither would he believe it. How then +he could distinctly see all the parts, when the whole was out of sight, +is beyond my comprehension. And with respect to the "departure from the +ancient course," besides the natural weakness of the remark, it shows +that he is unacquainted with circumstances. The departure was necessary, +from the experience had upon it, that the ancient course was a bad one. +The States-General of 1614 were called at the commencement of the civil +war in the minority of Louis XIII.; but by the class of arranging them +by orders, they increased the confusion they were called to compose. The +author of L'Intrigue du Cabinet, (Intrigue of the Cabinet), who +wrote before any revolution was thought of in France, speaking of the +States-General of 1614, says, "They held the public in suspense five +months; and by the questions agitated therein, and the heat with which +they were put, it appears that the great (les grands) thought more to +satisfy their particular passions, than to procure the goods of the +nation; and the whole time passed away in altercations, ceremonies and +parade."--L'Intrigue du Cabinet, vol. i. p. 329.] + +[Footnote 10: There is a single idea, which, if it strikes rightly upon the mind, +either in a legal or a religious sense, will prevent any man or any body +of men, or any government, from going wrong on the subject of religion; +which is, that before any human institutions of government were known in +the world, there existed, if I may so express it, a compact between +God and man, from the beginning of time: and that as the relation and +condition which man in his individual person stands in towards his Maker +cannot be changed by any human laws or human authority, that religious +devotion, which is a part of this compact, cannot so much as be made a +subject of human laws; and that all laws must conform themselves to this +prior existing compact, and not assume to make the compact conform to +the laws, which, besides being human, are subsequent thereto. The first +act of man, when he looked around and saw himself a creature which he +did not make, and a world furnished for his reception, must have been +devotion; and devotion must ever continue sacred to every individual +man, as it appears, right to him; and governments do mischief by +interfering.] + +[Footnote 11: See this work, Part I starting at line number 254.--N.B. Since the +taking of the Bastille, the occurrences have been published: but the +matters recorded in this narrative, are prior to that period; and some +of them, as may be easily seen, can be but very little known.] + +[Footnote 12: See "Estimate of the Comparative Strength of Great Britain," by G. +Chalmers.] + +[Footnote 13: See "Administration of the Finances of France," vol. iii, by M. +Neckar.] + +[Footnote 14: "Administration of the Finances of France," vol. iii.] + +[Footnote 15: Whether the English commerce does not bring in money, or whether the +government sends it out after it is brought in, is a matter which the +parties concerned can best explain; but that the deficiency exists, is +not in the power of either to disprove. While Dr. Price, Mr. Eden, (now +Auckland), Mr. Chalmers, and others, were debating whether the quantity +of money in England was greater or less than at the Revolution, the +circumstance was not adverted to, that since the Revolution, there +cannot have been less than four hundred millions sterling imported into +Europe; and therefore the quantity in England ought at least to have +been four times greater than it was at the Revolution, to be on a +proportion with Europe. What England is now doing by paper, is what she +would have been able to do by solid money, if gold and silver had come +into the nation in the proportion it ought, or had not been sent out; +and she is endeavouring to restore by paper, the balance she has lost by +money. It is certain, that the gold and silver which arrive annually +in the register-ships to Spain and Portugal, do not remain in those +countries. Taking the value half in gold and half in silver, it is about +four hundred tons annually; and from the number of ships and galloons +employed in the trade of bringing those metals from South-America to +Portugal and Spain, the quantity sufficiently proves itself, without +referring to the registers. + +In the situation England now is, it is impossible she can increase in +money. High taxes not only lessen the property of the individuals, but +they lessen also the money capital of the nation, by inducing smuggling, +which can only be carried on by gold and silver. By the politics which +the British Government have carried on with the Inland Powers of Germany +and the Continent, it has made an enemy of all the Maritime Powers, and +is therefore obliged to keep up a large navy; but though the navy is +built in England, the naval stores must be purchased from abroad, and +that from countries where the greatest part must be paid for in gold +and silver. Some fallacious rumours have been set afloat in England to +induce a belief in money, and, among others, that of the French refugees +bringing great quantities. The idea is ridiculous. The general part of +the money in France is silver; and it would take upwards of twenty of +the largest broad wheel wagons, with ten horses each, to remove one +million sterling of silver. Is it then to be supposed, that a few people +fleeing on horse-back or in post-chaises, in a secret manner, and having +the French Custom-House to pass, and the sea to cross, could bring even +a sufficiency for their own expenses? + +When millions of money are spoken of, it should be recollected, that +such sums can only accumulate in a country by slow degrees, and a long +procession of time. The most frugal system that England could now adopt, +would not recover in a century the balance she has lost in money since +the commencement of the Hanover succession. She is seventy millions +behind France, and she must be in some considerable proportion behind +every country in Europe, because the returns of the English mint do not +show an increase of money, while the registers of Lisbon and Cadiz +show an European increase of between three and four hundred millions +sterling.] + +[Footnote 16: That part of America which is generally called New-England, +including New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, and Connecticut, +is peopled chiefly by English descendants. In the state of New-York +about half are Dutch, the rest English, Scotch, and Irish. In +New-jersey, a mixture of English and Dutch, with some Scotch and Irish. +In Pennsylvania about one third are English, another Germans, and +the remainder Scotch and Irish, with some Swedes. The States to the +southward have a greater proportion of English than the middle States, +but in all of them there is a mixture; and besides those enumerated, +there are a considerable number of French, and some few of all the +European nations, lying on the coast. The most numerous religious +denomination are the Presbyterians; but no one sect is established above +another, and all men are equally citizens.] + +[Footnote 17: For a character of aristocracy, the reader is referred to Rights of +Man, Part I., starting at line number 1457.] + +[Footnote 18: The whole amount of the assessed taxes of France, for the present +year, is three hundred millions of francs, which is twelve millions +and a half sterling; and the incidental taxes are estimated at three +millions, making in the whole fifteen millions and a half; which among +twenty-four millions of people, is not quite thirteen shillings per +head. France has lessened her taxes since the revolution, nearly nine +millions sterling annually. Before the revolution, the city of Paris +paid a duty of upwards of thirty per cent. on all articles brought into +the city. This tax was collected at the city gates. It was taken off on +the first of last May, and the gates taken down.] + +[Footnote 19: What was called the livre rouge, or the red book, in France, was not +exactly similar to the Court Calendar in England; but it sufficiently +showed how a great part of the taxes was lavished.] + +[Footnote 20: In England the improvements in agriculture, useful arts, +manufactures, and commerce, have been made in opposition to the genius +of its government, which is that of following precedents. It is from +the enterprise and industry of the individuals, and their numerous +associations, in which, tritely speaking, government is neither pillow +nor bolster, that these improvements have proceeded. No man thought +about government, or who was in, or who was out, when he was planning +or executing those things; and all he had to hope, with respect to +government, was, that it would let him alone. Three or four very silly +ministerial newspapers are continually offending against the spirit of +national improvement, by ascribing it to a minister. They may with as +much truth ascribe this book to a minister.] + +[Footnote 21: With respect to the two houses, of which the English parliament is +composed, they appear to be effectually influenced into one, and, as a +legislature, to have no temper of its own. The minister, whoever he +at any time may be, touches it as with an opium wand, and it sleeps +obedience. + +But if we look at the distinct abilities of the two houses, the +difference will appear so great, as to show the inconsistency of +placing power where there can be no certainty of the judgment to use +it. Wretched as the state of representation is in England, it is manhood +compared with what is called the house of Lords; and so little is this +nick-named house regarded, that the people scarcely enquire at any time +what it is doing. It appears also to be most under influence, and the +furthest removed from the general interest of the nation. In the debate +on engaging in the Russian and Turkish war, the majority in the house +of peers in favor of it was upwards of ninety, when in the other house, +which was more than double its numbers, the majority was sixty-three.] + +The proceedings on Mr. Fox's bill, respecting the rights of juries, +merits also to be noticed. The persons called the peers were not the +objects of that bill. They are already in possession of more privileges +than that bill gave to others. They are their own jury, and if any one +of that house were prosecuted for a libel, he would not suffer, even +upon conviction, for the first offense. Such inequality in laws ought +not to exist in any country. The French constitution says, that the law +is the same to every individual, whether to Protect or to punish. All +are equal in its sight.] + +[Footnote 22: As to the state of representation in England, it is too absurd to +be reasoned upon. Almost all the represented parts are decreasing +in population, and the unrepresented parts are increasing. A general +convention of the nation is necessary to take the whole form of +government into consideration.] + +[Footnote 23: It is related that in the canton of Berne, in Switzerland, it has +been customary, from time immemorial, to keep a bear at the public +expense, and the people had been taught to believe that if they had not +a bear they should all be undone. It happened some years ago that the +bear, then in being, was taken sick, and died too suddenly to have his +place immediately supplied with another. During this interregnum the +people discovered that the corn grew, and the vintage flourished, and +the sun and moon continued to rise and set, and everything went on +the same as before, and taking courage from these circumstances, they +resolved not to keep any more bears; for, said they, "a bear is a very +voracious expensive animal, and we were obliged to pull out his claws, +lest he should hurt the citizens." The story of the bear of Berne was +related in some of the French newspapers, at the time of the flight of +Louis Xvi., and the application of it to monarchy could not be mistaken +in France; but it seems that the aristocracy of Berne applied it to +themselves, and have since prohibited the reading of French newspapers.] + +[Footnote 24: It is scarcely possible to touch on any subject, that will not +suggest an allusion to some corruption in governments. The simile of +"fortifications," unfortunately involves with it a circumstance, which +is directly in point with the matter above alluded to.] + +Among the numerous instances of abuse which have been acted or protected +by governments, ancient or modern, there is not a greater than that of +quartering a man and his heirs upon the public, to be maintained at its +expense. + +Humanity dictates a provision for the poor; but by what right, moral or +political, does any government assume to say, that the person called +the Duke of Richmond, shall be maintained by the public? Yet, if +common report is true, not a beggar in London can purchase his wretched +pittance of coal, without paying towards the civil list of the Duke of +Richmond. Were the whole produce of this imposition but a shilling a +year, the iniquitous principle would be still the same; but when it +amounts, as it is said to do, to no less than twenty thousand pounds per +annum, the enormity is too serious to be permitted to remain. This is +one of the effects of monarchy and aristocracy. + +In stating this case I am led by no personal dislike. Though I think +it mean in any man to live upon the public, the vice originates in the +government; and so general is it become, that whether the parties are in +the ministry or in the opposition, it makes no difference: they are sure +of the guarantee of each other.] + +[Footnote 25: In America the increase of commerce is greater in proportion than in +England. It is, at this time, at least one half more than at any period +prior to the revolution. The greatest number of vessels cleared out +of the port of Philadelphia, before the commencement of the war, was +between eight and nine hundred. In the year 1788, the number was upwards +of twelve hundred. As the State of Pennsylvania is estimated at an +eighth part of the United States in population, the whole number of +vessels must now be nearly ten thousand.] + +[Footnote 26: When I saw Mr. Pitt's mode of estimating the balance of trade, in +one of his parliamentary speeches, he appeared to me to know nothing +of the nature and interest of commerce; and no man has more wantonly +tortured it than himself. During a period of peace it has been havocked +with the calamities of war. Three times has it been thrown into +stagnation, and the vessels unmanned by impressing, within less than +four years of peace.] + +[Footnote 27: Rev. William Knowle, master of the grammar school of Thetford, in +Norfolk.] + +[Footnote 28: Politics and self-interest have been so uniformly connected that +the world, from being so often deceived, has a right to be suspicious of +public characters, but with regard to myself I am perfectly easy on +this head. I did not, at my first setting out in public life, nearly +seventeen years ago, turn my thoughts to subjects of government from +motives of interest, and my conduct from that moment to this proves the +fact. I saw an opportunity in which I thought I could do some good, and +I followed exactly what my heart dictated. I neither read books, nor +studied other people's opinion. I thought for myself. The case was +this:-- + +During the suspension of the old governments in America, both prior to +and at the breaking out of hostilities, I was struck with the order and +decorum with which everything was conducted, and impressed with the idea +that a little more than what society naturally performed was all the +government that was necessary, and that monarchy and aristocracy were +frauds and impositions upon mankind. On these principles I published the +pamphlet Common Sense. The success it met with was beyond anything since +the invention of printing. I gave the copyright to every state in the +Union, and the demand ran to not less than one hundred thousand copies. +I continued the subject in the same manner, under the title of The +Crisis, till the complete establishment of the Revolution. + +After the declaration of independence Congress unanimously, and unknown +to me, appointed me Secretary in the Foreign Department. This was +agreeable to me, because it gave me the opportunity of seeing into the +abilities of foreign courts, and their manner of doing business. But +a misunderstanding arising between Congress and me, respecting one of +their commissioners then in Europe, Mr. Silas Deane, I resigned the +office, and declined at the same time the pecuniary offers made by the +Ministers of France and Spain, M. Gerald and Don Juan Mirralles.] +I had by this time so completely gained the ear and confidence of +America, and my own independence was become so visible, as to give me a +range in political writing beyond, perhaps, what any man ever possessed +in any country, and, what is more extraordinary, I held it undiminished +to the end of the war, and enjoy it in the same manner to the present +moment. As my object was not myself, I set out with the determination, +and happily with the disposition, of not being moved by praise or +censure, friendship or calumny, nor of being drawn from my purpose by +any personal altercation, and the man who cannot do this is not fit for +a public character. + +When the war ended I went from Philadelphia to Borden-Town, on the east +bank of the Delaware, where I have a small place. Congress was at this +time at Prince-Town, fifteen miles distant, and General Washington +had taken his headquarters at Rocky Hill, within the neighbourhood of +Congress, for the purpose of resigning up his commission (the object +for which he accepted it being accomplished), and of retiring to private +life. While he was on this business he wrote me the letter which I here +subjoin: + +"Rocky-Hill, Sept. 10, 1783. + +"I have learned since I have been at this place that you are at +Borden-Town. Whether for the sake of retirement or economy I know not. +Be it for either, for both, or whatever it may, if you will come to this +place, and partake with me, I shall be exceedingly happy to see you at +it. + +"Your presence may remind Congress of your past services to this +country, and if it is in my power to impress them, command my best +exertions with freedom, as they will be rendered cheerfully by one who +entertains a lively sense of the importance of your works, and who, with +much pleasure, subscribes himself, Your sincere friend, + +G. Washington." + +During the war, in the latter end of the year 1780, I formed to myself a +design of coming over to England, and communicated it to General Greene, +who was then in Philadelphia on his route to the southward, General +Washington being then at too great a distance to communicate with +immediately. I was strongly impressed with the idea that if I could get +over to England without being known, and only remain in safety till I +could get out a publication, that I could open the eyes of the country +with respect to the madness and stupidity of its Government. I saw that +the parties in Parliament had pitted themselves as far as they could go, +and could make no new impressions on each other. General Greene entered +fully into my views, but the affair of Arnold and Andre happening just +after, he changed his mind, under strong apprehensions for my safety, +wrote very pressingly to me from Annapolis, in Maryland, to give up +the design, which, with some reluctance, I did. Soon after this I +accompanied Colonel Lawrens, son of Mr. Lawrens, who was then in the +Tower, to France on business from Congress. We landed at L'orient, and +while I remained there, he being gone forward, a circumstance occurred +that renewed my former design. An English packet from Falmouth to +New York, with the Government dispatches on board, was brought into +L'orient. That a packet should be taken is no extraordinary thing, but +that the dispatches should be taken with it will scarcely be credited, +as they are always slung at the cabin window in a bag loaded with +cannon-ball, and ready to be sunk at a moment. The fact, however, is +as I have stated it, for the dispatches came into my hands, and I +read them. The capture, as I was informed, succeeded by the following +stratagem:--The captain of the "Madame" privateer, who spoke English, on +coming up with the packet, passed himself for the captain of an English +frigate, and invited the captain of the packet on board, which, when +done, he sent some of his own hands back, and he secured the mail. But +be the circumstance of the capture what it may, I speak with certainty +as to the Government dispatches. They were sent up to Paris to Count +Vergennes, and when Colonel Lawrens and myself returned to America we +took the originals to Congress. + +By these dispatches I saw into the stupidity of the English Cabinet far +more than I otherwise could have done, and I renewed my former design. +But Colonel Lawrens was so unwilling to return alone, more especially +as, among other matters, we had a charge of upwards of two hundred +thousand pounds sterling in money, that I gave in to his wishes, and +finally gave up my plan. But I am now certain that if I could have +executed it that it would not have been altogether unsuccessful.] + +[Footnote 29: It is difficult to account for the origin of charter and corporation +towns, unless we suppose them to have arisen out of, or been connected +with, some species of garrison service. The times in which they began +justify this idea. The generality of those towns have been garrisons, +and the corporations were charged with the care of the gates of the +towns, when no military garrison was present. Their refusing or granting +admission to strangers, which has produced the custom of giving, +selling, and buying freedom, has more of the nature of garrison +authority than civil government. Soldiers are free of all corporations +throughout the nation, by the same propriety that every soldier is +free of every garrison, and no other persons are. He can follow any +employment, with the permission of his officers, in any corporation +towns throughout the nation.] + +[Footnote 30: See Sir John Sinclair's History of the Revenue. The land-tax in 1646 +was L2,473,499.] + +[Footnote 31: Several of the court newspapers have of late made frequent mention +of Wat Tyler. That his memory should be traduced by court sycophants and +an those who live on the spoil of a public is not to be wondered at. He +was, however, the means of checking the rage and injustice of taxation +in his time, and the nation owed much to his valour. The history is +concisely this:--In the time of Richard Ii. a poll tax was levied of one +shilling per head upon every person in the nation of whatever estate or +condition, on poor as well as rich, above the age of fifteen years. If +any favour was shown in the law it was to the rich rather than to the +poor, as no person could be charged more than twenty shillings for +himself, family and servants, though ever so numerous; while all other +families, under the number of twenty were charged per head. Poll taxes +had always been odious, but this being also oppressive and unjust, it +excited as it naturally must, universal detestation among the poor and +middle classes. The person known by the name of Wat Tyler, whose proper +name was Walter, and a tiler by trade, lived at Deptford. The gatherer +of the poll tax, on coming to his house, demanded tax for one of +his daughters, whom Tyler declared was under the age of fifteen. The +tax-gatherer insisted on satisfying himself, and began an indecent +examination of the girl, which, enraging the father, he struck him with +a hammer that brought him to the ground, and was the cause of his +death. This circumstance served to bring the discontent to an issue. The +inhabitants of the neighbourhood espoused the cause of Tyler, who in a +few days was joined, according to some histories, by upwards of fifty +thousand men, and chosen their chief. With this force he marched +to London, to demand an abolition of the tax and a redress of other +grievances. The Court, finding itself in a forlorn condition, and, +unable to make resistance, agreed, with Richard at its head, to hold +a conference with Tyler in Smithfield, making many fair professions, +courtier-like, of its dispositions to redress the oppressions. While +Richard and Tyler were in conversation on these matters, each being on +horseback, Walworth, then Mayor of London, and one of the creatures of +the Court, watched an opportunity, and like a cowardly assassin, stabbed +Tyler with a dagger, and two or three others falling upon him, he +was instantly sacrificed. Tyler appears to have been an intrepid +disinterested man with respect to himself. All his proposals made to +Richard were on a more just and public ground than those which had +been made to John by the Barons, and notwithstanding the sycophancy of +historians and men like Mr. Burke, who seek to gloss over a base action +of the Court by traducing Tyler, his fame will outlive their falsehood. +If the Barons merited a monument to be erected at Runnymede, Tyler +merited one in Smithfield.] + +[Footnote 32: I happened to be in England at the celebration of the centenary of +the Revolution of 1688. The characters of William and Mary have always +appeared to be detestable; the one seeking to destroy his uncle, and +the other her father, to get possession of power themselves; yet, as +the nation was disposed to think something of that event, I felt hurt at +seeing it ascribe the whole reputation of it to a man who had undertaken +it as a job and who, besides what he otherwise got, charged six hundred +thousand pounds for the expense of the fleet that brought him from +Holland. George the First acted the same close-fisted part as William +had done, and bought the Duchy of Bremen with the money he got from +England, two hundred and fifty thousand pounds over and above his pay as +king, and having thus purchased it at the expense of England, added it +to his Hanoverian dominions for his own private profit. In fact, every +nation that does not govern itself is governed as a job. England has +been the prey of jobs ever since the Revolution.] + +[Footnote 33: Charles, like his predecessors and successors, finding that war was +the harvest of governments, engaged in a war with the Dutch, the expense +of which increased the annual expenditure to L1,800,000 as stated under +the date of 1666; but the peace establishment was but L1,200,000.] + +[Footnote 34: Poor-rates began about the time of Henry VIII., when the taxes began +to increase, and they have increased as the taxes increased ever since.] + +[Footnote 35: Reckoning the taxes by families, five to a family, each family pays +on an average L12 7s. 6d. per annum. To this sum are to be added the +poor-rates. Though all pay taxes in the articles they consume, all do +not pay poor-rates. About two millions are exempted: some as not being +house-keepers, others as not being able, and the poor themselves +who receive the relief. The average, therefore, of poor-rates on the +remaining number, is forty shillings for every family of five persons, +which make the whole average amount of taxes and rates L14 17s. 6d. For +six persons L17 17s. For seven persons L2O 16s. 6d. +The average of taxes in America, under the new or representative system +of government, including the interest of the debt contracted in the +war, and taking the population at four millions of souls, which it now +amounts to, and it is daily increasing, is five shillings per head, +men, women, and children. The difference, therefore, between the two +governments is as under: + + England America + L s. d. L s. d. + For a family of five persons 14 17 6 1 5 0 + For a family of six persons 17 17 0 1 10 0 + For a family of seven persons 20 16 6 1 15 0 + +[Footnote 36: Public schools do not answer the general purpose of the poor. +They are chiefly in corporation towns from which the country towns and +villages are excluded, or, if admitted, the distance occasions a great +loss of time. Education, to be useful to the poor, should be on the +spot, and the best method, I believe, to accomplish this is to enable +the parents to pay the expenses themselves. There are always persons of +both sexes to be found in every village, especially when growing into +years, capable of such an undertaking. Twenty children at ten shillings +each (and that not more than six months each year) would be as much as +some livings amount to in the remotest parts of England, and there are +often distressed clergymen's widows to whom such an income would be +acceptable. Whatever is given on this account to children answers two +purposes. To them it is education--to those who educate them it is a +livelihood.] + +[Footnote 37: The tax on beer brewed for sale, from which the aristocracy are +exempt, is almost one million more than the present commutation tax, +being by the returns of 1788, L1,666,152--and, consequently, they ought +to take on themselves the amount of the commutation tax, as they are +already exempted from one which is almost a million greater.] + +[Footnote 38: See the Reports on the Corn Trade.] + +[Footnote 39: When enquiries are made into the condition of the poor, various +degrees of distress will most probably be found, to render a different +arrangement preferable to that which is already proposed. Widows with +families will be in greater want than where there are husbands living. +There is also a difference in the expense of living in different +counties: and more so in fuel. + + Suppose then fifty thousand extraordinary cases, at + the rate of ten pounds per family per annum L500,000 + 100,000 families, at L8 per family per annum 800,000 + 100,000 families, at L7 per family per annum 700,000 + 104,000 families, at L5 per family per annum 520,000 + + And instead of ten shillings per head for the education + of other children, to allow fifty shillings per family + for that purpose to fifty thousand families 250,000 + ---------- + L2,770,000 + 140,000 aged persons as before 1,120,000 + ---------- + L3,890,000 + +This arrangement amounts to the same sum as stated in this work, Part +II, line number 1068, including the L250,000 for education; but it +provides (including the aged people) for four hundred and four thousand +families, which is almost one third of an the families in England.] + +[Footnote 40: I know it is the opinion of many of the most enlightened characters +in France (there always will be those who see further into events than +others), not only among the general mass of citizens, but of many of the +principal members of the former National Assembly, that the monarchical +plan will not continue many years in that country. They have found out, +that as wisdom cannot be made hereditary, power ought not; and that, for +a man to merit a million sterling a year from a nation, he ought to have +a mind capable of comprehending from an atom to a universe, which, if he +had, he would be above receiving the pay. But they wished not to appear +to lead the nation faster than its own reason and interest dictated. In +all the conversations where I have been present upon this subject, the +idea always was, that when such a time, from the general opinion of the +nation, shall arrive, that the honourable and liberal method would be, +to make a handsome present in fee simple to the person, whoever he may +be, that shall then be in the monarchical office, and for him to retire +to the enjoyment of private life, possessing his share of general rights +and privileges, and to be no more accountable to the public for his time +and his conduct than any other citizen.] + +[Footnote 41: The gentleman who signed the address and declaration as chairman of +the meeting, Mr. Horne Tooke, being generally supposed to be the person +who drew it up, and having spoken much in commendation of it, has +been jocularly accused of praising his own work. To free him from this +embarrassment, and to save him the repeated trouble of mentioning the +author, as he has not failed to do, I make no hesitation in saying, +that as the opportunity of benefiting by the French Revolution easily +occurred to me, I drew up the publication in question, and showed it to +him and some other gentlemen, who, fully approving it, held a meeting +for the purpose of making it public, and subscribed to the amount of +fifty guineas to defray the expense of advertising. I believe there +are at this time, in England, a greater number of men acting on +disinterested principles, and determined to look into the nature and +practices of government themselves, and not blindly trust, as +has hitherto been the case, either to government generally, or to +parliaments, or to parliamentary opposition, than at any former period. +Had this been done a century ago, corruption and taxation had not +arrived to the height they are now at.] + + + -END OF PART II.- + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Paine, Volume II, by +Thomas Paine + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THOMAS PAINE *** + +***** This file should be named 3742-8.txt or 3742-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/7/4/3742/ + +Produced by Norman M. Wolcott + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |